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Russell Means
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Russell Charles Means (Lakota: Waŋblí Ohítika; November 10, 1939 – October 22, 2012) was an Oglala Lakota activist for the rights of Native Americans, libertarian political activist, actor, musician and writer. He became a prominent member of the American Indian Movement (AIM) after joining the organization in December 1969 and helped organize notable events that attracted national and international media coverage.

Key Information

Means was active in international issues of indigenous peoples, including working with groups in Central and South America and with the United Nations for recognition of their rights. He was active in politics at his native Pine Ridge Indian Reservation and at the state and national level.

Beginning an acting career in 1992, he appeared on numerous television series and in several films, including The Last of the Mohicans, Pocahontas, and Curb Your Enthusiasm. He released his own music CD. Means published his autobiography Where White Men Fear to Tread in 1995.

Early life

[edit]

Means was born on November 10, 1939, in Porcupine, South Dakota, on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation,[1] to Theodora Louise Feather and Walter "Hank" Means.[2] His mother was a Yankton Dakota from Greenwood, South Dakota and his father, an Oglala Lakota.[3] Russell had three biological brothers, Dace, and twins William and Theodore.

He was given the name Waŋblí Ohítika by his mother, which means 'Brave Eagle' in the Lakota language.[2]

In 1942, the Means family resettled in the San Francisco Bay Area, seeking to escape the poverty and problems of the reservation. His father worked at the shipyard in Vallejo.[4][5] Means grew up in the Bay Area, graduating in 1958 from San Leandro High School in San Leandro, California.[3] He attended four colleges but did not graduate from any of them.[6] In his 1995 autobiography, Means recounted a harsh childhood; his father was alcoholic and he himself fell into years of "truancy, crime and drugs" before finding purpose in the American Indian Movement in Minneapolis, Minnesota.[4]

His father died in 1967 and, in his twenties, Means lived in several Indian reservations throughout the United States while searching for work. While at the Rosebud Indian Reservation in south-central South Dakota, he developed severe vertigo. Physicians at the reservation clinic believed that he had been brought in inebriated. After they refused to examine him for several days, Means was finally diagnosed with a concussion due to a presumed fight in a saloon. A visiting specialist later discovered that the reservation doctors had overlooked a common ear infection, which cost Means the hearing in one ear.[2]

After recovering from the infection, Means worked for a year in the Office of Economic Opportunity, where he came to know several legal activists who were managing legal action on behalf of the Lakota people. After a dispute with his supervisor, Means left Rosebud for Cleveland, Ohio. In Cleveland, he worked with Native American community leaders against the backdrop of the American Civil Rights Movement.[2]

Career

[edit]

Involvement with the American Indian Movement

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In 1968, Means joined the American Indian Movement (AIM), where he rose to become a prominent leader. In 1970, Means was appointed AIM's first national director, and the organization began a period of increasing protests and activism.[7]

Activism

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See also: Wounded Knee Incident

Means participated in the 1969 Alcatraz occupation. He had been there once before, to occupy it for 24 hours under the lead of his father, Walter "Hank" Means, and a few other Lakota men in March 1964.[2] (Means' father died in January 1967).[2]

On Thanksgiving Day 1970, Means and other AIM activists staged their first protest in Boston: they seized the Mayflower II, a replica ship of the Mayflower, to protest the Puritans' and United States' mistreatment of Native Americans.[7] In 1971 Means was one of the leaders of AIM's takeover of Mount Rushmore, a federal monument. Rushmore is within the Black Hills, an area sacred to the Lakota tribe.[2]

In November 1972, he participated in AIM's occupation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) headquarters in Washington, D.C., to protest abuses. Many records were taken or destroyed, and more than $2 million in damage was done to the building.[2]

In 1973, Dennis Banks and Carter Camp led AIM's occupation of Wounded Knee, which became the group's best-known action.[7][8] Means appeared as a spokesman and prominent leader. The armed standoff of more than 300 Lakota and AIM activists with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and state law enforcement lasted for 71 days. Frank Clearwater, a visiting Cherokee activist from North Carolina, and Lawrence "Buddy" Lamont, an Oglala Lakota activist from Pine Ridge Reservation, were killed in April. African-American activist Ray Robinson disappeared and is assumed to be buried in the hills.

Native American politics

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In 1974, Means resigned from AIM to run for the presidency of his native Oglala Sioux Tribe (OST) against the incumbent Richard Wilson. The official vote count showed Wilson winning by more than 200 votes. Residents complained of intimidation by Wilson's private militia. The report of a government investigation confirmed problems in the election, but in a related court challenge to the results of the election, a federal court upheld the results.

In the late 1970s, Means turned to an international forum on issues of rights for indigenous peoples. He worked with Jimmie Durham, who established the offices of the International Indian Treaty Council to work with the United Nations in 1977. At the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, he assisted in the organization of community institutions, such as the KILI radio station and the Porcupine Health Clinic in Porcupine, South Dakota.

Means also traveled to Germany, traveled behind the Iron Curtain to meet with East German AIM supporters, and he traveled to Switzerland to take part in the Geneva human rights conference.[9]

Means and Ojibwe Dennis Banks were by the mid-1970s the best known Native Americans since Lakota war leaders Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, who led the attack that defeated the forces of General Custer at The Battle of Little Big Horn, also known as The Battle of the Greasy Grass.[10]

Splits in AIM

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In the 1980s, AIM divided into several competing factions, in part over differences among members regarding support for the indigenous peoples in Nicaragua. Means supported the Miskito group MISURASATA (later known as YATAMA), which was allied with the Contras. He traveled to Nicaragua in 1985 and 1986 on fact-finding tours. He came to believe that the Miskito as a people were being targeted for elimination.[11] Some AIM members supported the Sandinistas of the national government, although they had forced removal of thousands of Miskito from their traditional territory.

