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Young Union
View on WikipediaThe Young Union of Germany (German: Junge Union Deutschlands), or simply JU, is the joint youth organisation of the CDU/CSU coalition in Germany.[1] Membership is limited to individuals between 14 and 35 years of age.[2]
Key Information
The Junge Union claims to be the largest political youth organization in Germany and Europe with about 100,000 members.[3]
Political positions
[edit]Principles
[edit]The JU views itself as an organization that aims to further the goals of its parent political parties, CDU/CSU, among the German youth, and to represent the interests of the younger generation within the CDU/CSU parties. In its platform, it defines itself as a liberal,[4] conservative, yet progressive[5] organization.
Political Positions
[edit]The JU is committed to democracy and a social market economy. It supports European integration and a strong partnership with the United States within the framework of NATO. Within its parent parties, the Junge Union advocates political reform. One central objective is a remodeling of the public social security system which is confronted by an increasing dependency ratio. The JU supports intergenerational equity in the areas of pension and health care system reforms, proposing to complement these systems with capital-based private accounts in order to address fiscal problems such as Germany's debt-to-GDP ratio. The JU views labor-market liberalization as an effective means to battle unemployment. It favors university tuition fees, and has expressed support for the Center Against Expulsions in Berlin.
Foreign policy
[edit]In foreign policy, the JU is committed to a German-American security alliance, and called for Germany to participate in the War against Iraq. It opposes Turkey's full membership in the European Union, preferring for them to have a privileged partnership with the EU.
Prominent former members of the Junge Union
[edit]- Hermann Gröhe – German minister of health (2013–2018)
- Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg – German minister of defence (2009–11)
- Volker Kauder – Leader of the CDU/CSU Group in the Bundestag (2005–18)
- Roland Koch – Minister-president of Hesse (1999–2010)
- Helmut Kohl – Chancellor of Germany (1982–98)
- Jan Löffler – Member of the Landtag of Saxony (2009-)
- Günther Oettinger – Minister-president of Baden-Württemberg (2005–10), European Commissioner (since 2010)
- Wolfgang Schäuble – German minister of the interior (1989–91 and 2005–09), minister of finance (2009–17), president of the Bundestag (since 2017)
- Friedrich Merz - Chancellor of Germany (2025-)
- Jens Spahn – German minister of health (2018-2021)
- Edmund Stoiber – Minister-president of Bavaria (1993–2007)
- Christian Wulff – Minister-president of Lower Saxony (2003–10), President of Germany (2010–12)
- Dorothee Bär – German Minister for Digitalisation (2018–2021), German Minister for Research, Technology and Space (2025–)
Chairpersons
[edit]- Bruno Six (1947–1948)
- Alfred Sagner (1948–1949)
- Josef Dufhues (1949–1950)
- Ernst Majonica (1950–1955)
- Gerhard Stoltenberg (1955–1961)
- Bert Even (1961–1963)
- Egon Klepsch (1963–1969)
- Jürgen Echternach (1969–1973)
- Matthias Wissmann (1973–1983)
- Christoph Böhr (1983–1989)
- Hermann Gröhe (1989–1994)
- Klaus Escher (1994–1998)
- Hildegard Müller (1998–2002)
- Philipp Mißfelder (2002–2014)
- Paul Ziemiak (2014–2018)
- Tilman Kuban (2018-2022)
- Johannes Winkel (since 2022)[6]
International relations
[edit]The JU is a member of the Youth of the European People's Party (YEPP), an umbrella organisation of Christian Democratic and conservative youth organisations of Europe. It collaborates closely with all European partner organisations but has traditionally had strong ties to the neighboring Junge Österreichische Volkspartei (JVP), the youth organisation of the Austrian People's Party.
All International Affairs are coordinated by the International Commission, which is chaired by Maximilian Mörseburg MdB as International Secretary and his deputies Manuel Knoll MdL and Moritz Übermuth.[7]
References
[edit]- ^ Philipp Mißfelder (editor): 60 Jahre Junge Union Deutschlands, Berlin 2007 ISBN 978-3-923632-06-0
- ^ JA, ich möchte jetzt in die JUNGE UNION eintreten! Young Union (official website). Retrieved 11 October 2018.
- ^ "Stats of membership in a youth organization (german source)". 13 July 2021. Retrieved 17 January 2022.
