Hubbry Logo
History of the Jews in the NetherlandsHistory of the Jews in the NetherlandsMain
Open search
History of the Jews in the Netherlands
Community hub
History of the Jews in the Netherlands
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
History of the Jews in the Netherlands
History of the Jews in the Netherlands
from Wikipedia

Interior of the Portuguese Synagogue, Amsterdam in 1695 by Romeyn de Hooghe

Key Information

The history of the Jews in the Netherlands largely dates to the late 16th century and 17th century, when Sephardic Jews from Portugal and Spain began to settle in Amsterdam and a few other Dutch cities,[2][3] because the Netherlands at that time was a rare center of religious tolerance. Since Portuguese Jews had not lived under rabbinic authority for decades, the first generation of those embracing their ancestral religion had to be formally instructed in Jewish belief and practice. This contrasts with Ashkenazi Jews from central Europe, who, although persecuted, lived in organized communities. Seventeenth-century Amsterdam was referred to as the "Dutch Jerusalem" for its importance as a center of Jewish life. In the mid 17th century, Ashkenazi Jews from central and eastern Europe migrated. Both groups migrated for reasons of religious liberty, to escape persecution, now able to live openly as Jews in separate organized, autonomous Jewish communities under rabbinic authority. They were also drawn by the economic opportunities in the Netherlands, a major hub in world trade.

The Netherlands was once part of the Spanish Empire, as part of the Burgundian inheritance of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor. In 1581, the Northern Dutch provinces declared independence from Catholic Spain, touching off an extended conflict with the Spanish. A principal motive was to practice Protestant Christianity, then forbidden under Spanish rule. Religious tolerance, "freedom of conscience", was an essential principle of the newly independent state. Portuguese Jews, "Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation", strongly identified ethnically as Portuguese and viewed Ashkenazi Jews with ambivalence in the early modern period.[4] The fortunes and size of the Portuguese Jewish community declined after Dutch trade was undermined by wars with the English in the late 17th century. Simultaneously the Ashkenazi population rapidly grew and has remained dominant in numbers ever since.

Following the end of the Dutch Republic, the French-influenced Batavian Republic, emancipated the Jews in 1796, making them full citizens. Under the monarchy established by Napoleon Bonaparte, King Louis Napoleon removed all disciplinary powers of the Jewish communal leaders parnasim over their communities, making them functionaries of the state.[5]

By 1940, there were around 140,000 Jews in the Netherlands. During Nazi occupation in World War II, the Holocaust in the Netherlands was particularly brutal, with approximately 75 percent of the Jewish population deported to concentration and extermination camps,[6] most famously Anne Frank, whose German Jewish family fled to Amsterdam. Only around 35,000 Jews in Dutch soil survived the war. The Jewish Historical Museum in Amsterdam, housed in a former synagogue, has a major collection relating to Jewish history in the Netherlands. Starting in the late twentieth century, there are official public spaces marking the Holocaust in the Netherlands, including the Dutch National Holocaust Museum, inaugurated by the Dutch king in 2024.

Before the Dutch Republic

[edit]

It was likely that the earliest Jews arrived in the "Low Countries" (present-day Belgium and the Netherlands) during the Roman conquest early in the common era. Little is known about these early settlers, other than they were not very numerous. For some time, the Jewish presence consisted of, at most, small isolated communities and scattered families. Reliable documentary evidence dates only from the 1100s; for several centuries, the record reflects that the Jews were persecuted within the region and expelled on a regular basis. Early sources from the 11th and 12th centuries mention official debates or disputations between Christians and Jews, in which attempts were made to convince the Jews of the truth of Christianity and to try to convert them. They were documented in the other provinces at an earlier date, especially after their expulsion from France in 1321 and the persecutions in Hainaut and the Rhine provinces. The first Jews in the province of Gelderland were reported in 1325. Jews have been settled in Nijmegen, the oldest settlement, in Doesburg, Zutphen and in Arnhem since 1404. As of the 13th century, there are sources that indicate that Jews were living in Brabant and Limburg, mainly in cities such as Brussels, Leuven, Tienen and the Jewish street of Maastricht (Dutch spelling: Jodenstraat (Maastricht)) from 1295 is another old proof of their existence.

Sources from the 14th century also mention Jewish residents in the cities of Antwerp and Mechelen and in the northern region of Geldern.

Between 1347 and 1351, Europe was hit by the plague or Black Death. This resulted in a new theme in medieval antisemitic rhetoric. The Jews were held responsible for the epidemic and for the way it was rapidly spreading, because presumably they were the ones who had poisoned the water of springs used by the Christians. Various medieval chronicles mention this, e.g., those of Radalphus de Rivo (c. 1403) of Tongeren, who wrote that Jews were murdered in the Brabant region and in the city of Zwolle because they were accused of spreading the Black Death. This accusation was added to other traditional blood libels against the Jews. They were accused of piercing the Host used for communion and killing Christian children to use as a blood offering during Passover. Local Jewish communities were often murdered in part or entirely or exiled in hysterical pogroms. In May 1370, six Jews were burned at the stake in Brussels because they were accused of theft and of desecrating the Holy Sacrament. In addition, documentation can be found of instances in which Jews were abused and insulted, e.g., in the cities of Zutphen, Deventer and Utrecht, for allegedly desecrating the Host. Rioters massacred the majority of the Jews in the region and expelled those who survived.

In 1349, the Duke of Guelders was authorized by the Emperor Louis IV of the Holy Roman Empire to receive Jews in his duchy, where they provided services, paid a tax, and were protected by the law. In Arnhem, where a Jewish physician is mentioned, the magistrate defended him against the hostilities of the populace. When Jews settled in the diocese of Utrecht is unknown, but rabbinical records regarding Jewish dietary laws speculated that the Jewish community there dated to Roman times. In 1444, Jews were expelled from the city of Utrecht. Until 1789, Jews were prohibited from staying in the city overnight. They were tolerated in the village of Maarssen, two hours distant, though their condition was not fortuitous. But, the community of Maarssen was one of the most important Jewish settlements in the Netherlands. Jews were admitted to Zeeland by Albert, Duke of Bavaria.

