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Abortion
Abortion
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Abortion is the termination of a pregnancy by removal or expulsion of an embryo or fetus.[nb 1][2] The unmodified word abortion generally refers to induced abortion,[3][4] or deliberate actions to end a pregnancy.[nb 2] Abortion occurring without intervention is known as spontaneous abortion or "miscarriage", and occurs in roughly 30–40% of all pregnancies.[5][6] Common reasons for inducing an abortion are birth-timing and limiting family size.[7][8][9] Other reasons include maternal health, an inability to afford a child, domestic violence, lack of support, feelings of being too young, wishing to complete an education or advance a career, and not being able, or willing, to raise a child conceived as a result of rape or incest.[7][9][10]

When done legally in industrialized societies, induced abortion is one of the safest procedures in medicine.[11]: 1[12] Modern methods use medication or surgery for abortions.[13] The drug mifepristone (aka RU-486) in combination with prostaglandin appears to be as safe and effective as surgery during the first and second trimesters of pregnancy.[13][14] Self-managed medication abortion is highly effective and safe throughout the first trimester.[15][16][17] The most common surgical technique involves dilating the cervix and using a suction device.[18] Birth control, such as the pill or intrauterine devices, can be used immediately following an abortion.[14] When performed legally and safely on a woman who desires it, an induced abortion does not increase the risk of long-term mental or physical problems.[19] In contrast, unsafe abortions performed by unskilled individuals, with hazardous equipment, or in unsanitary facilities cause between 22,000 and 44,000 deaths and 6.9 million hospital admissions each year[20]—responsible for between 5% and 13% of maternal deaths, especially in low income countries.[21] The World Health Organization states that "access to legal, safe and comprehensive abortion care, including post-abortion care, is essential for the attainment of the highest possible level of sexual and reproductive health".[22] Public health data show that making safe abortion legal and accessible reduces maternal deaths.[23][24]

Around 73 million abortions are performed each year in the world,[25] with about 45% done unsafely.[26] Abortion rates changed little between 2003 and 2008,[27] before which they decreased for at least two decades as access to family planning and birth control increased.[28] As of 2018, 37% of the world's women had access to legal abortions without limits as to reason.[29] Countries that permit abortions have different limits on how late in pregnancy abortion is allowed.[30] Abortion rates are similar between countries that restrict abortion and countries that broadly allow it, though this is partly because countries which restrict abortion tend to have higher unintended pregnancy rates.[31]

Since 1973, there has been a global trend towards greater legal access to abortion,[32] but there remains debate with regard to moral, religious, ethical, and legal issues.[33][34] Those who oppose abortion often argue that an embryo or fetus is a person with a right to life, and thus equate abortion with murder.[35][36] Those who support abortion's legality often argue that it is a woman's reproductive right.[37] Others favor legal and accessible abortion as a public health measure.[38] Abortion laws and views of the procedure are different around the world. In some countries abortion is legal and women have the right to make the choice about abortion.[39] In some areas, abortion is legal only in specific cases such as rape, incest, fetal defects, poverty, and risk to a woman's health.[40] Historically, abortions have been attempted using herbal medicines, sharp tools, forceful massage, or other traditional methods.[41]

Types

[edit]

Induced

[edit]
Induced abortion
Other namesInduced miscarriage, termination of pregnancy
SpecialtyObstetrics and gynecology
ICD-10-PCS10A0
ICD-9-CM779.6
MeSHD000028
MedlinePlus007382
eMedicine252560

An induced abortion is a medical procedure to end a pregnancy.[42] In present-day English, the term abortion, when used without further qualification, generally refers to induced abortion.[4]

A pregnancy can be intentionally aborted in several ways. The abortion method depends upon the gestational age of the embryo or fetus, which gains mass as the pregnancy progresses.[43][44] Abortion laws, regional availability, and the personal preference of the woman and her doctor may inform the woman's choice of a specific abortion procedure.

Abortions can be characterized as either therapeutic or elective. When an abortion is performed for medical reasons, the procedure is referred to as a therapeutic abortion. Medical reasons for therapeutic abortion include saving the life of the pregnant woman, preventing harm to the woman's physical or mental health, preventing the birth of a child who will have a significantly increased chance of mortality or morbidity, and reducing the number of fetuses to lessen health risks associated with multiple pregnancy.[45][46] An abortion is referred to as elective or voluntary when it is performed at the request of the woman for non-medical reasons.[46] Confusion sometimes arises over the term elective because "elective surgery" generally refers to all scheduled surgery, whether medically necessary or not.[47]

About one in five pregnancies worldwide ends with an induced abortion.[27] Most abortions result from unintended pregnancies.[7][48] In the United Kingdom, 1 to 2% of abortions are done because of genetic problems in the fetus.[19]

Spontaneous

[edit]

Miscarriage, also known as spontaneous abortion, is the unintentional expulsion of an embryo or fetus before the 24th week of gestation.[49] A pregnancy that ends before 37 weeks of gestation resulting in a live-born infant is a "premature birth" or a "preterm birth".[50] When a fetus dies in utero after viability, or during delivery, it is usually termed "stillborn".[51] Premature births and stillbirths are generally not considered to be miscarriages, although usage of these terms can sometimes overlap.[52]

Studies of pregnant women in the US and China have shown that between 40% and 60% of embryos do not progress to birth.[53][54][55] The vast majority of miscarriages occur before the woman is aware that she is pregnant,[46] and many pregnancies spontaneously abort before medical practitioners can detect an embryo.[56] Between 15% and 30% of known pregnancies end in clinically apparent miscarriage, depending upon the age and health of the pregnant woman.[57] 80% of these spontaneous abortions happen in the first trimester.[58]

The most common cause of spontaneous abortion during the first trimester is chromosomal abnormalities of the embryo or fetus,[46][59] accounting for at least 50% of sampled early pregnancy losses.[60] Other causes include vascular disease (such as lupus), diabetes, other hormonal problems, infection, and abnormalities of the uterus.[59] Advancing maternal age and a woman's history of previous spontaneous abortions are the two leading factors associated with a greater risk of spontaneous abortion.[60] A spontaneous abortion can also be caused by accidental trauma; intentional trauma or stress to cause miscarriage is considered induced abortion or feticide.[61]

Methods

[edit]

Medical

[edit]
 
 
Practice of Induced Abortion Methods
Induced Miscarr.
Gestational age may determine which abortion methods are practiced.

Medical abortions are those induced by abortifacient pharmaceuticals. Medical abortion became an alternative method of abortion with the availability of prostaglandin analogs in the 1970s and the antiprogestogen mifepristone (also known as RU-486) in the 1980s.[14][13][62][63]

The most common early first trimester medical abortion regimens use mifepristone in combination with misoprostol (or sometimes another prostaglandin analog, gemeprost) up to 10 weeks (70 days) gestational age,[64][65] methotrexate in combination with a prostaglandin analog up to 7 weeks gestation, or a prostaglandin analog alone.[13] Mifepristone–misoprostol combination regimens work faster and are more effective at later gestational ages than methotrexate–misoprostol combination regimens, and combination regimens are more effective than misoprostol alone, particularly in the second trimester.[62][66] Medical abortion regimens involving mifepristone followed by misoprostol in the cheek between 24 and 48 hours later are effective when performed before 70 days' gestation.[65][64]

Shown here is the typical regimen for early medical abortions (200 mg mifepristone and 800 μg misoprostol).

In very early abortions, up to 7 weeks gestation, medical abortion using a mifepristone–misoprostol combination regimen is considered to be more effective than surgical abortion (vacuum aspiration), especially when clinical practice does not include detailed inspection of aspirated tissue.[67] Early medical abortion regimens using mifepristone, followed 24–48 hours later by buccal or vaginal misoprostol are 98% effective up to 9 weeks gestational age; from 9 to 10 weeks efficacy decreases modestly to 94%.[64][68] If medical abortion fails, surgical abortion must be used to complete the procedure.[69]

Early medical abortions account for the majority of abortions before 9 weeks gestation in Britain,[70] France,[71] Switzerland,[72] United States,[73] and the Nordic countries.[74]

Medical abortion regimens using mifepristone in combination with a prostaglandin analog are the most common methods used for second trimester abortions in Canada, most of Europe, China and India,[63] in contrast to the United States where 96% of second trimester abortions are performed surgically by dilation and evacuation.[75]

A 2020 Cochrane Systematic Review concluded that providing women with medications to take home to complete the second stage of the procedure for an early medical abortion results in an effective abortion.[76] Further research is required to determine if self-administered medical abortion is as safe as provider-administered medical abortion, where a health care professional is present to help manage the medical abortion.[76] Safely permitting women to self-administer abortion medication has the potential to improve access to abortion.[76] The review also noted a research gap concerning methods to support women who take medication at home for a self-administered abortion.[76]

Surgical

[edit]
A vacuum aspiration abortion at eight weeks gestational age (six weeks after fertilization).
1: Amniotic sac
2: Embryo
3: Uterine lining
4: Speculum
5: Vacurette
6: Attached to a suction pump

Up to 15 weeks' gestation, suction-aspiration or vacuum aspiration are the most common surgical methods of induced abortion.[77] Manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) consists of removing the fetus or embryo, placenta, and membranes by suction using a manual syringe, while electric vacuum aspiration (EVA) uses an electric pump. Both techniques can be used very early in pregnancy. MVA can be used up to 14 weeks but is more often used earlier in the U.S. EVA can be used later.[75]

MVA, also known as "mini-suction" and "menstrual extraction", or EVA can be used in very early pregnancy when cervical dilation may not be required. Dilation and curettage (D&C) refers to opening the cervix (dilation) and removing tissue (curettage) via suction or sharp instruments. D&C is a standard gynecological procedure performed for a variety of reasons, including examination of the uterine lining for possible malignancy, investigation of abnormal bleeding, and abortion. The World Health Organization recommends sharp curettage only when suction aspiration is unavailable.[78]

Dilation and evacuation (D&E), used after 12 to 16 weeks, consists of opening the cervix and emptying the uterus using surgical instruments and suction. D&E is performed vaginally and does not require an incision. Intact dilation and extraction (D&X) refers to a variant of D&E sometimes used after 18 to 20 weeks when removal of an intact fetus improves surgical safety or for other reasons.[79]

Abortion may also be performed surgically by hysterotomy or gravid hysterectomy. Hysterotomy abortion is a procedure similar to a caesarean section and is performed under general anesthesia. It requires a smaller incision than a caesarean section and can be used during later stages of pregnancy. Gravid hysterectomy refers to removal of the whole uterus while still containing the pregnancy. Hysterotomy and hysterectomy are associated with much higher rates of maternal morbidity and mortality than D&E or induction abortion.[80]

First trimester procedures can generally be performed using local anesthesia, while second trimester methods may require deep sedation or general anesthesia.[81][82][83]

Labor induction abortion

[edit]

In places lacking the necessary medical skill for dilation and extraction, or when preferred by practitioners, an abortion can be induced by first inducing labor and then inducing fetal demise if necessary.[84] This is sometimes called "induced miscarriage". This procedure may be performed from 13 weeks gestation to the third trimester. Although it is very uncommon in the United States, more than 80% of induced abortions throughout the second trimester are labor-induced abortions in Sweden and other nearby countries.[85]

Only limited data are available comparing labor-induced abortion with the dilation and extraction method.[85] Unlike D&E, labor-induced abortions after 18 weeks may be complicated by the occurrence of brief fetal survival, which may be legally characterized as live birth. For this reason, labor-induced abortion is legally risky in the United States.[85][86]

Other methods

[edit]

Historically, a number of herbs reputed to possess abortifacient properties have been used in folk medicine. Such herbs include tansy, pennyroyal, black cohosh, and the now-extinct silphium.[87]: 44–47, 62–63, 154–155, 230–231 

In 1978, one woman in Colorado died and another developed organ damage when they attempted to terminate their pregnancies by taking pennyroyal oil.[88] Because the indiscriminant use of herbs as abortifacients can cause serious—even lethal—side effects, such as multiple organ failure,[89] such use is not recommended by physicians.

