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Valentinianism was one of the major Gnostic Christian movements. Founded by Valentinus (b. c. 100 CE – d. c. 165 CE)[1] in the 2nd century, its influence spread widely, not just within the Roman Empire but also from northwest Africa to Egypt through to Asia Minor and Syria in the east.[2] Later in the movement's history, it broke into Eastern and a Western schools.[further explanation needed] The Valentinian movement remained active until the 4th century, declining after Emperor Theodosius I issued the Edict of Thessalonica in 380, which established Nicene Christianity as the state religion of the Roman Empire.[3]

No evidence exists that Valentinus was labeled a heretic during his lifetime. Irenaeus of Lyons, who was the first patristic source to describe Valentinus's teachings—though likely incompletely and with a bias toward the time's proto-orthodox Christianity—did not finish his apologetic work Against Heresies until the latter 2nd century, likely sometime after Valentinus's death.[4][5][6] The rapid growth of the Valentinian Gnostic movement—named eponymously after Valentinus—after his death prompted early Christian thought leaders, such as Irenaeus and later Hippolytus of Rome, to write apologetic works against Valentinus and Valentinianism, which conflicted with proto-orthodox theology.[5] Because the proto-orthodox camp's leadership encouraged the destruction of Gnostic texts writ large, most textual evidence regarding Valentinian theology and practice comes from its critics—particularly Irenaeus, who was highly focused on refuting Valentinianism.[7]

History

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Valentinus was born in approximately 100 AD and died in Alexandria circa 180 AD.[8] According to the Christian scholar Epiphanius of Salamis, he was born in Egypt and schooled in Alexandria, where the Gnostic Basilides was teaching. However, Clement of Alexandria (c. 150 – c. 215), another Christian scholar and teacher, reports that Valentinus was taught by Theudas, a disciple of the apostle Paul.[9] He was reputed to be an extremely eloquent man who possessed a great deal of charisma and had an innate ability to attract people.[10] He went to Rome some time between AD 136 and 140, in the time of Pope Hyginus, and had risen to the peak of his teaching career between AD 150 and 155, during the time of Pius.[11]

For some time in the mid-2nd century he was even a prominent and well-respected member of the proto-orthodox community in Rome. At one point during his career he had even hoped to attain the office of bishop, and apparently it was after he was passed over for the position that he broke from the Catholic Church.[9] Valentinus was said to have been a prolific writer; however, the only surviving remains of his work come from quotes that have been transmitted by Clement of Alexandria, Hippolytus and Marcellus of Ancyra. Most scholars also believe that Valentinus wrote the Gospel of Truth, one of the Nag Hammadi texts.[8]

Notable Valentinians included Heracleon (fl. ca. 175), Ptolemy, Florinus, Axionicus and Theodotus.

The Valentinian system

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The theology that Irenaeus attributed to Valentinus is extremely complicated and difficult to follow. There is some skepticism among scholars that the system actually originated with him, and many believe that the system Irenaeus was counteracting was the construct of later Valentinians.

Synopsis

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According to Irenaeus, the Valentinians believed that at the beginning there was a Pleroma (literally, a 'fullness'). At the centre of the Pleroma was the primal Father or Bythos, the beginning of all things who, after ages of silence and contemplation, emanated thirty Aeons, heavenly archetypes representing fifteen syzygies or sexually complementary pairs. Among them was Sophia. According to the symbolic narrative, Sophia's weakness, curiosity and passion led to her fall from the Pleroma and the creation of the world and man, both of which are flawed. Valentinians identified the god of the Old Testament to occasionally be the Demiurge,[12] the imperfect creator of the material world.

Man, the highest being in this material world, participates in both the spiritual and the material nature. The work of redemption consists in freeing the former from the latter. One needed to recognize the Father, the depth of all being, as the true source of divine power in order to achieve gnosis (knowledge).[13] The Valentinians believed that the attainment of this knowledge by the human individual had positive consequences within the universal order and contributed to restoring that order,[14] and that gnosis assists and complements faith, the key to salvation. Clement wrote that the Valentinians regarded Catholic Christians "as simple people to whom they attributed faith, while they think that gnosis is in themselves. Through the excellent seed that is to be found in them, they are by nature redeemed, and their gnosis is as far removed from faith as the spiritual from the physical".[15]

Aeons

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The superstructure of the celestial system, the celestial world of Aeons, is summarized.[16] The Aeons are considered part of God, or the Monad, and belong to the purely ideal, noumenal, intelligible, or supersensible world; they are immaterial, they are hypostatic ideas. Together with the source from which they emanate they form the Pleroma. The transition from the immaterial to the material, from the noumenal to the sensible, is brought about by a flaw, or a passion, or a sin, in the female Aeon Sophia.

Scheme of the Aeons
Scheme of the Aeons

Epiphanius alleges that the Valentinians "set forth their thirty aeons in mythologic fashion, thinking that they conformed to the years of Jesus".[17] Of the eight celestial beings of the Ogdoad, four are peculiar to the Valentinian system. The third pair of Aeons, Logos and Zoe, occur only here, and the place of this pair is not firmly established, and occur sometimes before and sometimes after the fourth pair of Aeons, the Anthropos and the Ekklesia. We cannot be far wrong in suspecting that Valentinus was influenced by the prologue of the fourth Gospel (we also find the probably Johannine names Monogenes and Parakletos in the series of Aeons).[18]

Sophia

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In Valentinianism, Sophia always stands absolutely at the center of the system, and in some sense she seems to represent the supreme female principle.

Sophia is the youngest of the Aeons. Observing the multitude of Aeons and the power of begetting them, she hurries back into the depth of the Father, and seeks to emulate him by producing offspring without assistance of her male half of the syzygy, but only projects an abortion, a formless substance. Upon this she is cast out of Pleroma and into the primal sub-stratum of matter.[19] In the Valentinian systems, the fall of Sophia appears in double guise. The higher Sophia still remains within the upper world after creating a disturbance, and after her expiation and repentance; but her premature offspring, Sophia Achamoth, is removed from the Pleroma, and becomes the heroine of the rest of the drama.[18] This fallen Sophia becomes a world creative power.

Plérome de Valentin, from Histoire critique du Gnosticisme; Jacques Matter, 1826, Vol. II, Plate II.

Sophia Achamoth, or "Lower Wisdom", the daughter of "Higher Wisdom", becomes the mother of the Demiurge, identified with the God of the Old Testament.

The Gnostics are children of Sophia; from her the heavenly seed, the divine spark, descended into this lower world, subject to the Heimarmene (destiny) and in the power of hostile spirits and powers; and all their sacraments and mysteries, their formulae and symbols, must be in order to find the way upwards, back to the highest heaven. This idea that the Gnostics know themselves to be in a hostile and evil world is reflected in the conception of Sophia. She became likewise a fallen Aeon, who has sunk down into the material world and seeks to free herself from it, receiving her liberation at the hands of a heavenly Redeemer, exactly like the Gnostics.[20]

Anthropos

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The chief influence at work here seems to have been the idea of the celestial Anthropos (i.e. the Primal Man) – of whom the myth originally relates that he has sunk into matter and then raised himself up from it again – which appears in its simple form in individual Gnostic systems, e.g. in Poimandres (in the Corpus Hermeticum) and in Manichaeism.[20]

According to Valentinus,[21] the Anthropos no longer appears as the world-creative power sinking down into the material world, but as a celestial Aeon of the upper world, who stands in a clearly defined relationship to the fallen Aeon.[20] Adam was created in the name of Anthropos, and overawes the demons by the fear of the pre-existent man. This Anthropos is a cosmogonic element, pure mind as distinct from matter, mind conceived hypostatically as emanating from God and not yet darkened by contact with matter. This mind is considered as the reason of humanity, or humanity itself, as a personified idea, a category without corporeality, the human reason conceived as the World-Soul.[citation needed] It is possible that the role of the Anthropos is here transferred to Sophia Achamoth.[20]

It is also clear why the Ekklesia appears together with the Anthropos. With this is associated the community of the faithful and the redeemed, who are to share the same fate with him. Perfect gnosis (and thus the whole body of Gnostics) is connected with the Anthropos.[18][22]

Christ

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Sophia conceives a passion for the First Father himself, or rather, under pretext of love she seeks to draw near to the unattainable Bythos, the Unknowable, and to comprehend his greatness. She brings forth, through her longing for that higher being, an Aeon who is higher and purer than herself, and at once rises into the celestial Aeons. Christ has pity on the abortive substance born of Sophia and gives it essence and form, whereupon Sophia tries to rise again to the Father, but in vain. In the enigmatic figure of Christ we again find hidden the original conception of the Primal Man, who sinks down into matter but rises again.[18]