- ^ Preamble - Page 1 party manifesto (German)
- ^ Preamble - Page 2 party manifesto (German)
- ^ Hemicker, Lorenz (19 November 2022). "Ein Vordenker für die Junge Union". faz.net. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Retrieved 21 November 2022.
- ^ "Internationales". www.junge-union.de (in German). Retrieved 2024-03-11.
External links
[edit]- Junge Union - Official site (German)
- Youth of the European People's Party - Official site (English)
Young Union
View on GrokipediaThe Junge Union Deutschlands (JU) is the youth organization of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU), Germany's major center-right parties, providing a platform for individuals aged 14 to 35 to engage in political training and advocacy rooted in Christian democratic values.[1]
Founded in 1947 amid the postwar reconstruction of West Germany, the JU emerged as a unified youth structure for the emerging CDU/CSU alliance, emphasizing personal responsibility, market-oriented economics, and traditional social principles to counter socialist influences.[1] With approximately 90,000 members, it operates as Europe's largest political youth association, organized into regional branches that conduct seminars, policy forums, and campaigns to develop future conservative leaders.[2]
Prominent figures such as Helmut Kohl, who co-founded a JU branch in Rhineland-Palatinate in 1946 and later became Chancellor, exemplify its role in nurturing political talent that shaped Germany's postwar trajectory, including economic liberalization and European integration efforts.[3] The JU maintains organizational ties to the CDU/CSU while asserting policy independence, focusing on issues like fiscal conservatism, national security, and youth empowerment through empirical policy analysis rather than ideological conformity.[1]
History
Founding and Post-War Development
The Junge Union Deutschlands (JU) emerged in the aftermath of World War II as the youth wing of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU). Local initiatives formed in the British and American occupation zones starting in late 1945, paralleling the re-establishment of conservative Christian parties amid denazification and the need to rebuild democratic structures. These early groups focused on fostering political engagement among youth disillusioned by totalitarianism, emphasizing values such as personal freedom, Christian ethics, and anti-communism. The federal structure was formalized at the inaugural Deutschlandtreffen from January 17 to 21, 1947, in Königstein im Taunus, where delegates from eight regional associations convened to create a unified organization aligned with the CDU/CSU's interdenominational platform.[4][5] In the Soviet occupation zone (SBZ), the JU encountered severe opposition; by 1948, it was outlawed by communist authorities, resulting in the arrest and imprisonment of numerous members in Soviet labor camps or domestic prisons, which underscored the East-West divide crystallizing in post-war Germany. Conversely, in the western zones, the JU expanded alongside the CDU's consolidation, contributing to youth mobilization during the 1949 federal elections that led to the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). Under Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's government, the organization supported key policies including the social market economy, rearmament, and integration into Western institutions like the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) and NATO (1955), viewing these as essential for stabilizing democracy and economic recovery.[6][4] The 1950s marked a period of institutional maturation for the JU, with regular Deutschlandtage serving as platforms for policy debates and leadership elections. Notable early federal leaders included Josef Hermann Dufhues as chairman from 1949 to 1950, followed by others who shaped its conservative orientation. The organization acted as a talent pipeline for the CDU/CSU, nurturing figures active in regional politics and later national roles, while promoting educational programs to counter lingering ideological influences from the Nazi era. By the mid-1950s, under general secretaries like Helmut Ziegler (1948–1955), the JU had developed a robust administrative framework, including state-level branches that mirrored the parties' federalist structure, facilitating grassroots involvement in the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle).[5][7]Expansion and Reunification Era