Abortion is sometimes attempted by causing trauma to the abdomen. The degree of force, if severe, can cause serious internal injuries without necessarily succeeding in inducing miscarriage.[90] In Southeast Asia, there is an ancient tradition of attempting abortion through forceful abdominal massage.[91] One of the bas reliefs decorating the temple of Angkor Wat in Cambodia depicts a demon performing such an abortion upon a woman who had been sent to the underworld.[91]

Reported methods of unsafe, self-induced abortion include misuse of misoprostol and insertion of non-surgical implements such as knitting needles and clothes hangers into the uterus. These and other methods to terminate pregnancy may be called "induced miscarriage". Such methods are rarely used in countries where surgical abortion is legal and available.[92]

Safety

[edit]
A likely illegal abortion flyer in South Africa

The health risks of abortion depend principally on how, and under what conditions, the procedure is performed. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines unsafe abortions as a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy carried out either by persons lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both.[93] Legal abortions performed in the developed world are among the safest procedures in medicine.[11][94] According to a 2012 study in Obstetrics & Gynecology, in the United States the risk of maternal mortality is 14 times lower after induced abortion than after childbirth.[95] The CDC estimated in 2019 that US pregnancy-related mortality was 17.2 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births,[96] while the US abortion mortality rate was 0.43 maternal deaths per 100,000 procedures.[12][97][98] In the UK, guidelines of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists state that "Women should be advised that abortion is generally safer than continuing a pregnancy to term."[99] Worldwide, on average, abortion is safer than carrying a pregnancy to term. A 2007 study reported that "26% of all pregnancies worldwide are terminated by induced abortion," whereas "deaths from improperly performed [abortion] procedures constitute 13% of maternal mortality globally."[100] In Indonesia in 2000 it was estimated that 2 million pregnancies ended in abortion, 4.5 million pregnancies were carried to term, and 14–16 percent of maternal deaths resulted from abortion.[101]

In the US from 2000 to 2009, abortion had a mortality rate lower than plastic surgery, lower or similar to running a marathon, and about equivalent to traveling 760 miles (1,220 km) in a passenger car.[12] Five years after seeking abortion services, women who gave birth after being denied an abortion reported worse health than women who had either first or second trimester abortions.[102] The risk of abortion-related mortality increases with gestational age, but remains lower than that of childbirth.[103] Outpatient abortion is as safe from 64 to 70 days' gestation as it before 63 days.[104]

Safety of abortion methods

[edit]

There is little difference in terms of safety and efficacy between medical abortion using a combined regimen of mifepristone and misoprostol and surgical abortion (vacuum aspiration) in early first trimester abortions up to 10 weeks gestation.[67] Medical abortion using the prostaglandin analog misoprostol alone is less effective and more painful than medical abortion using a combined regimen of mifepristone and misoprostol or surgical abortion.[105][106]

Safety and gestational age

[edit]

Vacuum aspiration in the first trimester is the safest method of surgical abortion, and can be performed in a primary care office, abortion clinic, or hospital. Complications, which are rare, can include uterine perforation, pelvic infection, and retained products of conception requiring a second procedure to evacuate.[107] Infections account for one-third of abortion-related deaths in the United States.[108] The rate of complications of vacuum aspiration abortion in the first trimester is similar regardless of whether the procedure is performed in a hospital, surgical center, or office.[109] Preventive antibiotics (such as doxycycline or metronidazole) are typically given before abortion procedures,[110] as they are believed to substantially reduce the risk of postoperative uterine infection;[81][111] however, antibiotics are not routinely given with abortion pills.[112] The rate of failed procedures does not appear to vary significantly depending on whether the abortion is performed by a doctor or a mid-level practitioner.[113]

Complications after second trimester abortion are similar to those after first trimester abortion, and depend somewhat on the method chosen.[114] The risk of death from abortion approaches roughly half the risk of death from childbirth the farther along a woman is in pregnancy; from one in a million before 9 weeks gestation to nearly one in ten thousand at 21 weeks or more (as measured from the last menstrual period).[115][116] It appears that having had a prior surgical uterine evacuation (whether because of induced abortion or treatment of miscarriage) correlates with a small increase in the risk of preterm birth in future pregnancies. The studies supporting this did not control for factors not related to abortion or miscarriage, and hence the causes of this correlation have not been determined, although multiple possibilities have been suggested.[117][118]

Mental health

[edit]

Current evidence finds no relationship between most induced abortions and mental health problems[19][119] other than those expected for any unwanted pregnancy.[120] A report by the American Psychological Association concluded that a woman's first abortion is not a threat to mental health when carried out in the first trimester, with such women no more likely to have mental-health problems than those carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term; the mental-health outcome of a woman's second or greater abortion is less certain.[120][121] Some older reviews concluded that abortion was associated with an increased risk of psychological problems;[122] however, later reviews of the medical literature found that previous reviews did not use an appropriate control group.[119] When a control group is utilized, receiving abortion is not associated with adverse psychological outcomes.[119] However, women seeking abortion who are denied access to abortion have an increase in anxiety after the denial.[119]

Although some studies show negative mental-health outcomes in women who choose abortions after the first trimester because of fetal abnormalities,[123] more rigorous research would be needed to show this conclusively.[124] Some proposed negative psychological effects of abortion have been referred to by anti-abortion advocates as a separate condition called "post-abortion syndrome", but this is not recognized by medical or psychological professionals in the United States.[125]

A 2020 long term-study among US women found that about 99% of women felt that they made the right decision five years after they had an abortion. Relief was the primary emotion with few women feeling sadness or guilt. Social stigma was a main factor predicting negative emotions and regret years later. The researchers also stated: "These results add to the scientific evidence that emotions about an abortion are associated with personal and social context, and are not a product of the abortion procedure itself."[126]

Safety in the abortion debate

[edit]

Some purported risks of abortion are promoted primarily by anti-abortion groups,[127][128] but lack scientific support.[127] For example, the question of a link between induced abortion and breast cancer has been investigated extensively. Major medical and scientific bodies (including the WHO, National Cancer Institute, American Cancer Society, Royal College of OBGYN and American Congress of OBGYN) have concluded that abortion does not cause breast cancer.[129]

In the past even illegality has not automatically meant that the abortions were unsafe. Referring to the U.S., historian Linda Gordon states: "In fact, illegal abortions in this country have an impressive safety record."[130]: 25 

According to Rickie Solinger,

A related myth, promulgated by a broad spectrum of people concerned about abortion and public policy, is that before legalization abortionists were dirty and dangerous back-alley butchers.... [T]he historical evidence does not support such claims.[131]: 4 

A 1940s American physician spoke of his pride in having performed 13,844 illegal abortions without any fatalities.[132] In 1870s New York City, the abortionist/midwife Madame Restell (Anna Trow Lohman) is said to have lost very few women among her more than 100,000 patients[133]—a lower mortality rate than the childbirth mortality rate at the time. In 1936, obstetrics and gynecology professor Frederick J. Taussig wrote that a cause of increasing mortality during the years of illegality in the U.S. was that

With each decade of the past fifty years the actual and proportionate frequency of this accident [perforation of the uterus] has increased, due, first, to the increase in the number of instrumentally induced abortions; second, to the proportionate increase in abortions handled by doctors as against those handled by midwives; and, third, to the prevailing tendency to use instruments instead of the finger in emptying the uterus.[134]

Unsafe abortion

[edit]
Soviet poster c. 1925 (after Russia legalized abortion in 1920) warning against abortions performed by folk practitioners

Women seeking an abortion may use unsafe methods, especially when abortion is legally restricted. They may attempt self-induced abortion or seek the help of a person without proper medical training or facilities. This can lead to severe complications, such as incomplete abortion, sepsis, hemorrhage, and damage to internal organs.[135]

Unsafe abortions are a major cause of injury and death among women worldwide. Although data are imprecise, it is estimated that approximately 20 million unsafe abortions are performed annually, with 97% taking place in developing countries.[11] Unsafe abortions are believed to result in millions of injuries.[11][136] Estimates of deaths vary according to methodology, and have ranged from 37,000 to 70,000 in the past decade;[11][137][138] deaths from unsafe abortion account for around 13% of all maternal deaths.[139] The World Health Organization believes that mortality has fallen since the 1990s.[140] To reduce the number of unsafe abortions, public health organizations have generally advocated emphasizing the legalization of abortion, training of medical personnel, and ensuring access to reproductive-health services.[141]

A major factor in whether abortions are performed safely or not is the legal standing of abortion. Countries with restrictive abortion laws have higher rates of unsafe abortion and similar overall abortion rates compared to countries where abortion is legal and available.[137][27] For example, the 1996 legalization of abortion in South Africa led to an immediate reduction in abortion-related complications,[142] with abortion-related deaths dropping by more than 90%.[143] Similar reductions in maternal mortality have been observed after other countries have liberalized their abortion laws, such as Romania and Nepal.[144] A 2011 study concluded that in the United States, some state-level anti-abortion laws are correlated with lower rates of abortion in that state.[145] The analysis, however, did not take into account travel to other states without such laws to obtain an abortion.[146] In addition, a lack of access to effective contraception contributes to unsafe abortion. It has been estimated that the incidence of unsafe abortion could be reduced by up to 75% (from 20 million to 5 million annually) if modern family planning and maternal health services were readily available globally.[147] Rates of such abortions may be difficult to measure because they can be reported variously as miscarriage, "induced miscarriage", "menstrual regulation", "mini-abortion", and "regulation of a delayed/suspended menstruation".[11][148]

Forty percent of the world's women are able to access therapeutic and elective abortions within gestational limits,[30] while an additional 35 percent have access to legal abortion if they meet certain physical, mental, or socioeconomic criteria.[40] While maternal mortality seldom results from safe abortions, unsafe abortions result in 70,000 deaths and 5 million disabilities per year.[137] Complications of unsafe abortion account for approximately an eighth of maternal mortalities worldwide,[149] though this varies by region.[150] Secondary infertility caused by an unsafe abortion affects an estimated 24 million women.[151] The rate of unsafe abortions has increased from 44% to 49% between 1995 and 2008.[27] Health education, access to family planning, and improvements in health care during and after abortion have been proposed to address consequences of unsafe abortion.[152]

Incidence

[edit]

There are two commonly used methods of measuring the incidence of abortion:

  • Abortion rate – number of abortions annually per 1,000 women between 15 and 44 years of age;[153] some sources use a range of 15–49.
  • Abortion percentage – number of abortions out of 100 known pregnancies; pregnancies include live births, abortions, and miscarriages.

In many places, where abortion is illegal or carries a heavy social stigma, medical reporting of abortion is not reliable.[154] For this reason, estimates of the incidence of abortion must be made without determining certainty related to standard error.[27] The number of abortions performed worldwide was characterized as stable in the early 2000s, with 41.6 million having been performed in 2003 and 43.8 million having been performed in 2008.[27] The abortion rate worldwide was 28 per 1000 women per year, though it was 24 per 1000 women per year for developed countries and 29 per 1000 women per year for developing countries.[27] The same 2012 study indicated that in 2008, the estimated abortion percentage of known pregnancies was at 21% worldwide, with 26% in developed countries and 20% in developing countries.[27]

On average, the incidence of abortion is similar in countries with restrictive abortion laws and those with more liberal access to abortion.[155] Restrictive abortion laws are associated with increases in the percentage of abortions performed unsafely.[30][156][155] The unsafe abortion rate in developing countries is partly attributable to lack of access to modern contraceptives; according to the Guttmacher Institute, providing access to contraceptives would result in about 14.5 million fewer unsafe abortions and 38,000 fewer deaths from unsafe abortion annually worldwide.[157]

The rate of legal, induced abortion varies extensively worldwide. According to the report of employees of Guttmacher Institute it ranged from 7 per 1000 women per year (Germany and Switzerland) to 30 per 1000 women per year (Estonia) in countries with complete statistics in 2008. The proportion of pregnancies that ended in induced abortion ranged from about 10% (Israel, the Netherlands and Switzerland) to 30% (Estonia) in the same group, though it might be as high as 36% in Hungary and Romania, whose statistics were deemed incomplete.[158][159]

An American study in 2002 concluded that about half of women having abortions were using a form of contraception at the time of becoming pregnant. Inconsistent use was reported by half of those using condoms and three-quarters of those using the birth control pill; 42% of those using condoms reported failure through slipping or breakage.[160] Of the other half of women, who were not using contraception at the time of becoming pregnant, the vast majority had used contraception at some point in the past, indicating some level of dissatisfaction with the contraceptive options available to them. Indeed, 32% of these contraceptive nonusers cited concerns about contraceptive methods as their reason for nonuse,[160] and a more recent study found similar results.[161] Taken together, these statistics suggest that new contraceptive methods, such as non-hormonal contraceptives or male contraceptives, could reduce unintended pregnancy and abortion rates.[162]

The Guttmacher Institute has found that "most abortions in the United States are obtained by minority women" because minority women "have much higher rates of unintended pregnancy".[163] In a 2022 analysis by the Kaiser Family Foundation, while people of color comprise 44% of the population in Mississippi, 59% of the population in Texas, 42% of the population in Louisiana, and 35% of the population in Alabama, they comprise 80%, 74%, 72%, and 70%, respectively, of those receiving abortions.[164]

Gestational age and method

[edit]
Histogram of abortions by gestational age in England and Wales during 2019 (left). Abortion in the United States by gestational age, 2016 (right).

