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James Clapper
James Clapper
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James Robert Clapper Jr. (born March 14, 1941) is a retired lieutenant general in the United States Air Force and former Director of National Intelligence. Clapper has held several key positions within the United States Intelligence Community. He served as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) from 1992 until 1995. He was the first director of defense intelligence within the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and simultaneously the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence.[1] He served as the director of the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) from September 2001 until June 2006.

Key Information

On June 5, 2010, President Barack Obama nominated Clapper to replace Dennis C. Blair as United States Director of National Intelligence. Clapper was unanimously confirmed by the Senate for the position on August 5, 2010.

Following the June 2013 leak of documents detailing the NSA practice of collecting telephone metadata on millions of Americans' telephone calls, Clapper was accused of perjury for telling a congressional committee hearing that the NSA does not collect any type of data on millions of Americans earlier that year. One senator asked for his resignation, and a group of 26 senators complained about Clapper's responses under questioning. In November 2016, Clapper resigned as director of national intelligence, effective at the end of President Obama's term. In May 2017, he joined the Washington, D.C.-based think tank the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) as a Distinguished Senior Fellow for Intelligence and National Security.[2] In August 2017, CNN hired Clapper as a national security analyst.[3]

Early life and education

[edit]

James Robert Clapper Jr.[4] was born on March 14, 1941,[5] in Fort Wayne, Indiana, the son of Anne Elizabeth (née Wheatley) and First Lieutenant James Robert Clapper.[6][7] His father worked in US Army signals intelligence during World War II, retiring as a colonel in 1972 then worked in security at George Mason University in the late 1970s and early 1980s.[8] His maternal grandfather, James McNeal Wheatley, was an Episcopal minister.[9]

Clapper graduated from Nurnberg American High School in West Germany in 1959 where his father was stationed at the time.[10][11]

Clapper earned a Bachelor of Science degree in political science from the University of Maryland in 1963 and a Master of Science degree in political science from St. Mary's University, Texas, in 1970.[12]

Military career

[edit]
Captain James Clapper during his flying mission on a Douglas EC-47 Skytrain during the Vietnam War, June 1971

After a brief enlistment in the United States Marine Corps Reserve, where Clapper served as a rifleman and attended the junior course of Platoon Leader Course he transferred to the U.S. Air Force Reserve Officer Training Corps program.[10][13][14] In 1963, he graduated as a distinguished military graduate from the University of Maryland and was commissioned as an Air Force second lieutenant. He served two tours of duty in Southeast Asia where he commanded a signals intelligence detachment based at a listening post in Thailand's Udon Thani Province, and flew 73 combat support missions in EC-47s, including some over Laos and Cambodia.[15] Later, he commanded a signals intelligence (SIGINT) wing at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland, and the Air Force Technical Applications Center, Patrick Air Force Base, Florida.[16] During the Persian Gulf War, Clapper served as Chief of Air Force Intelligence.[17]

Clapper became Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency in November 1991 under George H. W. Bush.[18] While serving as DIA director, he oversaw the transformation of the National Military Intelligence Center into the National Military Joint Intelligence Center.[19] He also launched an initiative to reorganize intelligence analysis by specialists in enemy weapons rather than specialists in countries and regions.[20] The initiative failed because it created functional stovepipes which "reduced the coherence of the analytic effort", whereupon Clapper decided to restore the original organizational structure using strong regional elements.[20] Clapper retired from active duty as a lieutenant general after thirty-two years of service in September 1995.[21] In 1996, alongside General Wayne Downing, he was a member of the investigatory inquiry into the Khobar Towers bombing, which killed 20 people, including 19 American servicemen.[22]

He then spent six years in private industry, including two years as president of the Security Affairs Support Association, an organization of intelligence contractors.[23] In August 2001, he was named as the director of the National Imagery and Mapping Agency (later renamed National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency) where he served until June 2006.[24]

Clapper as a USAF lieutenant general in the mid-1990s
Lieutenant General James Clapper during his tenure as Director of Defense Intelligence Agency with Director of Central Intelligence Agency Robert Gates at Defense Intelligence Agency Headquarters in Bolling Air Force Base, Washington, DC, January 17, 1992

Private sector career

[edit]

From 2006 to 2007, Clapper worked for GeoEye (satellite company) and was an executive on the boards of three government contractors, two of which were doing business with the NGA while he served as director. In October 2006, he began working as a chief operating officer for the British military intelligence company Detica, now DFI and U.S.–based subsidiary of BAE Systems. He also worked for SRA International and Booz Allen Hamilton.[25]

Clapper defended the private sector's role in intelligence-gathering in his 2010 confirmation hearings telling the committee, "I worked as a contractor for six years myself, so I think I have a good understanding of the contribution that they have made and will continue to make."[26]

Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, 2007–2010

[edit]

For the 2006–2007 academic year, Clapper held the position of Georgetown University's Intelligence and National Security Alliance Distinguished Professor in the Practice of Intelligence.[27]

While teaching at Georgetown, he was officially nominated by President George W. Bush to be Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (USD(I)) on January 29, 2007, and confirmed by the United States Senate on April 11, 2007.[28] He was the second person ever to hold this position, which oversees the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency (NSA), and the National Reconnaissance Office. He also worked closely with DNI John Michael McConnell.[29]

Director of National Intelligence, 2010–2017

[edit]
Clapper and Barack Obama presented the NIDSM to James L. Jones, October 20, 2010.

Nomination, 2010

[edit]

Defense Secretary Robert Gates suggested to President Obama that he nominate Clapper to replace Dennis C. Blair as Director of National Intelligence, but both Chairman Dianne Feinstein and Vice-chairman Kit Bond of the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee offered reservations regarding his appointment due to his military background and emphasis on defense-related issues.[30] In an official statement in the White House Rose Garden on June 5, 2010, Obama announced his nomination of Clapper, saying he "possesses a quality that I value in all my advisers: a willingness to tell leaders what we need to know even if it's not what we want to hear."[31]

Lawmakers approved his nomination on August 5, 2010, in a unanimous vote after the Senate Intelligence Committee backed him with a 15–0 vote. During his testimony for the position, Clapper pledged to advance the DNI's authorities, exert tighter control over programming and budgeting, and provide oversight over the CIA's use of drones in Pakistan.[32][33][30]

Clapper and Senator John McCain listen as Defense Secretary Gates addresses the audience, June 4, 2011.

Creating deputy director for intelligence integration position

[edit]

In August 2010, Clapper announced a new position at the DNI called the deputy director of national intelligence for intelligence integration, to integrate the former posts of deputy director for analysis and deputy director for collections into one position. Robert Cardillo, the deputy director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, was tapped to fill the new post.[34][35][36]

Budget authority over U.S. Intelligence Community

[edit]

After an agreement between Clapper and Defense Secretary Robert Gates, his office assumed administrative control over the National Intelligence Program. Previously the NIP was itemized within the Defense Department budget to keep the line item and dollar amount from public view. In late October 2011, Clapper's office disclosed the top line budget as $53.1 billion, which was below the $75 billion figure circulated in 2010,[37] in the belief the budget change would strengthen the DNI's authority.[38][39][40][41]

Clapper meets with Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and DIA chief Ronald Burgess, September 29, 2011.

Iran and Saudi Arabia, 2012

[edit]

In January 2012, Clapper said that "some Iranian officials, probably including supreme leader Ali Khamenei, have changed their calculus and are now more willing to conduct an attack in the United States in response to real or perceived US actions that threaten the regime." Clapper added that Iran was "keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons."[42] In February 2012, Clapper told the Senate that if Iran is attacked over its alleged nuclear weapons program, it could respond by closing the Strait of Hormuz to ships and launch missiles at regional U.S. forces and allies.