During the 1970s and early 1980s, the Junge Union underwent substantial membership expansion in West Germany, reflecting broader engagement among young conservatives amid economic recovery and political stabilization under CDU leadership. By 1983, membership had surged to 260,000, a tripling from the approximately 85,000 members recorded in 1963, driven by active recruitment in regional branches and alignment with Helmut Kohl's modernization efforts within the CDU since his party chairmanship in 1973.[4] This period marked the organization's peak influence in West German youth politics, with initiatives emphasizing economic liberalism and anti-communism that resonated during the Cold War's final decade. The expansion coincided with the Junge Union's advocacy for Kohl's policies after the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition took power in 1982, including support for NATO rearmament and market-oriented reforms that bolstered its appeal among students and young professionals. Regional branches, such as in Bavaria, reached highs of nearly 55,000 members, underscoring decentralized growth strategies that integrated local activism with national campaigns.[8] However, this era also saw internal debates on social issues, maintaining the organization's commitment to Christian-democratic principles without significant ideological fractures. The reunification era began with the collapse of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, prompting rapid integration efforts between West Germany's Junge Union and the youth wings of the East German CDU, which had operated under socialist constraints. On September 8, 1990, at the Deutschlandtag in Leipzig, the Christian-democratic youth organizations from both German states formally united to form the all-German Junge Union Deutschlands, chaired by Hermann Gröhe, just weeks before official reunification on October 3.[4] This merger incorporated Eastern members into the structure, though initial challenges arose from differing political experiences, with Western expansion momentum aiding the absorption process. Post-unification, the Junge Union focused on bridging Ost-West divides through joint programs, but membership began contracting from its 1983 peak as economic transitions in the East strained youth recruitment. By 2000, numbers had fallen to 139,000, reflecting adaptation pains yet affirming the organization's role in fostering unified conservative youth networks.[4]21st Century Evolution and Challenges
In the early 2000s, the Junge Union maintained its role as a cadre organization for the CDU/CSU, with membership peaking at approximately 139,000 in 2000 before beginning a gradual decline influenced by broader trends in party affiliation among youth, including aging out of the 14-35 age bracket and competition from alternative political movements.[9] Under federal chair Philipp Mißfelder (2002-2014), the organization emphasized foreign policy assertiveness and economic liberalization, aligning with CDU efforts to counter Social Democratic reforms while advocating for market-oriented solutions to globalization pressures.[7] By the mid-2010s, membership had fallen to around 130,000 in 2009 and further to 125,680 by 2010, reflecting structural challenges in attracting new recruits amid economic uncertainty following the 2008 financial crisis.[9][10] Policy evolution during this period incorporated greater focus on digital competencies and education reform, as evidenced by the 2021 policy catalog prioritizing digital skills to compete globally with nations like the United States and China, marking a shift toward addressing technological disruption as a core economic imperative.[11] Leadership transitions to Paul Ziemiak (2014-2019) and Tilman Kuban (2019-2022) sustained emphasis on integration and continuity, with Kuban highlighting the need for conservative renewal in response to societal changes, though without reversing membership erosion, which reached 91,129 by 2021.[7] The organization adapted to EU enlargement and internal CDU debates by promoting pragmatic conservatism, including support for controlled migration frameworks that balanced labor needs with cultural cohesion, diverging from more permissive approaches in the broader party under Angela Merkel. Key challenges emerged from the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its youth wing, Junge Alternative, which capitalized on dissatisfaction with CDU/CSU migration policies following the 2015-2016 influx of over 1 million asylum seekers, drawing away conservative-leaning youth through appeals to stricter border controls and skepticism toward multiculturalism.[12] Empirical data on rising migrant-related crime rates and integration costs, often underreported in mainstream outlets due to institutional reluctance to highlight causal links, fueled this shift, with AfD youth organizations expanding rapidly in eastern Germany where traditional party loyalty waned.[13] The Junge Union faced internal pressures to differentiate, leading to vocal opposition against unchecked asylum practices and green energy mandates perceived as economically burdensome, yet struggled with perceptions of insufficient ideological edge compared to populist alternatives. Under current chair Johannes Winkel (since November 2022), the Junge Union has intensified focus on security and digital sovereignty amid geopolitical tensions, including Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, while confronting ongoing membership stagnation and youth disengagement from established parties—evident in CDU/CSU's diminished share of under-30 votes in recent elections.[7] These dynamics underscore causal factors like policy fatigue from prolonged centrist governance and the appeal of unfiltered realism on issues such as welfare strain from migration, necessitating renewed emphasis on first-principles conservatism to reclaim relevance without compromising empirical grounding in verifiable socioeconomic data.[14]Organizational Structure