In the fully developed Ptolemaean system we find a kindred conception, but with a slight difference. Here Christ and Sophia appear as a syzygy, with Christ representing the higher and Sophia the lower element. When this world has been born from Sophia in consequence of her passion, two Aeons, Nous (mind) and Aletheia (truth), by command of the Father, produce two new Aeons, Christ and the Holy Ghost; these restore order in the Pleroma, and in consequence all Aeons combine their best and most wonderful qualities to produce a new Aeon (Jesus, Logos, Soter, or Christ), the "First Fruits" whom they offer to the Father. And this celestial redeemer-Aeon now enters into a marriage with the fallen Aeon; they are the "bride and bridegroom". It is boldly stated in the exposition in Hippolytus' Philosophumena that they produce between them 70 celestial angels.[23]

This myth can be connected with the historic Jesus of Nazareth by further relating that Christ, having been united to the Sophia, descends into the earthly Jesus, the son of Mary.[20]

Horos

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A figure entirely peculiar to Valentinian Gnostic thought is that of Horos (the Limiter). The name is perhaps an echo of the Egyptian Horus.[18][24]

The task of Horos is to separate the fallen Aeons from the upper world of Aeons. At the same time he becomes a kind of world-creative power, who in this capacity helps to construct an ordered world out of Sophia and her passions. He is also called Stauros (cross), and we frequently meet with references to the figure of Stauros. Speculations about the Stauros are older than Christianity, and a Platonic conception may have been at work here. Plato had already stated that the World-Soul revealed itself in the form of the letter chi (Χ), by which he meant that figure described in the heavens by the intersecting orbits of the sun and the planetary ecliptic. Since through this double orbit all the movements of the heavenly powers are determined, so all "becoming" and all life depend on it, and thus we can understand the statement that the World-Soul appears in the form of a Χ, or a cross.[18]

The cross can also stand for the wondrous Aeon on whom depends the ordering and life of the world, and thus Horos-Stauros appears here as the first redeemer of Sophia from her passions, and as the orderer of the creation of the world which now begins. Naturally, then, the figure of Horos-Stauros was often assimilated to that of the Christian Redeemer.[18] We possibly find echoes of this in the Gospel of Peter, where the Cross itself is depicted as speaking and even floating out of the tomb.[citation needed]

Monism

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Peculiarly Valentinian is the above-mentioned derivation of the material world from the passions of Sophia. Whether this already formed part of the original system of Valentinus is questionable, but at any rate it plays a prominent part in the Valentinian school, and consequently appears with the most diverse variations in the account given by Irenaeus. By it is effected the comparative monism of the Valentinian system, and the dualism of the conception of two separate worlds of light and darkness is overcome:[18]

This collection [of passions] … was the substance of the matter from which this world was formed. From [her desire of] returning [to him who gave her life], every soul belonging to this world, and that of the Demiurge himself, derived its origin. All other things owed their beginning to her terror and sorrow. For from her tears all that is of a liquid nature was formed; from her smile all that is lucent; and from her grief and perplexity all the corporeal elements of the world.[25]

Demiurge

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This derivation of the material world from the passions of the fallen Sophia is next affected by an older theory, which probably occupied an important place in the main Valentinian system. According to this theory the son of Sophia, whom she forms on the model of the Christ who has disappeared in the Pleroma, becomes the Demiurge, who with his angels now appears as the real-world creative power.[18]

According to the older conception, he was an evil and malicious offspring of his mother, who has already been deprived of any particle of light.[21][failed verification] In the Valentinian systems, the Demiurge was the offspring of a union of Sophia Achamoth with matter, and appears as the fruit of Sophia's repentance and conversion.[18] But as Achamoth herself was only the daughter of Sophia, the last of the thirty Aeons, the Demiurge was distant by many emanations from the Supreme God. The Demiurge in creating this world out of Chaos was unconsciously influenced for good by Christ; and the universe, to the surprise even of its Maker, became almost perfect. The Demiurge regretted even its slight imperfection, and as he thought himself the Supreme God, he attempted to remedy this by sending a Messiah. To this Messiah, however, was actually united Christ the Saviour, who redeemed men.

Creation of Man

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With the doctrine of the creation of the world is connected the subject of the creation of man. According to it, the world-creating angels – not one, but many – create man, but the seed of the spirit comes into their creature without their knowledge, by the agency of a higher celestial Aeon, and they are then terrified by the faculty of speech by which their creature rises above them and try to destroy him.[18]

It is significant that Valentinus himself is credited with having written a treatise upon the threefold nature of man,[26] who is represented as at once spiritual, psychical, and material. In accordance with this there also arise three classes of men: the pneumatici, the psychici, and the hylici.[18] This doctrine dates at least as far back as Plato's Republic.

  • The first, the material, will return to the grossness of matter and finally be consumed by fire.
  • The second, or psychical, together with the Demiurge as their master, will enter a middle state, neither heaven (Pleroma) nor hell (matter).
  • The third, the purely spiritual men will be completely freed from the influence of the Demiurge and together with the Saviour and Achamoth, his spouse, will enter the Pleroma divested of body and soul.

However, it is not a unanimous belief that material or psychical people were hopeless. Some have argued from the existent sources that humans could reincarnate in any of the three times, therefore a material or psychical person might have the chance to reborn in a future lifetime as a spiritual one.[27]

We also find ideas that emphasize the distinction between the soma psychikon and the soma pneumatikon:

Perfect redemption is the cognition itself of the ineffable greatness: for since through ignorance came about the defect … the whole system springing from ignorance is dissolved in gnosis. Therefore gnosis is the redemption of the inner man; and it is not of the body, for the body is corruptible; nor is it psychical, for even the soul is a product of the defect and it is a lodging to the spirit: pneumatic (spiritual) therefore also must be redemption itself. Through gnosis, then, is redeemed the inner, spiritual man: so that to us suffices the gnosis of universal being: and this is the true redemption.[28]

Soteriology

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Salvation is not merely individual redemption of each human soul; it is a cosmic process. It is the return of all things to what they were before the flaw in the sphere of the Aeons brought matter into existence and imprisoned some part of the Divine Light into the evil Hyle (matter). This setting free of the light sparks is the process of salvation; when all light shall have left Hyle, it will be burnt up and destroyed.

In Valentinianism the process is extraordinarily elaborate, and we find here developed particularly clearly the myth of the heavenly marriage.[29] This myth, as we shall see more fully below, and as may be mentioned here, is of great significance for the practical piety of the Valentinian Gnostics. It is the chief idea of their pious practices mystically to repeat the experience of this celestial union of the Saviour with Sophia. In this respect, consequently, the myth underwent yet wider development. Just as the Saviour is the bridegroom of Sophia, so the heavenly angels, who sometimes appear as the sons of the Saviour and Sophia, sometimes as the escort of the Saviour, are the males betrothed to the souls of the Gnostics, which are looked upon as feminine. Thus every Gnostic had her unfallen counterpart standing in the presence of God, and the object of a pious life was to bring about and experience this inner union with the celestial abstract personage. This leads us straight to the sacramental ideas of this branch of Gnosticism (see below). And it also explains the expression used of the Gnostics in Irenaeus,[30] that they always meditate upon the secret of the heavenly union (the Syzygia).[23]

"The final consummation of all things will take place when all that is spiritual has been formed and perfected by gnosis."[31]

Gnosis

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The central point of the piety of Valentinus seems to have been that mystical contemplation of God; in a letter preserved in Clement of Alexandria,[32] he sets forth that the soul of man is like an inn, which is inhabited by many evil spirits.