Former Defense Intelligence Agency chief Lt. Gen. Ronald Burgess told senators that Iran is unlikely to initiate or intentionally provoke a conflict. Clapper said it's "technically feasible" that Tehran could produce a nuclear weapon in one or two years if its leaders decide to build one, "but practically not likely." Both men said they did not believe Israel had decided to strike Iran back then.[43]

In December 2012, Clapper authorized the NSA to expand its "third party" relationship with Saudi Arabia. The goal was "to facilitate the Saudi government's ability to utilize SIGINT to locate and track individuals of mutual interest within Saudi Arabia."[44]

Common information technology enterprise and desktop, 2012

[edit]

Clapper made "intelligence integration" across the Intelligence Community the primary mission of the ODNI.[45] In 2012 the office announced an initiative to create a common information technology desktop for the entire Intelligence Community, moving away from unconnected agency networks to a common enterprise model. In late fiscal 2013, the shared IT infrastructure reached operating capability with plans to bring on all intelligence agencies over the next few years.[46]

Testimony to Congress on NSA surveillance, 2013

[edit]
Excerpt of James Clapper's testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence

On March 12, 2013, during a United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence hearing, Senator Ron Wyden quoted NSA director Keith B. Alexander's keynote speech at the 2012 DEF CON. Alexander had stated that "Our job is foreign intelligence" and that "those who would want to weave the story that we have millions or hundreds of millions of dossiers on people, is absolutely false.... From my perspective, this is absolute nonsense." Wyden then asked Clapper, "Does the NSA collect any type of data at all on millions or hundreds of millions of Americans?" He responded, "No, sir." Wyden asked, "It does not?" and Clapper said, "Not wittingly. There are cases where they could inadvertently, perhaps, collect, but not wittingly."[47]

When Edward Snowden was asked during a January 26, 2014, television interview in Moscow on what the decisive moment was or what caused him to whistle-blow, he replied: "Sort of the breaking point was seeing the director of national intelligence, James Clapper, directly lie under oath to Congress. ... Seeing that really meant for me there was no going back."[48]

Responses

[edit]

On June 5, 2013, The Guardian published the first of the global surveillance documents leaked by Edward Snowden, including a top secret court order showing that the NSA had collected phone records from over 120 million Verizon subscribers.[49]

The following day, Clapper acknowledged that the NSA collects telephony metadata on millions of Americans' telephone calls.[50] This metadata information included originating and terminating telephone number, telephone calling card number, International Mobile Station Equipment Identity (IMEI) number, time, and duration of phone calls, but did not include the name, address, or financial information of any subscriber.[51] The rationale for this data collection, which was said to be permitted under Section 216 of the Patriot Act, was that if the NSA discovered a terrorist was called into the U.S. and knew the number the terrorist was calling from, the NSA could look at the phone records to see what U.S. number he was calling to. If that indicated something worth investigating, obtaining caller identities and actually listening to the content of the calls would require a warrant from a U.S. court.[52]

On June 7, Clapper was interviewed by Andrea Mitchell on NBC. Clapper said that "I responded in what I thought was the most truthful, or least untruthful manner by saying no" when he testified.[53]

In Clapper's 2018 memoir, he provides a fuller explanation of the incident:

...because the NSA program under Section 215 was highly classified, Senator Wyden wouldn't or shouldn't have been asking questions that required classified answers on camera....my error had been forgetting about Section 215, but even if I had remembered it, there still would have been no acceptable, unclassified way for me to answer the question in an open hearing. Even my saying, "We'll have to wait for the closed, classified session to discuss this," would have given something away. ...I ought to have sent a classified letter to Senator Wyden explaining my thoughts when I'd answered and that I misunderstood what he was actually asking me about. Yes, I made a mistake – a big one – when I responded, but I did not lie. I answered with truth in what I understood the context of the question to be.[54]

On June 11, U.S. Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) accused Clapper of not giving a "straight answer," noting that Clapper's office had been provided with the question a day in advance of the hearing and was given the opportunity following Clapper's testimony to amend his response.[55]

On June 12, 2013, Representative Justin Amash became the first congressman to openly accuse Director Clapper of criminal perjury, calling for his resignation. In a series of tweets he stated: "It now appears clear that the director of national intelligence, James Clapper, lied under oath to Congress and the American people," and "Perjury is a serious crime ... [and] Clapper should resign immediately,"[56] U.S. Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) said "The director of national intelligence, in March, did directly lie to Congress, which is against the law."[57] Paul later suggested that Clapper might deserve prison time for his testimony.[58]

On June 27, 2013, a group of 26 senators sent him a complaint letter opposing the use of a "body of secret law."[59][60]

Admission of forgetfulness

[edit]

On July 1, 2013, Clapper apologized, telling Senate Intelligence Committee that "my response was clearly erroneous—for which I apologize."[61] On July 2, Clapper said that he had forgotten about the Patriot Act, which was later clarified that he forgot Section 215 of the act specifically, and therefore had given an "erroneous" answer.[62]

On July 2, 2013, journalist Glenn Greenwald accused the U.S. media of focusing on Edward Snowden instead of focusing on wrongdoing by Clapper and other U.S. officials.[63] Jody Westby of Forbes argued that due to the revelations, the American public should ask Clapper to resign from office, arguing that "not only did Mr. Clapper give false testimony to Congress, even his June 6 statement was false. We now know—since the companies identified by the Washington Post have started fessing up—that lots more than telephony metadata has been collected and searched."[64] Fred Kaplan of Slate also advocated having Clapper fired, arguing "if President Obama really welcomes an open debate on this subject, James Clapper has disqualified himself from participation in it. He has to go."[65] Andy Greenberg of Forbes said that NSA officials along with Clapper, in the years 2012 and 2013 "publicly denied–often with carefully hedged words–participating in the kind of snooping on Americans that has since become nearly undeniable."[47] John Dean, former White House Counsel for President Nixon, has claimed that it is unlikely Clapper would be charged with the three principal criminal statutes that address false statements to Congress: perjury, obstruction of Congress, and making false statements.[66] David Sirota of Salon said that if the U.S. government fails to treat Clapper and Alexander in the same way as it did Roger Clemens, "the message from the government would be that lying to Congress about baseball is more of a felony than lying to Congress about Americans' Fourth Amendment rights" and that the “message would declare that when it comes to brazen law-breaking, as long as you are personally connected to the president, you get protection rather than the prosecution you deserve."[67]

Clapper and NSA director Keith B. Alexander (left) were both accused of lying under oath to Congress.[68][69]

On December 19, 2013, seven Republican members of the House Judiciary Committee called on Attorney General Eric Holder to investigate Clapper, stating "witnesses cannot be allowed to lie to Congress."[70]

In January 2014, Robert S. Litt, general counsel to the Office of the DNI, stated that Clapper did not lie to Congress, citing the context of the question and the fact that Clapper's staff had answered the question in writing the day before.[71] In May 2015, Litt clarified that Clapper "had absolutely forgotten the existence of" Section 215 of the Patriot Act, and claimed he had been thinking of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act when he gave the answer.[72][73]

In January 2014, six members of the House of Representatives wrote to President Obama urging him to dismiss Clapper for lying to Congress, stating his statement was "incompatible with the goal of restoring trust" in the intelligence community, but were rebuffed by the White House.[74][75][76][77]

Caitlin Hayden, the White House National Security Council spokesperson, said in an e-mailed statement that Obama has "full faith in Director Clapper's leadership of the intelligence community. The Director has provided an explanation for his answers to Senator Wyden and made clear that he did not intend to mislead the Congress."[77]

Ban on employee contacts with the media, 2014

[edit]

In March 2014, Clapper signed a directive that barred employees of the intelligence community from providing "intelligence-related information" to reporters without prior authorization, even to provide unclassified information, making a violation of the directive a "security violation".[78][79] The order, which purportedly came as a result of congressional urging to crack down on leaks, drew criticism from public watchdogs who claimed that the move would stifle inner-agency criticism and threaten whistleblowers.[80][81] The following month he implemented a new pre-publication review policy for the ODNI's current and former employees that prohibits them from citing news reports based on leaks in their unofficial writings.[82]

President Obama and Joe Biden meet Clapper, Rice, Brennan and other members of the National Security Council, September 10, 2014.

ACLU v. Clapper

[edit]

In June 2013, the American Civil Liberties Union and the New York Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit against several defendants including Clapper challenging the intelligence community's bulk collection of metadata. The United States District Court for the Southern District of New York found in December 2013 that the collection did not violate the Fourth Amendment and dismissed the lawsuit.[83][84] On May 7, 2015, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit ruled that Section 215 of the Patriot Act did not authorize the bulk collection of metadata, which judge Gerard E. Lynch called a "staggering" amount of information.[85]

OPM hack, 2015

[edit]

In June 2015, the United States Office of Personnel Management (OPM) announced that it had been the target of a data breach targeting the records of as many as 18 million people.[86] The Washington Post has reported that the attack originated in China, citing unnamed government officials.[87]

Speaking at a forum in Washington, D.C., Clapper warned of the danger posed by a capable adversary such as the Chinese government and said, "You have to kind of salute the Chinese for what they did."[86]

CENTCOM analyst allegations, 2015

[edit]

In August 2015, fifty intelligence analysts working for United States Central Command (CENTCOM) complained to the Pentagon's Inspector General and the media, alleging that CENTCOM's senior leadership was altering or distorting intelligence reports on the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) to paint a more optimistic picture of the ongoing war against ISIL forces in Iraq and Syria.[88] They were subsequently joined by civilian and Defense Intelligence Agency analysts working for CENTCOM. Members of the groups began anonymously leaking details of the case to the press in late August.[89] In September 2015, The Guardian reported that according to an unknown former intelligence official, Clapper was in frequent contact with Brigadier General Steven Grove, who was said to be one of the subjects of the Inspector General's review.[90] In February 2017, the Inspector General of the United States Department of Defense completed its investigation and cleared the senior leadership of CENTCOM, concluding that "allegations of intelligence being intentionally altered, delayed or suppressed by top CENTCOM officials from mid-2014 to mid-2015 were largely unsubstantiated."[91]

Resignation, 2016

[edit]

In November 2016, Clapper resigned, effective at the end of President Obama's term in January 2017.[92][93]

Post-government life

[edit]

Appointment to Australian National University, 2017

[edit]

In June 2017 Clapper commenced an initial four-week term at the Australian National University (ANU) National Security College in Canberra that includes public lectures on key global and national security issues. Clapper was also expected to take part in the ANU Crawford Australian Leadership Forum, the nation's pre-eminent dialogue of academics, parliamentarians and business leaders.[94]

CNN national security analyst, 2017–present

[edit]

In August 2017, CNN hired Clapper as a national security analyst.[95] In May 2018, Clapper expressed his support for CIA Director-designate Gina Haspel.[96]

Views on President Trump

[edit]

In a March 2017 interview with Chuck Todd, Clapper, who had been the Director of National Intelligence under President Obama until January 20, 2017, revealed the state of his knowledge at that time:

CHUCK TODD: Were there improper contacts between the Trump campaign and Russian officials?