Membership Demographics and Growth
Membership in the Junge Union is restricted to individuals aged 14 to 35, aligning with its role as the youth wing of the CDU and CSU.[15] As of the most recent figures, the organization counts approximately 90,000 members, making it Europe's largest political youth organization.[16] This total reflects a stable but reduced base compared to historical highs, with members distributed across 18 state associations, 37 district associations, and over 400 local chapters.[17] Demographically, the Junge Union exhibits a notable gender imbalance, with women accounting for about 30% of members based on 2023 assessments.[18] Earlier data from 2018 indicated a slightly higher female share of nearly 44%, suggesting possible fluctuations or measurement variances, though the predominance of male members persists in line with patterns observed in conservative youth groups.[19] Age distribution concentrates toward the younger end due to natural attrition at the upper limit, but specific breakdowns by sub-age cohorts or socioeconomic factors remain limited in public reporting. Membership growth has followed a trajectory of expansion followed by contraction. The organization reached its peak of around 260,000 members in 1983 during a period of strong CDU/CSU popularity.[17] Subsequent decades saw declines to 139,000 by 2000 and 130,000 in 2009, driven by aging out, competition from alternative political movements, and broader depoliticization trends among youth.[17] Recent years show localized gains, such as record increases in branches like Marl since 2017 and Wolfsburg's addition of members post-2020, potentially linked to recruitment drives amid rising conservative sentiments among young voters, though national figures have stabilized rather than rebounded significantly.[20][21]Internal Governance and Regional Branches
The Junge Union's internal governance is structured democratically, with the Bundesvorstand serving as the primary executive body at the federal level. It comprises a Bundesvorsitzender, four stellvertretende Bundesvorsitzende, a Bundesschatzmeister, and 16 Beisitzer (or 14 Beisitzer plus specialized roles such as Mitgliederbeauftragter and Digitalmanager under an optional model).[22] The Bundesvorstand is elected by the Deutschlandtag every even-numbered year through separate ballots and holds responsibility for executing decisions from the Deutschlandtag and Deutschlandrat, approving budgets and annual accounts, and convening at least six times per year to manage ongoing operations.[22] Between annual Deutschlandtag congresses, the Deutschlandrat functions as the paramount decision-making assembly on political and organizational matters. It consists of 42 delegates allocated to Landesverbände (one base mandate per association, with additional seats distributed via the Hare-Niemeyer method based on prior-year membership figures as of December 31), all Bundesvorstand members, and the Bundesvorsitzender of the Schüler Union.[22] The Deutschlandrat convenes at least three times annually to deliberate on policy positions, affiliations with external organizations, and nominations such as candidates for the CDU's federal executive.[22] Regionally, the organization divides into 18 Landesverbände, reflecting Germany's federal states with accommodations for historical divisions (e.g., three separate associations in Niedersachsen: Braunschweig, Niedersachsen, and Oldenburg).[2][22] These state-level branches coordinate political activities and internal affairs within their jurisdictions, overseeing 37 Bezirksverbände (district associations, optional and varying by state) and 403 Kreisverbände (county-level associations, aligned with administrative districts).[2] At the base, nearly 1,000 Gemeinde-, Orts-, Stadtteil-, or Stadtverbände handle local engagement, membership recruitment, and community-level initiatives, with provisions for Flächenverbände in sparsely organized rural areas.[2] Each regional tier maintains autonomous boards, councils, and congresses that parallel federal bodies, fostering decentralized decision-making while adhering to overarching statutes.[22] Auslandsverbände for expatriate members operate under direct Bundesvorstand supervision, subject to approval of their guidelines and statutes.[22]Relationship with CDU/CSU
The Junge Union (JU) functions as the joint youth organization for the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU), operating at the federal level across Germany while maintaining programmatic, organizational, and financial independence from both parties.[2][23] This autonomy allows the JU to develop its own policy positions and internal governance, yet it remains ideologically aligned with the CDU/CSU's Christian-democratic principles as part of the broader "Union family."[23] Within the CDU/CSU Union family, the Schüler Union Deutschlands (SU) serves as the affiliated nationwide pupil organization, influencing school and education policy.[24] The JU's statutes explicitly state that it is an independent association committed to democratic and Christian-social values, without formal subordination to the parties' hierarchies.