Abortion rates vary depending on the stage of pregnancy and the method practiced. In 2003, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that 26% of reported legal induced abortions in the United States were known to have been obtained at the end of 6 weeks of gestation or less, 18% at 7 weeks, 15% at 8 weeks, 18% at 9 through 10 weeks, 10% at 11 through 12 weeks, 6% at 13 through 15 weeks, 4% at 16 through 20 weeks and 1% at more than 21 weeks. 91% of these were classified as having been done by "curettage" (suction-aspiration, dilation and curettage, dilation and evacuation), 8% by "medical" means (mifepristone), >1% by "intrauterine instillation" (saline or prostaglandin), and 1% by "other" (including hysterotomy and hysterectomy).[165] According to the CDC, due to data collection difficulties the data must be viewed as tentative and some fetal deaths reported beyond 20 weeks may be natural deaths erroneously classified as abortions if the removal of the dead fetus is accomplished by the same procedure as an induced abortion.[9]

The Guttmacher Institute estimated there were 2,200 intact dilation and extraction procedures in the US during 2000; this accounts for <0.2% of the total number of abortions performed that year.[166] Similarly, in England and Wales in 2006, 89% of terminations occurred at or under 12 weeks, 9% between 13 and 19 weeks, and 2% at or over 20 weeks. 64% of those reported were by vacuum aspiration, 6% by D&E, and 30% were medical.[167] There are more second trimester abortions in developing countries such as China, India and Vietnam than in developed countries.[168][needs update]

There are both medical and non-medical reasons to have an abortion later in pregnancy (after 20 weeks). A study was conducted from 2008 to 2010 at the University of California San Francisco where more than 440 women were asked about why they experienced delays in obtaining abortion care, if there were any. This study found that almost half of individuals who obtained an abortion after 20 weeks did not suspect that they were pregnant until later in their pregnancy.[169] Other barriers to abortion care found in the study included lack of information about where to access an abortion, difficulties with transportation, lack of insurance coverage, and inability to pay for the abortion procedure.[169]

Medical reasons for seeking an abortion later in pregnancy include fetal anomalies and health risk to the pregnant person.[170] There are prenatal tests that can diagnose Down Syndrome or cystic fibrosis as early as 10 weeks into gestation, but structural fetal anomalies are often detected much later in pregnancy.[169] A proportion of structural fetal anomalies are lethal, which means that the fetus will almost certainly die before or shortly after birth.[169] Life-threatening conditions may also develop later in pregnancy, such as early severe preeclampsia, newly diagnosed cancer in need of urgent treatment, and intrauterine infection (chorioamnionitis), which often occurs along with premature rupture of the amniotic sac (PPROM).[169] If serious medical conditions such as these arise before the fetus is viable, the person carrying the pregnancy may pursue an abortion to preserve their own health.[169]

Motivation

[edit]

Personal

[edit]
A bar chart depicting selected data from a 1998 AGI meta-study on the reasons women stated for having an abortion

The reasons why women have abortions are diverse and vary across the world.[9][7][8] Some of the reasons may include an inability to afford a child, domestic violence, lack of support, feeling they are too young, and the wish to complete education or advance a career.[10] Additional reasons include not being able or willing to raise a child conceived as a result of rape or incest.[7][171]

Societal

[edit]

Some abortions are undergone as the result of societal pressures.[172] These might include the preference for children of a specific sex or race, disapproval of single or early motherhood, stigmatization of people with disabilities, insufficient economic support for families, lack of access to or rejection of contraceptive methods, or efforts toward population control (such as China's one-child policy). These factors can sometimes result in compulsory abortion or sex-selective abortion.[173] In cultures where there is a preference for male children, some women have sex selective abortions, which have partially replaced the earlier practice of female infanticide.[173]

Maternal health

[edit]

Some abortions are performed due to concerns over maternal health. In 1990s, women cited maternal health as their main motivating factor in about a third of abortions in three of 27 countries analyzed. In seven additional countries, about 7% of abortions were maternal health related.[9][7]

In the U.S., the Supreme Court decisions in Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton: "ruled that the state's interest in the life of the fetus became compelling only at the point of viability, defined as the point at which the fetus can survive independently of its mother. Even after the point of viability, the state cannot favor the life of the fetus over the life or health of the pregnant woman. Under the right of privacy, physicians must be free to use their "medical judgment for the preservation of the life or health of the mother." On the same day that the Court decided Roe, it also decided Doe v. Bolton, in which the Court defined health very broadly: "The medical judgment may be exercised in the light of all factors—physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman's age—relevant to the well-being of the patient. All these factors may relate to health. This allows the attending physician the room he needs to make his best medical judgment."[174]: 1200–1201 

Cancer

[edit]

The rate of cancer during pregnancy is 0.02–1%, and in many cases, cancer of the mother leads to consideration of abortion to protect the life of the mother, or in response to the potential damage that may occur to the fetus during treatment. This is particularly true for cervical cancer, the most common type of which occurs in 1 of every 2,000–13,000 pregnancies, for which initiation of treatment "cannot co-exist with preservation of fetal life (unless neoadjuvant chemotherapy is chosen)". Very early stage cervical cancers (I and IIa) may be treated by radical hysterectomy and pelvic lymph node dissection, radiation therapy, or both, while later stages are treated by radiotherapy. Chemotherapy may be used simultaneously. Treatment of breast cancer during pregnancy also involves fetal considerations, because lumpectomy is discouraged in favor of modified radical mastectomy unless late-term pregnancy allows follow-up radiation therapy to be administered after the birth.[175]

Exposure to a single chemotherapy drug is estimated to cause a 7.5–17% risk of teratogenic effects on the fetus, with higher risks for multiple drug treatments. Treatment with more than 40 Gy of radiation usually causes spontaneous abortion. Exposure to much lower doses during the first trimester, especially 8 to 15 weeks of development, can cause intellectual disability or microcephaly, and exposure at this or subsequent stages can cause reduced intrauterine growth and birth weight. Exposures above 0.005–0.025 Gy cause a dose-dependent reduction in IQ.[175] It is possible to greatly reduce exposure to radiation with abdominal shielding, depending on how far the area to be irradiated is from the fetus.[176][177]

The process of birth itself may also put the mother at risk. According to Li et al., "[v]aginal delivery may result in dissemination of neoplastic cells into lymphovascular channels, haemorrhage, cervical laceration and implantation of malignant cells in the episiotomy site, while abdominal delivery may delay the initiation of non-surgical treatment."[178]

Fetal health

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Congenital disorders, revealed by prenatal screening, motivate some women to seek abortions.[7] Health outcomes of preterm births include a significant probability of long-term neurodevelopmental impairment before gestational age of 29 weeks, with a higher probability with decreasing gestational age.[179]

In the United States, public opinion shifted after television personality Sherri Finkbine's was exposed to thalidomide, a teratogen, in her fifth month of pregnancy. Unable to obtain a legal abortion in the United States, Finkbine traveled to Sweden. From 1962 to 1965, an outbreak of German measles left 15,000 babies with severe birth defects. In 1967, the American Medical Association publicly supported liberalization of abortion laws. A National Opinion Research Center poll in 1965 showed 73% supported abortion when the mother's life was at risk, 57% when birth defects were present and 59% for pregnancies resulting from rape or incest.[180]

History

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Bas-relief at Angkor Wat, Cambodia, c. 1150, depicting a demon inducing an abortion by pounding the abdomen of a pregnant woman with a pestle[91][181]

Since ancient times, abortions have been done using a number of methods, including herbal medicines acting as abortifacients, sharp tools through the use of force, or through other traditional medicine methods.[41] Induced abortion has a long history and can be traced back to civilizations as varied as ancient China (abortifacient knowledge is often attributed to the mythological ruler Shennong),[182] ancient India since its Vedic age,[183] ancient Egypt with its Ebers Papyrus (c. 1550 BCE), and the Roman Empire in the time of Juvenal (c. 200 CE).[41] One of the earliest known artistic representations of abortion is in a bas relief at Angkor Wat (c. 1150). Found in a series of friezes that represent judgment after death in Hindu and Buddhist culture, it depicts the technique of abdominal abortion.[91]

Some medical scholars and abortion opponents have suggested that the Hippocratic Oath forbade physicians in Ancient Greece from performing abortions;[41] other scholars disagree with this interpretation,[41] and state that the medical texts of Hippocratic Corpus contain descriptions of abortive techniques right alongside the Oath.[184] In Politics (350 BCE), Aristotle condemned infanticide as a means of population control. He preferred abortion in such cases,[185][186] with the restriction that it "must be practised on it before it has developed sensation and life; for the line between lawful and unlawful abortion will be marked by the fact of having sensation and being alive."[187] Abortion has been a fairly common practice,[188][189] and was not always illegal or controversial until the 19th century.[190][191] In Europe and North America, abortion techniques advanced starting in the 17th century; the conservatism of most in the medical profession with regards to sexual matters prevented the wide expansion of abortion techniques.[41][192][193] Other medical practitioners in addition to some physicians advertised their services, and they were not widely regulated until the 19th century when the practice, sometimes called restellism,[194] was banned in both the United States and the United Kingdom.[41][nb 3]

"French Periodical Pills" was an example of a clandestine advertisement published in a January 1845 edition of the Boston Daily Times.[196]

Some 19th-century physicians, argued for anti-abortion laws on racist and misogynist as well as moral grounds.[197][198][199] Church groups were also highly influential in anti-abortion movements,[41][190][197] and religious groups more so since the 20th century.[200] Some of the early anti-abortion laws punished only the doctor or abortionist,[195] and while women could be criminally tried for a self-induced abortion,[201] they were rarely prosecuted in general.[190] Some maintain that in the 19th century early abortions under the hygienic conditions in which midwives usually worked were relatively safe.[202][203][204] Several scholars argue that, despite improved medical procedures, the period from the 1930s until the 1970s saw more zealous enforcement of anti-abortion laws, alongside an increasing control of abortion providers by organized crime.[nb 4] In 1920, Soviet Russia became the first country to legalize abortion after Lenin insisted that no woman be forced to give birth.[205][206] Abortion was then legalized in some form in Iceland (1935), Sweden (1938), Nazi Germany (1935)[207] and Japan (1948)[208][209][210] Beginning in the second half of the 20th century, abortion was legalized in a greater number of countries.[41]

Religion

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In the Catholic Church, opinion was divided on how serious abortion was in comparison with such acts as contraception and oral or anal sex.[211]: 155–167  The Catholic Church did not begin vigorously opposing abortion until the 19th century.[41][195] As early as ~100 CE, the Didache taught that abortion was sinful.[212] Several historians argue that prior to the 19th century most Catholic authors did not regard termination of pregnancy before quickening or ensoulment as an abortion.[213][214][215] In 1588, Pope Sixtus V (r. 1585–1590) was the first Pope to institute a Church policy labeling all abortion as homicide and condemning abortion regardless of the stage of pregnancy.[216][211]: 362–364 [87]: 157–158  Sixtus V's pronouncement was reversed in 1591 by Pope Gregory XIV.[217] In the recodification of 1917 Code of Canon Law, Apostolicae Sedis was strengthened, in part to remove a possible reading that excluded excommunication of the mother.[218] Statements made in the Catechism of the Catholic Church, the codified summary of the Church's teachings, considers abortion from the moment of conception as homicide and called for the end of legal abortion.[219]

In Judaism, the fetus is not considered to have a human soul until it is safely outside of the woman, is viable, and has taken its first breath.[220][221][222] The fetus is considered valuable property of the woman and not a human life while in the womb (Exodus 21:22-23). While Judaism encourages people to be fruitful and multiply by having children, abortion is allowed and is deemed necessary when a pregnant woman's life is in danger.[223][224] Several religions, including Judaism, which disagree that human life begins at conception, support the legality of abortion on religious freedom grounds.[195]

In Islam, abortion is traditionally permitted until a point in time when Muslims believe the soul enters the fetus,[41] considered by various theologians to be at conception, 40 days after conception, 120 days after conception, or at quickening.[225] Abortion is largely heavily restricted or forbidden in areas of high Islamic faith such as the Middle East and North Africa.[226]

Hindu views on abortion are diverse and lack a single authoritative position, shaped by principles like ahimsa (non-violence), karma, and reincarnation, which typically regard it as morally wrong for interrupting the soul's cycle.[227] Scriptures often equate abortion to grave sins, with the fetus considered ensouled from conception or early gestation.[228] However, it may be ethically permissible to save the mother's life or in cases of severe fetal abnormalities, prioritizing lesser harm.[229] Modern opinions differ regionally: In India, a majority view abortion as generally illegal, while in the US, most Hindus support legal access in all or most cases.[230]

Denominations that support abortion rights with some limits include the United Methodist Church, Episcopal Church, Evangelical Lutheran Church in America and Presbyterian Church USA.[231] A 2014 Guttmacher survey of abortion patients in the United States found that many reported a religious affiliation: 24% were Catholic while 30% were Protestant.[232] A 1995 survey reported that Catholic women are as likely as the general population to terminate a pregnancy, Protestants are less likely to do so, and evangelical Christians are the least likely to do so.[9][7] A 2019 Pew Research Center study found that most Christian denominations were against overturning Roe v. Wade, which in the United States legalized abortion, at around 70%, except White Evangelicals at 35%.[233]

Society and culture

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Abortion debate

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Induced abortion has long been the source of considerable debate. Ethical, moral, philosophical, biological, religious and legal issues surrounding abortion are related to value systems. Opinions of abortion may be about fetal rights, governmental authority, and women's rights.