JAMES CLAPPER: We did not include any evidence in our report, and I say, “our,” that's N.S.A., F.B.I. and C.I.A., with my office, the Director of National Intelligence, that had anything, that had any reflection of collusion between members of the Trump campaign and the Russians. There was no evidence of that…

CHUCK TODD: I understand that. But does it exist?

JAMES CLAPPER: Not to my knowledge.

Todd pressed him to elaborate.

CHUCK TODD: If [evidence of collusion] existed, it would have been in this report?

JAMES CLAPPER: This could have unfolded or become available in the time since I left the government.[97]

Clapper had stopped receiving briefings on January 20 and was "not aware of the counterintelligence investigation Director Comey first referred to during his testimony before the House Permanent Select Committee for Intelligence on the 20th of March".[98] CNN stated that Clapper had "taken a major defense away from the White House."[99]

In a speech at Australia's National Press Club in June Clapper accused Trump of "ignorance or disrespect", called the firing of FBI director James Comey "inexcusable", and warned of an "internal assault on our institutions".[100]

In June 2017, Clapper opined that Trump-Russia scandal is more serious than the Watergate scandal of the 1970s.[101] In December 2017, Clapper said that Russian President Vladimir Putin "knows how to handle an asset, and that's what he's doing with" President Trump.[102] In his 2018 memoir Facts and Fears: Hard Truths from a Life in Intelligence, Clapper further addressed the issue.[103]

In an August 2017 interview, Clapper stated that U.S. President Donald Trump having access to the nuclear codes is "pretty damn scary" and he questioned his fitness to be in office.[104]

In October 2018, Clapper alongside several Democratic officials and other critics of Trump was targeted by a mailed pipe bomb.[105]

In February 2019, Clapper said he agreed with former acting FBI Director Andrew McCabe's opinion that President Donald Trump could be a "Russian asset".[106]

In October 2020, Clapper was part of a group of 51 former intelligence officials that signed a letter that stated the Biden laptop story “has the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation".[107] Portions of the laptop's contents have since been verified as authentic, and no such Russian linkage was found.[108]

Views on Russia and the Russians

[edit]

In May 2017, Clapper said that Russia is the primary adversary of the United States. He explained why he believes the Russians are so dangerous:

If you put that in context with everything else we knew the Russians were doing to interfere with the election, and just the historical practices of the Russians, who typically, almost genetically driven to co-opt, penetrate, gain favor, whatever, which is a typical Russian technique. So we were concerned.[109]

In June 2017, Clapper said that "[t]he Russians are not our friends", because it is in their "genes to be opposed, diametrically opposed, to the United States and western democracies."[101]

Clapper serves on the Advisory Board of the Committee to Investigate Russia, a nonpartisan, non-profit group formed with the intention of helping "Americans understand and recognize the scope and scale of Russia's continuing attacks on our democracy."[110]

In the media

[edit]
Clapper at the LBJ Presidential Library in 2016

In 2003, Clapper, then head of the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, attempted to explain the absence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq by asserting that the weapons materials were "unquestionably" shipped out of Iraq to Syria and other countries just before the American invasion, a "personal assessment" that Clapper's own agency head at the time, David Burpee, "could not provide further evidence to support."[111]

In an interview on December 20, 2010, with Diane Sawyer of ABC News, Clapper indicated he was completely unaware that 12 alleged terrorists had been arrested in Great Britain earlier that day.[112][113]

In February 2011, when mass demonstrations were on the verge of toppling Hosni Mubarak's presidency in Egypt, Clapper told the House Intelligence Committee during a hearing that:

The term 'Muslim Brotherhood' ... is an umbrella term for a variety of movements, in the case of Egypt, a very heterogeneous group, largely secular, which has eschewed violence and has decried Al Qaeda as a perversion of Islam.... They have pursued social ends, a betterment of the political order in Egypt, et cetera. ... In other countries, there are also chapters or franchises of the Muslim Brotherhood, but there is no overarching agenda, particularly in pursuit of violence, at least internationally.[114]

The Obama administration took the rare step later that day of correcting its own intelligence chief after the statement drew scrutiny among members of Congress.[115]

In March 2011, Clapper was heard at the United States Senate Committee on Armed Services commenting on the 2011 Libyan civil war that "over the longer term" Gaddafi "will prevail". This position was loudly questioned by the White House, when National Security Adviser Thomas E. Donilon qualified his statement as a "static and one-dimensional assessment" and argued that "the lost legitimacy [of Gaddafi] matters."[116] During the same hearing he was also questioned when he neglected to list Iran and North Korea among the nuclear powers that might pose a threat to the United States.

In February 2016, Clapper cited the activities of Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, Islamic State and "homegrown extremists" as major threats to the United States.[117]

In March 2017, Clapper said on NBC's Meet the Press that the Office of the Director of National Intelligence had not obtained a FISA court order allowing the FBI to tap Trump Tower, rebutting Donald Trump's unsubstantiated claims that President Barack Obama personally ordered wiretapping of Trump Tower before the November election.[118] Clapper stated "I will say that for the part of the national security apparatus that I oversaw as DNI, was there no such wiretap activity mounted against the president-elect at the time or as a candidate or against his campaign," but added that "I can't speak for other Title III authorized entities in the government or a state or local entity."[119]

Clapper also said that he saw no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia.[120] He stopped receiving briefings on January 20 and was "not aware of the counterintelligence investigation Director Comey first referred to during his testimony before the House Permanent Select Committee for Intelligence on the 20th of March".[98] CNN stated that Clapper had "taken a major defense away from the White House."[99]

In May 2017, Clapper was criticized by some media outlets for a xenophobic remark in an interview with Chuck Todd from Meet the Press.[121] He told NBC's Meet the Press that Russians are "almost genetically driven" to act deviously.[109][122]

On October 26, 2018, the New York Times reported that an explosive device addressed to James Clapper was delivered to CNN offices in Manhattan. Federal authorities are investigating.[123]

Clapper was portrayed by Jonathan Banks in the two part series The Comey Rule.[124]

Personal life

[edit]

In 1965, Clapper married Susan Ellen Terry, a former National Security Agency employee. They have a daughter, Jennifer, who is a principal of an elementary school in Fairfax County, Virginia.[125] They also have a son, Andrew, who is an Instructional Technology resource teacher for Hidden Valley High School in Roanoke, Virginia.[126][127][128]

Clapper has a brother, Mike Clapper of Illinois, and a sister, Chris. He introduced them at his Senate confirmation hearings on July 20, 2010.[125]

In the 2024 United States presidential election, Clapper endorsed Kamala Harris.[129]

Education

[edit]

Clapper also holds an honorary doctorate in strategic intelligence from the Joint Military Intelligence College, Washington, D.C., where he taught as an adjunct professor.

Awards and decorations

[edit]

Military awards

[edit]
Air Force Basic Officer Aircrew Badge
Basic Space and Missile Badge
Basic Missile Maintenance Badge
Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Identification Badge
Defense Distinguished Service Medal
Air Force Distinguished Service Medal
Defense Superior Service Medal
Width-44 crimson ribbon with a pair of width-2 white stripes on the edges Legion of Merit with two bronze oak leaf clusters
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Width-44 scarlet ribbon with width-4 ultramarine blue stripe at center, surrounded by width-1 white stripes. Width-1 white stripes are at the edges.
Bronze Star with oak leaf cluster
Defense Meritorious Service Medal
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Width-44 crimson ribbon with two width-8 white stripes at distance 4 from the edges.
Meritorious Service Medal with oak leaf cluster
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Air Medal with oak leaf cluster
Joint Service Commendation Medal
Air Force Commendation Medal
V
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Air Force Outstanding Unit Award with Valor device and two oak leaf clusters
Air Force Organizational Excellence Award
National Intelligence Distinguished Service Medal
Department of Defense Distinguished Civilian Service Award[130]
Bronze star
Width=44 scarlet ribbon with a central width-4 golden yellow stripe, flanked by pairs of width-1 scarlet, white, Old Glory blue, and white stripes
National Defense Service Medal with one bronze service star
Vietnam Service Medal with three service stars
Air Force Overseas Short Tour Service Ribbon with two oak leaf clusters
Air Force Overseas Long Tour Service Ribbon with two oak leaf clusters
Air Force Longevity Service Award with one silver and two bronze oak leaf clusters
Small Arms Expert Marksmanship Ribbon
Air Force Training Ribbon
Republic of Korea Order of National Security Merit, Cheon-su Medal
French National Order of Merit (Commander)
Officer of the Order of Australia (Honorary – Military Division) – October 5, 2012
Royal Norwegian Order of Merit (Commander with Star)[131]
ribbon bar Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun[132]
Vietnam Gallantry Cross Unit Citation
Vietnam Campaign Medal