In 1477, by the marriage of Mary of Burgundy to the Archduke Maximilian, son of Emperor Frederick III, the Netherlands were united to Austria and its possessions passed to the crown of Spain. In the sixteenth century, owing to the persecutions of Charles V and Philip II of Spain, the Netherlands became involved in a series of desperate and heroic struggles against this growing political and Catholic religious hegemony. In 1522, Charles V issued a proclamation in Gelderland and Utrecht against Christians who were suspected of being lax in the faith, as well as against Jews who had not been baptized. He repeated such edicts in 1545 and 1549, trying to suppress the Protestant Reformation, which was expanding. In 1571, the Duke of Alba notified the authorities of Arnhem that all Jews living there should be seized and held until their fates were determined.

At Dutch request, Matthias, Holy Roman Emperor established religious peace in most of the provinces.

Dutch Republic

[edit]
Bima in the Amsterdam Esnoga 1695 by Romeyn de Hooghe
Interior of the Amsterdam Esnoga, the synagogue for the Portuguese-Israelite (Sephardic) community. It was inaugurated 2 August 1675 and is still in use by the Jewish community.

The Dutch Golden Age of the seventeenth century was also the golden age of Portuguese Jews in the Netherlands. From the early migration of Portuguese immigrants, establishment of the Portuguese Jewish community in Amsterdam, prosperity and commercial networks connecting Amsterdam to the larger Atlantic world, and precipitous decline of the community after the series of Anglo-Dutch wars in the late seventeenth century, Amsterdam was called the "Dutch Jerusalem".

Migration to the Netherlands

[edit]

Two events brought Jews to the Netherlands. The 1579 Union of Utrecht of the Northern provinces of the Netherlands guaranteed freedom of conscience in article 13 formalizing their political arrangement.[7] In 1581, the deputies of the United Provinces declared independence from Spain by issuing the Act of Abjuration, which deposed King Philip as their sovereign. Philip was a fierce defender of Catholic orthodoxy and was now also the monarch of Portugal, invigorating the Portuguese Inquisition. Portuguese Jews sought a religious haven, which the northern Netherlands appeared to be, as well as a location with commercial opportunities. In the late sixteenth century, the Dutch Republic was not necessarily the obvious destination, since there was no established Jewish community for Portuguese New Christians (conversos) to move if they wished to re-judaize after outwardly living as Christians.[8]

The early history of Sephardi community formation in the Netherlands is "a matter of speculation",[9] but is rooted in Spanish and Portuguese religious history. In Spain under the Catholic Monarchs Jews who refused conversion to Christianity were expelled in 1492 under the Alhambra Decree, with many leaving for the more tolerant Kingdom of Portugal. However, Portuguese Edicts of 1496 and 1497 of King Manuel forced Jews to convert but also blocked their leaving the kingdom. In Spain, converted Jews called conversos or New Christians came under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, which was vigilant against their continuing to practice Judaism in secret, as crypto-Jews, or the pejorative term Marrano (see also anusim). In Portugal there was no already established Portuguese Inquisition. Jews forced to convert did not immediately face penalties for privately practicing Judaism while publicly being Catholics, so that there continued to be a strong Jewish presence there.

The Portuguese Jewish men migrating to Amsterdam, many of whom were merchants, had an extremely high literacy rate compared to Dutch men in the general population.[10] Portuguese Jewish merchants had already settled in Antwerp in the southern Netherlands, an entrepôt for trade in Iberian commodities, such as sugar, silver bullion, spices, and tobacco. They also settled in France; Hamburg, and a few in London. Amsterdam was not necessarily the obvious destination in the late sixteenth century for Jewish merchants. As the Spanish Netherlands became a hub of international commerce, Portuguese Jews moved to Antwerp and later Amsterdam to pursue commercial opportunities.[8]

As the northern provinces became a Protestant stronghold, Dutch rebels fought for their independence from Spain and religious tolerance as a principle,[11] effectively achieving autonomy, which was finally recognized by Spain in 1648 after the Eighty Years' War. In the late 16th century, some Sephardic Jews from the Iberian peninsula (Sepharad is the Hebrew name for Iberia) started to settle in the Netherlands, especially Amsterdam, gaining a foothold, but with an unclear status. A few Ashkenazi Jews had migrated from Germany to the Ommelands in the 1570s[12] and in the mid to late 17th century Ashkenazi Jews from central Europe begin to migrate in greater numbers. Although persecuted in central Europe, Ashkenazi Jews had lived as Jews before migrating to the Netherlands. The first group of Jews of any numbers in Groningen was in Appingedam in 1563, where they came into conflict with Dutch guilds for sales of meat and cloth.[13] Emden provided the Amsterdam Portuguese emigrants with their first rabbi, Moses Uri Halevi (a.k.a. Philps Joosten), until that community was established enough to begin training Portuguese men for the rabbinate. The two communities were ethnically distinct within Judaism, with separate religious organizations.