In both public and private debate, arguments presented in favor of or against abortion access focus on either the moral permissibility of an induced abortion, or the justification of laws permitting or restricting abortion.[234] The World Medical Association Declaration on Therapeutic Abortion notes, "circumstances bringing the interests of a mother into conflict with the interests of her unborn child create a dilemma and raise the question as to whether or not the pregnancy should be deliberately terminated."[235] Abortion debates, especially pertaining to abortion laws, are often spearheaded by groups advocating one of these two positions. Groups who favor greater legal restrictions on abortion, including complete prohibition, most often describe themselves as "pro-life" while groups who are against such legal restrictions describe themselves as "pro-choice".[236]

Modern abortion law

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Legal on request:
  No gestational limit
  Gestational limit after the first 17 weeks
  Gestational limit in the first 17 weeks
  Unclear gestational limit
Legally restricted to cases of:
  Risk to woman's life, to her health*, rape*, fetal impairment*, or socioeconomic factors
  Risk to woman's life, to her health*, rape, or fetal impairment
  Risk to woman's life, to her health*, or fetal impairment
  Risk to woman's life*, to her health*, or rape
  Risk to woman's life or to her health
  Risk to woman's life
  Illegal with no exceptions
  No information
* Does not apply to some countries or territories in that category
Note: In some countries or territories, abortion laws are modified by other laws, regulations, legal principles or judicial decisions. This map shows their combined effect as implemented by the authorities.

Current laws pertaining to abortion are diverse. Religious, moral, and cultural factors continue to influence abortion laws throughout the world. The right to life, the right to liberty, the right to security of person, and the right to reproductive health are major issues of human rights that sometimes constitute the basis for the existence or absence of abortion laws.

In jurisdictions where abortion is legal, certain requirements must often be met before a woman may obtain a legal abortion (an abortion performed without the woman's consent is considered feticide and is generally illegal). These requirements usually depend on the age of the fetus, often using a trimester-based system to regulate the window of legality, or as in the U.S., on a doctor's evaluation of the fetus' viability. Some jurisdictions require a waiting period before the procedure, prescribe the distribution of information on fetal development, or require that parents be contacted if their minor daughter requests an abortion.[237] Other jurisdictions may require that a woman obtain the consent of the fetus' father before aborting the fetus, that abortion providers inform women of health risks of the procedure—sometimes including "risks" not supported by the medical literature—and that multiple medical authorities certify that the abortion is either medically or socially necessary. Many restrictions are waived in emergency situations. China, which has ended their[238] one-child policy, and now has a three-child policy,[239] has at times incorporated mandatory abortions as part of their population control strategy.[240]

Other jurisdictions ban abortion almost entirely. Many, but not all, of these allow legal abortions in a variety of circumstances. These circumstances vary based on jurisdiction, but may include whether the pregnancy is a result of rape or incest, the fetus' development is impaired, the woman's physical or mental well-being is endangered, or socioeconomic considerations make childbirth a hardship.[40] In countries where abortion is banned entirely, such as Nicaragua, medical authorities have recorded rises in maternal death directly and indirectly due to pregnancy as well as deaths due to doctors' fears of prosecution if they treat other gynecological emergencies.[241][242] Some countries, such as Bangladesh, that nominally ban abortion, may also support clinics that perform abortions under the guise of menstrual hygiene.[243] This is also a terminology in traditional medicine.[244] In places where abortion is illegal or carries heavy social stigma, pregnant women may engage in medical tourism and travel to countries where they can terminate their pregnancies.[245] Women on Waves has provided medication abortion and education on a ship in international waters off the coast of countries with restrictive abortion laws.[246][247][248] Women without the means to travel can resort to providers of illegal abortions or attempt to perform an abortion by themselves.[249]

Sex-selective abortion

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Sonography and amniocentesis allow parents to determine sex before childbirth. The development of this technology has led to sex-selective abortion, or the termination of a fetus based on its sex. The selective termination of a female fetus is most common.

Sex-selective abortion is partially responsible for the noticeable disparities between the birth rates of male and female children in some countries. The preference for male children is reported in many areas of Asia, and abortion used to limit female births has been reported in Taiwan, South Korea, India, and China.[250] This deviation from the standard birth rates of males and females occurs despite the fact that the country in question may have officially banned sex-selective abortion or even sex-screening.[251][252][253][254]

Many countries have taken legislative steps to reduce the incidence of sex-selective abortion. At the International Conference on Population and Development in 1994 over 180 states agreed to eliminate "all forms of discrimination against the girl child and the root causes of son preference",[255] conditions also condemned by a PACE resolution in 2011.[256] The World Health Organization and UNICEF, along with other United Nations agencies, have found that measures to restrict access to abortion in an effort to reduce sex-selective abortions have unintended negative consequences, largely stemming from the fact that women may seek or be coerced into seeking unsafe, extralegal abortions.[255] On the other hand, measures to reduce gender inequality can reduce the prevalence of such abortions without attendant negative consequences.[255][257]

Anti-abortion violence

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Abortion providers and facilities have been subjected to violence, including murder, assault, arson, and bombing. Some scholars consider anti-abortion violence to be within the definition of terrorism,[258] a view shared by some governments.[259] In the U.S. and Canada, over 8,000 incidents of violence, trespassing, and death threats have been recorded by providers since 1977, including over 200 bombings/arsons and hundreds of assaults.[260] Abortion clinics have also been targeted by acid attacks, invasions, and vandalism[261] The majority of abortion opponents have not been involved in violent acts.

Physicians and other abortion clinic staff have been murdered by abortion opponents. In the United States, at least four physicians have been murdered in connection with their work at abortion clinics, including David Gunn (1993), John Britton (1994), Barnett Slepian (1998), and George Tiller (2009). In Canada, gynecologist Garson Romalis survived murder attempts in both 1994 and 2000. Besides physicians, killings have targeted other clinic staff, such as John Salvi's 1994 murder of two receptionists in Massachusetts clinic and Peter Knight's 2001 murder of a security guard in a Melbourne clinic. Notable perpetrators of anti-abortion violence include Eric Rudolph, Scott Roeder, Shelley Shannon, and Paul Hill, the first person to be executed in the United States for murdering an abortion provider.[262]

Some countries have laws to protecting access to abortion. Such laws prevent abortion opponents from interfering with access to legal abortion services. For example, the American Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act bars the use of threats or violence to interfere with abortion access. Abortion access laws may also establish safe access zones around abortion clinics, with limits on protests and enhanced penalties for anti-abortion violence.[263]

Psychological pressure may also be used to limit abortion access. Some protestors record women entering clinics on camera.[264]

Non-human examples

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Spontaneous abortion occurs in various animals. For example, in sheep it may be caused by stress or physical exertion, such as crowding through doors or being chased by dogs.[265] In cows, abortion may be caused by contagious disease, such as brucellosis or Campylobacter, but can often be controlled by vaccination.[266] Eating pine needles can also induce abortions in cows.[267][268] Several plants, including broomweed, skunk cabbage, poison hemlock, and tree tobacco, are known to cause fetal deformities and abortion in cattle[269]: 45–46  and in sheep and goats.[269]: 77–80  In horses, a fetus may be aborted or reabsorbed if it has lethal white syndrome. Foal embryos that are homozygous for the dominant white gene (WW) are theorized to also be aborted or resorbed before birth.[270] In many species of sharks and rays, stress-induced abortions occur frequently on capture.[271]

Viral infection can cause abortion in dogs.[272] Cats can experience spontaneous abortion for many reasons, including hormonal imbalance. A combined abortion and spaying is performed on pregnant cats, especially in trap–neuter–return programs, to prevent unwanted kittens from being born.[273][274][275] Female rodents may terminate a pregnancy when exposed to the smell of a male not responsible for the pregnancy, known as the Bruce effect.[276]

Abortion may also be induced in animals, in the context of animal husbandry. For example, abortion may be induced in mares that have been mated improperly, or that have been purchased by owners who did not realize the mares were pregnant, or that are pregnant with twin foals.[277] Feticide can occur in horses and zebras due to male harassment of pregnant mares or forced copulation,[278][279][280] although the frequency in the wild has been questioned.[281] Male gray langur monkeys may attack females following male takeover, causing miscarriage.[282]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Induced abortion is the deliberate termination of a human pregnancy by removal or expulsion of an embryo or fetus. Worldwide, tens of millions of induced abortions occur annually, representing around 30% of all pregnancies. Legality varies widely across countries, with abortion permitted on request in some jurisdictions and restricted or prohibited in others; unsafe abortions predominate where access to safe medical care is limited. Central controversies encompass ethical debates over fetal personhood and bodily autonomy, divergent legal frameworks, and health risks to women.

Definitions and Terminology

Induced Abortion

Induced abortion is the intentional termination of a pregnancy through medical or surgical intervention, resulting in the death of the embryo or fetus and the expulsion of its remains from the uterus. Unlike spontaneous abortion (miscarriage), which involves the natural loss of a pregnancy without deliberate action, induced abortion requires active steps to interrupt the developmental process. Medically, induced abortion encompasses both elective procedures, undertaken for non-medical reasons, and therapeutic ones, performed to preserve the life or health of the pregnant woman.

Spontaneous Abortion (Miscarriage)

Spontaneous abortion, commonly known as miscarriage, is the natural loss of an embryo or fetus before viability, typically before 20 weeks of gestation and most often in the first trimester, distinguishing it from induced abortion, which involves deliberate intervention to terminate a pregnancy. Unlike induced procedures, miscarriage occurs without intentional intervention.

Biological Foundations

Embryonic and Fetal Development Stages

Human prenatal development stages are typically described using post-fertilization age, beginning at conception, while gestational age is measured from the first day of the last menstrual period, approximately two weeks earlier. The germinal stage begins at fertilization, forming a zygote, and lasts until implantation in the uterine wall around 6-10 days later. Key milestones include rapid cell division to form a blastocyst and initiation of placenta formation upon implantation. The embryonic period extends from week 3 to week 8 post-fertilization and centers on organogenesis from the three germ layers. Key milestones include neural tube closure, development of a primitive heartbeat around day 22, and appearance of limb buds, eyes, ears, and nostrils. The embryo is highly sensitive to teratogens, with elevated risk of congenital malformations; by week 8, it assumes a recognizable human form with immature organs established. The fetal period begins at week 9 post-fertilization and continues until birth around week 38-40, emphasizing growth and functional maturation. Key milestones include early voluntary movements and sensory responses, potential viability around 24 weeks gestational age with intensive care, and third-trimester advancements in brain development, fat accumulation, and lung surfactant production for breathing.