Other awards

[edit]

Dates of promotion

[edit]
Insignia Rank Date
Lieutenant General November 15, 1991
Major General September 1, 1988
Brigadier General October 1, 1985
Colonel February 11, 1980
Lieutenant Colonel April 1, 1976
Major November 1, 1973
Captain March 16, 1967
First Lieutenant January 8, 1965
Second Lieutenant June 8, 1963

[21]

Military assignments

[edit]
  • May 1963 – March 1964, student, Signal Intelligence Officers Course, Goodfellow Air Force Base, Texas
  • March 1964 – December 1965, analytic branch chief of Air Force Special Communications Center, Kelly Air Force Base, Texas
  • December 1965 – December 1966, watch officer and air defense analyst, 2nd Air Division (later, 7th Air Force), Tan Son Nhut Air Base, South Vietnam
  • December 1966 – June 1970, aide to the commander and command briefer, Air Force Security Service, Kelly Air Force Base, Texas
  • June 1970 – June 1971, commander of Detachment 3, 6994th Security Squadron, Nakhon Phanom Royal Thai Air Force Base, Thailand
  • June 1971 – August 1973, military assistant to the director of the National Security Agency, Fort George G. Meade, Maryland
  • August 1973 – August 1974, aide to the commander and intelligence staff officer, Headquarters Air Force Systems Command, Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland
  • August 1974 – September 1975, distinguished graduate, Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, Virginia
  • September 1975 – June 1976, chief, signal intelligence branch, Headquarters U.S. Pacific Command, Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii
  • June 1976 – August 1978, chief, signal intelligence branch, J-23, Headquarters U.S. Pacific Command, Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii
  • August 1978 – June 1979, student, National War College, National Defense University, Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, D.C.
  • June 1979 – January 1980, Washington area representative for electronic security command, deputy commander of Fort George G. Meade, Maryland
  • February 1980 – April 1981, commander of 6940th Electronic Security Wing, Fort George G. Meade, Maryland
  • April 1981 – June 1984, director for intelligence plans and systems, Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Headquarters U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.
  • June 1984 – May 1985, commander of Air Force Technical Applications Center, Patrick Air Force Base, Florida
  • June 1985 – June 1987, assistant chief of staff for intelligence, U.S. Forces Korea, and deputy assistant chief of staff for intelligence, Republic of Korea and U.S. Combined Forces Command
  • July 1987 – July 1989, director for intelligence, Headquarters U.S. Pacific Command, Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii
  • July 1989 – March 1990, deputy chief of staff for intelligence, Headquarters Strategic Air Command, Offutt Air Force Base, Neb.
  • April 1990 – November 1991, assistant chief of staff for intelligence, Headquarters U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.
  • November 1991 – 1995, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency and General Defense Intelligence Program, Washington, D.C.

Books

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External videos
video icon After Words interview with Clapper on Facts and Fears, May 26, 2018, C-SPAN
  • James R. Clapper with Trey Brown (2018). Facts and Fears: Hard Truths from a Life in Intelligence. New York: Viking. ISBN 978-0525558644. OCLC 1006804896.

See also

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  • Michael Hayden, retired Air Force general and former director of the NSA (1999–2005) and CIA (2006–2009)

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
James Clapper Jr. (born , , in ) is a retired in the United States who served as the fourth from , , to , . Clapper's five-decade in military began with enlistment in the U.S. Marine Corps Reserve in 1961, followed by transfer to Air Force ROTC at the University of Maryland, where he was commissioned in 1963 as a distinguished graduate. He flew 73 combat support missions in EC-47 aircraft over Laos and Cambodia during two Southeast Asia tours and commanded signals intelligence units in Thailand. Rising to lead key agencies, Clapper directed the Defense Intelligence Agency from 1991 to 1995 and became the first civilian director of the National Imagery and Mapping Agency (now National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency) from 2001 to 2006, before serving as Under Secretary of Defense for . As Director of National Intelligence, Clapper oversaw the 17 agencies of the U.S. Intelligence Community, coordinating efforts against terrorism, cyber threats, and foreign adversaries while managing a workforce of approximately 200,000 and an annual budget surpassing $50 billion. He implemented reforms such as National Intelligence Managers to focus on persistent challenges and provided assessments on global risks, including the 2011 killing of Osama bin Laden and Russian election interference in 2016. However, his tenure drew significant scrutiny for a March 2013 Senate testimony in which he responded "no" to Senator Ron Wyden's question about whether the National Security Agency collected any type of data on millions of Americans; subsequent Edward Snowden disclosures revealed bulk metadata collection under Section 215 of the Patriot Act, prompting Clapper to apologize for a "clearly erroneous" answer, attributing it to having overlooked the program amid focus on content collection. Critics, including congressional members, accused him of misleading Congress, fueling debates on intelligence transparency and oversight. After leaving office, Clapper has worked as a national security analyst for CNN and advised on private sector intelligence matters.

Early life and education

Family background and early years

James Robert Clapper Jr. was born on March 14, 1941, in Fort Wayne, Indiana, the son of James Robert Clapper Sr., a career U.S. Army officer who specialized in signals intelligence during and after World War II, and Anne Elizabeth (née Wheatley). His father's role in Army cryptology exposed Clapper from an early age to the demands and culture of military intelligence work, shaping a family environment steeped in national security traditions. As an "Army brat," Clapper experienced frequent relocations tied to his father's postings, including overseas assignments such as in Japan, which necessitated temporary separations like leaving children stateside while securing . He completed his at in , graduating in the class of 1959 amid this nomadic .

Academic training and initial qualifications

Clapper completed his undergraduate studies at the University of Maryland, earning a Bachelor of Science degree in political science in 1963. His coursework began through the University of Maryland's European Division in Munich, Germany, where his father was stationed with the U.S. Army, before he transferred to the College Park campus. During this period, he participated in the Air Force Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) program, which provided his initial military qualification as a commissioned second lieutenant in the U.S. Air Force upon graduation. Following commissioning, Clapper underwent specialized as a signal intelligence officer, completing the Signal Intelligence Officers Course at , , in 1963, marking his entry into intelligence roles. This foundational qualification aligned with his academic focus on and positioned him for early assignments in operations. Clapper later , obtaining a degree in from St. Mary's in , , in 1970. This advanced degree supplemented his expertise, though his primary qualifications derived from ROTC commissioning and specialized rather than certifications.

Military career

Early assignments and Vietnam service

![Captain James Clapper following a flying mission on a Douglas EC-47 Skytrain][float-right] James Clapper was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the United States Air Force in June 1963 as a distinguished military graduate from the University of Maryland. Following commissioning, he completed the Signal Intelligence Officers Course at Goodfellow Air Force Base, Texas, from May 1963 to March 1964. He then served as analytic branch chief at the Air Force Special Communications Center, Kelly Air Force Base, Texas, from March 1964 to December 1965, focusing on signals intelligence analysis. Clapper's initial combat deployment occurred from December 1965 to December 1966, when he served as watch officer and air defense analyst with the 2nd Air Division—later redesignated the 7th Air Force—at Tan Son Nhut Air Base, South Vietnam. In this role, he contributed to air defense operations amid escalating North Vietnamese and Viet Cong threats. Clapper completed two tours in during the . His second tour, from 1970 to 1971, involved commanding Detachment 3, 6994th Squadron, at Nakhon Phanom Base, . In this capacity, he led operations and personally flew 73 missions aboard EC-47 Skytrain , conducting electronic over and to locate forces and supply lines. The EC-47, a modified Douglas DC-3 variant, was equipped for airborne radio direction finding and collection critical to tactical air operations.