But when the Father, who alone is good, looks down and around him, then the soul is hallowed and lies in full light, and so he who has such a heart as this is to be called happy, for he shall behold God.[33]

But this contemplation of God, as Valentinus declares, closely and deliberately following the doctrines of the Church and with him the compiler of the Gospel of John, is accomplished through the revelation of the Son. This mystic also discusses a vision which is preserved in the Philosophumena of Hippolytus:[33]

Valentinus … had seen an infant child lately born; and questioning (this child), he proceeded to inquire who it might be. And (the child) replied, saying that he himself is the Logos, and then subjoined a sort of tragic legend...[34]

With celestial enthusiasm Valentinus here surveys and depicts the heavenly world of Aeons, and its connection with the lower world. Exalted joy of battle and a valiant courage breathe forth in the sermon in which Valentinus addresses the faithful:

Ye are from the beginning immortal and children of eternal life, and desire to divide death amongst you like a prey, in order to destroy it and utterly to annihilate it, that thus death may die in you and through you, for if ye dissolve the world, and are not yourselves dissolved, then are ye lords over creation and over all that passes away.[33][35]

Sacraments

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The authorities for the sacramental practices of the Valentinians are preserved especially in the accounts of the Marcosians given in Irenaeus i. 13 and 20, and in the last section of Clement of Alexandria's Excerpta ex Theodoto.[33]

In almost all the sacramental prayers of the Gnostics handed down to us by Irenaeus, the Mother is the object of the invocation. There are moreover various figures in the fully developed system of the Valentinians who are in the Gnostic's mind when he calls upon the Mother; sometimes it is the fallen Achamoth, sometimes the higher Sophia abiding in the celestial world, sometimes Aletheia, the consort of the supreme heavenly father, but it is always the same idea, the Mother, on whom the faith of the Gnostics is fixed. Thus a baptismal confession of faith of the Gnostics[36] runs:

In the name of the unknown Father of all, by Aletheia, the Mother of all, by the name which descended upon Jesus.[33]

Bridal Chamber

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Valentinian inscription from the grave stele of Flavia Sophe, referencing the bridal chamber.

The chief sacrament of the Valentinians seems to have been that of the bridal chamber (nymphon).[33] The Gospel of Philip, a probable Valentinian text, reads:

There were three buildings specifically for sacrifice in Jerusalem. The one facing the west was called "The Holy". Another, facing south, was called "The Holy of the Holy". The third, facing east, was called "The Holy of the Holies", the place where only the high priest enters. Baptism is "the Holy" building. Redemption is the "Holy of the Holy". "The Holy of the Holies" is the bridal chamber. Baptism includes the resurrection and the redemption; the redemption (takes place) in the bridal chamber.

As Sophia was united with the Saviour, her bridegroom, so the faithful would experience a union with their angel in the Pleroma (cf. the "Higher Self" or "Holy Guardian Angel"). The ritual of this sacrament is briefly indicated: "A few of them prepare a bridal chamber and in it go through a form of consecration, employing certain fixed formulae, which are repeated over the person to be initiated, and stating that a spiritual marriage is to be performed after the pattern of the higher Syzygia."[36] Through a fortunate chance, a liturgical formula which was used at this sacrament appears to be preserved, though in a garbled form and in an entirely different connection, the author seeming to have been uncertain as to its original meaning. It runs:

I will confer my favor upon thee, for the father of all sees thine angel ever before his face ... we must now become as one; receive now this grace from me and through me; deck thyself as a bride who awaits her bridegroom, that thou mayest become as I am, and I as thou art. Let the seed of light descend into thy bridal chamber; receive the bridegroom and give place to him, and open thine arms to embrace him. Behold, grace has descended upon thee.[37][38]

Baptism

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Besides this the Gnostics already practiced baptism, using the same form in all essentials as that of the Christian Church. The name given to baptism, at least among certain bodies, was apolytrosis (liberation); the baptismal formulae have been mentioned above.[37]

The Gnostics are baptized in the mysterious name which also descended upon Jesus at his baptism.[clarification needed] The angels of the Gnostics have also had to be baptized in this name, in order to bring about redemption for themselves and the souls belonging to them.[37][39]

In the baptismal formulae the sacred name of the Redeemer is mentioned over and over again. In one of the formulae occur the words: "I would enjoy thy name, Saviour of Truth." The concluding formula of the baptismal ceremony is: "Peace over all upon whom the Name rests."[36] This name pronounced at baptism over the faithful has above all the significance that the name will protect the soul in its ascent through the heavens, conduct it safely through all hostile powers to the lower heavens, and procure it access to Horos, who frightens back the lower souls by his magic word.[39] And for this life also baptism, in consequence of the pronouncing of the protecting name over the baptized person, accomplishes his liberation from the lower daemonic powers. Before baptism the Heimarmene is supreme, but after baptism the soul is free from her.[37][40]

According to Jorunn J. Buckley, a Mandaean baptismal formula was adopted by Valentinian Gnostics in Rome and Alexandria in the 2nd century CE.[41]: 109 

Death

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Back of the grave stele of Flavia Sophe referencing Valentinian beliefs about eternal life.

With baptism was also connected the anointing with oil, and hence we can also understand the death sacrament occurring among some Valentinians consisting in an anointing with a mixture of oil and water.[28] This death sacrament has naturally the express object of assuring the soul the way to the highest heaven "so that the soul may be intangible and invisible to the higher mights and powers".[28] In this connection we also find a few formulae which are entrusted to the faithful, so that their souls may pronounce them on their journey upwards. One of these formulae runs:

I am a son from the Father – the Father who had a pre-existence, and a son in Him who is pre-existent. I have come to behold all things, both those which belong to myself and others, although, strictly speaking, they do not belong to others, but to Achamoth, who is female in nature, and made these things for herself. For I derive being from Him who is pre-existent, and I come again to my own place whence I went forth…[42]

Another formula is appended, in which there is a distinction in the invocation between the higher and lower Sophia. Another prayer of the same style is to be found in Irenaeus i. 13, and it is expressly stated that after prayer is pronounced the Mother throws the Homeric helmet (cf. the Tarnhelm) over the faithful soul, and so makes him invisible to the mights and powers which surround and attack him.[37]

Reaction

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On the other hand, a reaction took place here and there against the sacramental rites. A pure piety, rising above mere sacramentalism, breathes in the words of the Gnostics preserved in Excerpta ex Theodoto, 78, 2:

But not baptism alone sets us free, but knowledge (gnosis): who we were, what we have become, where we were, whither we have sunk, whither we hasten, whence we are redeemed, what is birth and what rebirth.[37]

Relationship with the Church

[edit]

The distinction between the human and divine Saviour was a major point of contention between the Valentinians and the Church. Valentinus separated Christ into three figures; the spiritual, the psychical, and the material. Each of the three Christ figures had its own meaning and purpose.[43] They acknowledged that Christ suffered and died, but believed that "in his incarnation, Christ transcended human nature so that he could prevail over death by divine power".[44] These beliefs are what caused Irenaeus to say of the Valentinians, "Certainly they confess with their tongues the one Jesus Christ, but in their minds they divide him."[45] In one passage in the account of Irenaeus, it is directly stated that the redeemer assumed a psychical body to redeem the psychical, for the spiritual already belong by nature to the celestial world and no longer require any historical redemption, while the material is incapable of redemption,[31] as "flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God; neither doth corruption inherit incorruption".[46]

Many Valentinian traditions and practices also clashed with those of the Church. They often met at unauthorized gatherings and rejected ecclesiastical authority, based on their belief that they were all equal. Members of the movement took turns administering sacraments, as well as preaching.[47] Among the Valentinians, women were considered to be equal, or at least nearly equal to men. There were female prophets, teachers, healers, evangelists and even priests, which was very different from the Church's view of women at the time.[48] Valentinians held normal jobs, got married and raised children just like Christians; however they regarded these pursuits as being less important than gnosis, which was to be achieved individually.[49] The beliefs of the Valentinians were much more oriented towards the individual than the group, and salvation was not seen as being universal, as it was in the Church.