Religious tolerance and establishment of Jewish communities

[edit]
Exterior of the Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam, c. 1695, showing the social context of the wealthy community. by Romeyn de Hooghe

The Dutch provinces provided mostly favorable conditions for observant Jews to establish a community, and to practice their religion privately. But to establish a Jewish community, a rabbi needed to be brought to Amsterdam. No such rabbi existed among the Portuguese conversos. Those wishing to live as Jews under rabbinic authority needed to learn Jewish religious and cultural practices. The first rabbi was Moses Uri Halevi of Emden, part of the small Ashkenazi settlement there. He established Jewish practices in the absence of a dedicated worship space. He brought with him from Emden a Torah scroll, essential for Jewish worship.[14]

Conveying a body to the Jewish cemetery in Amsterdam. c. 1695 by Romeyn de Hooghe

Creating a sacred space for Jewish worship was initially a problem, since Amsterdam authorities did not envision Jews to be included in the notion of religious toleration. Jacob Tirado (a.k.a.) James Lopes da Costa, who obtained permission from the authorities to practice Judaism within his household, but not publicly. Tirado was a significant contributor to the establishment of the Portuguese Jewish community. Three Portuguese congregations were created in the early seventeenth century, which merged and in the late seventeenth century and built the large Portuguese synagogue, the Esnoga, still in use today.

Also necessary for a functioning Jewish community was having a Jewish burial ground. In Amsterdam, they were initially denied rights to one in 1606 and 1608 with no explanation, and they buried their dead in Groet.[15] but eventually secured land in Ouderkerk for Portuguese Jewish burials.[16] The cemetery was five miles south of central Amsterdam. The burial of the maternal grandfather of Baruch Spinoza, Henrique Garces (alias Baruch Senior) provides some insight into questions of eligibility to be buried in this cemetery. When he moved from Antwerp to Amsterdam, he requested permission to be buried in the cemetery; however, he did not participate in worship at either of the then existing congregations. He remained uncircumcised his entire life, but before his burial in the Oudekerk cemetery, he was circumcised posthumously. Garces was burial place was located outside of the formal boundaries of the cemetery, in "a fringe reserved for uncircumcised marginal types not fully belonging to the community."[17] Tombstones in numerous Jewish burial grounds provide useful information on individual Jewish men and women as well as the Jewish communities as a whole until 1796, when Jews were granted citizenship and no longer segregated.[18]

Rabbi Saul Levi Morteira
Rabbi Menasseh Ben Israel
Rabbi Isaac Aboab da Fonseca

Religious toleration was not written into law in the United Provinces with much specificity. A 1616 statute of the Amsterdam burgomasters was the first and only such formal statement, remaining in force until the emancipation of the Jews in 1795–96. Jews were forbidden from openly criticizing Christianity; could not attempt to convert Christians to Judaism or to circumcise one. Jews could buy but not inherit citizenship. Jews could not engage in a trade or profession protected by Dutch guilds in which citizenship was required. Jewish men were forbidden from having "carnal conversations" with Christian women of any kind, including as marital partners or sex workers.[19][20] Prohibitions of sexual contact between Jewish men and Christian women prompted the statute.[21] There were many cases of Christian women bringing lawsuits against Portuguese Jewish men for childbirth expanses and/or child support. Unlike other places in Europe, Amsterdam had no prohibition against Jews employing Christian servants, remarked upon by German visitors to Amsterdam. The intimacy of domestic interiors provided the opportunity for such sexual contact.[22] There was no prohibition against Jewish women marrying Christian men.[23]

Amsterdam had no existing residential quarter for Jews, since it was a new immigrant group to the city. The city itself was full of immigrants from other areas, so the Jews did not particularly stand out initially.[24] In Amsterdam Jews tended to settle together in a particular area but were not restricted to it. The Dutch practice was to require Jews to secure a domiciliation permit and pay an annual fee for residence.[25] Some wealthy Portuguese Jews in seventeenth-century Amsterdam had houses amongst the very wealthy Dutch merchants.

Occupations and professions

[edit]

Portuguese Jewish men had a narrow range of economic pursuits in the period 1655–1699, the largest being merchants at 72%, with 498 of the nearly 693 men whose occupation was listed in records. Adjacent to merchants were 31 brokers. There were a scattering of others in professions, with teachers (22), physicians (10), and surgeons (10) topping the list. There were skilled diamond cutters and polishers (20) and men connected to the tropical product tobacco, with 13 retail tobacconists, and 13 tobacco workers.[26] Physicians included Samuel Abravanel, David Nieto, Elijah Montalto, and the Bueno family. Joseph Bueno was consulted in the illness of Prince Maurice in April 1623. Jews were admitted as students to the university, where they studied medicine as the only branch of science that was of practical use to them. They were not allowed to practice law, because lawyers were required to take a Christian oath, thereby excluding them.[citation needed] Jews were also excluded from the trade guilds, as in a 1632 resolution passed by the city of Amsterdam (the Dutch cities were largely autonomous). However, they were allowed to practice certain trades: printing, bookselling, and selling meat, poultry, groceries, and medicines. In 1655 a Sephardic Jew was exceptionally permitted to establish a sugar refinery using chemical methods.[citation needed]

There are a number of notable Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam in the 17th century, including Saul Levi Morteira, a rabbi and anti-Christian polemicist. His rival was the much more well-known Amsterdam rabbi Menasseh Ben Israel. He was known for corresponding widely with Christian leaders and helped to promote Jewish resettlement in England. The most famous is philosopher Benedictus de Spinoza (Baruch Spinoza), born and raised a Portuguese Jew in Amsterdam, was excommunicated from the Jewish community in 1656. He openly rejected rabbinic authority. He expressed unorthodox ideas concerning (the nature of) God; questioned the divine origin of Scripture; and rejected Mosaic law. He published a major portion of his ideas anonymously in Latin in 1670, but following his 1677 death, his entire corpus was published and widely circulated.[27]