Advanced intelligence roles and promotions

Following his service in Vietnam, Clapper advanced through a series of senior positions within the U.S. , focusing on , , and command-level oversight. From June 1971 to August 1973, he served as assistant to the Director of the at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland, supporting operations in electronic and collection. He was promoted to major on November 1, 1973, during this assignment. In September 1975, Clapper assumed the role of chief of the signals intelligence branch at Headquarters U.S. Pacific Command in Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii, a position he held until August 1978, where he managed intelligence analysis and dissemination for Pacific theater operations. Promoted to on April 1, 1976, he continued in intelligence staff roles, including as commander of the 6940th Electronic Security Wing from February 1980 to April 1981 at Fort George G. Meade, overseeing electronic surveillance and security activities; he received his promotion to on February 11, 1980. Clapper's responsibilities escalated in the 1980s with appointments emphasizing strategic intelligence planning and regional command support. From April 1981 to June 1984, he directed intelligence plans and systems in the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence at Air Force headquarters in Washington, D.C., coordinating doctrine, resource allocation, and technological integration for Air Force-wide intelligence capabilities. In June 1985, he became Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence for U.S. Forces Korea and Deputy Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence for the Republic of Korea/U.S. Combined Forces Command, roles he held until June 1987, providing all-source intelligence support amid heightened Korean Peninsula tensions; he was promoted to brigadier general on October 1, 1985. Returning to the Pacific theater, Clapper served as Director of Intelligence at U.S. Pacific Command from July 1987 to July 1989, overseeing intelligence operations across a vast area of responsibility that included multiple allies and potential adversaries, and was promoted to major general on September 1, 1988. From April 1990 to November 1991, he acted as Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence at Air Force headquarters, directing global intelligence efforts during the lead-up to Operation Desert Storm, including support to Strategic Air Command missions. Clapper's culminating military role began in November 1991 as Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in Washington, D.C., where he managed a worldwide combat support agency comprising over 7,000 military and civilian personnel, responsible for defense intelligence production, analysis, and the General Defense Intelligence Program budget exceeding $6 billion annually. Promoted to lieutenant general on November 15, 1991, he led DIA until his retirement from active duty on September 1, 1995, after 32 years of service, having directed intelligence for U.S. Forces Korea, Pacific Command, and Strategic Air Command across his career.

Retirement from active duty

Clapper concluded his active duty service in the United States Air Force on September 6, 1995, retiring as a lieutenant general after 32 years of commissioned service, during which he rose through intelligence and operational roles focused on imagery and signals intelligence. His final active duty assignment was as Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), a position he held from November 1991 to August 1995, where he oversaw the agency's transition amid post-Cold War reductions, including the creation of the National Military Joint Intelligence Center to enhance joint service coordination. The marked of his uniformed without , reflecting standard procedure for senior officers after extended service; Clapper had enlisted in Corps Reserve in before transferring to Air Force ROTC and commissioning in 1965. Post-, he briefly entered the , but his tenure left him with expertise that later informed roles, underscoring the continuity of his contributions beyond .

Private sector involvement

Consulting roles and corporate positions

Following his retirement from the U.S. as a in , Clapper spent six years in the as an executive in three successive companies specializing in services for the . These included Vredenburg Corporation, , and SRA International, where he held senior roles focused on defense and contracting. During this period, Clapper also served as a consultant to Congress and the National Reconnaissance Office, providing expertise on imagery and geospatial matters. At Booz Allen Hamilton, a major government contractor, Clapper worked as vice president for military intelligence from 1997 to 1998, contributing to projects involving defense intelligence analysis and operations. His positions across these firms involved leveraging his military background to bridge government needs with private-sector capabilities in areas such as data processing, satellite imagery, and security consulting. After his service as director of the from to , Clapper briefly returned to the from to , joining —a provider—as an executive while serving on the boards of additional contractors, including those handling classified work. This phase underscored his ongoing ties to firms supporting U.S. , though it was shorter than his post-retirement stint.

Transition to government advisory

Following his 1995 retirement from the U.S. , Clapper spent six years in the as an executive at three firms providing intelligence-related services: Vredenburg , , and SRA International. These roles involved consulting on defense and matters, leveraging his prior as Director of the . In the immediate aftermath of the , 2001, attacks, Clapper was recalled to federal service, assuming the of the first director of the National and Mapping Agency (NIMA) just two days later, on 13. This appointment, made by of Defense , aimed to enhance capabilities amid heightened demands. NIMA, a Department of Defense , focused on collection and to support operations. Clapper's tenure at NIMA, which transitioned to the (NGA) via congressional in , emphasized organizational streamlining and technological integration for post-9/11 threats. He retired from this position in after overseeing expansions in and analytic tools. This return marked a pivotal shift from corporate consulting to high-level in advisory functions, bridging private expertise with executive oversight of national assets.

Pre-DNI government roles

Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence

James Clapper, a retired U.S. Air Force lieutenant general with extensive prior experience in defense intelligence agencies, was nominated by President George W. Bush and confirmed by the U.S. Senate as Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence on April 15, 2007. In this role, succeeding Stephen A. Cambone, Clapper served as the principal civilian advisor to the Secretary and Deputy Secretary of Defense on all matters pertaining to intelligence, counterintelligence, and security, while exercising oversight over the Department of Defense's (DoD) intelligence components. He concurrently held the position of Director of Defense Intelligence, bridging DoD intelligence activities with the broader Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) established by the 2004 Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act. Clapper's responsibilities included managing key DoD intelligence budgets such as the General Defense Intelligence Program (GDIP) and Military Intelligence Program (MIP), with a focus on aligning resources to national security priorities amid post-9/11 demands. He oversaw approximately 16,000 military and civilian intelligence personnel supporting combat operations, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan, where intelligence resources were intensified to aid troop surges and drawdowns. This involved directing the four DoD combat support agencies—Defense Intelligence Agency, National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency, and National Reconnaissance Office—and ensuring their missions integrated with tactical requirements. His tenure, lasting until August 9, 2010, emphasized enhancing between DoD and ODNI to address stovepiped flows and constraints, while upholding in practices. Clapper's in this period facilitated reorientation of defense toward evolving threats, including improved of national and efforts through mechanisms like the Consolidated Intelligence Guidance.

Key initiatives in defense intelligence reform

As Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (USD(I)) from May 2007 to November 2010, James Clapper served as the principal advisor to the Secretary and Deputy Secretary of Defense on all intelligence, counterintelligence, and security matters, while also being dual-hatted as the inaugural Director of Defense Intelligence under a May 21, 2007, agreement between Secretary Robert Gates and Director of National Intelligence Michael McConnell. In this capacity, he oversaw the budgets, personnel, and operations of the Defense Intelligence Enterprise, comprising approximately 16,000 military and civilian intelligence professionals across the Department of Defense (DoD). His tenure focused on integrating defense intelligence more effectively with the broader Intelligence Community (IC) following the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004, emphasizing resource alignment and operational efficiencies to support ongoing military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Clapper advanced the ongoing Remodeling Defense Intelligence (RDI) effort, initiated in 2004, by prioritizing (HUMINT) reforms and expanding structures. A core element involved bolstering Operations Centers (JIOCs), which had been established in U.S. combatant commands by 2006 to fuse from multiple sources for tactical decision-making; under Clapper, these centers were refined to enhance real-time support for warfighters, reducing stovepiping between service-specific agencies. He also directed efforts to strengthen national-level Defense HUMINT capabilities, laying groundwork for clandestine operations by integrating DoD HUMINT with IC-wide standards, though major structural changes like the emerged later during his DNI tenure. In June 2008, Clapper issued a memorandum realigning the USD(I) staff organization to prioritize three functions: direct intelligence support to military operations, HUMINT development, and counterintelligence integration across DoD components. This restructuring aimed to align resources more closely with DoD priorities and IC directives, including improved coordination between the Military Intelligence Program (MIP)—which funded tactical intelligence—and the National Intelligence Program (NIP). He introduced the annual Consolidated Intelligence Guidance to synchronize MIP and NIP planning, ensuring defense intelligence investments addressed both tactical needs in theaters of operation and strategic IC gaps, with MIP funding reaching approximately $20 billion by fiscal year 2010. These initiatives contributed to measurable improvements in integration, such as with forces and reduced redundancies in DoD collection, though challenges persisted in balancing classified operations with oversight requirements. Clapper's reforms emphasized a "jointness" model, from his prior at the , to foster among the eight DoD elements (e.g., , ) and commands. By the end of his term, the Defense Enterprise had achieved greater alignment with DNI priorities, supporting a 20-30% increase in products delivered to troops in Iraq and Afghanistan between 2007 and 2009, per DoD assessments.