The main disagreements between the Valentinians and the Church were in the notions that God and the creator were two separate entities, the idea that the creator was flawed and formed man and Earth out of ignorance and confusion, and the separation of Christ's human form and divine form. Church authorities believed that Valentinian theology was "a wickedly casuistic way of subverting their authority and thereby threatening the ecclesiastical order with anarchy."[47] The practices and rituals of the Valentinians were also different from those of the Christian Church; however they considered themselves to be Christians and not pagans or heretics. By referring to themselves as Christians they worsened their relationship with the Church, who viewed them not only as heretics, but as rivals.[50]

Although the Valentinians publicly professed their faith in one God, "in their own private meetings they insisted on discriminating between the popular image of God – as master, king, lord, creator, and judge – and what that image represented: God understood as the ultimate source of all being."[51] Aside from the Church fathers, however, "the majority of Christians did not recognize the followers of Valentinus as heretics. Most could not tell the difference between Valentinian and orthodox teaching."[51] This was partially because Valentinus used many books that now belong to the Old and New Testaments as a basis for interpretation in his own writing. He based his work on proto-orthodox Christian canon instead of on Gnostic scripture, and his style was similar to that of early Christian works. In this way, Valentinus tried to bridge the gap between Gnostic religion and early Catholicism.[52] By attempting to bridge this gap, however, Valentinus and his followers became the proverbial wolves in sheep's clothing. "The apparent similarity with orthodox teaching only made this heresy more dangerous – like poison disguised as milk."[51] Valentinian Gnosticism was "the most influential and sophisticated form of Gnostic teaching, and by far the most threatening to the church."[51]

Texts

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Valentinian works are named in reference to the bishop and teacher Valentinus. Circa 153 AD, Valentinus developed a complex cosmology outside the Sethian tradition. At one point he was close to being appointed the Bishop of Rome of what is now the Roman Catholic Church. Works attributed to his school are listed below, and fragmentary pieces directly linked to him are noted with an asterisk:

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Valentinianism

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Valentinianism was one of the most widespread and intellectually sophisticated branches of Gnostic Christianity in the second century CE, centered on a mythological framework of divine emanations from an unknowable Father, where the lowest aeon, Sophia, through her misguided desire, precipitated the formation of the flawed material cosmos under a subordinate creator. This system, articulated by its founder Valentinus, distinguished three human types—hylic (material), psychic (soul-endowed), and pneumatic (spiritual)—with salvation reserved primarily for the pneumatics via gnosis, an intuitive knowledge awakening the divine spark within to reunite with the pleroma, the realm of fullness. Valentinus, born around 100 CE in Phrebonis, , and educated in under teachers linked to apostolic traditions, relocated to circa 136 CE, where he developed and disseminated his teachings, nearly securing the bishopric in 143 CE amid a competitive ecclesiastical environment. His followers, including figures like and Heracleon, elaborated the doctrine into varied subsystems, integrating it with mainstream Christian practices such as and ethical norms derived from the , while viewing as ignorance rather than willful transgression. Though preserved largely through critical accounts by opponents like —whose reconstructions, while polemical, align substantially with primary texts recovered from —Valentinianism exerted enduring influence across the , from to , persisting into the fifth century and shaping esoteric interpretations of scripture and cosmology. Its emphasis on allegorical myth over literalism and accommodation of diverse believers highlighted early Christianity's pluralism, even as emerging marginalized it as , suppressing texts until modern discoveries confirmed its depth and adaptability.

Historical Development

Origins with Valentinus

Valentinus, the eponymous founder of Valentinianism, was born around 100 AD in Phrebonis, a town in , and later pursued education in , a major center of and early Christian thought. There, he is said to have studied under , described by early sources as a follower of the apostle Paul, who imparted to him secret teachings emphasizing spiritual knowledge () beyond literal scriptural interpretation. This period shaped Valentinus's synthesis of Platonic ideas, Pauline mysticism, and emerging Christian doctrines into a distinctive cosmological framework, though accounts of his early influences derive primarily from later patristic critics like and Hippolytus, who viewed such esoteric lineages with suspicion. Circa 136–140 AD, Valentinus migrated to , arriving during the tenure of Hyginus (c. 138–142 AD), where he established himself as a charismatic teacher within the diverse . His eloquence and innovative drew adherents from both intellectual elites and ordinary believers, positioning him as a leading figure in Roman Christianity by the mid-second century. Valentinus reportedly sought the bishopric of around 140–155 AD, competing closely with the eventual successor I, but withdrew or was passed over, possibly due to emerging doctrinal tensions; this near-election underscores his initial integration into mainstream circles before his views solidified as divergent. Valentinus continued teaching in into the 160s AD, developing a that emphasized emanations from a transcendent , the role of aeons in divine procession, and human via awakening the within. His original contributions, preserved fragmentarily in his own writings (such as the Gospel of Truth) and elaborated by disciples like and Heracleon, marked Valentinianism's departure from proto-orthodox emphases on literal and ecclesiastical authority, instead prioritizing mythic cosmology and ethical dualism. While patristic opponents like attributed Valentinus's ideas to earlier Gnostic figures such as to discredit them, the movement's rapid spread suggests Valentinus's personal synthesis—rooted in empirical engagement with scriptural texts and philosophical reasoning—provided a coherent alternative appealing to those seeking deeper metaphysical explanations amid second-century Christian pluralism.

Expansion and Variations

Valentinus' teachings gained traction in during the mid-second century, where he attracted a significant following among Christian communities, leading to the formation of organized Valentinian groups by around 150 AD. His disciples, including , Heracleon, and Marcus, further disseminated the system through scriptural and written treatises, with authoring the Letter to Flora circa 150-180 AD to explain scriptural dualism in Valentinian terms. The movement expanded geographically across the , reaching , , Asia Minor, northwest , , and southern by the late second century, often operating within or alongside proto-orthodox congregations. By the early third century, Valentinianism had established major centers in (Western branch), , and Antioch (Eastern branch), with teachers like Theodotus in focusing on allegorical interpretations of and . Heracleon, active around 170-180 AD, produced the earliest known commentary on the Gospel of John, emphasizing spiritual ascent through , while Marcus, operating in and , introduced variations involving numerical and invocations of aeons. These expansions sustained activity into the fourth century, with a Valentinian documented in as late as 200 AD, though integration with mainstream churches waned amid growing distinctions. Doctrinal variations emerged between Eastern and Western branches, as noted by around 200 AD, who described two "schools" and "chairs" diverging from Valentinus' original framework. The Western school, represented by and Marcus, retained a mythological emphasis on Sophia's fall producing 30 aeons and distinct sacraments like the bridal chamber for spiritual union, often critiqued by for ritual excesses. In contrast, the Eastern school, including Theodotus and figures in Antioch under Axionicus circa 200 AD, favored allegorical and a stronger integration of with as spiritual rebirth, with variations in aeonic hierarchies and less focus on separate rites. These differences, analyzed in modern scholarship, reflect adaptations to local contexts rather than schisms, maintaining core tenets of pleromatic emanation and human tripartition while allowing interpretive flexibility. The movement persisted until intensified suppression post-325 AD, when Christianity's state recognition expelled Valentinians from churches.

Suppression by Orthodox Authorities

The earliest systematic opposition to Valentinianism emerged from proto-orthodox church leaders in the late second century, who viewed its esoteric cosmology and denial of the creator God's benevolence as incompatible with . , bishop of Lyons, composed Adversus Haereses around 180 AD, dedicating the first book to a detailed exposition and refutation of Valentinian doctrines, including their aeonic hierarchies and interpretations of Genesis, aiming to demonstrate their derivation from pagan rather than scripture. of followed in the early third century with Adversus Valentinianos, likening the sect's secretive teachings to mystery cults and accusing adherents of concealing doctrinal inconsistencies to evade scrutiny. These polemics, while preserving fragments of Valentinian thought, framed the system as a dangerous innovation threatening ecclesiastical unity. Hippolytus of Rome extended this critique in his Refutation of All Heresies (c. 220 AD), attributing Valentinian ideas to earlier Greek philosophers like Heraclitus and Plato, thereby delegitimizing their claim to Christian authenticity. Such writings by "heresy hunters" did not immediately eradicate the sect, which continued to attract converts in urban centers like Rome and Alexandria, but they established a rhetorical framework for exclusion from emerging orthodox communities. By the fourth century, as Nicene Christianity gained imperial backing under Constantine (Edict of Milan, 313 AD) and was enshrined as the state religion by Theodosius I's decrees (380–392 AD), Valentinian groups faced marginalization through bans on non-Nicene assemblies and destruction of heterodox texts. Valentinianism's suppression culminated in the loss of most primary sources, with knowledge of its teachings surviving chiefly through adversaries' summaries until the 1945 discovery revealed texts like the Gospel of Truth. Ecclesiastical councils, such as the Trullan of 692 AD, referenced ongoing efforts to suppress Valentinian practices, indicating persistence into the early medieval period amid broader anti-heretical measures. This process reflected not mere theological disagreement but a strategic consolidation of authority, privileging scriptural literalism over gnostic allegories, though critics' accounts may exaggerate or misrepresent Valentinian views to bolster .