On January 8, 1988, Means held a press conference to announce his retirement from AIM, saying it had achieved its goals.[12] That January, the "AIM Grand Governing Council", headed by the Bellecourt brothers, released a press release noting this was the sixth resignation by Means since 1974, and asking the press to "never again report either that he is a founder of the American Indian Movement, or [that] he is a leader of the American Indian Movement". The "AIM Grand Governing Council" noted there were many open issues and legislation regarding Native Americans for which they were continuing to work.[13]

In 1993, the organization divided officially into two main factions: "AIM Grand Governing Council", based in Minnesota, which copyrighted the name "American Indian movement"; and American Indian Movement Confederation of Autonomous Chapters, based in Colorado and allied with Means and Ward Churchill.

Annie Mae Aquash

[edit]
Main article: Annie Mae Aquash

On November 3, 1999, Means and Robert Pictou-Branscombe, a maternal cousin of Aquash from Canada, held a press conference in Denver at the Federal Building to discuss the slow progress of the government's investigation into Aquash's murder. It had been under investigation both by the Denver police, as Aquash had been kidnapped from there, and by the FBI, as she had been taken across state lines and killed on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Both Branscombe and Means accused Vernon Bellecourt, a high-ranking leader of AIM, of having ordered her execution. Means said that Clyde Bellecourt, a founder of AIM, had ensured that it was carried out at the Pine Ridge Reservation. Means said that an AIM tribunal had banned the Bellecourt brothers but tried to keep the reason for the dissension internal to protect AIM.[14]

The Associated Press (AP) reporter Robert Weller noted that this was the first time that an AIM leader active at the time of Aquash's death had publicly implicated AIM in her murder. There had long been rumors.[15] Means and Branscombe accused three indigenous people: Arlo Looking Cloud, Theda Nelson Clarke and John Graham, of having been directly involved in the kidnapping and murder of Aquash.[14] The two men were indicted in 2003 and convicted in separate trials in 2004 and 2010, respectively. By then in a nursing home, Clarke was not indicted.

As of 2004, Means' website stated that he was a board member of the Colorado AIM chapter, which is affiliated with the AIM Confederation of Autonomous Chapters.[16]

Other political involvement

[edit]
Russell Means speaks against the war on terror at a DC Anti-War Network's anti-war protest on November 11, 2001.

Since the late 1970s, Means often supported libertarian political causes, in contrast with several other AIM leaders. In 1983 he agreed to become running mate to Larry Flynt in his unsuccessful run for U.S. President.[11] In 1987, Means ran for nomination of President of the United States under the Libertarian Party, and attracted considerable support within the party, finishing 2nd (31.4%) at the 1987 Libertarian National Convention.[17] He lost the nomination to Congressman Ron Paul.[18]

In 2001, Means began an independent candidacy for Governor of New Mexico. His campaign failed to satisfy procedural requirements and he was not selected for the ballot. In the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections, Means supported independent Ralph Nader.

Nearly thirty years after his first candidacy, Means ran for president of the Oglala Sioux in 2004 with the help of Twila Lebeaux, losing to Cecilia Fire Thunder, the first woman elected president of the tribe. She also defeated the incumbent John Yellow Bird Steele.[19]

Since the late 20th century, there has been a debate in the United States over the appropriate term for the indigenous peoples of North America. Some want to be called Native American; others prefer American Indian. Means said that he preferred "American Indian", arguing that it derives not from explorers' confusion of the people with those of India, but from the Italian expression in Dio, meaning "in God".[20][21] In addition, Means noted that since treaties and other legal documents in relation to the United States government use "Indian", continuing use of the term could help today's American Indian people forestall any attempts by others to use legal loopholes in the struggle over land and treaty rights.

In 2007, Means and 80 other protesters were arrested in Denver during a parade for Columbus Day which they stated was a "celebration of genocide".[11]

Following the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007, a group of American Indian activists presented a letter to the U.S. State Department, indicating they were withdrawing from all treaties with the U.S. Government on December 20. Means announced the withdrawal by a small group of Lakota people.[22] That same month, they began contacting foreign governments to solicit support for energy projects on the territory. Means and a delegation of activists declared the Republic of Lakotah a sovereign nation, with property rights over thousands of square miles in South Dakota, North Dakota, Nebraska, Wyoming and Montana.[23][24] Means said that his group does not "represent collaborators, the Vichy Indians and those tribal governments set up by the United States of America".[25]

On January 8, 2008, tribal leaders in the northern Great Plains, Rodney Bordeaux of the 25,000-member Rosebud Sioux Tribe, and Joseph Brings Plenty of the 8,500-member Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe, said that Means and the group of his fellow activists would not speak for their members or for any elected Lakota tribal government. While acknowledging that Means has accurately portrayed the federal government's broken promises to and treaties with America's indigenous peoples, they opposed his plan to renounce treaties with the United States and proclaim independence. They said the issue instead was to enforce existing treaties.[26]

Means was critical of Obama receiving the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize, and also when Al Gore and Henry Kissinger received their Nobel Peace Prizes. He also criticized the U.S. interventionist foreign policy, the War in Afghanistan, and referred to Obama's presidency as "Bush's third term."[27]

In January 2012, Means announced his endorsement of Republican Ron Paul in his bid for president.[28]

Other activities

[edit]

Acting

[edit]

From 1992 to 2004, Means appeared as an actor in numerous films and television movies, first as the chief Chingachgook in The Last of the Mohicans. He appeared as Arrowhead in the made-for-TV movie The Pathfinder (1996), his second appearance in a movie adapted from a novel by James Fenimore Cooper. He appeared in Natural Born Killers (1994), as Jim Thorpe in Windrunner (1994),[29] as Sitting Bull in Buffalo Girls (1995), and appeared in 3 episodes of the miniseries Into the West (2005) as the older Running Fox.