Scientific Perspectives on the Onset of Life

In developmental biology, the formation of a new human organism occurs at fertilization, when a sperm nucleus fuses with an oocyte nucleus to produce a zygote with a complete, unique set of 46 chromosomes distinct from both parents. This zygote exhibits the fundamental attributes of a living organism: metabolism, growth, responsiveness to stimuli, and directed development toward a mature human form. Standard embryology references, such as Keith L. Moore and T.V.N. Persaud's The Developing Human: Clinically Oriented Embryology, state that human development begins at fertilization, a position found in peer-reviewed biological literature. Empirical evidence from embryology describes the zygote's totipotency as enabling it to generate all embryonic and extraembryonic tissues, initiating self-directed cellular differentiation without external genetic input. Subsequent stages, such as cleavage (days 1-3), blastocyst formation (day 5), and implantation (around day 7), represent progressive development of this organism. A 2022 survey of 5,577 biologists from 1,058 institutions worldwide found that 96% affirmed the view that a human's life begins at fertilization. However, developmental biologists such as Scott Gilbert caution against conflating this biological consensus with moral conclusions. Gilbert notes that while fertilization marks a genetic starting point, there is 'no consensus among biologists as to when personhood begins,' arguing that science can describe biological processes but cannot determine the onset of moral status. Alternative perspectives in embryology propose implantation or gastrulation (around day 14) as stages marking the onset of a singular individuated organism, citing monozygotic twinning—possible up to approximately day 14 post-fertilization—as evidence, along with developmental milestones like bilaminar disc formation or primitive streak appearance. These views distinguish individuation from the existence of the organism. Markers such as cardiac activity (detectable at 21-22 days post-fertilization) or neural electrical activity (around 6 weeks) indicate advancing physiological maturity. Some claims place the onset of life at viability (approximately 24 weeks gestational age) or birth, based on criteria of environmental independence.

Methods of Induced Abortion

Medical Abortion

Medical abortion, also known as medication abortion, involves the administration of drugs to terminate an early pregnancy by inducing uterine contractions and expulsion of the gestational sac. The standard regimen consists of oral mifepristone followed by misoprostol, which blocks progesterone to disrupt the pregnancy and causes cervical softening and contractions, respectively. In the United States, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approves mifepristone for use up to 70 days (10 weeks) gestation, measured from the first day of the last menstrual period (LMP). The combination regimen is preferred over misoprostol alone for higher efficacy. The process induces miscarriage-like symptoms, including heavy bleeding and cramping after misoprostol administration lasting several days, with complete expulsion usually within days. Home administration is effective and safe, though follow-up via ultrasound or tests is recommended to confirm completion. Surgical intervention is required in a small percentage of cases for incomplete abortion or ongoing pregnancy. Complications are uncommon but include incomplete abortion (most frequent, necessitating aspiration), hemorrhage, infection, and rare sepsis. Compared to surgical abortion, medical methods show similar overall safety profiles but increased bleeding volume.

Surgical Abortion

Surgical abortion involves mechanical evacuation of uterine contents to terminate a pregnancy, typically performed under local or general anesthesia in a clinical setting. Techniques vary by gestational age, with vacuum aspiration predominant in the first trimester, dilation and evacuation (D&E) in the second trimester, and rare procedures such as hysterotomy beyond 24 weeks. In the first trimester, up to approximately 12-14 weeks' gestation, vacuum aspiration is the standard method. The procedure involves cervical dilation followed by insertion of a cannula through the cervix into the uterus, connected to a vacuum source to aspirate products of conception and endometrial lining. Manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) is effective for gestations up to 12 weeks and is useful in resource-limited settings due to its portability. For second-trimester pregnancies, from 13 to 24 weeks' gestation, dilation and evacuation (D&E) is the primary technique. Cervical dilation is achieved using osmotic dilators, often supplemented with prostaglandins. Under ultrasound guidance, amniotic fluid and fetal tissue are aspirated via suction and instruments to evacuate the uterus. Beyond 24 weeks, surgical options such as hysterotomy—an incision into the uterus akin to a cesarean section—are rare due to higher morbidity and are reserved for cases where other methods fail or are contraindicated. Labor induction, a non-surgical method, is more commonly used for late-term terminations.

Labor-Induced and Other Methods

Labor induction abortion, used in the second and third trimesters, employs medications to stimulate uterine contractions, mimicking natural labor and leading to expulsion of the fetus and placenta. This method is typically reserved for settings where surgical options like dilation and evacuation are unavailable or unsuitable, such as remote locations or specific medical indications, and requires hospitalization. The process involves cervical ripening with agents like misoprostol or osmotic dilators, followed by induction using prostaglandins or oxytocin. In some jurisdictions or clinical protocols, in cases beyond fetal viability (around 24 weeks gestation), a feticide procedure such as intra-cardiac potassium chloride injection may be performed prior to induction to ensure fetal demise. Hysterotomy, a rare surgical method similar to cesarean section—while surgically alike, they are differentiated in medical coding and intent, with hysterotomy specifically used for termination or when the fetus is not expected to survive, whereas cesarean section is generally for live birth delivery—involves an incision through the abdominal wall and uterus to extract the fetal contents. It is indicated for failed induction or anatomical barriers to vaginal delivery and carries risks of hemorrhage and infection comparable to cesarean procedures. Historical methods, such as intra-amniotic instillation of hypertonic saline or urea, induced fetal demise and labor in midtrimester cases but were largely replaced by safer pharmacologic options due to complications. Prostaglandin F2α instillations also became obsolete owing to side effects and superior alternatives. These legacy techniques highlight the predominance of modern medication-based induction for non-surgical, non-aspiration abortions in advanced gestations.

Health Risks and Safety

Short-term Complications

Induced abortions, whether medical or surgical, are associated with common immediate physical risks including hemorrhage, infection, incomplete expulsion of tissue, and retained products of conception. Hemorrhage occurs in fewer than 1% of cases overall, though rates can reach 3% or higher in unsafe procedures—typically those performed by persons lacking necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards—or advanced gestations, potentially requiring transfusion or surgical intervention. Infection rates are estimated at 0.5-2% for first-trimester procedures, with untreated cases risking pelvic inflammatory disease. For medical abortions using mifepristone and misoprostol, incomplete abortion rates range from 2-5%, often leading to surgical follow-up. Rare but serious complications include uterine perforation and cervical laceration. Uterine perforation occurs in 0.1 to 3 per 1,000 procedures, potentially damaging adjacent organs such as the bowel or bladder and necessitating laparoscopy or laparotomy for repair. Cervical laceration and retained products of conception affect approximately 0.5-1% of aspiration abortions, typically managed with additional dilation or evacuation. Overall major complication rates, defined as those requiring hospitalization or transfusion, are approximately 0.23% across methods. These risks escalate with factors such as advanced gestational age, prior cesarean sections, coagulopathies, nulliparity, or training settings. Major complication rates are lower for early aspiration (0.16%) than medication (0.31%) or second-trimester procedures (0.41%). Ovulation typically resumes within 2-4 weeks following an induced abortion, with studies indicating it can occur as early as 8 days post-procedure and an average return around 3 weeks (20-22 days). The precise timing varies based on individual physiological factors, the type of abortion (medical or surgical), and gestational age at the time of the procedure. Consequently, fertility is restored rapidly, permitting the possibility of conception prior to the first menstrual period after the abortion.

Long-term Outcomes

Long-term physical risks include potential scarring (Asherman syndrome) from curettage, which can impair future fertility in severe cases, though overall infertility risk remains low without prior complications. Some cohort studies report a modest association between prior induced abortion and increased subsequent preterm birth or placenta previa, with proposed or hypothesized mechanisms including cervical incompetence or endometrial damage, with relative risks of 1.2-1.5 in meta-analyses. Evidence on ectopic pregnancy is inconsistent; while large reviews find no significant elevation after uncomplicated abortions, untreated infections post-procedure may raise odds by up to 30%.

Mental Health Outcomes

Studies on mental health outcomes following induced abortion encompass observational designs, meta-analyses, longitudinal cohorts, quasi-experimental approaches, and surveys, with results varying by methodology, comparator groups (such as women who give birth, pre-abortion baselines, or those without abortion history), and potential confounders like prior mental health, socioeconomic status, and violence exposure. Meta-analyses of observational studies report associations between abortion history and elevated risks of adverse outcomes, including depression, anxiety, substance use disorders, and suicidal ideation; a 2011 review of 36 studies estimated a 59% greater risk relative to women without abortion history, while another estimated an 81% increased risk for mental disorders, with abortion history associated with nearly 10% of incident cases among affected women, though this latter analysis has faced criticism for inadequate control of confounders and study selection biases. Population-level analyses, such as a Danish nationwide cohort using administrative records, observed higher rates of psychiatric hospitalizations, medication use, and outpatient visits post-abortion compared to delivery outcomes or pre-abortion levels. Registry data from Finland, Italy, and China indicate associations with elevated suicide rates and ideation, including a 2.5-fold increase in non-fatal attempts among women with abortion history; a global systematic review reported a pooled prevalence of post-abortion depression at 34.5%, though with study heterogeneity. In contrast, the Turnaway Study, a longitudinal survey comparing women who obtained abortions to those denied them, found no short-term mental health differences associated with receiving an abortion, although women denied abortions reported higher anxiety and lower self-esteem; this study is limited by its focus on abortion seekers and lack of direct comparison to voluntary births. The American Psychological Association's Task Force on Mental Health and Abortion (2008) concluded that among women who have a single, legal, first-trimester abortion for non-medical reasons, the relative risk of mental health problems is no greater than among those who deliver an unplanned pregnancy. Retrospective surveys, such as the U.S. National Comorbidity Survey, report no significant associations with anxiety, mood disorders, or suicidality, potentially influenced by recall bias or follow-up duration. Emotional responses following abortion vary, including relief when aligned with personal values, as well as regret, grief, and ambivalence in other cases, often correlating with pre-abortion ambivalence and social support levels. These responses appear across studies tracking participants for up to five years, without establishing directional influences on later post-traumatic stress or relational distress. Pre-existing vulnerabilities represent a noted factor in observed patterns. The concept of "post-abortion syndrome" (PAS), proposed as a cluster of psychological effects following abortion, is not recognized as a valid diagnostic category by the American Psychological Association due to lack of empirical evidence supporting it as a distinct syndrome.

Comparative Risks to Full-Term Pregnancy

Procedure-Related Mortality Legal induced abortion shows lower procedure-related maternal mortality than full-term pregnancy and childbirth. Procedure-related mortality refers to deaths directly attributable to the procedure, such as from hemorrhage, infection, or embolism. In the United States, the maternal mortality rate for live births was 22.3 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2022, down from 32.9 in 2021. By contrast, the case-fatality rate for legal induced abortion has been estimated at approximately 0.7 deaths per 100,000 procedures based on data up to the early 2010s. Procedure-related mortality metrics in the U.S. rely on voluntary provider reporting to the CDC. All-Cause Mortality Analyses from comprehensive national registries indicate higher all-cause mortality in the year following induced abortion compared to delivery. All-cause mortality includes deaths from any cause post-procedure or post-delivery. The Finnish study found women over three times more likely to die from any cause after induced abortion, with elevated risks persisting for at least a year. Danish data showed post-abortion all-cause mortality exceeding that of childbirth by factors of 2 to 4 times. Data sources differ; some rely on voluntary provider reporting to the CDC for procedure-related deaths, others use national registries for all-cause outcomes. Beyond mortality, acute physical complications like severe bleeding, uterine perforation, and infection occur at lower rates with early induced abortion than with full-term delivery, measured per event. According to Raymond et al., major morbidity risks (e.g., blood transfusion, hysterectomy) are 1.5 to 4.4 times higher for live birth across conditions such as anemia, cardiac issues, and severe infections, with relative risks substantially higher for certain complications (e.g., 45 times higher for embolism). Abortion complication rates overall affect about 2% of cases, primarily minor issues resolved outpatient. Full-term pregnancy carries higher risks of major complications, including preeclampsia, gestational diabetes, and cesarean delivery. Long-term reproductive risks present a more nuanced comparison. Prior induced abortion, particularly via dilation and curettage, correlates with modestly elevated risks in subsequent pregnancies, such as placenta previa (odds ratio 1.4-1.6) or preterm birth (relative risk up to 1.3 for second-trimester procedures). Multiple abortions amplify these, potentially via cervical incompetence or endometrial damage. Full-term pregnancy imposes its own enduring effects, including permanent changes in pelvic floor integrity and increased lifetime risks of certain cancers, though parity offers protective effects against others.