Cosmological Framework

The Pleroma and Aeonic Hierarchy

In Valentinian theology, the denotes the transcendent realm of divine fullness, encompassing the ineffable and a structured assembly of Aeons as eternal hypostatic emanations. This hierarchy originates from the primordial , characterized as Bythos (Depth) or Propator (Forefather), conjoined with Ennoia (Thought) or Sige (), from which subsequent pairs syzygically emanate in a cascading process of self-revelation without diminishment of the source. The Aeonic hierarchy typically comprises thirty entities in the mature Valentinian schema, organized into fifteen male-female syzygies to symbolize completeness and relational unity within the divine pleroma. The initial emanations include Nous (Mind) and Aletheia (Truth), followed by Logos (Word) and Zoe (Life), then Anthropos (Man) and Ecclesia (Church), progressing through further pairs such as Bythios and Mixis (Mingling), Ageratos and Henosis (Union), Autophyes and Hedone (Pleasure), Acinetos and Syncrasis (Blending), Monogenes (Only-begotten) and Macaria (Blessedness), and Paracletos (Comforter) and Pistis (Faith), culminating in the final syzygy of Theletos (Willed) and Sophia (Wisdom). This numerical structure, emphasizing arithmetic perfection, derives from interpretations of scriptural numerology, such as the thirtyfold increase in the Gospel parable. Variations in Aeonic counts appear in earlier or alternative Valentinian expositions, such as systems limited to an ogdoad (eight Aeons) or dodecad (twelve), reflecting developmental stages in the tradition before standardization around the triacontad (thirty). Descriptions of this framework primarily stem from patristic accounts like Irenaeus's Adversus Haereses, which, while polemical and potentially distorting for refutation, align with internal Valentinian texts from the corpus, such as the Tripartite Tractate, confirming the emanatory logic and syzygial pairing as core to positing a dynamic, hierarchical divine .

Sophia's Fall and Its Consequences

In the Valentinian cosmological schema, the fall commences with Sophia, the youngest in the , who harbors an unfulfilled desire to apprehend the ineffable Father independently of her syzygy, or consort pair. This act contravenes the hierarchical order of emanations, wherein full is intended for collective ascent rather than solitary pursuit. As described in patristic accounts of Valentinian teachings, Sophia's passion—manifesting as error and bold impulse—results in her of a formless offspring, precipitating her expulsion into the void beyond the . The immediate ramifications of this descent bifurcate Sophia into higher and lower aspects, with the lower, termed Achamoth, embodying suffering and repentance in the intermediate realm. Her unresolved passions engender three ontologically distinct substances: spiritual pneuma (preserved for redemption), psychic substance (arising from her conversion and tears), and material hyle (formed from her sorrow and fear). This triad underpins the flawed cosmic structure, as Achamoth, unable to shape the spiritual essence herself, seeks restitution through higher intervention, setting the stage for the Demiurge's unwitting fabrication of the visible world from her cast-off elements. Consequently, the material cosmos emerges as a deficient shadow of the Pleroma, populated by archontic powers ignorant of their origins and trapping divine sparks within human forms. Valentinian texts posit that this fall scatters pneumatic seeds among humanity, dividing souls into hylic (material-bound), psychic (amenable to faith), and pneumatic (innately destined for gnosis) categories, with salvation hinging on awakening these latent elements to reunite with the divine pleroma. The myth thus frames material existence as a remedial arena for Sophia's restoration, mediated by the Savior's descent, underscoring the Valentinian emphasis on error's redemptive potential over inherent cosmic benevolence.

The Demiurge and Archontic Creation

In the Valentinian cosmological schema, the originates from the aborted passion of the lower Sophia, known as Achamoth, whose unfulfilled desire outside the generates a psychic substance that coalesces into the 's form. This entity, described as a craftsman-like figure ignorant of the transcendent divine realm, fashions the material from preexisting chaotic , modeling it imperfectly after the eternal pattern of the glimpsed through Sophia's influence. Unlike the malevolent of some Gnostic traditions, the Valentinian version portrays him as a flawed yet potentially redeemable creator, ultimately identified with the of the Hebrew scriptures who proclaims himself the only deity. The appoints seven principal as his subordinate powers, corresponding to the seven planetary spheres, to assist in ordering the and enforcing cosmic fate. These , emanations or angelic helpers under the 's command, collectively shape the physical elements, the heavens, and the mechanisms of destiny, binding souls within the cycle of generation and corruption. In texts like the Tripartite Tractate, the —termed the " with no one commanding him"—is installed by the ' shadow to govern over lesser archons, imposing structure on primordial disorder but perpetuating among created beings. This archontic hierarchy governs the intermediate psychic realm and the lower material domain, where human souls of varying constitutions are formed: the hylic wholly material, the partially spiritual, and the pneumatic bearing a spark from the . The and Archons, unaware of higher spiritual realities, impose laws and judgments that hinder , yet their creation inadvertently serves the divine economy by providing a for . Patristic accounts, such as ', emphasize the 's eventual repentance upon encountering the Savior, allowing pneumatic elements to ascend beyond archontic control.

Human Constitution and Tripartite Division

In Valentinian cosmology, human constitution reflects the ontological stemming from the fall of Sophia and the demiurge's creation. Humans consist of three interdependent components: the material body (hyle), formed from the chaotic matter shaped by the archons; the (psyche), a psychic substance crafted by the as an intermediate animating principle; and the spirit (pneuma), a divine or spark originating from the and implanted within select individuals. This tripartite structure arises from the admixture of spiritual elements dispersed during the cosmic repair following Sophia's , with the body and representing deficient creations while the spirit enables potential ascent to divine fullness. The tripartite division of humanity corresponds to the predominance of one component, determining innate and soteriological potential in a deterministic framework. (hylikoi), dominated by material impulses, lack spiritual seed and are bound to perish with the dissolution of the , embodying pure carnality without capacity for higher knowledge. (psychikoi), animated primarily by , include those capable of ethical discernment and ; they achieve intermediate through works, sacraments, and obedience to the 's moral order, often equated with mainstream who recognize the as the biblical creator. (pneumatikoi), infused with spirit from the , possess inherently and are predestined for complete restoration to the divine realm, transcending psychic limitations via esoteric insight. Irenaeus reports that Valentinus's followers derived this schema from the generative processes in their myth, where spiritual, psychic, and material seeds intermingle to produce these classes, with Cain typifying the hylic, Abel the psychic, and Seth the pneumatic. The Tripartite Tractate (Nag Hammadi Codex I,5), a key Valentinian exposition dated to the late second or early third century, affirms the division as inherent to creation's diversity, stating that "three natures came forth: the material, the psychic, and the spiritual," each receiving dispensation according to its essence during the Savior's redemptive mission. This anthropology underscores Valentinian elitism, positing pneumatics as the true church elite while viewing psychics as partially redeemable allies against hylic corruption.

Theological Concepts

Christology and the Savior's Role

In Valentinian , Christ is conceived as a divine emanation from the , specifically the or sent by the Father to reveal hidden knowledge and rectify the cosmic deficiency arising from Sophia's fall. This Christological framework posits the Savior as pre-existent and spiritual, descending into the realm not to participate fully in human suffering but to awaken the pneumatic element within select individuals. Unlike orthodox views emphasizing a unified , Valentinians maintain a separation where the divine Christ imparts salvific without undergoing true corporeal passion. The human Jesus, born as the psychic offspring of Mary and Joseph—or in some variants, through a virgin conception without paternal seed—serves as the vessel for the Savior's indwelling at baptism, marking the age of thirty as described in Luke 3:23. This union empowers Jesus' ministry, but the divine Christ withdraws before the crucifixion, leaving the mortal Jesus to endure death alone, thereby underscoring the Savior's transcendence over physical decay; traditions attribute to Jesus a psychic or spiritual body that consumed food yet produced no waste, aligning with docetic tendencies. Such distinctions reflect influences from Johannine themes, reinterpreting the Logos incarnation (John 1:14) as a temporary, non-hylic assumption of form visible only to the spiritually attuned. The Savior's primary role centers on soteriological revelation: by proclaiming the unknown , Christ dispels —the root of in the demiurgic —and facilitates the ' ascent to the through . In texts like the Gospel of Truth, the is explicitly termed sōtēr, mingling with the to restore unity, where the redeemed in turn propagate salvation as "saved saviors." This process culminates in as a transformative , not mere bodily revival, conquering death by reuniting fragmented spiritual seeds with their divine origin, exclusive to those possessing the pneumatic spark.