Jewish women

[edit]
Women's entrance to the Portuguese Synagogue, Romeyn de Hooghe

Jewish women, as with most non-Jewish women at the time, generally did not participate in the workforce outside of the domestic interior. There is some data on women immigrants. In the early years of community formation, there was a scarcity of brides, so men sought eligible women in other Jewish communities. Antwerp was a source for brides, and they appear to have been of higher status than Jewish women born elsewhere, using literacy rates as a way to infer status. The percentage of illiterate women 1598–1699 was lowest among those few (3 out of 41) from Antwerp or 7.3%, with Hamburg second lowest at 18.2% (10 out of 55). Amsterdam-born women were the largest number with 227 out of 725 or 31.8%, which compared favorably with Dutch Amsterdam women, at 68%.[28] A source for discerning literacy is the marriage register, where literacy could be assessed. The decline in literacy of Amsterdam-born Jewish women may be due to the undervaluation of women's literacy in the Amsterdam Jewish community.[29] In the religious sphere, women did not count for a minyan; Jewish women did not have an unmitigated right to pray in the synagogue.[30] Women and unmarried men were not permitted to be elected to the governing body of the synagogue, the Mahamad.[31] Widows and orphaned girls were supported by Jewish charities. Irregular relationships between Jewish men and women were punished by the Mahamad, including bigamy. The Mahamad punished Jewish couples who married without their parents' permission, along with the witnesses to the ceremony, as a flouting of authority.[32] Married Jewish women abandoned by their husbands sometimes became pregnant in adulterous relationships with Jewish men. In the eighteenth century, the Mahamad acted when apprised of the circumstances. The leadership went out of their way to identify the children of such relationships as illegitimate in the communal birth registry.[33]

Portuguese Jewish merchants and Dutch prosperity

[edit]
Philosopher Baruch Spinoza was raised in the Amsterdam Portuguese Jewish community, but he was expelled for his radical beliefs and direct challenge to rabbinic authorities.
Home of Baron Manuel de Belmonte (alias Isaac Nunes) in Amsterdam, Romeyn de Hooghe c. 1695

There were no prohibitions on Jews participating in economic activity and Portuguese Jewish merchants were prominent in Amsterdam. The city prospered because of religious toleration, which Spinoza, Amsterdam's most famous Jewish-born denizen, praised;

The city of Amsterdam reaps the fruit of this freedom [of conscience] in its own great prosperity and in the admiration of all other people. For in this most flourishing state and splendid city, men of every nation and religion live together in the greatest of harmony ... His religion is considered of no importance: for it has no effect before the judges in gaining or losing a cause, and there is no sect so despised that its followers, provided that they harm no one, pay every man his due, and live uprightly, are deprived of the protection of the magisterial authority.[34]

As they became established, they collectively brought new trading expertise and commercial connections to the city. They also brought navigation knowledge and techniques from Portugal, which enabled the Netherlands to start competing in overseas trade with the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. "Jews of the Portuguese Nation" worked in common cause with the people of Amsterdam and contributed materially to the prosperity of the country; they were strong supporters of the House of Orange and were protected by the Stadholder. During the Twelve Years' Truce, the commerce of the Dutch Republic increased considerably, and a period of strong development ensued. This was particularly true for Amsterdam, where the Marranos had established their main port and base of operations. They maintained foreign trade relationships in the Mediterranean, including Venice, the Levant and Morocco. The Sultan of Morocco had an ambassador at The Hague named Samuel Pallache, through whose mediation, in 1620, a commercial understanding was reached with the Barbary States.

The Sephardic Jews of Amsterdam also established trade relationships with other countries in Europe. In the early 1620s numerous Jews migrated from Holland to the Lower Elbe region.[35] In a letter dated 25 November 1622, King Christian IV of Denmark invited Jews of Amsterdam to settle in Glückstadt, where, among other privileges, they were assured the free exercise of their religion.

The trade developed between the Dutch and Spanish Caribbean and South America was established by such Iberian Jews. They also contributed to establishing the Dutch West Indies Company in 1621, and some of them sat on its directorate. The ambitious schemes of the Dutch for the conquest of Brazil were carried into effect by Francisco Ribeiro, a Portuguese captain, who is said to have had Jewish relations in Holland. The Sephardic Jews of Amsterdam strongly supported the Dutch Republic in its struggle with Portugal for the possession of Brazil, which started in Recife with the arrival of Count Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen in 1637. Some years later, the Dutch in Brazil appealed for more craftsmen of all kinds, and many Jews heeded the call. In 1642 about 600 Jews left Amsterdam for Brazil, accompanied by two distinguished scholars, Isaac Aboab da Fonseca and Moses Raphael de Aguilar. After the Portuguese regained the territory that Netherlands had taken in the sugar growing region around Recife in 1654, they sought refuge in other Dutch colonies, including the island of Curaçao in the Caribbean and New Amsterdam (Manhattan) in North America.

Ashkenazi Jews

[edit]

In the 17th century, the Sephardi community was wealthier and more established institutionally than Ashkenazi Jews. Portuguese Jews looked down on the poorer, less educated Ashkenazi migrants from northern and central Europe. A large influx of Jewish refugees from Lithuania during the 1650s strained the Jewish system of poor relief established by the Portuguese Jews.[36] Many Ashkenazim were drawn to the religiously tolerant and independent Dutch provinces, generally after the mid-17th century. One example could be the Haham Tzvi. Unlike the more central Iberian Jews, most of these were displaced residents of Jewish ghettos escaping persecution. In addition, they were displaced by the violence of the Thirty Year War (1618–1648) in other parts of northern Europe, and local expulsions, as well as the 1648 Khmelnytsky uprising in what was then eastern Poland. These poor immigrants were less welcomed. Their arrival in considerable number threatened the economic status of Amsterdam in particular, and with few exceptions they were turned away. They generally settled in rural areas, where the men typically made a living as peddlers and hawkers. Many smaller Jewish communities were established throughout the Dutch provinces.

Over time, many German Jews gained prosperity through retail trading and they became specialists in diamond-cutting and sales. They had a monopoly in the latter trade until about 1870.