Epidemiology and Incidence

Approximately 73 million induced abortions occurred worldwide each year during the period modeled from 2010–2014 data, equivalent to about 200,000 per day. This figure encompassed both safe and unsafe procedures, with the global abortion rate estimated at 39 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years based on modeling of available data from 2010–2014 and extrapolated trends. Around 61% of unintended pregnancies ended in abortion during this period, reflecting persistent gaps in contraceptive access and use despite global improvements. The global abortion rate remained relatively stable between approximately 1990 and 2014, fluctuating between 35 and 40 per 1,000 women of reproductive age (15–49 years), even as the absolute number of procedures rose due to population growth. Between 1990–1994 and 2014, rates declined sharply in developed regions from 46 to 27 per 1,000, driven by better contraception and education, but increased slightly in developing regions from 33 to 37 per 1,000, offsetting the global decline and stabilizing the overall figure. Unintended pregnancy rates fell from 79 to 64 per 1,000 women aged 15–49 between 1990–1994 and 2014, attributable to expanded contraceptive availability, though the proportion of pregnancies aborted rose to 61% in estimates from that period. Regional variations were pronounced, with higher incidence and unsafe procedures concentrated in low-resource areas. In sub-Saharan Africa, abortion rates exceeded the global average during 2010–2014, and nearly all (97%) were unsafe, contributing to elevated maternal mortality; globally, 45% of induced abortions were unsafe during this period, resulting in 7 million severe complications annually. By contrast, in Western Europe and North America, rates were lower (around 12–16 per 1,000) during 1990–2014 and over 90% safe, reflecting legal access and medical infrastructure. Country-level estimates ranged widely, from under 10 per 1,000 in places like Singapore to over 70 in Georgia, influenced by legal frameworks, contraception prevalence, and underreporting in restrictive settings. Some studies suggested that restrictive laws correlated with higher unsafe abortion rates rather than reduced incidence.

United States Data and Recent Developments

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported 613,383 legal induced abortions in 2022 from 48 reporting areas, a 5% decrease from 640,154 in 2013, with the abortion rate declining 10% to approximately 11.0 per 1,000 women aged 15–44. CDC data relies on voluntary reporting from states and excludes non-reporting jurisdictions such as California, New Jersey, Maryland, New Hampshire, and the District of Columbia, which can lead to underestimates of national totals. Alternative estimates from the Guttmacher Institute, derived from direct surveys of abortion providers and statistical modeling, indicate approximately 930,000 abortions in 2020, rising to over 1,026,700 as of 2023—a rate of 15.9 per 1,000 women aged 15–44, an 11% increase from 2020. Following the 2022 Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision, national totals initially declined but rebounded as of 2023, reflecting shifts in where and how abortions occur, including expanded telehealth access to medication abortion, interstate travel for procedures, and self-managed abortions using mail-order pills. Medication abortions, primarily mifepristone combined with misoprostol, accounted for 63% of all U.S. abortions as of 2023, up from 53% in 2020.

Variations by Gestational Age and Method

In the United States, the distribution of abortions by gestational age remains heavily skewed toward early pregnancy, with 92.8% occurring at or before 13 weeks' gestation in 2022, based on data from 47 reporting areas to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Of these, approximately 40% took place at six weeks or earlier, reflecting increased use of early detection and medication options. Abortions after 20 weeks accounted for only 1.1% of cases with known gestational age, underscoring the rarity of late procedures outside exceptional circumstances such as fetal anomalies or maternal health risks. The distribution of methods interacts with gestational age, with medication abortion predominant early and surgical methods increasing later. In 2023, medication abortion (using mifepristone and misoprostol) comprised 63% of all U.S. abortions, primarily in the first trimester up to 10 weeks. Surgical aspiration (vacuum extraction) accounted for much of the remainder in early stages, while dilation and evacuation predominates after 13 weeks. Induction methods, similar to labor induction, represent under 5% overall, mainly in later cases. Globally, patterns in high-income countries mirror U.S. trends, with over 90% of abortions before 13 weeks, though low-resource settings may underreport late procedures. Post-2022 legal changes following Dobbs v. Jackson have not significantly altered early-gestation dominance, with the proportion at or before 13 weeks stable at 91-92% over decades.

Motivations for Abortion

Individual and Socioeconomic Factors

Studies on motivations for abortion commonly report individual circumstances such as age, relationship status, and parity, alongside socioeconomic pressures like financial instability, as predominant factors. In the United States, a 2005 analysis of survey data from over 1,200 women obtaining abortions found that 74% cited interference with education, work, or ability to care for existing dependents as a reason, while 73% mentioned inability to afford a baby. These figures highlight personal readiness and resource constraints in reported decisions, with lower-income women disproportionately affected; for instance, 49% of abortion patients in 2014 lived below the federal poverty level. Younger age correlates strongly with abortion rates, as adolescents and women in their early 20s face heightened disruptions to life plans. Data from a 2013 qualitative study of 1,209 women revealed that those under 30 often sought abortions due to incomplete education or unstable employment, viewing pregnancy as incompatible with personal development goals. Unmarried status amplifies this, with over 80% of U.S. abortions occurring among unmarried women, linked to lack of partner support and single-parent economic burdens. Parity also plays a role; women with existing children frequently cite inadequate capacity to support additional dependents amid rising costs. Socioeconomic factors are predominant in surveys, with economic hardship cited more frequently than health concerns. A multi-country review confirmed that in most nations, including the U.S., socioeconomic issues—such as poverty and job insecurity—or desires to limit family size account for the majority of abortions, often exceeding 70% of responses. In low-income groups, denial of abortion has been associated with persistent poverty, as women compelled to carry to term experience reduced educational attainment and earnings; one longitudinal study found those denied abortions earned 30% less four years later compared to those who obtained them. Longitudinal studies report associations between abortion access and economic outcomes in these groups. The Guttmacher Institute provides empirical data aligning with these trends. Health-related reasons for seeking abortion primarily involve situations where continuing the pregnancy poses substantial risks to the woman's physical or mental health, though such motivations represent a minority of cases overall. It is important to distinguish self-reported health-related reasons, as captured in surveys, from clinical medical indications where termination is deemed necessary to preserve the woman's life or health. In the United States, surveys indicate that fewer than 1% of women cite a physical health problem with themselves or the fetus as the primary reason for abortion, while approximately 12% mention potential health concerns as a contributing factor among multiple reasons. Globally, peer-reviewed analyses similarly find that socioeconomic factors dominate abortion motivations, with health risks cited infrequently as the main driver. Specific medical conditions prompting abortion include ectopic pregnancies, where the embryo implants outside the uterus, leading to life-threatening rupture if not terminated; such cases necessitate intervention as the pregnancy is non-viable and carries a high risk of maternal hemorrhage or death. Other scenarios encompass severe preeclampsia or eclampsia, which can cause organ failure, stroke, or seizures; placental abnormalities like abruption or previa resulting in uncontrollable bleeding; and chronic illnesses such as advanced cardiac disease, renal failure, or malignancies requiring aggressive treatments incompatible with gestation, where evidence from clinical guidelines supports termination to avert maternal mortality. Mental health considerations, such as exacerbation of severe psychiatric disorders, are sometimes invoked, though empirical data linking abortion directly to improved outcomes in these contexts remains limited and contested, with primary motivations more often tied to perceived interference with existing treatment regimens. In resource-limited settings, untreated conditions like anemia or infections further elevate risks, but data from the World Health Organization emphasize that unsafe abortions—often sought due to restricted access—contribute disproportionately to maternal deaths rather than therapeutic procedures addressing verified health threats.

Fetal Abnormalities and Selective Practices

Fetal anomaly-related abortions, covering serious medical issues detected prenatally, constitute a small fraction of overall procedures in the United States, with surveys indicating that approximately 0.95% cite serious fetal issues as the primary reason. Similarly, analyses of abortion rationales report fetal anomaly concerns in less than 3% of cases, often overlapping with maternal health factors. For other anomalies, European data indicate termination prevalence of about 4.6 per 1,000 births, with over 70% of congenital defects detected antenatally leading to abortion in the UK. Disability-selective abortions focus on non-lethal conditions such as Down syndrome. Upon prenatal diagnosis, termination rates rise substantially; for Down syndrome, U.S. estimates range from 60% to 90% of diagnosed pregnancies, compared to an 18% abortion rate for all pregnancies. A systematic review of studies from 1995 to 2011 found termination rates following Down syndrome diagnosis varying from 60% to nearly 90% across U.S. and European cohorts. Internationally, these patterns are more pronounced in nations with widespread prenatal screening. In Iceland, nearly 100% of Down syndrome diagnoses result in abortion, while Denmark reports 98% and the United Kingdom around 90%. Such high selectivity has contributed to declining live birth rates for Down syndrome; in the U.S., natality data show a significant drop in Down syndrome births post-widespread screening implementation, attributable in part to elective terminations. Sex-selective abortions target non-lethal traits driven by cultural preferences, most notably fetal sex. Estimates by economist Amartya Sen and subsequent updates indicate that sex-selective practices have resulted in around 160 million "missing" females cumulatively over decades, primarily through abortion in Asia since the 1980s, where sex ratios at birth exceed natural levels (e.g., 160 boys per 100 girls for third births in China circa 2005). In India and China, ultrasound-enabled sex determination has skewed demographics, with induced abortions accounting for heightened male births among higher-order pregnancies. In the U.S., direct tracking is limited due to absent federal reporting on fetal sex, but elevated sex ratios among Asian immigrant communities—such as 110 boys per 100 girls in Taiwanese and Hong Kong subgroups—have been discussed as possible indicators of sex-selective practices, particularly for later births. These practices persist despite legal bans in countries like India, highlighting enforcement challenges and cultural persistence.

Ethical and Philosophical Debates

Arguments for Fetal Personhood and Rights

Proponents of fetal personhood argue that a distinct human organism emerges at fertilization, initiating a continuous process of human development without qualitative ontological shifts. They claim that moral status and rights attach to human organisms by virtue of their nature, rather than contingent traits such as self-consciousness, viability, or independence, which could exclude newborns, comatose individuals, or the severely disabled from protection. Proponents critique the viability threshold—typically around 24 weeks, when survival outside the womb becomes possible with medical intervention—as arbitrary and technologically dependent, arguing that a fetus's intrauterine location does not diminish its humanity, similar to the dependency of a born infant. Philosopher Don Marquis's "future like ours" argument provides a secular case, positing that abortion deprives the fetus of a valuable future filled with experiences, relationships, and projects, representing a harm comparable to killing any human with similar prospects, regardless of current awareness or desires. Some proponents argue that principles of justice require equal moral consideration for the fetus, viewing intentional termination as equivalent to homicide except in cases of dire necessity, such as ectopic pregnancy or life-threatening maternal conditions. Critics who favor utilitarian or autonomy-based views condition personhood on sentience or rationality. Proponents argue that such functionalist criteria could lead to discrimination against humans lacking those traits, potentially undermining the equal dignity of all humans as ends-in-themselves. Philosophical debates over the onset of personhood arise from interpretive differences rather than disputes over embryological facts.

Distinction Between Organism and Person

Opponents of attributing personhood at fertilization distinguish between a human organism, which begins at conception, and personhood, which they argue requires additional criteria such as individuation, consciousness, or relational capacities. They posit that while the zygote is a new human organism, it does not immediately constitute a person due to the potential for monozygotic twinning, where a single zygote can divide into genetically identical embryos up to approximately 14 days post-fertilization. This "twinning problem" or nonindividuation argument challenges claims of immediate unique identity at fertilization, suggesting personhood may emerge later, after the twinning window or when psychological unity is established. The phenomenon of tetragametic chimerism—where two separately fertilized zygotes fuse to form a single individual—complicates the view of immediate individuation at conception. Some argue that if two distinct organisms can merge into one person, the numerical identity of the self cannot be fixed at conception.

Historical Philosophical Perspectives on Personhood

The distinction between biological life and moral personhood has historical roots in Western philosophy. Aristotle proposed "delayed ensoulment," with the embryo transitioning through vegetative and sensitive states before acquiring a rational soul at 40 days for males and 90 for females. This influenced Thomas Aquinas, who held that ensoulment occurred after the body formed sufficiently; he viewed abortion as a sin against nature but not homicide in early stages. In the Enlightenment, John Locke distinguished a "human being" (biological organism) from a "person" (thinking, intelligent being with reason and reflection), arguing that personhood requires consciousness and memory, making biological humanity insufficient alone.