Soteriology Through Gnosis

In Valentinian theology, emphasizes —esoteric knowledge of the divine and the soul's origin therein—as the primary mechanism of , enabling the spiritual (pneumatic) element within humans to awaken from material ignorance and return to its pre-cosmic unity with the . This knowledge, imparted by the Savior who descends from the , restores the pneumatic to its original condition, annihilating the carnal deficiency and effecting a spiritual rebirth experienced in the present rather than deferred to a future judgment. As described in the Gospel of Truth, dispels the "forgetfulness" induced by the cosmic fall, transforming error into enlightenment and into incorruptibility. Humans are tripartitely divided: (material beings) lack the and perish with the , incapable of ; psychics (soulish beings) achieve partial redemption through , moral works, and sacraments like , residing in an intermediate realm under the ; pneumatics, possessing the spiritual seed from Sophia's passion, attain full exclusively via , which perfects their nature and unites them as "brides" to angelic counterparts in the . reports that Valentinians viewed this as forming the spiritual seed through the Savior's revelation, rendering pneumatics sinless by definition, as their transformed state precludes carnal impulses. This , collapsing present and future , manifests through rituals symbolizing ascent—such as for death-to-life transition and the "bridal chamber" for divine union—allowing to experience Pleroma-like states amid the world, as outlined in texts like the Gospel of Philip and Treatise on the Resurrection. The Savior's role culminates in revealing the unknown Father, separating spiritual passions from psychic and elements, and redeeming the pneumatic elite, though psychics may receive "on loan" if they cultivate virtue. Such doctrines, preserved in codices and heresiological accounts, underscore not as intellectual assent but as transformative participation in .

Sacraments and Esoteric Practices

Valentinians employed a structured system of initiatory sacraments, typically enumerated as five, designed to awaken , seal the pneumatic element within the initiate, and enable ascent through cosmic barriers toward reunion with the . These included , (or ), , redemption, and the bridal chamber, each functioning as a progressive stage of spiritual transformation rather than mere symbolic observance. The rites drew on Christian liturgical forms but infused them with esoteric interpretations, invoking aeonic powers and syzygies to counteract the Demiurge's influence and facilitate the soul's liberation. Primary evidence derives from the of Philip, a Valentinian-associated text from the , which emphasizes their role in conferring "seals" for postmortem navigation past archontic guardians, alongside patristic accounts that, while polemical, align on core elements. Baptism marked the entry rite, often performed in water with invocations of , , , and Unity to align the initiate with pleromatic origins, distinct from hylic purification. reports that Valentinians, particularly , baptized with elaborate prayers summoning aeons, viewing it as endowing spiritual potency against material entrapment. Anointing followed immediately, using consecrated oil () symbolizing the Holy Spirit's descent, to "christify" the recipient by imprinting and countering the Demiurge's counterfeit creation. The , termed "" in some accounts, involved bread and wine mixed with water to represent the mingling of spiritual and elements, nourishing the inner toward wholeness. Redemption (apolutrosis) constituted a superior, non-aquatic rite of and sealing, repeated periodically to invoke the Savior's redemptive descent and shatter archontic bonds, essential for seeking full . The bridal chamber (nymphon) served as the culminating mystery, enacting the syzygy of principles to mirror heavenly pairings and achieve androgynous unity, interpreted mystically rather than carnally in core texts, though variants suggested ritual unions. The Gospel of Philip portrays it as indispensable for true , stating that without the bridal chamber, remains incomplete, underscoring its esoteric function in restoring pre-fallen perfection. notes Valentinians affirmed as a terrestrial echo of divine emanations, integrating it into soteriological practice without rejecting continence for the elect. Beyond sacraments, esoteric practices encompassed contemplative meditations on aeonic emanations, incantatory formulas for ascent, and communal rituals fostering , often veiled to preserve sanctity from psychics and . These aimed at of the , prioritizing inner illumination over observance, with Theodotus—a Valentinian excerpted by Clement—describing seals as indelible markers enabling pleromatic entry while incarnate. Variations existed, such as Marcosian emphasis on numerological chants and in rites, reflecting adaptive interpretations across Valentinian schools.

Critiques and Controversies

Patristic Refutations

Irenaeus of Lyons, in his work Adversus Haereses composed around 180 AD, provided the earliest systematic refutation of Valentinian teachings, dedicating Book I to a detailed exposition of their cosmological system before dismantling it in subsequent books. He contended that Valentinianism deviated from by positing a of thirty aeons emanating from an unknowable Bythos, arguing this introduced superfluous multiplicity where Scripture affirmed a singular, transcendent God as both Father and Creator. Irenaeus emphasized the goodness of material creation, refuting the Valentinian denigration of the as an ignorant by citing Genesis and Pauline texts to demonstrate the Creator's identity with the supreme deity, and accused Valentinians of selective, allegorical that twisted parables like the Prodigal Son to support their dualism. He further highlighted the heresy’s recency, tracing it to Valentinus's arrival in around 140 AD rather than to the apostles, and warned that such "falsely called knowledge" undermined the unity of faith preserved in the Church's regula fidei. Tertullian, writing Adversus Valentinianos circa 200–206 AD, targeted the sect's esoteric practices and doctrinal opacity, likening their initiatory rituals to the secretive and deriding the aeonic genealogy as a "labyrinth" of inconsistencies riddled with mathematical absurdities, such as uneven pairings among syzygies. He argued that Valentinians plagiarized pagan philosophers like —evident in their adaptation of the Timaeus for the Demiurge's role—while failing to align with Scripture's , particularly critiquing their separation of the from by referencing Isaiah's prophecies of a unified divine economy. Tertullian also assailed their , rejecting the notion of descending through aeons without true or passion, insisting on the literal bodily as essential to redemption, and portrayed Valentinus himself as an ambitious opportunist who sought but failed to secure the Roman episcopate. Hippolytus of Rome, in Refutatio Omnium Haeresium (c. 222 AD), Book VI, extended these critiques by tracing Valentinian to pre-Christian sources like Heraclitus's and Plato's forms, portraying Valentinus as an eclectic synthesizer rather than a revealer of hidden truths. He dissected the syzygy of Logos-Zoe and Sophia's "enthymesis" as contrived to explain imperfection within the , arguing such mechanisms contradicted the simplicity of divine unity in Exodus and the Gospels, and refuted their anthropological tripartition by affirming Scripture's holistic view of redeemable through and , not alone. Hippolytus, drawing on , underscored internal inconsistencies, such as the Demiurge's unwitting role in salvation, which he deemed incompatible with providential sovereignty. These patristic works, while polemically framed to safeguard , inadvertently preserved extensive outlines of Valentinian otherwise lost, enabling modern reconstruction; their arguments pivoted on scriptural fidelity, historical , and logical coherence over speculative myth-making. Later figures like and engaged Valentinian ideas more dialogically in works such as Stromata, critiquing emanation as philosophically derivative while acknowledging some shared ethical emphases, though ultimately subordinating to public faith.

Deviations from Scriptural Orthodoxy

Valentinian teachings fundamentally diverged from the scriptural depiction of a singular, omnipotent Creator God who directly formed the visible world as inherently good, as stated in Genesis 1:31. Instead, Valentinians posited an elaborate Pleroma of thirty aeons emanating from a primordial Bythos (Depth), culminating in the figure of Sophia (Wisdom), whose impulsive desire led to the production of the Demiurge, an ignorant and imperfect being responsible for material creation. This system, detailed by Irenaeus in his refutation around 180 CE, introduced metaphysical entities absent from canonical texts and traced their origins not to apostolic tradition but to recent philosophical speculations influenced by Pythagorean numerology and Platonic ideas. Such constructions contradicted the biblical emphasis on God's immediate, sovereign act of creation ex nihilo, without intermediaries or emanations, as affirmed in Isaiah 44:24 and Colossians 1:16. A core deviation lay in the Valentinian identification of the deity with the , portrayed as a flawed, lion-faced named who crafted the in ignorance of higher realms, thereby introducing evil and imperfection into existence. This interpretation allegorized Genesis 1–6 to depict the 's formation of from psychic substance mixed with matter, distinct from the true, unknowable beyond the , thus bifurcating the divine into a superior spiritual realm and an inferior material one ruled by archons. , by contrast, upholds the unity of the God of Abraham, , and with the of Jesus Christ, rejecting any notion of a as the biblical Creator whose works declare His glory (Psalm 19:1; Romans 1:20). emphasized that this dualistic framework undermined and excused moral failings by attributing sin to cosmic necessity rather than human volition, as taught in Genesis 3 and 18:20. In anthropology, Valentinians classified humanity into three classes—hylics (material-bound, irredeemable), psychics (soul-endowed, capable of partial salvation through faith and works), and pneumatics (spirit-possessed elites awakened by gnosis)—implying an inherent spiritual hierarchy not supported by scripture's universal call to repentance and faith (Acts 17:30; 1 Timothy 2:4). This tripartite division, which Irenaeus attributed to Valentinian texts like the Gospel of Philip, deviated from the biblical view of all humans as descendants of Adam bearing God's image equally (Genesis 1:27; Acts 17:26), redeemable through Christ's atonement without prerequisite metaphysical sparks or secret knowledge. Christology presented another stark contrast, with Valentinians denying the full incarnation by asserting that the Savior, an aeon from the Pleroma, merely passed through Mary's body without assuming true flesh, or that the historical Jesus was a psychic vessel animated by Christ at baptism and abandoned before the crucifixion to avoid suffering. Irenaeus documented this docetic tendency, noting Valentinian claims that Jesus' body was formed by stellar powers rather than human conception, thus evading real humanity and passion, in opposition to John 1:14 ("the Word became flesh") and the apostolic witness to Christ's physical birth, death, and resurrection (Luke 2:7; 1 Corinthians 15:3–8). This view preserved the Savior's incorruptibility but negated the scriptural necessity of genuine incarnation for vicarious atonement (Hebrews 2:14–17). Soteriology further estranged Valentinianism from by prioritizing —esoteric insight into one's divine origin—as the means to reunite with the , subordinating faith, baptism, and ethical living to this elite knowledge, while deeming unsalvageable. Although some Valentinians allowed psychics provisional redemption through moral conduct, critiqued this as inverting apostolic teaching, where salvation is by grace through faith for all believers, not deterministic knowledge or class (Ephesians 2:8–9; 2:11). The emphasis on secret traditions from Valentinus's disciple , rather than public scriptural proclamation, underscored a departure from the gospel's accessibility (Matthew 28:19–20).