Jews and the Dutch state

[edit]

When William IV was proclaimed stadholder (1747), the Jews found another protector. He had close relations with the head of the DePinto family, at whose villa, Tulpenburg, near Ouderkerk, he and his wife paid more than one visit. In 1748, when a French army was at the frontier and the treasury was empty, De Pinto collected a large sum and presented it to the state. Van Hogendorp, the secretary of state, wrote to him: "You have saved the state." In 1750 De Pinto arranged for the conversion of the national debt from a 4 to a 3% basis.

Under the government of William V, the country was troubled by internal dissensions. But the Jews remained loyal to him. As he entered the legislature on the day of his majority, 8 March 1766, in synagogues services of thanks-giving were held. William V visited both the German and the Portuguese synagogues on 3 June 1768. He also attended the marriages of offspring of various prominent Jewish families.

Batavian Republic and Jewish emancipation

[edit]

The year 1795 brought the results of the French Revolution to the Netherlands, including Jewish emancipation, making them full citizens.[37][38] The National Convention, on 2 September 1796, proclaimed this resolution: "No Jew shall be excluded from rights or advantages which are associated with citizenship in the Batavian Republic, and which he may desire to enjoy." Moses Moresco was appointed member of the municipality at Amsterdam; Moses Asser member of the court of justice there. The old conservatives, at whose head stood the chief rabbi Jacob Moses Löwenstamm, were not desirous of emancipation rights. Indeed, these rights were for the greater part of doubtful advantage; their culture was not so far advanced that they could frequent ordinary society; besides, this emancipation was offered to them by a party which had expelled their beloved Prince of Orange, to whose house they remained so faithful that the chief rabbi at The Hague, Saruco, was called the "Orange dominie"; the men of the old régime were even called "Orange cattle". Nevertheless, the Revolution appreciably ameliorated the condition of the Jews; in 1799 their congregations received, as with Christian congregations, grants from the treasury. In 1798 Jonas Daniel Meijer interceded with the French minister of foreign affairs on behalf of the Jews of Germany; and on 22 August 1802, the Dutch ambassador, Schimmelpenninck, delivered a note on the same subject to the French minister.

Nineteenth century to 1940

[edit]

This period of history between Dutch Republic, the florescence of Jewry in the Netherlands, and outbreak World War II, with the Holocaust having a disproportionate impact on the Netherlands compared to other Western European countries, has had an impact on how the period's history is written. After Jewish emancipation in the Netherlands, Jews increasingly integrated and assimilated into Dutch society and became more secular, as did Dutch society as a whole. Jews did not form a separate segment ("pillar") of Dutch society but became part of others. Although many no longer were observant religiously or had a significant connection to Jewish culture, the non-Jewish Dutch population considered them to be separate.[39] Jews clustered in a small number of economic sectors, including the diamond sector, where Jews traditionally worked,[40] and textiles, where some small-scale Jewish entrepreneurs became industrialists.[41] Both industries became important for general Dutch economy in the era.

Kingdom of Holland

[edit]
An 1806 French print depicts Napoleon Bonaparte emancipating the Jews.

From 1806 to 1810 the Kingdom of Holland was ruled by the brother of Napoleon, Louis Bonaparte, whose intention it was to so amend the condition of the Jews that their newly acquired rights would become of real value to them; the shortness of his reign, however, prevented him from carrying out his plans. For example, after having changed the market-day in some cities (Utrecht and Rotterdam) from Saturday to Monday, he abolished the use of the "Oath More Judaico" in the courts of justice, and administered the same formula to both Christians and Jews. To accustom the latter to military services he formed two battalions of 803 men and 60 officers, all Jews, who had been until then excluded from military service, even from the town guard.

The union of Ashkenazim and Sephardim intended by Louis Napoleon did not come about. He had desired to establish schools for Jewish children, who were excluded from the public schools; even the Maatschappij tot Nut van 't Algemeen, founded in 1784, did not willingly receive them or admit Jews as members. Among the distinguished Jews of this period were Meier Littwald Lehemon, Mozes Salomon Asser, Capadose, and the physicians David Heilbron, Davids (who introduced vaccination), Stein van Laun (tellurium), and many others.[42]

Jews during the Dutch Monarchy to World War II

[edit]
The synagogue in the town of Veghel. The community in Veghel was a small mediene community, which reached its height around 1900. In the years following, the community shrank to some 30 members as people moved to larger cities. All Jews in the town were killed during the Holocaust.

Shortly after William VI arrived at Scheveningen, and was crowned king on 11 December, Chief Rabbi Lehmans of The Hague organized a special thanksgiving service, asking for protection for the allied armies on 5 January 1814. Many Jews fought at Waterloo, where Napoleon was defeated with thirty-five Jewish officers dying there. William VI promulgated a law abolishing the French régime.

Jews could prosper in the independent Netherlands, but not equally. In urban areas, non-Jewish employers to hire Jewish employees. Jews tended to occupy particular sectors of the urban labor market. Jewish men found work in the diamond and tobacco industries, and retail trade; Jewish women worked in sweatshops.[43] Boundaries between Jews and non-Jews (Gentiles) started to blur due to an increase in mixed marriages and residential spreading; decline in religious observance of the Sabbath and keeping kosher; and an increase in Jews' civic involvement and political participation.[44]

The Netherlands, and Amsterdam in particular, remained a major Jewish population centre until World War II. Amsterdam was known as Jerusalem of the West by its Jewish residents. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the community grew as Jews from the mediene (the "country" Jews), migrated to larger cities to seek better jobs and living conditions. By 1900, Amsterdam had 51,000 Jews, with 12,500 paupers; The Hague 5,754 Jews, with 846; Rotterdam 10,000, with 1,750; Groningen 2,400, with 613; Arnhem 1,224 with 349.[45] The total population of the Netherlands in 1900 was 5,104,137, about 2% of whom were Jews.[citation needed]