He was a voice actor in Disney's third highest-selling feature film Pocahontas (1995) and its sequel Pocahontas II: Journey to a New World (1998), playing the title character's father, Chief Powhatan. Means was a guest actor in the 1997 Duckman episode "Role With It", in which Duckman takes his family on an educational trip to a "genuine Indian reservation" – which turns out to be a casino.[30] Means appeared as Billy Twofeathers in Thomas & the Magic Railroad (2000).

Means starred in Pathfinder, a 2003 movie about Vikings battling Native Americans in the New World. Means co-starred in Rez Bomb from director Steven Lewis Simpson, the first feature he acted in on his native Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. He appeared alongside Tamara Feldman, Trent Ford, and Chris Robinson. Means was also a prominent contributor to Steven Lewis Simpson's feature documentary about Pine Ridge Indian Reservations, A Thunder-Being Nation.

In 2004, Means made a guest appearance on the HBO program Curb Your Enthusiasm. Means played Wandering Bear, an American Indian with skills in landscaping and herbal medicine.[31]

Writing

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In 1995, Means published an autobiography, Where White Men Fear to Tread, written with Marvin J. Wolf. He recounted his own family's problems: his alcoholic father, and his own "fall into truancy, crime and drugs" before he discovered the American Indian Movement. The book drew criticism from a number of reviewers.[4][32][33][34][35] While Patricia Holt, book editor for the San Francisco Chronicle wrote of the book, "It's American history – warts, wounds and all."[4] In another review, writer Mari Wadsworth of the Tucson Weekly wrote: "Critical readers do well to remain skeptical of any individual, however charismatic, who claims to be the voice of authority and authenticity for any population, let alone one as diverse as the native tribes of the Americas. But whatever conclusions one makes of Means' actions and intentions, his unremitting presence and undaunted outspokenness opened a dialogue that changed the course of American history."[35]

Music, art, and media

[edit]

Russell Means recorded a CD entitled Electric Warrior with Sound of America Records, in 1993.[36] Songs include "Une Gente Indio", "Hey You, Hey Indian", "Wounded Knee Set Us Free", and "Indian Cars Go Far". This was followed in 2007 with his The Radical album, which included the controversial song "Waco: The White Man's Wounded Knee". In 2013, he was recognized by the Native American Music Awards with a Hall of Fame award.[37]

Means was an avid painter, with showings at various galleries around the country and the world.[citation needed]

The American pop artist Andy Warhol painted 18 individual portraits of Russell Means in his 1976 American Indian Series. The Dayton Art Institute holds one of the Warhol portraits in its collection.[38]

Means appeared as a character in the adventure video game Under a Killing Moon,[39] by Access Software, in 1994.

Means is the focus of the 2014 documentary Conspiracy To Be Free by director Colter Johnson.[40]

In 2016 the artist Magneto Dayo and The Lakota Medicine Men did a tribute song dedicated to Russell Means and Richard Oakes called "The Journey" on the album Royalty of the UnderWorld.

In 1999, Russell taped six community television half-hour programs in Santa Monica, under the title of "The Russell Means Show" produced by Helene E. Hagan (Adelphia Coimmnications). As Host for the series, he interviewed guests Sacheen Littlefeather, Greg Sarris, Kateri Walker and Redbone. The last two programs were Commentaries on Colonialism and Consumerism. The series has been archived at the Oglala Lakota College Library.

Personal life

[edit]

Means was married five times; the first four marriages ended in divorce. He was married to his fifth wife, Pearl Means, until his death.[11] His wife Pearl died ten years later in May 2022, at the age of 62.[41][42] He had a total of ten children: seven biological children and three adopted children, who were "adopted in the Lakota way",[43] including Tatanka Means who is also an actor.

As "a grandfather with twenty-two grandchildren", Russell Means divided his time "between Chinle, Navajo Nation, Arizona, and Porcupine, South Dakota."[2]

[edit]

On December 29, 1997, Means, then 58, was arrested for assault and battery of his 56-year-old father-in-law Leon Grant, a member of the Omaha Nation married to a Diné (Navajo) Nation. AIM Grand Governing Council issued a press release to reiterate its separation from Means.[33]

Illness and death

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In August 2011, Means was diagnosed with esophageal cancer.[44][45] His doctors told him his condition was inoperable.[11] He told the Associated Press that he was rejecting "mainstream medical treatments in favor of traditional American Indian remedies and alternative treatments away from his home on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation".[46] In late September, Means reported that through tomotherapy, the tumor had diminished greatly.[47] Later, he said that his tumor was "95% gone."[48] On December 5 of that year, Means stated that he "beat cancer", and that he had beat "the death penalty."[49]

The following year, however, his health continued to decline and he died on October 22, 2012, at age 72.[11] A family statement said, "Our dad and husband now walks among our ancestors."[50]

ABC News said Means "spent a lifetime as a modern American Indian warrior ... , railed against broken treaties, fought for the return of stolen land and even took up arms against the federal government ... , called national attention to the plight of impoverished tribes and often lamented the waning of Indian culture."[51] Among the tributes was one writer's belief that "his face should have been on Mt. Rushmore."[52] The New York Times said Means "became as well-known a Native American as Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse."[53]

Means was cremated and his ashes were sprinkled throughout the Black Hills.