Internal Variations and Debates

Valentinian teachings, originating from Valentinus around 140 CE, formed a flexible framework that subsequent adherents adapted, leading to doctrinal divergences reported by patristic sources. , writing circa 200 CE, described the movement as split into two schools with distinct "chairs" of teaching, attributing this to interpretations of the aeon's pairings and Sophia's . Hippolytus similarly distinguished an "Eastern" tradition, closer to Valentinus' emphasis on 30 aeons in the , from an "Italian" or Western variant that elaborated on Achamoth's (the lower Sophia's) role in forming the psychic realm and . These branches exhibited variations in protology and cosmology. Eastern Valentinians, exemplified by Heracleon (active mid-2nd century), prioritized allegorical exegesis of scripture, such as viewing the Samaritan woman in John 4 as symbolizing the soul's ascent, with less emphasis on ritual elaboration. Western figures like (fl. 140–180 CE) systematized the myth in his Epistle to Flora, positing the as a product of Sophia's balanced repentance rather than pure passion, and integrating law as partially valid for psychics. Marcus (late 2nd century), another Western teacher, innovated with numerological speculations, deriving 24 elements from the alphabet to mirror aeonic syzygies and employing them in eucharistic formulas, which critiqued as magical. Soteriological debates further highlighted tensions. While core Valentinianism held gnosis as essential for ' return to the , variations emerged on the Demiurge's fate and psychic salvation. Some, like Theodotus (late 2nd century), stressed exclusive spiritual , limiting redemption to an inner "seed" and viewing the Demiurge's realm as ultimately dissolved. Others, per Ptolemaic strands, allowed psychics provisional salvation through sacraments like and the "bridal chamber," symbolizing syzygy restoration, though remained irredeemable. Einar Thomassen identifies these as reflective of Western ritualism versus Eastern mythic fidelity, though he notes the divisions were fluid rather than schismatic. Scholarly assessments, drawing from texts like the Gospel of Truth (potentially Eastern), underscore that such debates arose from adapting Valentinus' poetic fragments to philosophical and scriptural contexts, without a centralized enforcing . Modern analyses, including Thomassen's, question rigid East-West binaries as partly heresiological constructs but affirm genuine interpretive pluralism in aeon counts, Christ's descent, and matter's transformation.

Sources and Evidence

Valentinian Texts from Nag Hammadi

The Nag Hammadi codices, unearthed in 1945 near the Egyptian town of Nag Hammadi, preserve several Coptic texts attributable to Valentinian authorship or doctrinal alignment, reflecting compositions likely from the 2nd to 3rd centuries CE despite the manuscripts' 4th-century dating. These works, translated from Greek originals, elucidate Valentinian cosmology, soteriology, and ritual practices, often through allegorical exegesis of Christian scripture. Scholarly consensus identifies at least four primary Valentinian tractates among the library's 52 texts: the Gospel of Truth, Tripartite Tractate, Gospel of Philip, and Treatise on the Resurrection, with fragments of a Valentinian Exposition in Codex XI. Attribution relies on internal theological markers, such as the pleromatic structure of aeons, the role of Sophia's fall, and tripartite anthropology, corroborated by patristic critiques like those of Irenaeus. The Gospel of Truth (Codex I, tractate 3; partial duplicate in Codex XII, tractate 2) is a homiletic on divine overcoming (error), portraying the Father as unknowable yet accessible through the and as revealer. Its poetic style emphasizes as salvific joy, echoing Valentinian themes of pre-existent unity disrupted by forgetfulness. (c. 180 CE) attributes a similar "Gospel of Truth" to Valentinians, suggesting possible authorship by Valentinus himself or his disciples, though modern analysis dates it to mid-2nd century based on linguistic and conceptual parallels to Ptolemaic systems. The text lacks narrative gospel elements, functioning instead as a liturgical or catechetical piece. The Tripartite Tractate (Codex I, tractate 5), the longest text at over 18,000 words, systematically outlines Valentinian doctrine in three sections: the Father's emanation of the , the material world's genesis via Sophia's error, and humanity's tripartite division (, psychics, ) with corresponding paths. It avoids naming specific aeons or numbers, presenting a philosophically refined myth without theogonic drama of earlier systems, likely composed in the late 2nd or early by an Eastern Valentinian author. This tractate uniquely integrates with Gnostic , portraying the as ignorant yet providential. The Gospel of Philip (Codex II, tractate 3) comprises 127 logia on sacraments, including , , redemption, and the "bridal chamber" as mystical union symbolizing spiritual marriage and . It blends Valentinian with Syrian Christian influences, critiquing physical rituals while affirming symbolic efficacy for psychic advancement toward pneumatic . Dated to the late , its eclectic nature—drawing from Johannine and synoptic traditions—marks it as a Western Valentinian compilation, though debates persist on its precise sectarian ties due to non-systematic structure. The Treatise on the Resurrection (Codex I, tractate 4), an epistolary exhortation, asserts a spiritual resurrection preceding physical death, equating it with of one's divine origin and transformation into incorruptibility. Addressed to "Reginos," it reconciles Pauline resurrection motifs with Valentinian , denying bodily revival while affirming Christ's somatic appearance as pneumatic reality. Likely 2nd-century, it aligns with Heracleon's interpretations noted by , underscoring Valentinian emphasis on . Codex XI's Valentinian Exposition (tractate 2), though fragmentary, discusses , , and as rites restoring the pneumatic seed, with subsections on anointing (euangelion) and variants. Its explicit Valentinian label and sacramental focus confirm school affiliation, dating to the . These texts collectively demonstrate Valentinian adaptability, prioritizing interpretive depth over uniform , yet their preservation in a monastic cache suggests ironic interest despite orthodox condemnation.

Testimonies from Church Fathers

Irenaeus of Lyons, writing around 180 AD in Adversus Haereses (Book 1), provides the earliest and most systematic external account of Valentinian theology, drawing from teachings attributed to Valentinus's disciple and other adherents he encountered in . He describes the Valentinian as comprising 30 aeons emanating in syzygies from the primordial Bythos (Depth) and Sige (), culminating in Sophia's fall due to her desire to comprehend the Father, which produces the and the material world as a flawed . Irenaeus portrays Valentinians as interpreting Scripture allegorically to support this cosmology, such as viewing the Genesis creation as the Demiurge's ignorant act, while claiming direct revelation from the aeons for their system. Tertullian of Carthage, circa 200–210 AD, in Adversus Valentinianos, denounces the sect as a prolific derived from philosophical plagiarism, particularly from and the , rather than . He ridicules their tripartite —hylics (material), psychics (soulish), and (spiritual)—and their bridal chamber ritual as essential for spiritual ascent, arguing it contradicts scriptural and equates Christ with the suffering Savior but denies his full humanity. Tertullian notes internal inconsistencies among Valentinian teachers like and Marcus, whom he accuses of magical practices and falsifying prophecies to attract converts. Hippolytus of Rome, around 220 AD in Refutatio Omnium Haeresium (Book 6), expands on Valentinian variations, distinguishing an Italian school (closer to Valentinus) from a more speculative Eastern branch influenced by Secundus. He details their emanation schema with 32 aeons including Limit and Cross as correctives to Sophia's error, and critiques their docetic where passes through Mary as water through a pipe, suffering only psychically. Hippolytus attributes to them a reliance on proofs twisted to fit the pleroma, such as identifying Abraham's households with the three human classes, while warning of their secretive transmission to initiates. These patristic accounts, while polemical and aimed at refutation, remain crucial sources for reconstructing Valentinianism, as they preserve doctrinal elements later corroborated by texts like the Gospel of Truth from , though filtered through orthodox opposition to perceived deviations from literal scriptural exegesis.