Tenure as Director of National Intelligence

Nomination, confirmation, and early priorities

President Barack Obama nominated retired Lieutenant General James R. Clapper Jr. to serve as the fourth Director of National Intelligence (DNI) on June 5, 2010, selecting him to succeed Dennis C. Blair amid efforts to strengthen leadership over the 16 agencies comprising the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). Clapper, then serving as Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, was praised by Obama for his extensive experience in intelligence reform, including prior roles that enhanced information sharing and support for military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Select on conducted Clapper's hearing on July 20, 2010, where he outlined commitments to improving IC integration, prioritizing , and ensuring compliance with in activities. The committee approved the nomination unanimously on a 15-0 vote shortly thereafter. Despite initial holds by Republican senators, including , over unrelated defense nominations, the full confirmed Clapper unanimously on August 5, 2010, resolving procedural without substantive opposition to his qualifications. Vice President Joe Biden administered Clapper's oath of office on August 24, 2010, in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, formally assuming the DNI role to lead IC coordination and advise the President on national security matters. Upon taking office, Clapper's early priorities emphasized structural reforms to foster greater integration across the fragmented IC, including the creation of a new Deputy Director of National Intelligence for Intelligence Integration position in August 2010 to streamline analysis and reduce redundancies inherited from post-9/11 expansions. He focused on enhancing intelligence support for ongoing operations in Afghanistan and countering al-Qaeda threats, while advocating for budgetary efficiencies amid fiscal pressures and sustaining information-sharing protocols established under prior DNI leadership. These initiatives aimed to address persistent challenges in unifying agency efforts without compromising operational agility or oversight. ![Barack Obama, James L. Jones, and James R. Clapper in 2010][float-right]

Organizational and budgetary reforms

During his tenure as from August 2010 to January 2017, James Clapper emphasized functional integration across the 17 agencies of the (IC) as the core mission of the Office of the (ODNI), rather than pursuing large-scale structural reorganizations, which he viewed as disruptive and often yielding unintended bureaucratic compromises. He restructured the ODNI internally to prioritize mission synchronization, including merging the IC Analyst and IC Officer training programs to enhance focus and fostering through joint initiatives. In March 2015, Clapper highlighted ODNI's role in cultivating a "culture of integration" by example, improving information sharing and reducing silos among agencies. Key organizational efforts included expanding the National Insider Threat Task Force, implementing Continuous Evaluation for personnel security, and advancing IC-wide information technology enterprise reforms to bolster cybersecurity and data sharing. On April 5, 2016, Clapper formalized the Intelligence Community Transparency Council via charter, transitioning it to promote declassification and public accountability while balancing security needs. He also endorsed the Fundamental Classification Guidance Review in April 2016 to scrutinize and potentially reduce over-classification across the IC. On budgetary matters, Clapper sought to strengthen ODNI's authority over the National Intelligence Program (NIP), which totaled approximately $53 billion in fiscal year 2010 and was then embedded within the Department of Defense (DOD) budget, limiting DNI oversight. In November 2010, he secured a conceptual agreement with of Defense to extract the NIP for independent funding, arguing it would enhance transparency, insight, and programming control. However, by 2011, resistance from DOD and congressional stakeholders led Clapper to abandon full separation, though partial efforts increased ODNI influence over NIP allocation. The 2013 Budget Control Act sequestration imposed abrupt cuts, reducing the fiscal year 2013 NIP appropriation from $52.7 billion to about $49.6 billion after a 7-9% trim across accounts, forcing deferred maintenance, reduced hiring, and curtailed operations. Clapper testified in February and March 2013 that these "across-the-board" reductions—exacerbated by late fiscal-year imposition—degraded early-warning capabilities, personnel readiness, and reconnaissance assets, describing the impact as "insidious" and the most challenging in his 50-year career. He advocated phased implementation of future cuts to mitigate risks, prioritizing workforce retention amid ongoing fiscal uncertainty.

Assessments on global threats and Middle East

During his tenure as from to , James Clapper presented the U.S. Community's Worldwide Threat Assessments to congressional committees, evaluating global risks including those from the , such as state fragility, , and proliferation. These reports consistently Middle Eastern instability as a driver of transnational threats, with Syria's , the resurgence of jihadist groups, and Iran's regional activities posing risks to U.S. interests through refugee flows, , and proxy conflicts. Clapper emphasized that weak and sectarian tensions amplified these dangers, non-state to exploit power vacuums. On Islamist terrorism, Clapper's 2014 assessment described the and the (ISIL, later ) as a regional threat capable of spectacular attacks in and but lacking the capacity for large-scale operations against the U.S. homeland, subordinating it to core al-Qa'ida in priority. By February 2014 congressional testimony, he noted ISIL's aspirations for external attacks but assessed its operational reach as limited by logistical constraints. Subsequent events, including ISIS's declaration of a caliphate in June 2014 and recruitment of over 20,000 foreign fighters by mid-year, led Clapper to revise upward the group's threat level, though he maintained in 2015 that its propaganda fueled homegrown extremism more than direct plots. Critics, including congressional overseers, faulted the intelligence community's initial underestimation of ISIS's resilience and global appeal, attributing it partly to analytical focus on al-Qa'ida affiliates. Regarding Syria, Clapper's assessments highlighted the Assad regime's use of chemical weapons, stating in June 2013 that intelligence indicated sarin deployment against civilians and rebels, with moderate confidence in regime culpability based on signals intelligence, defectors, and sample analysis. This informed U.S. policy on intervention thresholds, though Clapper warned of escalating jihadist involvement, including by groups like Jabhat al-Nusra, as a counter to regime forces. He projected in 2014-2016 reports that prolonged conflict would sustain ISIS safe havens and spillover risks to Europe and the U.S. via radicalized returnees. For Iran, Clapper's evaluations assessed as suspending weaponization efforts since but retaining scientific know-how and sufficient for breakout to a in months if decided, posing proliferation risks amid regional tensions. In 2015-2016 assessments, he noted Iran's compliance with the (JCPOA) interim steps reduced immediate threats but did not eliminate dual-use or advances, which threatened U.S. allies like and . Clapper viewed Iran's support for proxies like and Houthis as amplifying asymmetric threats, though he downplayed nuclear probabilities under sanctions. These judgments aligned with Obama administration diplomacy but drew skepticism from analysts questioning the verifiability of Iran's intentions given historical deception in IAEA reporting.

Cybersecurity incidents and responses

During his tenure as Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper oversaw U.S. intelligence responses to escalating cyber threats from state actors, including and destructive attacks. In annual threat assessments delivered to , Clapper consistently ranked cyber capabilities among [the top](/page/the top) national security risks, surpassing in some evaluations due to their , scale, and potential for economic disruption. He emphasized that adversaries such as , , , and [North Korea](/page/North Korea) were conducting operations to steal intellectual property, critical infrastructure, and influence events, with attacks increasing in sophistication from 2010 to 2017. A prominent incident was the November 2014 hack of , which Clapper described as the most serious on U.S. interests at the time, involving data destruction, leaks of unreleased , and threats tied to the film . U.S. , under Clapper's , attributed the breach to North Korea's , citing unique , IP addresses, and linguistic patterns matching prior Pyongyang operations. In response, Clapper urged proportional retaliation during a November 6, 2014, visit to , where he confronted North Korean leader Kim Jong-un's representatives, including the general believed to have authorized the attack; he later estimated damages in the hundreds of millions of dollars. The administration imposed sanctions on North Korean entities, though Clapper noted the attribution's rarity stemmed from overwhelming evidence gathered via prior NSA intrusions into North Korean networks dating to 2010. The 2015 breach of the Office of Personnel Management (OPM), affecting approximately 21.5 million records including security clearance data, drew Clapper's public attribution to Chinese actors as the "leading suspect." He characterized it as masterful espionage rather than a destructive "cyberattack," stating in June 2015 that the intruders deserved a "salute" for their persistence in penetrating U.S. government networks despite detection efforts. Clapper's office contributed to damage assessments, though he acknowledged uncertainties in fully determining stolen data volumes, and he rejected claims of evacuating U.S. spies from China in direct response. The incident prompted enhanced federal cybersecurity measures, including multi-factor authentication mandates, but Clapper testified that muted public responses to such espionage fostered a permissive environment for ongoing intrusions. Clapper advocated managing rather than eradicating cyber risks, urging private-sector of basic defenses like network and to counter the of threats. He also highlighted unintended consequences of the leaks, which accelerated widespread end-to-end , hindering lawful access to cyber indicators. Overall, his responses emphasized attribution to deter adversaries, though critics noted escalatory actions against non-kinetic .

Russian election interference evaluation

As , James Clapper oversaw the U.S. Community's (IC) attribution of Russian interference in the , including the hacking of (DNC) emails and John Podesta's personal account, which were released via . On , , Clapper joined in issuing a statement from the Department of and the Office of the asserting with confidence that the Russian directed these compromises to interfere with the . The IC identified Russia's military agency, the GRU, as responsible for spearphishing attacks and subsequent leaks aimed at influencing public opinion. Following Donald Trump's election victory on November 8, 2016, Clapper coordinated the production of the January 6, 2017, Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA), which concluded with high confidence that Russian President ordered an influence campaign to undermine faith in U.S. , denigrate , and boost Trump's candidacy. The ICA highlighted Russian efforts including cyber intrusions, propaganda via state media like RT, and social media disinformation, assessing that developed a "clear preference" for Trump due to his perceived unpredictability and potential to disrupt U.S.-Russia relations less adversarially than Clinton. In subsequent testimonies, Clapper described the interference as the most aggressive election meddling case in history, with no evidence implicating actors other than Russia. Clapper publicly maintained that Russian actions "absolutely" constituted meddling and expressed that they effectively "turned" the outcome in Trump's favor, citing the timing and targeting of leaks that damaged Clinton's campaign. He emphasized Putin's strategic favoring Trump's unpredictability over Clinton's hawkish stance on Russia. However, the ICA's analytic judgments on Moscow's specific electoral relied on circumstantial indicators like media amplification of anti-Clinton narratives, rather than of to sway votes, and subsequent U.S. indictments of GRU officers focused on hacking without proving outcome-altering impact. The ICA , compressed into roughly five weeks under Clapper's direction—far shorter than standard multi-month timelines for major assessments—drew internal concerns about rigor, including from NSA Director Mike Rogers, who questioned deviations from established tradecraft standards. Declassified emails from 2025 reveal Clapper dismissing such objections and insisting on adhering to a preconceived of Russian pro-Trump , despite evidentiary gaps in proving coordinated influence beyond disruption. A 2025 CIA tradecraft review acknowledged procedural shortcuts in the ICA's rushed drafting, initiated at President Obama's post-election directive, which prioritized speed over exhaustive analysis. While a bipartisan Senate Intelligence Committee report in 2020 deemed the ICA's core findings on interference representative of IC views, it noted limitations in sourcing for propaganda assessments and did not independently verify claims of decisive electoral impact. These revelations underscore tensions between Clapper's push for consensus amid political pressures and adherence to empirical standards, with critics arguing the assessment amplified unproven causal links between Russian actions and the election result.