Filmography

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Film

[edit]

Television

[edit]
  • Walker, Texas Ranger – Episode: "Plague" – Luther Iron Shirt (1996)
  • The West – documentary TV series – Episodes: "The People" and "Fight No More Forever" (Voice) (1996)
  • Touched by an Angel – Episode : "Written in Dust" – Edison (1996)
  • Remember WENN – Episode: "And How!" – Joseph Greyhawk (1997)
  • Duckman – Episode: "Role With It" – Thomas (1997)
  • Liberty's Kids – Episodes: "The New Frontier" and "Bostonians" (2002)
  • The Profiler – Episode: "The Sorcerer's Apprentice" – Uncle Joe (1997)
  • Nash Bridges – Episodes: "Downtime" and "Lady Killer" – Dexter Birdsong (1998)
  • Black Cat Run (TV movie) – Ten Reed (1998)[55]
  • Family Law – Episode: "Americans" - James Saginaw (2001)
  • Curb Your Enthusiasm - Season 4 – Episode 8 – Wandering Bear (2004)
  • Into the West – TV Mini-Series – 3 episodes – Older Running Fox (2005)
  • American Experience – TV Series documentary – Episode: "We Shall Remain: Part V – Wounded Knee" – Himself (2009)
  • Banshee (TV series) – Benjamin Longshadow (4 episodes) (2013)

Other appearances

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  • Under a Killing Moon – Video Game - The Chameleon (1994)
  • The Making of 'Pocahontas': A Legend Comes to Life – TV Movie documentary - Himself (Voice of 'Chief Powhatan') (1995)
  • Images of Indians: How Hollywood Stereotyped the Native American – TV Movie documentary – Himself (2003)
  • Looks Twice – Short – (2005)
  • Wounded Heart: Pine Ridge and the Sioux – Video documentary – Himself / narrator (2006)
  • Turok - Son of Stone Video (2008)
  • Questions for Crazy Horse – Documentary – Himself (2010)
  • The Sasquatch and The Girl – Short (2010)

Bibliography

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References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Russell Means

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Russell Charles Means (November 10, 1939 – October 22, 2012) was an Oglala Lakota activist, actor, and political candidate renowned for his militant leadership in the (AIM) and unyielding demands for Native American treaty rights and sovereignty. Born on the in , Means co-founded the Cleveland American Indian Center in 1969 and quickly emerged as AIM's national director, orchestrating high-profile protests including the 1973 armed occupation of Wounded Knee that spotlighted government treaty violations but also resulted in deadly clashes and federal indictments. His confrontational style drew widespread media attention to Native grievances yet sparked internal AIM divisions, with critics accusing him of self-aggrandizement and authoritarian tendencies amid allegations of financial improprieties and personal violence. Later, Means transitioned to acting, portraying Chingachgook in the 1992 film , and sought the Libertarian Party's 1988 presidential nomination to challenge federal overreach as an extension of reservation-like oppression on all Americans.

Early Life

Childhood and Family

Russell Means was born on November 10, 1939, in on the in to parents of Lakota descent: his father, Walter "Hank" Means, an Oglala Lakota, and his mother, Theodora Louise Feather, a Yankton Dakota. The family included Means and two siblings, living amid the reservation's entrenched , where federal dependency programs provided limited relief but perpetuated cycles of economic stagnation and cultural erosion. His father's exacerbated household instability, contributing to early familial stressors that Means later described as formative in his . At age three, economic pressures prompted the family's relocation from Pine Ridge to the , specifically , as part of broader U.S. government efforts to assimilate Native Americans through urban migration programs. These moves exposed Means to acute identity conflicts, as disconnection from Lakota traditions clashed with urban , substandard schooling, and persistent ; reservation life expectancy for Native Americans at the time lagged years behind national averages due to such systemic deprivation. The family's reliance on federal relocation incentives highlighted paternalistic policies that prioritized integration over self-sufficiency, fostering Means' early resentment toward government interventions that failed to alleviate hardship.

Education and Early Struggles

Means experienced academic difficulties during his childhood, attending public schools in , where he encountered racial taunts and maintained poor grades. He barely graduated from San Leandro High School in 1958. In the early , Means briefly attended multiple institutions of higher education, including Oakland City College and , but withdrew without obtaining a degree due to with academic experiences and emerging personal challenges. Throughout his late teens and , Means grappled with self-destructive behaviors, including delinquency, street fights, drug use, and —patterns exacerbated by urban relocation that severed ties to reservation-based cultural supports and fostered alienation among Native youth. These issues manifested in petty criminality, such as con artistry, and unstable employment in roles like , reflecting broader cycles of dependency and failure to sustain professional trajectories amid systemic disruptions to indigenous social structures. By 1969, Means relocated to Cleveland, Ohio, where he secured funding to establish the Cleveland American Indian Center, an initiative aiding urban Native adaptation through services like job placement and cultural programs, signaling an initial pivot from individual chaos toward rudimentary community leadership without resolving underlying personal instabilities.