[22] Membership in the JU, open to individuals aged 14 to 35, does not require concurrent membership in the CDU or CSU, enabling broader recruitment of young conservatives unaffiliated with the parent parties.[22][2] However, JU officeholders at the state (Landesvorstand) and federal (Bundesvorstand) levels are expected to hold CDU or CSU membership, and all members are obligated to advance JU resolutions within the parties and their parliamentary groups to foster policy influence.[22] This dynamic positions the JU as a conduit for youth perspectives, often serving as a training ground and renewal mechanism for the CDU/CSU, with many JU alumni ascending to leadership roles in the parties.[23] Structurally, the JU mirrors the CDU/CSU's federal-state-regional-local framework, with 18 state associations (Landesverbände), 37 district associations (Bezirksverbände), and nearly 1,000 local groups, often sharing office resources at lower levels while maintaining dedicated JU offices at state and federal tiers.[2] Integration occurs through mechanisms such as JU nominations for CDU federal board positions via its Deutschlandrat and requirements for JU statute amendments to receive approval from the CDU's general secretary.[22] These ties ensure coordinated action on shared goals, such as advocating conservative policies on economics, security, and family values, while the JU's independence permits it to critique or push party leadership on issues like pension reforms or climate policy, as seen in internal debates.[23]Ideology and Political Positions
Foundational Principles
The Junge Union's foundational principles are codified in its Grundsatzprogramm, adopted at the 2012 Deutschlandtag in Rostock, which serves as the organization's political compass and aligns with the Christian democratic values of its parent parties, the CDU and CSU, while emphasizing youth-specific perspectives on innovation, responsibility, and generational equity.[25][26] The preamble underscores a commitment to ensuring a dignified life for all through peace, freedom, social justice, and sustainable development, grounded in a Christian conception of human dignity that remains open to pluralistic viewpoints amid global challenges like conflict, environmental degradation, and technological disruption.[26] Central to these principles is the balance of individual freedom with personal responsibility toward others and future generations, fostering solidarity that prioritizes self-reliance alongside support for the vulnerable.[26] The family is positioned as the foundational social unit for stability and child-rearing, warranting state protection of marriage and parental rights, while advocating equal opportunities, particularly for women through equitable compensation and anti-discrimination policies.[26] Economically, the program champions a social market economy integrating free enterprise, competition, and ecological safeguards, with the state's role limited to establishing rules, preventing monopolies, and addressing market failures without stifling innovation.[26] Education is framed as essential for personal growth, civic duty, and professional skills, supporting a tiered system accessible to all, with strong parental involvement and emphasis on lifelong learning to adapt to societal changes.[26] The Junge Union positions itself as the advocate for young Germans, injecting forward-looking ideas into policy debates to ensure intergenerational fairness and resilience against existential risks.[26]Economic and Social Policies
The Junge Union endorses the social market economy as the cornerstone of its economic framework, emphasizing private property, competition, and limited state intervention to correct market failures while promoting individual initiative and ecological sustainability.[27] This approach, outlined in its 2012 Grundsatzprogramm, prioritizes personal responsibility over dependency on state provisions, viewing economic growth as compatible with environmental stewardship through innovation rather than regulatory overreach.[28] In labor and economic policy, the organization advocates reducing corporate taxes and ancillary wage costs to competitive international levels, dismantling excessive bureaucracy such as redundant documentation requirements, and fostering entrepreneurship via deregulation.[28] It supports modernizing work regulations for greater flexibility, including unified labor codes and reformed supply chain laws to bolster business competitiveness, while pushing for revived transatlantic trade agreements like TTIP to enhance exports amid Germany's 2023-2024 GDP contraction and lagging performance relative to the United States.[28] Fiscal policy stresses adherence to the constitutional debt brake, debt reduction for intergenerational equity, and tax relief measures like raising the basic tax-free allowance to incentivize work and investment in future-oriented sectors.[29] On social policies, the Junge Union positions family as society's foundational unit, advocating flexible childcare, care structures, and financial supports to address declining birth rates and demographic shifts, with resolutions from its 2024 Deutschlandtag calling for Pflegezeitgeld payments tied to actual caregiving and adjustments to parental leave exclusions.