Dutch Jews were a relatively small part of the population and showed a strong tendency towards internal migration. They never coalesced into a real "pillar". One of the reasons was the attraction of the socialist and liberal "pillars" before the Holocaust, rather than becoming part of a Jewish pillar.[46] Especially the rise of socialism was a new segment in the pillarized Dutch society that attracted and was created by intermarrying Jews, and Jews and Christians who had abandoned their religious affiliation. Religious-ethnic background was of less importance within the socialist and liberal segments, though individuals could maintain some rituals or practices.[44]

The number of Jews in the Netherlands grew at a slightly slower rate than the general population from the early 19th century up to World War II. Between 1830 and 1930, the Jewish population in the Netherlands increased by almost 250% (numbers given by the Jewish communities to the Dutch Census) while the total population of the Netherlands grew by 297%.[47]

Number of Jews in the Netherlands 1830–1966[48]
Year Number of Jews Source
1830 46,397 Census*
1840 52,245 Census*
1849 58,626 Census*
1859 63,790 Census*
1869 67,003 Census*
1879 81,693 Census*
1889 97,324 Census*
1899 103,988 Census*
1909 106,409 Census*
1920 115,223 Census*
1930 111,917 Census*
1941 154,887 Nazi occupation**
1947 14,346 Census*
1954 23,723 Commission on Jewish Demography***
1960 14,503 Census*
1966 29,675 Commission on Jewish Demography***

(*) Derived from those persons who stated "Judaism" as their religion in the Dutch Census

(**) Persons with at least one Jewish grandparent. In another Nazi census the total number of people with at least one Jewish grandparent in the Netherlands was put at 160,886: 135,984 people with 4 or 3 Jewish grandparents (counted as "full Jews"); 18,912 Jews with 2 Jewish grandparents ("half Jews"), of whom 3,538 were part of a Jewish congregation; 5,990 with 1 Jewish grandparent ("quarter Jews")[49]

(***) Membership numbers of Dutch Jewish congregations (only those who are Jewish according to the Halakha)

Prominent Jews of the era

[edit]

There were a number of prominent Jews in the era. One who had an impact on the Dutch political system was Aletta Jacobs, who was prominent in the fight for women's suffrage. The introduction in 1919 of equal suffrage for men and women was the culmination of a long process. The fact that women had to fight for the right to vote has indirectly to do with Aletta Jacobs. Originally, the law only set a wage limit for voting. Because she was the first female doctor, she met this wage limit and wanted to exercise her right to vote. It was only after her attempt that it was explicitly legislated for women to vote in 1919.[50]

Other prominent Dutch Jews of this era were: Jozef Israëls (painter), Tobias Asser (winner Nobel Peace Prize in 1911),[51] Gerard Philips (founder NV Philips' Gloeilampenfabrieken Philips), Lodewijk Ernst Visser (lawyer and president of the High Council of the Netherlands, Commander in the Order of Orange-Nassau and Knight in the Order of the Dutch Lion), The Brabant Jewish family businesses from Oss, including margarine producer Samuel van den Bergh was one of the founders of Unilever. Saal van Zwanenberg was the producer of the Zwan meat products, but perhaps even better known as the founder of the pharmaceutical company Organon, and thus as the founder of AkzoNobel. The company of Hartog Hartog was acquired by Unilever, the Unox meat products are a continuation of the meat activities of this family business,[52] Simon Philip Goudsmit (founder De Bijenkorf),[53] Leo Meyer and Arthur Isaac (founders HEMA (store)),[54] Leo Fuld (Jewish singer of Rotterdam), Herman Woudstra (founder Hollandia Matzes formerly: "Paaschbroodfabriek" in Enschede),[55] Eduard Meijers (lawyer and founder of the current Burgerlijk Wetboek (Civil Code of the Netherlands)).

World War II to the late twentieth century

[edit]

The Holocaust

[edit]

The Holocaust in the Netherlands took place with "remarkable speed" following the Nazi German occupation of neutral Netherlands. In less than two years, some 75% of the Dutch-Jewish population was murdered in the Holocaust.[56] The Nazis moved quickly to separate Dutch Jews and Jewish refugees from the Dutch population, in a series of small measures leading up to the transportation of Jews to extermination campus. Following the pattern the Nazis established in Germany, Jews were stripped of rights as citizens and could not pursue many professions. The chief justice of the Dutch Supreme Court was forced to resign, because he was a Jew. His fellow justices did nothing to protest his dismissal. Jews were forced to register as Jews, with their names and home addresses listed. The regime issued new identity cards to the population, with Jews' cards marked with a large J. The Nazi occupiers used the existing Dutch civil authorities to implement their edicts. Resistance could be met with violence by Dutch police. When there was general public outrage and a strike protesting measures restricting Jews in February 1941, Dutch police made arrests at the time. Immediately afterwards, the Nazi authorities warned the Dutch populace that Jews were not part of the Dutch populace and that those supporting them would "bear the consequences."[57]

In 1939, there were some 140,000 Dutch Jews living in the Netherlands, among them some 24,000 to 25,000 German-Jewish refugees who had fled from Germany in the 1930s. (Other sources claim that some 34,000 Jewish refugees entered the Netherlands between 1933 and 1940, mostly from Germany and Austria).[58][59] The German-Jewish refugees were the first to be targeted with the Nazis' regulations, since they were not Dutch citizens and more vulnerable than the Dutch Jews, and they were brought under the direct control of the police.[60]

In 2017, a ketuba (Jewish marriage certificate) signed in 1931 was found hidden in a chimney in a private home in the village of Hattem. The Overijssel Historical Center began a search for relatives of the couple who were murdered in the Holocaust.[61]

1945–1960

[edit]