Rise in Native American Activism

Founding Role in AIM

The American Indian Movement (AIM) was established on July 28, 1968, in , , by activists including and to confront urban Native American challenges such as police brutality, housing discrimination, and economic marginalization faced by relocated indigenous populations. Russell Means, a Lakota , emerged as an early and influential figure in AIM after joining in late 1968 or early 1969, contributing to its expansion by founding the chapter in 1970—the organization's first outside —and serving as its director, where he pursued legal actions against cultural appropriation, including a $9 million lawsuit against the Cleveland Indians baseball team over its "" mascot. Means ascended to AIM's first national director in 1970, helping steer the group toward assertive advocacy for indigenous sovereignty and treaty rights. AIM's foundational objectives under leaders like Means emphasized enforcing over 370 ratified treaties between Native tribes and the U.S. government, many violated through land seizures and unfulfilled promises dating to the 19th century, such as the failure to return Black Hills territory to the Lakota as stipulated in the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie after gold discoveries prompted federal abrogations. Early militant tactics, including Means' participation in the 1969-1971 Alcatraz Island occupation by Indians of All Tribes—a coalition invoking the federal policy of returning unused lands to tribes—included demands for self-determination and critiques of assimilationist policies that displaced Natives to urban poverty. These efforts culminated in the 1972 Trail of Broken Treaties caravan, organized by AIM and involving Means, which converged on Washington, D.C., with over 500 participants presenting a 20-point manifesto calling for treaty reviews, restoration of 110 million acres of seized lands, and abolition or reform of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) to curb corruption and paternalism. Central to AIM's platform was rejecting federal assimilation in favor of tribal , arguing that BIA oversight fostered dependency by monopolizing services and land management, as evidenced by reservation poverty rates exceeding 40% in the late —far above the national average of 12.6%—with median family incomes on many reservations under $3,000 annually amid high and inadequate under prolonged federal trusteeship. Means and AIM leaders contended that such conditions stemmed causally from BIA's bureaucratic inefficiencies and historical treaty breaches rather than inherent tribal failings, advocating decentralized governance to enable economic autonomy, though the militant protests' efficacy remained mixed, yielding heightened public awareness but limited immediate policy concessions amid government resistance.

Major Protests and Confrontations

In November 1972, Russell Means joined other (AIM) leaders, including , in organizing the Trail of Broken Treaties caravan, a cross-country protest that ended with the occupation of the (BIA) headquarters in Washington, D.C., from November 3 to 9. Several hundred Native activists seized the building, presenting a 20-point calling for treaty enforcement, restoration of lands, and overhaul of , but the Nixon administration offered no substantive concessions, instead negotiating a withdrawal under threat of force. During the standoff, occupants rifled through BIA files, destroying hundreds of documents to publicize evidence of bureaucratic mismanagement and unfulfilled treaty obligations. The occupation shifted sparse pre-event media coverage into widespread national attention, amplifying AIM's message on systemic Native disenfranchisement despite portraying the group as . On the Pine Ridge Reservation, Means led AIM efforts to challenge Oglala Sioux tribal chairman Dick Wilson shortly after Wilson's disputed 1972 election, accusing him of corruption, favoritism toward non-Native interests, and suppressing dissent through a private militia later dubbed GOONs (Guardians of the Oglala Nation). These pre-Wounded Knee confrontations included public campaigns to impeach Wilson and protests against his governance, such as the February 1973 Custer riot over the killing of a Sioux man in custody, which exposed simmering tribal violence and federal inaction. AIM attributed much of the ensuing unrest—including over 60 unsolved murders from 1973 to 1976—to Wilson's forces targeting traditionalists and activists, though federal investigations like RESMURS later disputed the scale and political motivations of many cases. Means' role cast him as a defiant voice against entrenched power structures, galvanizing support among reservation dissidents. These actions boosted national discourse on Native poverty, land loss, and broken treaties, pressuring policymakers and inspiring broader indigenous activism, yet Means' confrontational style—marked by bold declarations like readiness to die for beliefs—drew rebukes from some tribal moderates and leaders for fostering division and undermining negotiated reforms. Such rhetoric, while effective for publicity, alienated allies preferring incremental change and escalated federal response, including FBI tactics of infiltration, media smears, and arrests aimed at neutralizing AIM as a perceived threat.

Leadership in the American Indian Movement

Wounded Knee Occupation

The occupation of Wounded Knee began on February 27, 1973, when approximately 200 members of the (AIM), including Lakota residents dissatisfied with tribal governance, seized the village on the in . Led by Russell Means and , the protesters targeted corruption and authoritarianism under Sioux tribal chairman Richard Wilson, demanding his removal, an end to federal interference in reservation affairs, and U.S. hearings to investigate violations of treaties dating to the . The group fortified positions in local buildings, including a church and , and armed themselves with rifles, shotguns, and limited ammunition to resist eviction, framing the action as a stand for amid longstanding grievances over land loss and unfulfilled federal obligations. The federal government responded by deploying U.S. Marshals, FBI agents, and National Guard units to establish a perimeter around the 2-square-mile area, imposing roadblocks that restricted food, medicine, and supplies entering the village under a declared state of civil disorder. Means emerged as a primary negotiator for the occupiers, engaging in intermittent talks mediated by figures like Senator James Abourezk and Assistant Attorney General Kent Frizzell, though sessions often broke down amid mutual distrust and sporadic gunfire exchanges. Over the 71-day standoff, two Native participants—Frank Clearwater and Buddy LaMonte—were killed by gunfire attributed to federal forces, while one FBI agent was seriously wounded; dozens more on both sides sustained injuries from bullets or crossfire, with federal estimates citing thousands of rounds exchanged in intense nights of shooting. The siege concluded on May 8, 1973, when occupiers agreed to lay down arms and evacuate in exchange for safe passage and promises of further dialogue, though core demands for Wilson's ouster and probes went unmet, leaving the tribal power structure intact. While the event generated extensive national and international media coverage—drawing comparisons to the Wounded Knee Massacre and spotlighting Native disenfranchisement—it yielded no immediate policy concessions, such as formal congressional reviews, and exacerbated short-term hardships on Pine Ridge through supply disruptions and heightened tensions. Post-occupation, Means faced multiple arrests on charges including assault, rioting, and related to the events, though federal trials against him and Banks collapsed in 1974 due to evidence of , including suppressed exculpatory information. Causally, the occupation amplified visibility for Native , contributing to broader scrutiny of federal-tribal relations and policies in subsequent years, yet empirical outcomes reveal limited tangible advances in enforcement or reservation governance, with Pine Ridge experiencing persistent and internal divisions rather than economic uplift or resolved corruption. The reliance on armed confrontation set a for federal responses to protests, fostering distrust without altering systemic non-compliance, as subsequent on the reservation underscored the action's failure to deliver structural reforms.