[30] It promotes conservative values in a modern context, prioritizing equal opportunities for children and political decisions favoring family stability over expansive state roles. In social security, it critiques pay-as-you-go pension systems as unsustainable given the contributor-to-retiree ratio's decline from six in the 1960s to 1.8 currently, projected at 1.2 by 2050, proposing a dynamic retirement age linked to life expectancy increases and family policies to elevate birth rates for workforce preservation.[31] Health policy focuses on innovation in AI, robotics, and digitalization to counter care shortages and rural physician gaps, including VAT reductions on medicines and secured psychotherapy funding, while opposing early retirement incentives that exacerbate skilled labor deficits.[31][32] In 2025, it resisted coalition pension reforms perceived as short-term fixes that could lower benefits post-2032, demanding savings in rents and pensions to maintain system viability, exemplified by discussions at the 2025 Deutschlandtag (14-16 November, Rust), where the JU, in the presence of Chancellor Merz, urged young CDU Bundestag members to block the coalition's pension plans submitted by Minister Bärbel Bas, while Merz advocated for approval.[33][34]Foreign Policy and Security Stance
The Junge Union advocates a foreign policy grounded in transatlantic partnership and collective defense, emphasizing deterrence through military strength as essential for preserving peace and freedom. It positions Germany as a leading European power within NATO, committing to the alliance's Article 5 mutual defense clause and viewing reliance on American security guarantees as insufficient without European self-sufficiency.[35][36] In its basic program, the organization underscores NATO's role in safeguarding democratic values against threats, advocating equal transatlantic burden-sharing and restricting military aid to alliances like NATO for defending democracies under duress.[26] On security policy, the Junge Union calls for bolstering the Bundeswehr to ensure Germany's and Europe's sovereignty, targeting a minimum defense spending of 2% of GDP with aspirations to reach 3%, alongside reintroducing elements of conscription and enhancing personnel and equipment readiness.[35] Resolutions adopted in 2023 and 2024 emphasize addressing hybrid threats, improving soldier protective gear, and fostering a national security culture that prioritizes responsibility over dependency.[37][38] The group critiques past underinvestment in defense, arguing that strength deters aggression, as evidenced by its support for increased NATO contributions amid Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[39] Regarding the European Union, the Junge Union supports a unified EU foreign and security policy to project a single voice based on shared values, favoring institutional deepening over rapid enlargement and opposing Turkey's accession due to incompatible standards.[26][39] It endorses integrating the Western European Union into EU structures for defense capabilities while pursuing arms control and disarmament globally, conditional on verifiable reciprocity.[26] In specific geopolitical stances, the organization has expressed solidarity with Ukraine since Russia's 2022 invasion, joining cross-party youth calls for demonstrations and pushing for Bundeswehr preparedness, including potential involvement in security guarantees, while criticizing Ukraine's policies allowing draft-age men to emigrate.[40][41] On Israel, it maintains firm support as a democratic ally, opposing Germany's 2025 suspension of certain arms exports amid the Gaza conflict and advocating relocation of the embassy to Jerusalem in 2023, though facing internal CDU reservations.[42][43] These positions reflect a broader commitment to human rights, self-determination, and opposition to authoritarian expansionism, informed by empirical assessments of threats from actors like Russia.[26]Leadership and Notable Members
Chairpersons and Key Internal Leaders
The Junge Union has been led by a series of Bundesvorsitzende (federal chairpersons) since its founding in 1947, with leadership terms typically lasting several years and often serving as a launchpad for prominent careers in the CDU/CSU and German politics.[7] Early chairpersons focused on establishing the organization amid post-war reconstruction, while later ones navigated ideological shifts and party challenges. Notable long-serving leaders include Matthias Wissmann (1973–1983), who oversaw significant organizational growth, and Philipp Mißfelder (2002–2014), who guided the group through periods of CDU opposition and policy debates.[7]| Chairperson | Term |
|---|---|
| Bruno Six | 1947–1948 |
| Fred Sagner | 1948–1949 |
| Josef Hermann Dufhues | 1949–1950 |
| Ernst Majonica | 1950–1955 |
| Gerhard Stoltenberg | 1955–1961 |
| Bert Even | 1961–1963 |
| Egon Klepsch | 1963–1969 |
| Jürgen Echternach | 1969–1973 |
| Matthias Wissmann | 1973–1983 |
| Christoph Böhr | 1983–1989 |
| Hermann Gröhe | 1989–1994 |
| Klaus Escher | 1994–1998 |
| Hildegard Müller | 1998–2002 |
| Philipp Mißfelder | 2002–2014 |
| Paul Ziemiak | 2014–2019 |
| Tilman Kuban | 2019–2022 |
| Johannes Winkel | 2022–present |