The Jewish-Dutch population after the Second World War is marked by certain significant changes: disappointment, emigration, a low birth rate, and a high intermarriage rate. After the Second World War and the Holocaust, returning Jews and Jews who had survived the often difficult hidden living ('diving') met with total lack of understanding of their fate and had to endure lasting loss of property. Especially mental health care was lacking and only started to develop from 1960 onwards in the Sinai centrum in Amersfoort. From 1973 professor Bastiaans tried to treat Holocaust victims with LSD in the Centrum '45 in Oegstgeest, attached to the Leiden University. This brought little success, if any. Understanding started to grow by a series of four TV documentaries on the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands made by the Jewish historian Lou de Jong, broadcast on Dutch national public TV (NTS, then the sole TV channel). The first four installments aired in 1960, were considered a turning point and left many Dutch, who until then had hardly had any notion of the gruesome depth of the Holocaust, aghast. The series continued through 1964. Dr De Jong subsequently published a 14-part, 29-volume history of the Netherlands during World War II. In 1965, Jaques Presser published his magister opus Ondergang (Demise – the Persecution and Eradication of Dutch Jewry). The work was reprinted six times during its first year, reaching the extraordinary print run of 150,000 – still today a record in the history of publishing in the Netherlands.

Thousands of surviving Jews emigrated, or made aliyah to Mandatory Palestine, later Israel. Aliyah from the Netherlands initially surpassed that of any other Western nation.[citation needed] Israel is still home to some 6,000 Dutch Jews. Others emigrated to the United States. There was a high assimilation and intermarriage rate among those who stayed. As a result, the Jewish birth rate and organized community membership dropped. In the aftermath of the Holocaust, and the sharp increase of understanding for the Shoah, relations with non-Jews were gradually more friendly. The Jewish community received reparations payments from the Dutch government.[62] Also reparations from Germany, Wiedergutmachung, started to trickle down into Dutch Jewish households.

In 1947, two years after the end of the Second World War in the Netherlands, the total number of Jews as counted in the population census was just 14,346 (less than 10 percent of the count of 154,887 by the Nazi occupation force in 1941). Later, this number was adjusted by Jewish organizations to some 24,000 Jews living in the Netherlands in 1954.[citation needed] This was a huge loss compared to the number of Jews counted in 1941. This latter number was disputed, as the Nazi occupation force counted Jews on their classification of race. They included hundreds of Christians of Jewish heritage in the Nazi census. According to Raul Hilberg, in his book, Perpetrators Victims Bystanders: the Jewish Catastrophe, 1933–1945, "the Netherlands ... [had] 1,572 Protestants [of Jewish heritage in 1943] ... There were also some 700 Catholic Jews living in the Netherlands [during the Nazi occupation] ...".

In 1954, the Dutch Jews were recorded in the Netherlands as follows (province; number of Jews):[citation needed]

1960s and 1970s

[edit]
Monument at the Westerbork transit camp, with the names of those transported on Stars of David

Because of the loss of 79% of the population, including many children and young people, the birth rate among Jews declined in the 1960s and 1970s. Intermarriage increased; the intermarriage rate of Jewish males was 41% and of Jewish women 28% in the period of 1945–1949. By the 1990s, the percentage of intermarriage increased to some 52% of all Jewish marriages. Among males, or so-called "father Jews",[63][64] the intermarriage rate is as high as 80%.[65] Some within the Jewish community have tried to counter this trend, creating possibilities for single Jews to meet other single Jews. The dating sites Jingles[66] and Jentl en Jewell are for that purpose.[67] According to research by the Joods Maatschappelijk Werk (Jewish Social Service [nl]), numerous Dutch Jews earned an academic education. There are proportionally more Jewish Dutch women in the labor force than non-Jewish Dutch women.

In 1970, the Dutch monarch, Juliana inaugurated the Westerbork transit camp monument to Dutch Jews and other persecuted groups who passed through the camp as they were transported to Nazi death camps.[68][69]

Late twentieth and twenty-first centuries

[edit]
Holocaust Names Monument, Amsterdam, opened 2021
Dutch National Holocaust Museum, Amsterdam

Since the late 20th century, a number of mostly Israeli and Russian Jews have immigrated to the Netherlands, the latter after the Soviet Union eased emigration and after its dissolution. Approximately one in three Dutch Jews was born elsewhere. The number of Israeli Jews living in the Netherlands (concentrated in Amsterdam) runs in the thousands (estimates run from 5,000 to 7,000 Israeli expatriates in the Netherlands, although some claims go as high as 12,000).[70] A relatively small number of these Israeli Jews is connected to one of the religious Jewish institutions in the Netherlands. In the 21st century, some 10,000 Dutch Jews have emigrated to Israel.

As of 2006, approximately 41,000 to 45,000 people in the Netherlands either identify as Jewish, or are defined as Jewish by halakha (Rabbinic law), by which persons with Jewish mothers are defined as Jewish. About 70% of these (approximately 30,000) have a Jewish mother. Another 30% have a Jewish father (some 10,000–15,000 persons; their number was estimated at 12,470 in April 2006). Orthodox Jews do not accept them as Jews[71][72] unless they undergo a religious conversion through an Orthodox Bet Din. Most Dutch Jews live in the major cities in the west of the Netherlands (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, Utrecht); some 44% of all Dutch Jews live in Amsterdam, which is considered the centre of Jewish life in the country. In 2000, 20% of the Jewish-Dutch population was 65 years or older; birth rates among Jews were low. An exception is the growing Orthodox Jewish population, especially in Amsterdam.

There are some 150 synagogues present in the Netherlands; 50 are still used for religious services.[73] Large Jewish communities in the Netherlands are found in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague.