Conflicts on Pine Ridge Reservation

Following the 1973 Wounded Knee occupation, Russell Means and other (AIM) members focused on protecting traditional Lakota residents on the Pine Ridge Reservation from the regime of Oglala Sioux Tribal President Richard Wilson, whose administration was accused of corruption and authoritarian tactics. Wilson's private militia, known as the (GOONs), received federal funding through the (BIA) and was deployed to suppress opposition, including AIM supporters advocating for accountability in tribal governance. In 1974 and 1975, Means participated in armed civilian patrols to safeguard communities from GOON incursions, which escalated into frequent shootouts amid a broader cycle of intratribal violence. The period saw a dramatic surge in homicides on Pine Ridge, with the murder rate reaching 170 per 100,000 residents between and March 1976—the highest in the United States at the time—often linked to political rivalries and GOON activities targeting dissidents. Means himself was shot multiple times in confrontations during this era, exemplifying the targeted violence against AIM figures; he described such actions as defensive measures against systemic oppression enabled by BIA-backed elected tribal structures that undermined traditional Lakota governance. These elected councils, Means argued, fostered and graft, diverting federal resources while eroding ; he advocated restoring treaty-based traditional leadership to address root causes like pervasive poverty, where reservation-wide unemployment exceeded 80% in the mid-1970s, perpetuating dependency on BIA programs. Despite drawing federal attention—including increased FBI presence—these efforts yielded no fundamental reforms to tribal or violence prevention, as Wilson's administration retained power and GOON operations persisted. The unresolved tensions contributed to AIM's organizational decline by the late 1970s, with Means later testifying to about entrenched BIA-tribal that prioritized control over community welfare, leaving cycles of unsolved crimes and economic despair intact.

Internal Divisions and Controversies in AIM

Leadership Splits and Power Struggles

In the years following the 1973 Wounded Knee occupation, the (AIM) grappled with deepening factionalism, exacerbated by disagreements over organizational structure, tactical approaches, and leadership styles during Russell Means' tenure as a prominent figure. Means, who had served as national chairman, resigned in November 1974 to campaign for president of the Oglala Sioux Tribe, a move amid escalating internal pressures including critiques of centralized decision-making under his influence. These tensions highlighted broader rifts, such as those with co-founder , who prioritized urban social services and legal advocacy for Native Americans in cities like , contrasting Means' advocacy for treaty-based sovereignty and cultural revitalization on reservations. Ideological divergences fueled the emergence of factions, with Means gravitating toward autonomous chapters like AIM-Colorado, which emphasized defense of traditional lands over institutionalized reforms. By the late , these splits manifested in competing visions: Means and supporters pushed for decentralized, culturally rooted , while Bellecourt and allies favored structured national coordination to systemic urban and . Such divisions, compounded by post-occupation fatigue and external pressures, eroded AIM's unified front, resulting in diminished national influence by the 1980s. Former members attributed much of the discord to personal ambitions and inadequate democratic mechanisms, decrying AIM's reliance on over collective ; for instance, Bellecourt's later portrayed Means' repeated departures and returns as self-serving, prioritizing media attention over sustained organizing. These critiques underscored organizational weaknesses, including opaque transitions and unresolved power imbalances, which hindered effective advocacy and led to fragmented efforts across regional chapters.

Allegations of Violence and the Annie Mae Aquash Murder

Annie Mae Pictou Aquash, a activist and member of the (AIM), disappeared on December 12, 1975, after leaving a safe house in , amid internal suspicions within AIM that she was an FBI informant. Her frozen body was discovered on February 24, 1976, on the , initially misidentified as a Jane Doe and ruled a death by exposure; a subsequent revealed an execution-style .38-caliber to the back of the head, with her hands severed for fingerprint identification, fueling allegations of a tied to AIM's paranoia over federal infiltration during the era. Russell Means, a prominent AIM leader, was questioned by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in 1976 regarding Aquash's whereabouts but denied any knowledge of her fate, instead attributing suspicions to unnamed informants and dismissing claims of AIM involvement. The Aquash murder exemplified broader allegations of violence associated with AIM activities on Pine Ridge Reservation between 1973 and 1976, a period marked by over 60 unsolved homicides—the highest per capita murder rate in the United States at the time—often linked to factional clashes between AIM supporters and traditionalists or the tribal government aligned with the . Critics, including some Lakota tribal members, accused AIM of forming vigilante "goon squads" responsible for beatings, shootings, and tactics during occupations and enforcement of internal discipline, viewing such actions as excesses beyond legitimate resistance to corruption or federal overreach. Means and other AIM leaders defended these incidents as defensive measures against attempts by reservation authorities or FBI provocateurs, framing violence as a necessary response to systemic rather than unprovoked . No charges were ever filed against Means in connection with Aquash's death or related violence, despite persistent claims from activists and family members that AIM either incited paranoia leading to the killing or obstructed investigations by portraying victims as informants. In the , federal and state trials resulted in convictions of AIM members directly involved: received a life sentence in 2004 for and felony murder, John Graham was convicted in 2010 of felony murder with a life term (affirmed on appeal in 2012), and others like Theda Clark pleaded guilty to lesser roles in . These outcomes highlighted accountability gaps, as higher-level AIM figures, including Means, maintained denials of complicity while critics argued the convictions exposed a pattern of internal purges and cover-ups unchecked by , leaving dozens of Pine Ridge cases unresolved amid debates over evidentiary disputes and informant allegations.