Key controversies

NSA surveillance testimony and aftermath

On March 12, 2013, during an open hearing of the Select on Intelligence reviewing the U.S. intelligence community's worldwide assessment, Senator questioned James Clapper on NSA practices. Wyden, who had provided the question to Clapper's in writing days earlier, asked: "Does the NSA collect any type of at all on millions or hundreds of millions of ?" Clapper paused for over 30 seconds before responding, "No, sir... not wittingly," clarifying that incidental collection might occur but was not deliberate targeting of . The testimony drew scrutiny three months later following Edward Snowden's June 2013 leaks, which exposed the NSA's bulk collection of telephony metadata—including phone numbers, call durations, and locations—from millions of Americans' records under Section 215 of the USA PATRIOT Act, as authorized by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. Snowden himself cited Clapper's response as a factor motivating his disclosures, arguing it exemplified government deception about surveillance scope. The revelation contradicted Clapper's answer, as the program encompassed data on hundreds of millions of U.S. phone records, though it involved metadata rather than content and was justified as not constituting "targeted" collection on Americans. Clapper initially defended his statement in a June 2013 NBC interview, describing it as the "least untruthful" response possible without disclosing classified operational details in an unclassified setting. In a July 2, 2013, letter to Senate Intelligence Committee Chairwoman Dianne Feinstein, he apologized, attributing the answer to an "erroneous" lapse in recollection of the Section 215 program amid the hearing's focus on broader threats, stating he had simply forgotten its existence momentarily. The episode sparked bipartisan criticism for misleading Congress, with Wyden calling the response "clearly and unambiguously untrue" and arguing it eroded public trust in intelligence oversight. House members, including Justin Amash and six others, called for Clapper's resignation in January 2014, citing potential perjury risks, though the hearing was not under oath and no charges materialized due to interpretive disputes over "collection" definitions and classified context. Clapper's shifting explanations— from semantic parsing to memory failure—fueled accusations of evasion, damaging his credibility on transparency issues; in 2014, he received the National Security Archive's Rosemary Award for the federal official worst exemplifying open government practices that year. Despite the controversy, Clapper faced no formal repercussions and continued as DNI until January 20, 2017, overseeing responses to the leaks, including declassifications of surveillance program details and congressional reforms like the of 2015, which curtailed bulk metadata collection. The incident intensified debates on community accountability, highlighting tensions between national security secrecy and congressional oversight, with critics attributing it to systemic incentives for officials to minimize disclosures on sensitive programs.

Allegations of intelligence politicization

Critics have alleged that Clapper, as , politicized assessments during the transition period following the U.S. , particularly in the production of the , , Assessment (ICA) on Russian activities and intentions. Declassified documents released by of in reveal a top-secret email from Clapper dated , , in which he advocated for compromising standard analytic procedures to expedite the ICA's completion, despite reservations from Director Michael Rogers about the rushed timeline and deviation from norms. The ICA concluded with high confidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin directed efforts to influence the election in favor of Donald Trump, a judgment driven primarily by CIA and FBI assessments, while the NSA dissented with only moderate confidence on key elements like Putin's direct orchestration of hacks. A 2025 House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) oversight report detailed evidence that President Barack Obama personally directed the ICA's creation on November 14, 2016—after Trump's electoral victory—to frame Russian interference as undermining the result, with Clapper playing a central role in coordinating the effort alongside CIA Director John Brennan and FBI Director James Comey. The report cited declassified notes indicating Obama's national security team, including Clapper, prioritized a narrative of Russian collusion to delegitimize the incoming administration, bypassing typical interagency vetting and sidelining analytic dissenters. Further declassified emails from 2025 show Clapper dismissing internal intelligence community concerns about evidentiary gaps, insisting on "stickin' to" the interference narrative to align the assessment politically. These actions fueled accusations of within the intelligence under Clapper's , with detractors to the ICA's heavy reliance on unverified sources like the —later discredited in parts—and its timing as evidence of an Obama-era effort to sabotage Trump's . A CIA released in 2025 criticized the ICA's for inadequate and overemphasis on current over rigorous , implicitly validating claims of procedural shortcuts imposed by Clapper. Clapper has refuted these allegations, maintaining in statements and congressional that the ICA reflected consensus analytic judgments free of political influence, though subsequent declassifications have intensified scrutiny from Republican-led oversight bodies. The controversy underscores broader concerns about the intelligence community's impartiality, with empirical from declassified materials suggesting causal links between executive directives and skewed outputs during Clapper's tenure.

Rushed 2017 ICA and procedural concerns

The Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA) titled Assessing Russian Activities and Intentions in Recent US Elections, released on January 6, 2017, concluded with high confidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered an influence campaign to undermine faith in the US democratic process, harm Hillary Clinton's candidacy, and boost Donald Trump's. As Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper coordinated the effort among the CIA, FBI, NSA, and other agencies, overseeing a compressed production timeline initiated by President Obama in mid-December 2016 following the November 8 election. The process spanned roughly six weeks, far shorter than the typical months-long cycle for National Intelligence Council products, which usually involve iterative drafting, peer review, and red-teaming to mitigate analytic biases. Declassified emails from 2016 reveal directing agencies to accelerate the ICA, explicitly urging compromises on standard procedures such as extended coordination periods and full interagency , despite reservations from NSA Director Michael Rogers about potential deviations from analytic . In one exchange, dismissed concerns from intelligence officers questioning the rushed , responding curtly to "stickin' to" the assessment's core judgments on Russian , even as internal debates persisted over levels—e.g., the CIA and FBI expressed high in Putin's directive, while the NSA rated it moderate. This haste was driven by timelines aiming for pre-inauguration delivery on , 2017, limiting opportunities for dissenting views or alternative hypotheses to be fully incorporated. Procedural irregularities included heavy involvement by agency principals—, CIA Director John Brennan, and FBI Director —in drafting and , bypassing typical analyst-led processes and raising questions of top-down influence. The annex referencing the unverified , incorporated at senior levels without standard sourcing rigor, further fueled concerns, as it was not part of the core analytic but amplified media leaks post-release. A 2020 Senate Select acknowledged the abbreviated timeline but deemed the ICA free of politicization, though it noted uneven across agencies and limited post-publication access to underlying for independent verification. Subsequent declassifications, including 2025 releases under Director of National Tulsi Gabbard, highlighted 's role in overriding procedural norms, contrasting with his public defenses of the assessment's integrity. Critics, including House Permanent Select on reports, argued the rush prioritized political expediency over empirical substantiation, potentially embedding biases from Obama-era priorities.

Post-DNI activities

Media and advisory engagements

Following his departure from the Office of the in January 2017, Clapper joined as a paid contributor in August 2017, providing analysis on matters including unmasking procedures, the Mueller investigation's findings on Russian election interference, and document seizures related to probes. His role involved frequent on-air appearances critiquing executive actions on handling, such as reactions to search warrants at former presidential residences. In advisory capacities, Clapper became a senior fellow at Harvard University's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs in March 2017, where he contributed to discussions on intelligence leadership and global threats through interviews and events. In February 2021, he joined the of LookingGlass Cyber Solutions, a firm specializing in cybersecurity threat intelligence, leveraging his experience in defense and to guide strategic responses to cyber risks. These engagements positioned Clapper as a commentator bridging government intelligence practices with private-sector and academic perspectives on .

Academic appointments and speaking roles

Following his service as Director of National Intelligence, Clapper held several affiliations with academic institutions focused on and studies. In March 2017, he was appointed a non-resident senior fellow at Harvard Kennedy School's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, where he contributed to research and discussions on intelligence policy and global threats. In the same year, he joined the for an initial four-week visiting term in June, engaging with faculty and students on U.S.- intelligence cooperation. In April 2020, Clapper joined the executive board of the University of Pennsylvania's Center for Ethics and the Rule of Law, an interdisciplinary initiative examining legal and ethical challenges in , including and cybersecurity. Clapper has maintained an active schedule of speaking engagements at universities, delivering lectures on operations, geopolitical risks, and leadership in . Notable appearances include a discussion at Yale University's Jackson Institute for Global Affairs in October 2020, focusing on career insights from the U.S. community; a reflection on his DNI tenure at Columbia University's School of International and Public Affairs in February 2019; and a keynote at State University's School of International Affairs in November 2024, addressing contemporary challenges. These roles and engagements have allowed him to influence academic discourse on without formal teaching duties.