Bodily Autonomy and Women's Rights Arguments

Proponents of abortion rights emphasize bodily autonomy, asserting that no individual has a moral obligation to sustain another's life using their body without ongoing consent, distinguishing a right to life from a right to another's bodily resources. This view highlights bodily integrity, revocability of consent, and the difference between refusing aid and active killing, even if the fetus has potential personhood. In her 1971 essay "A Defense of Abortion," Judith Jarvis Thomson assumes the fetus is a person with a right to life but argues it does not entail using the pregnant woman's body without consent. Thomson's violinist analogy describes a kidnapped person connected to a violinist needing nine months of circulatory support; she argues unplugging violates no right, as the right to life does not include using another's body. Applied to pregnancy, this suggests a woman may withdraw support without culpability for the fetus's death, considering physical burdens like hemorrhage or infection risks. This argument frames abortion restrictions as limits on women's self-determination, prioritizing liberty over fetal claims and viewing enforced gestation as an imposition on female biology. Advocates argue bodily autonomy includes reproductive decisions, and sexual consent does not imply consent to pregnancy. Some critics contend that the violinist analogy does not apply to pregnancy, as pregnancy often follows consensual sex, implying responsibility for the fetus's dependency.

Viability, Pain, and Late-Term Considerations

Fetal Viability

Obstetricians use the term "fetal viability" to describe the likelihood or capacity for a fetus to survive outside of the pregnancy, with survival rates below 23 weeks generally under 50% and significant morbidity among survivors. Periviable births (20 to 25 6/7 weeks) involve decisions based on factors such as fetal weight, maternal health, baby's gender, pre-existing conditions, singleton vs. multiple gestation, circumstances surrounding the birth, usage of prenatal corticosteroids, and access to/quality of neonatal intensive care, without a fixed limit. Survival rates for births at 20-21 weeks are negligible (approaching 0%), with active resuscitation rarely attempted and generally not expected to succeed, though exceptional cases have been reported in advanced neonatal centers. Survival exceeds 80% by 25 weeks in advanced care, with improvements in long-term health and neurodevelopmental outcomes for every additional week of gestational age at birth. Recent studies from 2015 to 2023 document improvements in survival rates for extremely preterm and periviable infants due to advances in neonatal intensive care and active treatment protocols. In the United States, survival rates have risen sharply in the last two decades for actively treated, extremely premature infants, to approximately 25-40% for those born at 22 weeks, 50-70% at 23 weeks and 70-80% at 24 weeks gestation. Morbidity risks, including neurodevelopmental impairments, persist at higher levels among survivors born at 22-24 weeks, whereas the majority of surviving premature infants retain zero-to-mild impairment starting with those who were born at 25 weeks gestation. The table below summarizes survival trends among actively treated, prematurely born infants and neurodevelopmental outcomes of surviving children, by gestational age based on national database reports and cohort studies:
Gestational AgeSurvival RateZero-to-Mild Neurodevelopmental Impairment Among Survivors
22 weeks25-40%30-60%
23 weeks50-70%40-70%
24 weeks70-80%50-80%
25 weeks80-90%70-85%
26-28 weeks82-95%75-90%
Granular neurodevelopmental outcomes among survivors from studies between 2015 and 2023 indicate varied impairment rates. For births at 22-24 weeks gestation, 50-88% avoided cerebral palsy altogether, with 7-23% developing moderate to severe cases; 70-80% retained normal vision (plus 16-26% requiring corrective lenses only), though blindness affected about 13% at 22 weeks, falling to 2-3.5% at 23-24 weeks; and 95-97% had normal hearing. At 25-26 weeks, moderate-to-severe cerebral palsy occurred in approximately 6.5% and 5% of survivors, respectively, with blindness at 1-1.5% and hearing impairment or deafness in 1-5.5%. Advances in care have increased survival free of major disability at 2 years without raising absolute numbers of major neurodevelopmental disabilities.

Fetal Pain Perception

Neurodevelopmental milestones relevant to fetal pain perception include the formation of thalamocortical connections, considered necessary for conscious pain experience. These connections begin around 20-24 weeks gestation but mature after 24-28 weeks. Nociceptive pathways function by 20-22 weeks, with behavioral responses observable at 21 weeks, informing pain management practices in neonatal care. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states that fetuses lack the capacity for conscious pain perception before 24-25 weeks. Standard definitions of pain, such as from the International Association for the Study of Pain, require a conscious, subjective experience involving cognitive, affective, and evaluative components learned through early-life injuries, which fetuses cannot have due to immature neural systems and limited experiential opportunities, distinguishing biological nociception from conscious pain. Scientific disputes, as discussed in a 2020 review in the Journal of Medical Ethics and a 2022 article in the Linacre Quarterly, include whether subcortical structures could enable pain-like experiences earlier than thalamocortical maturity, with some researchers citing mid-gestation stress responses as evidence. Fetal anesthesiologists, neonatologists, and NICU nurses, who treat fetuses as patients, have recognized and treated fetal pain for decades. Fetal anesthesia is recommended from about 14 weeks gestation for invasive maternal-fetal procedures to inhibit the humoral stress response, decrease fetal movement, and blunt any perception of pain.

Abortions After 21 Weeks

Abortions after 21 weeks comprise about 1% of U.S. procedures, per CDC data. Estimates from the Guttmacher Institute, which provide broader national coverage through provider surveys, indicate approximately 10,000 such abortions annually. These are primarily due to non-medical reasons such as delayed recognition of pregnancy or logistical barriers, with fetal anomalies or maternal health risks accounting for a smaller share. Over 90% of abortions occur before 13 weeks.

Secular Ethical Perspectives

Secular arguments against abortion often assert the intrinsic value of human life, with the fetus as a distinct organism from fertilization possessing a right to life independent of viability or sentience. Don Marquis argues abortion deprives a "future like ours," equating it morally to killing an adult. This focuses on developmental continuity and harm to potential. Secular pro-choice views emphasize bodily autonomy, arguing no right to use another's body without consent, even if the fetus has moral status, akin to refusing organ donation. Utilitarian approaches may allow early abortions before sentience (20-24 weeks), weighing maternal outcomes against fetal potential. Personhood based on consciousness denies full rights to pre-viable fetuses.

Historical Overview

Ancient and Pre-Modern Practices

Ancient and pre-modern abortion practices across civilizations primarily involved herbal emmenagogues and physical methods. Practitioners focused on early interventions to minimize maternal risks such as hemorrhage and infection. Surgical options were rare. These approaches often aimed to restore menses or address health issues rather than direct termination. In ancient Egypt, the Ebers Papyrus (c. 1550 BCE) described herbal suppositories to induce contractions. Greek texts like the Hippocratic corpus recommended purgatives. Roman physician Soranus (c. 98–138 CE) outlined similar herbal and mechanical aids, emphasizing early action. Comparable methods appeared in ancient China and India, using herbs and acupuncture for maternal or fetal indications despite ethical concerns. Medieval Europe continued herbal traditions for "retained menses." Canon law distinguished pre- and post-quickening abortions, though enforcement varied.

19th-20th Century Developments

In the early 19th century, abortion before quickening (16–20 weeks) was tolerated under common law in the U.S. and parts of Europe. Herbal remedies like "French pills" were widely advertised and used. Connecticut's 1821 statute marked the first U.S. restriction post-quickening. Enforcement remained limited until the AMA's 1847 campaign against unregulated practices. This led to criminalization across states by 1880, except to save the mother's life. Europe enacted similar bans. The UK's 1861 laws imposed severe penalties, driven by medical and moral concerns. Clandestine procedures continued despite these measures. The Soviet Union legalized abortion in 1920 for women's emancipation. It reversed this in 1936 and reinstated it in 1955 amid demographic shifts. The UK's 1967 Abortion Act allowed procedures up to 28 weeks (later reduced to 24) under medical approval. This was influenced by health crises. By the early 20th century, illegal abortions persisted globally. They contributed to maternal mortality until antiseptic improvements.

Roe v. Wade, Legalization, and Reversal

In Roe v. Wade (1973), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 7–2 that the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause protected a woman's privacy right to abortion. This invalidated most state laws. It established a trimester framework for regulation post-viability. Legal abortions rose from about 744,600 in 1973 to over 1.5 million annually by the 1980s. This influenced fertility rates. Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) reaffirmed core protections. It replaced trimesters with viability standards. In Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022), the Court overruled Roe and Casey 6–3. It found no constitutional basis for abortion rights. Authority returned to states. Post-Dobbs, states imposed bans or limits. In-state procedures reduced significantly. National figures like 613,383 in 2022 reflected offsets from travel and medication access.

Religious Perspectives

Views in Abrahamic Faiths

In Judaism, traditional halakhic sources, such as the Talmud in Mishnah Ohalot 7:6, permit abortion to save the mother's life during difficult childbirth by dismembering the fetus limb by limb, reflecting the view that the fetus lacks the full legal status of a born person until delivery. Exodus 21:22-23 further distinguishes harm to a fetus from murder of a born individual, treating miscarriage due to injury as a monetary offense rather than capital punishment. Orthodox authorities, drawing from these texts, generally prohibit elective abortion, allowing it only when the pregnancy poses a direct threat to the mother's physical or mental health, as articulated in responsa emphasizing self-preservation over fetal rights prior to birth. In contrast, Conservative Judaism permits abortion if continuation of the pregnancy might cause the mother severe physical or psychological damage, while Reform Judaism regards it as a permissible moral decision under circumstances including threats to the woman's health, well-being, or in cases of rape, incest, or fetal anomalies, emphasizing reproductive justice and individual dignity. The Catholic Church opposes abortion as the intentional taking of innocent human life, rooted in biblical prohibitions against murder (Exodus 20:13) and teachings on the sanctity of life from conception, as in Psalm 139:13-16 describing divine formation in the womb. Many evangelical Protestant groups share this view, regarding the fetus as a person with rights from fertilization and equating induced abortion with homicide. However, mainline Protestant denominations, such as the Episcopal Church and United Methodist Church, often adopt more permissive stances, supporting access to abortion in cases involving health risks, socioeconomic hardship, or personal circumstances. Historically, early theologians such as St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas posited delayed ensoulment, yet they regarded induced abortion as a grave moral wrong even prior to ensoulment. This theological distinction was effectively removed in the 19th century following the 1854 proclamation of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, which held that Mary was free from original sin from the first moment of her conception. This doctrine implied that ensoulment must occur at fertilization, leading Pope Pius IX to remove the distinction between 'formed' and 'unformed' fetuses in 1869, thereby aligning canon law with the view that personhood begins at conception. Abortion is permitted only in cases of maternal life endangerment. Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), absent direct Quranic or Hadith mandates on induced abortion, derives rulings from analogies to embryology verses (Quran 23:12-14) outlining stages of fetal development, with consensus among scholars prohibiting it after ensoulment at 120 days (approximately four lunar months) unless the mother's life is at imminent risk. Prior to 40 days, some schools permit termination for valid reasons like maternal health, viewing the embryo as in an early developmental stage; however, post-implantation (around seven days), Sunni majorities deem it impermissible without necessity, while Shiite opinions may allow therapeutic cases up to ensoulment. Contemporary fatwas, such as those from the Yaqeen Institute, emphasize abortion's sinfulness after viability thresholds, prioritizing fetal protection as approximating the born child's rights while subordinating it to the mother's survival.

Positions in Other Religions and Secular Ethics

This subsection first outlines positions on abortion in select non-Abrahamic religions, emphasizing doctrines of non-violence and life's sanctity, before addressing secular bioethical arguments that engage philosophical reasoning independent of religious premises. In Hinduism, abortion is generally prohibited under the principle of ahimsa (non-violence), as it constitutes the intentional killing of an innocent life and disrupts the karmic process of reincarnation, where the soul enters the embryo at conception. Traditional texts emphasize opposition except in extreme cases, such as to preserve the mother's life or address severe fetal abnormalities, though practice sometimes diverges from scripture due to cultural factors. Buddhism lacks a unified official stance, but core precepts against killing sentient beings imply that abortion violates the first precept, particularly since many traditions hold that life begins at conception. In Theravada texts, the fetus is viewed as a living human being post-conception, rendering abortion morally wrong, though some modern interpretations advocate compassion and rituals like mizuko kuyo in Japan for atonement without endorsing the act. Practices in Buddhist-majority countries show less public controversy, with abortion occurring but often accompanied by remorse and ethical deliberation. Sikhism forbids abortion as an interference in God's creative will, equating it to murder since the soul is present from conception and human life is sacred. Sikh scriptures, including the Guru Granth Sahib, emphasize preserving life without explicit exceptions for cases like rape or health risks, viewing deliberate termination as a grave sin. Community surveys indicate some support for institutional resources in crisis pregnancies, but the doctrinal position remains strongly prohibitive. Jainism strictly opposes abortion due to ahimsa, considering it violence against a jiva (soul-bearing entity) that exists from the moment of conception, potentially forcing rebirth and accruing negative karma. Orthodox views prohibit it even at the cost of the mother's life, equating it to homicide, though rare concessions may occur for fetal death in utero; contraception is permitted as it avoids ensoulment. Secular ethical arguments against abortion often center on the intrinsic value of human life, asserting that a fetus, as a distinct biological human organism from fertilization, possesses a right to life independent of subjective criteria like viability or sentience. Critics raise the "twinning problem," noting that monozygotic twinning can occur up to around 14 days post-fertilization, which challenges immediate individuation for personhood at conception; this remains part of ongoing bioethics debates. Philosopher Don Marquis argues that abortion deprives the fetus of a "future like ours"—valuable experiences and projects—making it morally equivalent to killing an adult, regardless of current capacities. This deprivation-based reasoning avoids religious premises, focusing on empirical continuity of human development and the harm of ending potential. Pro-choice secular positions emphasize bodily autonomy, contending that even if the fetus has moral status, no entity has a right to use another's body without consent, analogous to refusing to sustain a dependent via organ donation. Utilitarian frameworks, such as those weighing overall welfare, may permit early abortions before sentience (around 20-24 weeks gestation, per neuroscientific data on pain capacity), prioritizing the mother's psychological and socioeconomic outcomes over fetal potential when conflicts arise. Personhood criteria, like consciousness or self-awareness, are invoked to deny full rights to pre-viable fetuses, though critics note these shift with advancing science, such as earlier viability thresholds dropping to 22 weeks in modern neonatology.