Libertarian Politics and Sovereignty Advocacy

Presidential Campaign and Anti-Government Views

In May 1987, Russell Means announced his candidacy for the 1988 Libertarian Party presidential nomination, positioning himself as a critic of federal by drawing parallels between the oppression faced by Native Americans on reservations and the growing governmental control over all Americans. His campaign , "We will prove to every American that America is becoming one big ," encapsulated this view, arguing that bureaucratic overreach eroded personal freedoms in a manner similar to the systemic constraints imposed on indigenous communities. Means' platform emphasized opposition to the , advocating against government welfare payments to individuals, which he saw as fostering dependency akin to the conditions on reservations perpetuated by federal policies. He critiqued federal agencies like the for entrenching poverty and dysfunction through paternalistic control, extending this analysis to broader anti-government stances that prioritized individual and tribal over centralized . Means argued that true required dismantling such structures, using Native experiences as of how government intervention led to cultural erosion and rather than . At the in September , Means secured 31 percent of the delegate vote but lost the nomination to . His bid highlighted Native American grievances within libertarian discourse, introducing arguments for as a bulwark against federal overreach and influencing discussions on government dependency's role in societal decline. While some contemporaries dismissed the effort as leveraging his activism for broader visibility, Means' campaign substantiated claims of bureaucratic harm with references to reservation realities, where federal programs correlated with persistent high rates of and social issues.

Republic of Lakotah Declaration

In December 2007, Russell Means, acting as a chief facilitator and spokesperson for the Lakota Freedom Delegation, announced the unilateral withdrawal of the Lakota Nation from all existing treaties with the , declaring the formation of the Republic of Lakotah as an independent sovereign state. The proclamation, formally presented in , on December 19 following a withdrawal notice issued earlier that week, justified the action by asserting that the U.S. government had violated 371 treaties with Native American tribes, rendering them null and void under . The claimed territory spanned portions of five states—, , , , and —encompassing approximately 170,000 square miles based on unceded lands from the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie and subsequent illegal seizures. The declaration outlined demands including the immediate repatriation of all treaty-guaranteed lands, the return of the Black Hills (awarded to the Sioux by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1980 with compensation that the tribes rejected), and the establishment of a Lakotah-based economy rejecting U.S. fiat currency in favor of gold- and silver-backed systems. Delegation members, including Means, stated that Lakotah residents would no longer recognize U.S. citizenship, taxes, or jurisdiction, positioning the republic as a de jure entity predating U.S. colonial imposition. However, the initiative lacked endorsement from elected Lakota tribal councils, such as the Oglala Sioux Tribe, which emphasized that Means and his group did not represent official tribal positions. Public reception was limited to media attention and fringe support, with no diplomatic recognition from any sovereign nation despite petitions delivered to embassies of countries including , the , and in February 2008. The U.S. State Department and rejected the claims outright, affirming that federal-tribal relations operated under domestic law and that unilateral treaty abrogation held no legal force. While proponents, including Means, argued it revived awareness of historical treaty breaches—such as the U.S. failure to uphold 33 specific Lakota agreements promising land, health, and education services—critics within Native communities labeled it quixotic and disruptive, noting its disregard for internal tribal governance divisions and the economic impracticality of severing federal aid, which constituted over 90% of reservation funding at the time. The effort yielded no tangible advancements in sovereignty or land recovery, underscoring the causal barriers posed by entrenched legal precedents and the absence of unified tribal or international backing.

Cultural and Media Contributions

Acting Roles and Public Image

Means achieved his acting breakthrough portraying , the stoic Mohican warrior and adoptive father, in Michael Mann's 1992 historical drama , a role that leveraged his Lakota background for an authentic depiction of indigenous resilience amid colonial conflict. Critics noted Means' performance added gravitas and cultural depth, with director Mann later recalling his commanding presence as pivotal to the film's portrayal of Native agency. The film's commercial success, grossing over $75 million worldwide on a $40 million budget, elevated Means' visibility, transitioning his image from AIM firebrand to a figure bridging and . Subsequent roles reinforced typecasting as indigenous fighters or sages, including the enigmatic Old Indian in Oliver Stone's Natural Born Killers (1994), where he appeared in a hallucinatory sequence symbolizing spiritual reckoning. Over the next two decades, Means amassed more than 30 credits across film and television, such as voicing Chief in Disney's (1995) and appearances in shows like , often embodying warriors whose dignity underscored themes of sovereignty and survival. These parts funded his ongoing , enabling and legal efforts for Native , while reviews frequently commended his unpolished intensity as a counter to Hollywood stereotypes. Yet Means' Hollywood foray sparked backlash from segments of Native circles, who derided it as self-aggrandizement that diluted anti-imperialist purity by engaging assimilationist media structures. Detractors argued his celebrity status commodified indigenous pain for profit, betraying AIM's rejection of mainstream co-optation, though Means countered that visibility amplified unheeded voices without compromising core principles. This duality—militant turned media fixture—solidified a polarizing public persona: inspirational to some for infiltrating cultural narratives, opportunistic to others amid persistent that limited narrative range.

Writings, Music, and Artistic Endeavors

Means co-authored the autobiography Where White Men Fear to Tread with Marvin J. Wolf, published on January 1, 1995, which details his early life as an , his entry into activism, leadership in the , and pointed criticisms of white liberal attitudes toward Native Americans, portraying them as condescending and harmful to indigenous . The book spans 624 pages and draws on Means' firsthand experiences, including occupations and confrontations with federal authorities, to argue for Lakota sovereignty and cultural revival over assimilationist policies. In music, Means released Electric Warrior in 1993 via Sound of America Records (catalog SOAR 603), a 16-track album produced with Robby Bee that fuses Lakota chants and indigenous themes with rock elements, addressing nuclear threats to native lands and the persistence of AIM's goals in songs like "AIM Is Still Alive" (2:04) and "Lost at Sea" (1:20). He followed with The Radical in 1996, continuing to integrate advocacy for Native American struggles with musical expression to highlight themes of resistance and traditionalism. These recordings positioned Means as a advocate but garnered niche reception primarily among indigenous audiences rather than mainstream commercial breakthrough. Means also engaged in visual arts as a painter, producing works exhibited in galleries throughout the and abroad, often centered on Lakota heritage, spirituality, and opposition to cultural erasure. His artistic output complemented his by visually reinforcing narratives of indigenous resilience, though it remained secondary to his and organizational roles, with no documented large-scale auctions or widespread critical acclaim beyond activist circles.