Archaeological and Scholarly Context

Archaeological evidence for Valentinianism remains limited, with few artifacts directly attributable to the sect, reflecting its primarily textual and doctrinal nature rather than monumental architecture or widespread . Inscriptions provide the most tangible links, such as the third-century CE tombstone of Flavia Sophe from , which invokes Valentinian motifs of spiritual ascent and union with the divine Father, suggesting the presence of adherents in urban Christian communities by the late Roman period. The inscription, likely composed by her husband, employs poetic language echoing the soul's journey through aeonic realms, consistent with Valentinian , and its discovery in a funerary context underscores the sect's integration into everyday practices. Gnostic gems featuring syncretic deities like Abraxas, engraved with magical formulae and cosmological symbols, have been proposed as potential Valentinian amulets due to overlapping mythic elements such as aeonic hierarchies, though their attribution remains debated as they align more closely with Basilidian or broader syncretic traditions rather than exclusively Valentinian systems. These artifacts, produced from the second to fourth centuries CE across the Roman Empire, demonstrate the material dissemination of esoteric ideas but lack specific markers tying them definitively to Valentinus's followers. No dedicated Valentinian temples or settlements have been identified, indicating the movement's reliance on house churches and intellectual networks over institutional infrastructure. Scholarly analysis of Valentinianism has evolved significantly since the 1945 Nag Hammadi discoveries, which yielded texts like the Gospel of Truth attributable to the sect, prompting reconstructions of its theology from fragmented sources. Modern studies emphasize the sect's doctrinal sophistication and proximity to emerging , challenging earlier patristic portrayals of it as wholly aberrant, with works like Einar Thomassen's examinations highlighting internal coherence in and . Archaeological interpretations, such as those of the Flavia Sophe stone, inform debates on Valentinian social embedding, suggesting adaptation within mainstream rather than marginal isolation, though source biases in heresiological accounts necessitate cautious integration with material evidence. Recent prioritizes primary texts over secondary refutations, revealing Valentinianism's influence on early Christian pluralism before its suppression in the fourth century.

Legacy and Influence

Impact on Later Gnostic Traditions

Valentinianism's elaborate aeonic cosmology and soteriological framework exerted a formative influence on the internal diversification of in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Disciples such as (active ca. 140–180 AD) and Heracleon extended Valentinus's system through scriptural , with 's Letter to Flora (ca. 150–180 AD) dividing the law into , prophetic, and apostolic components to argue for a tripartite of pneumatics, psychics, and hylics, a schema adopted in subsequent Valentinian variants. Heracleon's commentary on the Gospel of John (ca. 170–180 AD), the earliest known, interpreted Johannine themes allegorically to align with Gnostic redemption narratives, setting a precedent for esoteric in later Gnostic texts. The tradition's persistence is evident in the (codices dated to the , reflecting 2nd–3rd century compositions), where Valentinian works like the Gospel of Truth (ca. 140–180 AD) and Tripartite Tractate (ca. 200–250 AD) articulate refined models and triadic salvific processes, coexisting with non-Valentinian materials such as Sethian tractates. This juxtaposition suggests mutual reinforcement within Gnostic corpora, with Valentinian emphasis on the restoration of Sophia's syzygy influencing shared motifs of divine emanation and pneumatic awakening across traditions. Eastern Valentinian branches, documented by Hippolytus of Rome (ca. 220 AD), integrated local Syriac elements while maintaining core doctrines, potentially impacting figures like Bardesanes of Edessa (154–222 AD), whose cosmological hymns exhibit parallels to aeonic pairings and anti-fatalistic gnosis, though direct transmission remains conjectural. By the 3rd century, Valentinian schemas informed the broader Gnostic response to proto-orthodox consolidation, as seen in the adaptive mythologies preserved in Coptic translations, underscoring the school's role in sustaining intellectual Gnosticism amid persecution.

Modern Scholarly Reassessments

The discovery of the in 1945 provided scholars with primary Valentinian texts, such as the Gospel of Truth and the Tripartite Tractate, enabling direct analysis beyond the polemical accounts of like . This shifted reassessments from viewing Valentinianism primarily as a deviant to recognizing it as a sophisticated with , including doctrines of the , aeons, and centered on spiritual awakening through . Einar Thomassen's studies, particularly in The Spiritual Seed (2006), delineate Valentinian development into Eastern, Western, and Italian schools, portraying it as evolving from Valentinus's teachings (c. 100–160 CE) with internal diversity rather than monolithic error. Contemporary scholarship emphasizes Valentinianism's ethical dimensions and paraenetic discourse, as explored by Philip L. Tite, who argues that moral exhortations in texts like the Gospel of Truth aimed at community formation and spiritual progress, countering earlier dismissals of Gnostics as antinomian. Soteriological analyses, such as those by Gilles Quispel, highlight grace and election as core, with limited role for free will, distinguishing it from emerging Catholic emphases but showing parallels in mystical union with the divine. The 2019 volume Valentinianism: New Studies, edited by Christoph Markschies and Einar Thomassen, synthesizes these views, positing Valentinianism as a catalyst for mainstream Christian doctrine, exegesis, and ritual, with enduring connections to later contemplative traditions. Reassessments also address source credibility: while patristic testimonies retain value for historical context, Nag Hammadi texts reveal biases in orthodox portrayals, such as exaggerations of Valentinian immorality, prompting scholars to reconstruct a more integrated picture of early Christian pluralism. Recent work, including on the Apocalypse of Paul (NHC V,2), situates it within Valentinian apocalyptic genres, reevaluating intertextuality with Pauline letters to argue for interpretive continuity rather than outright opposition to proto-orthodoxy. Overall, modern consensus views Valentinianism not as pre-Christian paganism but as a second-century Christian movement blending Platonic influences with scriptural exegesis, influencing orthodoxy's doctrinal sharpening without wholesale rejection.

Comparisons with Philosophical Predecessors

Valentinian cosmology exhibits profound parallels with Platonic metaphysics, particularly the Middle Platonic interpretations current in and during the second century CE, where Valentinus studied and taught. The , conceived as a hierarchical realm of thirty aeons emanating in syzygies from the primordial Bythos and Sige, functions analogously to Plato's Timaeus and , where the intelligible world of unchanging Forms or Ideas precedes and transcends the sensible realm of becoming and decay. Unlike Plato's static, participatory , however, Valentinian emanation involves progressive attenuation from the divine source, culminating in the flawed , who crafts the material cosmos from psychic substance in ignorance of higher realities—a reinterpretation that inverts Plato's benevolent as an imperfect offspring of Sophia's error. Anthropologically, Valentinianism posits a tripartite division of humanity into hylics (bound to matter), psychics (governed by soul and Demiurge's law), and pneumatics (endowed with divine spirit capable of gnosis), which adapts Plato's tripartite soul in the Republic—rational, spirited, and appetitive—into an ontological hierarchy determining salvific potential. This framework privileges the pneumatic elite's innate knowledge over rational inquiry, contrasting Plato's emphasis on philosophical dialectic for all souls to ascend toward the Good, yet retains the Platonic notion of the soul's immortality and descent into body as a punitive or forgetful state. Such adaptations reflect Middle Platonic developments, like those in Plutarch's On the Generation of the Soul in the Timaeus, where soul's triadic structure mediates between divine intellect and material flux. Valentinian protology and also incorporate Pythagorean arithmology, elevating numerical patterns to metaphysical principles beyond Plato's geometric . The pleromatic structure—encompassing an ogdoad (eight primary aeons), decad, and duodecad totaling thirty—symbolizes completeness and emanative order, extending Pythagorean tetraktys and harmonic ratios into a Christian-Gnostic mythos where numbers encode divine generation and restoration. This numerical , evident in texts like the Gospel of Truth attributed to Valentinian circles around 150 CE, surpasses Pythagorean cosmology by integrating it with Platonic dualism, positing arithmetic emanations as causal mechanisms for cosmic fall and redemption, rather than mere symbolic correspondences.

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