United States Post-Dobbs Landscape

Following the Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization on June 24, 2022, which overturned Roe v. Wade and eliminated the federal constitutional right to abortion, authority over abortion regulation returned to the states. This shift resulted in a patchwork of laws, with 12 states enacting total bans on abortion from conception or early pregnancy (typically after detection of cardiac activity around six weeks), often with narrow exceptions for cases threatening the woman's life or instances of rape or incest. An additional six states imposed gestational limits between six and 12 weeks, while approximately 20 states, primarily in the Northeast, West Coast, and Midwest, maintained or expanded access up to viability or later, with some codifying protections via constitutional amendments or statutes. Exceptions in restrictive states proved difficult to invoke in practice, with reports of physicians delaying care due to legal ambiguities and fear of prosecution. State-level litigation has introduced instability, with courts upholding bans in most conservative states while striking down others on procedural or historical grounds. Voter referenda have protected abortion rights up to viability in several permissive states, including ballot initiatives in November 2024 that enshrined protections in the constitutions of seven states while failing in others. Enforcement challenges persist, including criminal investigations of providers and patients in ban states. At the federal level, no comprehensive legislation has passed as of December 2024, though efforts targeted medication access via the 1873 Comstock Act to restrict interstate mailing of abortifacients, and proposals sought FDA reversal of mifepristone approval but faced judicial blocks without congressional enactment.

International Frameworks and Variations

No binding international treaty explicitly recognizes abortion as a human right or mandates its legalization. Human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) have been interpreted by UN treaty bodies to require states to decriminalize abortion in certain circumstances, particularly to protect women's life and health, but these interpretations are non-binding recommendations rather than enforceable obligations. The World Health Organization (WHO) provides technical guidelines promoting safe abortion services as part of reproductive health, emphasizing decriminalization to reduce maternal mortality, yet these lack legal force and reflect policy advocacy rather than universal consensus. Regional bodies, such as the European Court of Human Rights, have ruled in cases like A, B and C v. Ireland (2010) that absolute bans may violate rights under the European Convention on Human Rights when they endanger health, influencing liberalization in Europe but not imposing uniform standards globally. Abortion laws exhibit wide variations worldwide, categorized by grounds permitted: complete prohibition, allowance only to save the woman's life, broader exceptions for health or rape, fetal anomalies, socioeconomic reasons, or on request without restriction up to a gestational limit. As of 2024, 21 countries prohibit abortion entirely, primarily in Latin America and Africa, while 47 permit it for health reasons and about 73 allow it on request, often in Europe and parts of Asia. In Europe, nearly all countries permit abortion on request in the first trimester, with limits extending to 12-24 weeks in nations like France (up to 14 weeks as of 2022) and the United Kingdom (up to 24 weeks), though access barriers persist due to conscientious objection and waiting periods. In Latin America, laws range from total bans in El Salvador and Nicaragua to on-request access in Uruguay (since 2012) and Argentina (since 2020), with recent reforms in Colombia (2022) decriminalizing up to 24 weeks and Mexico's Supreme Court ordering federal decriminalization in September 2023. However, over half the region's countries restrict to life-saving exceptions, contributing to high rates of unsafe abortions estimated at 44 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. Africa predominantly features restrictive frameworks, with only South Africa allowing on request (since 1996) and most nations limiting to save the mother's life or for rape, as in Egypt and Nigeria, where bans correlate with elevated maternal mortality from clandestine procedures. Asia shows diversity: China permits on request without gestational limit for family planning, India allows up to 24 weeks under the 2021 Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act for specific grounds, while Indonesia and the Philippines maintain near-total prohibitions except for maternal health risks. These differences stem from cultural, religious, and political factors, with liberalization trends observed in over 60 countries since 1994, though regressions occur, as in Poland's 2020 tightening. Recent developments include France's constitutional amendment on March 4, 2024, guaranteeing abortion as a freedom up to 14 weeks, and Spain's October 2024 plans for similar protections, contrasted by stricter penalties in Iran as of 2024.

Societal and Cultural Impacts

Demographic Consequences

High rates of induced abortion are associated with reductions in the number of live births. However, there is no precise quantification of the net effect of induced abortion on global human population size, as constructing a reliable counterfactual population trajectory without induced abortions requires unverifiable assumptions about behavioral responses, such as changes in contraceptive use, sexual activity, or acceptance of unintended births. Some studies link these reductions to lower total fertility rates (TFR) and, in contexts of widespread practice, population decline below replacement levels (approximately 2.1 children per woman). Empirical analyses of abortion legalization in the United States prior to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision found that states implementing reforms experienced a 4% relative decline in fertility compared to states without changes, with larger effects among teenagers and women over 30. Similar patterns emerged nationally post-Roe, where birth rates fell by 5-8%, particularly impacting cohorts with higher unintended pregnancy rates. These patterns have been associated with compounding effects over generations, contributing to smaller reproductive-age populations, consistent with sub-replacement TFRs observed in many developed nations (e.g., U.S. TFR of 1.62 in 2023). In countries with historically permissive abortion policies and high utilization, such demographic patterns manifest. Russia, for example, recorded abortion rates exceeding live births during much of the Soviet era (peaking at over 7 million annually in the 1960s against 5 million births), with TFR below 1.5 since the 1990s and population shrinkage of over 500,000 annually in recent years amid high mortality and emigration. By 2022, abortions numbered over 500,000 versus 1.3 million births, with an aging demographic structure where the working-age population (15-64) declined by 5.5 million from 2010 to 2020, straining labor markets and social welfare systems. Some studies estimate that recent tightening of abortion access correlates with modest birth upticks. Post-2022 Dobbs v. Jackson restrictions in U.S. states were associated with a 2.3% increase in births relative to counterfactual scenarios without restrictions, with effects most pronounced among Hispanic women (up to 3.7%). Overall U.S. births continued declining (3.6 million in 2023 versus 3.7 million in 2022).

Sex-Selective Abortion and Gender Imbalances

Sex-selective abortion refers to the termination of pregnancies based on the predicted sex of the fetus, predominantly targeting female fetuses in cultures with strong son preference, resulting in distorted sex ratios at birth (SRB) exceeding the natural range of 103 to 107 males per 100 females. This practice has been documented primarily in Asia, driven by factors such as patrilineal inheritance, dowry systems, and expectations of old-age support from sons. In China, the one-child policy from 1979 to 2015 intensified distortions, with estimates of over 30 million excess male births from sex-selective abortions between 1980 and 2020. In India, SRB reached 110-112 males per 100 females in recent decades, particularly in northern states, despite legal bans under the 1994 Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act. Other countries, including Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Vietnam, show evidence of elevated SRB and stopping behaviors favoring male births. Globally, peer-reviewed estimates indicate around 13.5 million missing female births in India from 1987 to 2016. These imbalances have led to demographic and social consequences, including a surplus of marriage-age males—peaking at 30-40 million in China by the 2020s—correlating with increased bride trafficking, forced marriages, and sexual violence. Such distortions contribute to slowed population growth, exacerbated aging, and social instability, including strained labor markets. Interventions, such as policy relaxations in China, stricter ultrasound regulations and awareness campaigns in India, and incentives for female births, have reduced prevalence—e.g., to 0.73% of abortions in China by 2020—but regional distortions persist. Female education shows mixed results, correlating with reduced son preference in some urban areas but not fully normalizing SRB, as educated mothers in low-fertility cohorts still exhibit higher sex-selection rates.

Violence and Extremism in the Debate

Violence in the U.S. abortion debate has included murders, bombings, arsons, threats, intimidation, and vandalism. Lethal attacks have primarily targeted abortion providers, with 11 murders attributed to anti-abortion extremists since 1977, including eight physicians. Notable cases include the 1993 shootings of George Patterson in Kansas and David Gunn in Florida, the 1994 murder of John Britton in Florida, the 1998 killing of Barnett Slepian in New York, and the 2009 assassination of George Tiller. Bombings and arsons total over 42 clinic bombings and 200 arsons since 1977, largely by anti-abortion actors, such as the 1998 Birmingham attack by Eric Rudolph, which killed one and injured another. Post-2022 Dobbs decision, over 100 attacks targeted pro-life pregnancy resource centers across 24 states, including more than 60 arsons, vandalism, and bombings. Assaults also occurred at nearly 40 Catholic churches. Threats and intimidation have affected abortion providers and pro-life facilities, with a 400% surge in threats against providers in 2022 and continued incidents into 2023-2024. Anti-abortion groups like the Army of God have endorsed violence against providers, while some pro-abortion actions have involved property damage. The 1994 Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act addresses clinic blockades, invasions, property damage, and threats at both abortion facilities and pro-life sites. Extremism from both sides has been classified as domestic terrorism risks by the Department of Homeland Security. Anti-abortion violence peaked in the 1990s but declined with enhanced security and legal measures.

Alternatives and Prevention

Adoption and Support Systems

In the United States, domestic infant adoptions through private agencies numbered approximately 18,000 annually in recent years, while foster care adoptions totaled around 54,000 in fiscal year 2022, with over 1 million abortions reported in 2023. International adoptions have declined to under 2,000 per year since 2020, limiting their role as an alternative. These figures indicate that fewer than 2% of unintended pregnancies result in adoption, with most women opting to parent when abortion is unavailable; a longitudinal study of women denied abortions found 91% chose parenting and only 9% pursued adoption. The adoption process for birth mothers typically involves counseling through licensed agencies, medical and legal support during pregnancy, and placement post-birth, often with open adoption options allowing continued contact. For adoptive parents, domestic infant adoptions require home studies, background checks, and matching, with demand exceeding the supply of available infants. Foster-to-adopt pathways can be faster for older children but involve legal risks of reunification with biological families. Critics note that relinquishment can impose lasting psychological effects on birth mothers. Support systems tied to adoption and parenting include agency-provided counseling and crisis pregnancy centers, which offer resources to women considering alternatives to abortion.

Contraception and Family Planning

Contraceptive methods prevent unintended pregnancies, the primary driver of elective abortions, by mechanisms including prevention of ovulation, fertilization, or implantation. Effectiveness varies between perfect use (consistent and correct application) and typical use (accounting for inconsistencies), measured by the Pearl Index of pregnancies per 100 women-years. Long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs), such as intrauterine devices and implants, have typical failure rates under 1%; hormonal short-acting methods like oral pills around 7%; barrier methods like condoms around 13%; and behavioral methods like withdrawal around 20%. Evidence suggests that expanded access to contraception correlates with lower rates of unintended pregnancies and abortions.

Crisis Intervention Resources

Pregnancy help organizations and hotlines serve as primary crisis intervention resources for individuals facing unplanned pregnancies, offering free counseling, medical confirmation of pregnancy via tests and ultrasounds, referrals to social services, and material aid such as diapers, formula, and maternity clothing to support continuing the pregnancy. These entities provide information on alternatives to abortion and connections to local centers. These resources frequently include limited medical services like STI testing and ultrasounds at many locations, though they do not perform or refer for abortions. Critics, including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, contend that some centers disseminate medically inaccurate information or delay access to other care, though empirical studies on overall efficacy in altering abortion rates remain limited and contested.

References

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