Personal Life

Marriages and Family Dynamics

Russell Means married five times, with his first four marriages ending in divorce. His fourth wife was Gloria Grant, a Navajo educator and former rodeo rider. He wed his fifth wife, Pearl Daniels Means, in 1999, and they remained married until his death in 2012; Means spent his later years with her, focusing on caring for children. Means fathered ten children across his relationships, including three adopted in the Lakota tradition, reflecting structures common in some Native communities. One son, , pursued acting and carried forward elements of his father's public persona through roles in film and involvement in Native advocacy. The frequent relocations and demands of Means' activism contributed to family instability, as evidenced by the succession of divorces, mirroring elevated divorce rates documented in Native American populations amid socioeconomic pressures like and cultural disruption. Russell Means faced numerous arrests over his lifetime, many stemming from his confrontational but others from personal altercations that highlighted patterns of . He was charged with felony offenses including assault, conspiracy, and larceny following the 1973 Wounded Knee occupation, but in 1974, a federal judge dismissed the case against Means and co-defendant , citing such as suppression of and witness intimidation. In a related 1974 courthouse riot in involving clashes between supporters and law enforcement, Means pleaded guilty in 1976 to a charge, receiving a 30-day jail sentence. He later served a one-year term starting in 1978 after on an obstruction of justice charge tied to the same incident, though this felony was pardoned in 2003 by Governor . Means encountered further legal issues in 1998 on the , where he was charged with misdemeanor assault, battery, and threatening offenses against his 80-year-old father-in-law Leon Grant and another individual, , during a family dispute. Although Means, a non- tribal member despite his decade-long residence there via marriage, challenged the tribe's jurisdiction, a 2005 federal appeals court ruling upheld the 's authority to prosecute non-members for on-reservation crimes, potentially exposing him to up to 180 days in jail and fines per count. Means maintained the actions were in amid provocation, but victims portrayed them as unprovoked family violence. These personal legal entanglements drew criticism for reflecting reckless aggression that damaged Means' credibility among some Native communities and observers, who argued such behavior reinforced stereotypes and distracted from broader causes. Supporters countered that the legal system exhibited bias against Native individuals, with disproportionate scrutiny and harsher outcomes compared to non-Indians in similar disputes, echoing patterns seen in Means' protest-related cases. No major civil battery suits by ex-wives were resolved against him in public records, though allegations persisted in critiques of his conduct.

Decline, Death, and Legacy

Illness and Final Years

In July , Russell Means was diagnosed with advanced , deemed inoperable by physicians at the time. His longstanding history of , which he publicly acknowledged as contributing to personal and familial disruptions prior to entering a program in the early , aligned with established risk factors for the disease, including chronic heavy drinking that damages esophageal tissues. Means initially refused mainstream treatments such as and , opting instead for traditional Native American remedies combined with alternative therapies, citing aversion to procedures like tube feeding and hospital confinement. He later pursued tomotherapy, a precise form of intensity-modulated , at an alternative medical facility, reporting in late September 2011 that the tumor had diminished greatly—claiming it was 95% reduced—and declaring himself cancer-free by December. From his ranch near Porcupine, South Dakota, on the Pine Ridge Reservation, Means sustained limited activism amid declining health, focusing on sovereignty issues while rejecting further conventional interventions in favor of holistic approaches. In public statements and interviews during this period, he contemplated mortality through a spiritual lens, asserting he would "come back as lightning" and reiterating critiques of U.S. government authority over Native affairs as a form of ongoing colonization.

Assessments of Achievements and Criticisms

Means' leadership in the (AIM) during the 1970s is credited with revitalizing Native American activism, drawing national and international attention to issues of treaty violations, land rights, and cultural erosion through high-profile actions like the 1973 Wounded Knee occupation. This period saw increased federal responsiveness, culminating in policies such as the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, which allowed tribes greater control over programs previously managed by the , partly in response to AIM's advocacy for over paternalistic oversight. His infusion of libertarian principles into Native discourse challenged prevailing left-leaning models of government dependency, emphasizing individual responsibility and anti-statist as pathways to tribal autonomy, as evidenced by his 1988 Libertarian presidential bid where he advocated for minimal infringement on personal freedoms. Critics argue that Means' militant tactics, including armed standoffs, escalated confrontations with authorities and resulted in fatalities without commensurate policy victories, fracturing internal AIM cohesion and alienating potential allies. Personal attributes, such as perceived ego and legal entanglements—including a 1974 conviction for rioting during the Wounded Knee events—contributed to leadership disputes, with even AIM factions later decrying his misrepresentations of the organization's positions on and . Empirical data underscores limited socioeconomic progress: despite AIM's era, Native American rates on reservations remained elevated, with over 25% of individuals in poverty as of recent assessments and median household incomes lagging significantly below national averages, suggesting that confrontational strategies did not disrupt underlying structural dependencies. Means remains a polarizing figure, hailed by radicals as a warrior against federal overreach but viewed by traditionalists and some Native leaders as an opportunist whose showmanship undermined sustainable tribal . His anti-government critiques, rooted in rejecting welfare-state paternalism in favor of market-oriented , retain validity amid ongoing reservation economic , though his methods' divisiveness limited broader coalition-building for causal reforms.

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