Publications and public writings

Clapper co-authored the memoir Facts and Fears: Hard Truths from a Life in Intelligence with Trey Brown, published by Viking on May 22, 2018. The 432-page book details his five-decade intelligence career, including service under eight presidents from to , the evolution of cyber threats, interagency tensions within the U.S. Community, and assessments of global risks such as and . In the memoir, Clapper defends the Intelligence Community's post-9/11 expansions while acknowledging operational failures, such as underestimating the Islamic State's resilience in 2014, and critiques political pressures on . The work received mixed reviews; supporters praised its insider perspective on threats like Russian election interference, while critics questioned its selective emphasis on certain controversies, such as his 2013 congressional testimony on NSA surveillance. Post-tenure, Clapper has contributed to opinion pieces and joint public statements rather than standalone articles in academic journals. On July 30, 2025, he co-authored an op-ed in with former CIA Director John Brennan, rebutting Trump administration claims of Obama-era misconduct in the Russia investigation and reaffirming the Intelligence Community's 2016 findings on Moscow's election meddling. In a , 2021, in , signed by Clapper and other former officials including Michael Hayden, he advocated for federal safeguards against election subversion, warning of risks to from domestic threats. During his DNI role, Clapper issued formal statements on intelligence matters, such as an August 29, 2013, letter to justifying surveillance program growth since 9/11 as essential for counterterrorism amid ongoing wars in and . No peer-reviewed publications or contributions to outlets like are prominently documented in his public record.

Public commentary and assessments

Views on Russia and election meddling

Clapper has maintained that Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential was deliberate, extensive, and aimed at aiding Donald Trump's candidacy. As until January 20, 2017, he co-signed the January 6, 2017, Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA) concluding with high confidence that Russian President ordered an influence campaign using cyber operations, , and hacking to undermine and boost Trump. Post-tenure, in a , 2017, interview, Clapper described the Russian meddling as "absolutely" occurring and the most aggressive interference case in his experience, emphasizing Moscow's use of social media, leaks via , and probing of systems. In subsequent public statements, Clapper argued that the interference likely altered the election outcome due to razor-thin margins in key states. During a May 31, 2018, Vox , he contended that Russian efforts, including reaching millions via platforms like and targeted ads in swing districts, "stretched credulity" to dismiss as inconsequential, noting Trump's victories hinged on approximately 80,000 votes across , , and . He reiterated this in his May 2018 memoir Facts and Fears, asserting achieved "success beyond their wildest expectations" by exploiting U.S. societal divisions and eroding trust in democratic institutions. Clapper has criticized denials of Russian involvement as damaging to . In an October 30, 2017, Politico interview, he called President Trump's rejection of the ICA "dead wrong," warning it undermined intelligence credibility and emboldened adversaries. A June 22, 2018, Harvard Gazette discussion highlighted his concern that such skepticism, coupled with ongoing threats, weakened U.S. defenses against future . More recently, on July 30, 2025, co-authored a New York Times opinion piece with former CIA Director John Brennan refuting claims that the 2016 assessments were politicized or fabricated, insisting they were based on corroborated intelligence rather than partisan motives, and decrying narratives portraying them as a "" as distortions of evidence. He has extended these views to warn of persistent Russian tactics, including in a , 2018, interview where he stressed the need for vigilance against Moscow's evolving influence operations beyond 2016.

Positions on U.S. leadership and Trump administration

Clapper has repeatedly characterized the Trump administration as a threat to core U.S. institutions and democratic resilience. In a May 2017 CNN interview, he stated that American institutions were "under assault" from President Trump, citing attacks on the intelligence community and as evidence of deliberate undermining. In his 2018 Facts and Fears: Hard Truths from a Career in Intelligence, Clapper described Trump's affinity for Russian President as evoking personal fear for the nation's future, arguing it compromised U.S. credibility amid confirmed Russian election interference. He linked Trump's to broader risks for U.S. global standing. During a June 2018 CBS Intelligence Matters , Clapper described the country as undergoing "a real test of our resilience," attributing this to Trump's handling of Russian meddling and perceived erosion of norms. Clapper asserted in a May 2018 PBS NewsHour interview that Russian actions "turned" the 2016 election toward Trump, claiming it defied credulity to believe otherwise and implying weakened U.S. under subsequent leadership. He questioned Trump's fitness for office in an August 2017 context, calling his access to nuclear codes "pretty damn scary" due to impulsive decision-making patterns observed in briefings. Clapper occasionally acknowledged potential positives in Trump's foreign policy execution. Following the June 2018 Trump-Kim Jong-un summit in , he told that the U.S. was in a "much better place" regarding North Korean denuclearization prospects, crediting diplomatic momentum despite personal reservations about Trump's approach. However, these comments were outliers amid predominant criticism; in defending the 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment on Russian interference against Trump administration challenges, Clapper maintained in July 2025 that accusations of a "treasonous " by Obama-era officials were "ridiculous," framing Trump's critiques as politically motivated distortions of established findings.

Criticisms of perceived partisanship

Following his tenure as Director of National Intelligence, Clapper joined as a national security analyst in August 2017, where he frequently commented on Trump administration policies, often portraying them as undermining U.S. and alliances. Critics, including Republican lawmakers and conservative commentators, argued that this role amplified partisan narratives, as Clapper's appearances disproportionately targeted Trump while rarely critiquing Democratic figures with comparable intensity. A prominent example cited by detractors occurred on October 19, 2020, when Clapper co-signed a public letter with 50 other former intelligence officials asserting that the New York Post's reporting on Hunter Biden's laptop "has all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation." The letter, disseminated amid the , suggested the story aimed to influence voters without claiming definitive knowledge of Russian involvement, prompting accusations from Republicans like Senator that it constituted partisan election interference by lending undue credibility to skepticism of authentic materials later verified by the FBI. In response, President Trump issued an on January 20, 2025, directing the revocation of security clearances for the signatories, including Clapper, framing the action as accountability for misleading public statements that suppressed legitimate reporting. Clapper's 2018 memoir Facts and Fears further fueled perceptions of bias, with passages expressing alarm over Trump's Russia ties and describing the president as a threat to institutions, statements conservatives viewed as one-sided given Clapper's service under Obama amid similar controversies like the Russia investigation origins. Additional public remarks, such as Clapper's 2017 claim that Trump's criticism of the intelligence community benefited adversaries like , were lambasted by Trump supporters as hypocritical, citing Clapper's own 2013 testimony to denying NSA bulk data collection—a statement later contradicted by documents—which eroded his nonpartisan credentials. These episodes, per critics including House members, exemplified a pattern where former officials leveraged prestige for anti-Trump advocacy, potentially eroding public trust in intelligence impartiality.

Personal life and honors

Family and personal background

James Robert Clapper Jr. was born on March 14, 1941, in , to James Robert Clapper Sr., a U.S. Army officer during who later served as a civilian official with the U.S. Air Force, and Anne Elizabeth Clapper (née Wheatley). His father's military career led to frequent relocations, exposing Clapper to intelligence work from an early age and shaping his path into the field. Clapper attended the University of , earning a degree in in 1963. In 1965, he married Susan Ellen , a former employee; the couple had two children—a daughter, Jennifer, and a son, —and four grandchildren. Susan Clapper died in March 2023.

Awards, decorations, and legacy evaluations

Clapper's military decorations, earned during his 32-year career in the United States , include the , Air Force Distinguished Service Medal, , with two oak leaf clusters, , with two oak leaf clusters, Meritorious Service Medal with two oak leaf clusters, Air Force Commendation Medal with two oak leaf clusters, and Air Force Achievement Medal, among others such as various service ribbons for and Southwest Asia campaigns and foreign awards including the Republic of Vietnam Gallantry Cross with Palm. In his post-military intelligence roles, Clapper received the presidentially conferred National Security Medal, three National Intelligence Distinguished Service Medals, and the Defense Distinguished Civilian Service Medal from Secretary of Defense in October 2016 for his service as . Evaluations of Clapper's legacy emphasize his tenure as the longest-serving DNI, from August 2010 to January 2017, during which he oversaw intelligence community reforms and responses to threats including cyber intrusions and ; congressional tributes noted his dedication spanning over five decades in intelligence. However, critics highlight controversies such as his March 2013 Senate testimony, where he stated the does not wittingly collect data on millions of Americans—a response he later described as "the least untruthful" possible—prompting accusations of misleading and contributing to his receipt of the 2013 Rosemary Award from the Project on Government Oversight for worst open government performance. Post-tenure assessments have further scrutinized his public criticisms of the Trump administration and involvement in the 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment on Russian election interference, with declassified documents revealing internal concerns about politicization during its preparation. These elements underscore a legacy marked by operational achievements amid debates over transparency and institutional impartiality.

References

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