Various antisemitic incidents continue to occur,. In 2014 a monument was defaced that was dedicated to the Jews of Gorinchem, seventy of whom were murdered in World War II. Commentators associate such incidents with the ongoing tensions in the Middle East.[74] Esther Voet, director of the Centrum Informatie en Documentatie Israël [nl], advised the Knesset in 2014 that Dutch Jews were concerned about what they perceived as increasing antisemitism in the Netherlands.[75] Antisemitic incidents occurred during 2015: graffiti appeared in Oosterhout,[76] a Jewish man was harassed in Amersfoort,[77] and a Jewish cemetery was vandalized in Oud-Beijerland.[78]

In June 2015, De Telegraaf published results of a report on antisemitism among youths, conducted by the Verwey Jonker Institute. The survey revealed that antisemitism is more prevalent among Muslims: 12 percent of Muslim respondents expressed a "not positive" view of Dutch Jews, compared to two percent among Dutch Christian respondents. Some 40% of Muslim respondents expressed a "not positive" view for Jews in Israel, compared to 6% of the Dutch Christian respondents.[79]

The ADL (Anti-Defamation League) published the "ADL Global 100" (2019),[80] an international survey conducted in 2019 to measure antisemitic opinions in 18 countries around the world. According to the survey, 10% of the population in the Netherlands harbors antisemitic opinions. The survey was composed of eleven phrases that represent antisemitic stereotypes. For example, 43% of the population agreed with the phrase "Jews are more loyal to Israel than to this country", while 20% agreed with "Jews have too much power in the business world".

In March 2024, the Dutch monarch spoke at the reopening of the Dutch National Holocaust Museum. There are also monuments and other memorials to Dutch Jewry.

Religion in the current era

[edit]
The Gerard Doustraat Synagogue in Amsterdam, Netherlands

Some 9,000 Dutch Jews, out of a total of 30,000 (some 30%), are connected to one of the seven major Jewish religious organizations. Smaller, independent synagogues exist as well.[citation needed]

Orthodox Judaism

[edit]

Most affiliated Jews in the Netherlands (Jews part of a Jewish community) are affiliated to the Nederlands Israëlitisch Kerkgenootschap (Dutch Israelite Church) (NIK), which can be classified as part of (Ashkenazi) Orthodox Judaism. The NIK has approximately 5,000 members, spread over 36 congregations (of whom 13 are in Amsterdam and surroundings) in four jurisdictions (Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam and the Interprovincial Rabbinate). It is larger than the Union of Liberal Synagogues (LJG) and thirteen times as large as the Portuguese Israelite Religious Community (PIK). The NIK was founded in 1814. At its height in 1877, it represented 176 Jewish communities. By World War II, it had 139 communities; it is made up of 36 congregations today. Besides governing some 36 congregations, the NIK has responsibility for the operation of more than 200 Jewish cemeteries in the Netherlands (the total is 250).

In 1965 Rabbi Meir Just was appointed Chief Rabbi of the Netherlands, a position he held until his death in April 2010.[81]

The small Portugees-Israëlitisch Kerkgenootschap (Portuguese Israelite Religious Community) (PIK), which is Sephardic in practice, has a membership of some 270 families. It is concentrated in Amsterdam. It was founded in 1870, although Sephardic Jews had long been in the city. Throughout history, Sephardic Jews in the Netherlands, in contrast to their Ashkenazi co-religionists, have settled mostly in a few communities: Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam, Naarden and Middelburg. Only the congregation in Amsterdam survived the Holocaust with enough members to maintain its activities.

Three Jewish schools are located in Amsterdam, all situated in the Buitenveldert neighbourhood (Rosh Pina, Maimonides and Cheider). Cheider is affiliated with Haredi Orthodox Judaism. Chabad has eleven rabbis, in Almere, Amersfoort, Amstelveen, Amsterdam, Haarlem, Maastricht, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht. The head shluchim in the Netherlands are rabbis I. Vorst and Binyomin Jacobs. The latter is chief rabbi of the Interprovinciaal Opperrabbinaat (the Dutch Rabbinical Organisation)[82] and vice-president of Cheider. Chabad serves approximately 2,500 Jews in the Holland region, and an unknown number in the rest of the Netherlands. There is also a Haredi Lithuanian style Kollel in Buitenveldert run by Rabbi Yaakov Ball. Members of this kollel have gone on to other positions in education and the Rabbinate, notably Rabbi Simcho Stanton, Rabbi of the growing Haredi community Kehal Chassidiem.[83]

Reform Judaism

[edit]

Though the number of Dutch Jews is decreasing,[citation needed] the last decades have seen a growth of Liberal Jewish communities throughout the country. Introduced by German-Jewish refugees in the early 1930s, nowadays some 3,500 Jews in the Netherlands are linked to one of several Liberal Jewish synagogues throughout the country. Liberal synagogues are present in Amsterdam (founded in 1931; 725 families – some 1,700 members), Rotterdam (1968), The Hague (1959; 324 families), Tilburg (1981), Utrecht (1993), Arnhem (1965; 70 families), Haaksbergen (1972), Almere (2003), Heerenveen (2000; some 30 members) and Zuid-Laren. The Verbond voor Liberaal-Religieuze Joden in Nederland (LJG) (Union for Liberal-Religious Jews in the Netherlands) (to which all the communities mentioned above are part of) is affiliated to the World Union for Progressive Judaism. On 29 October 2006, the LJG changed its name to Nederlands Verbond voor Progressief Jodendom (NVPJ) (Dutch Union for Progressive Judaism). The NVPJ has ten rabbis; some of them are: Menno ten Brink, David Lilienthal, Awraham Soetendorp, Edward van Voolen, Marianne van Praag, Navah-Tehillah Livingstone, Albert Ringer, Tamara Benima.

A new Liberal synagogue has been built (2010) in Amsterdam, 300 meters away from the current synagogue. This was needed since the former building became too small for the growing community. The Liberal synagogue in Amsterdam receives approximately 30 calls a month by people who wish to convert to Judaism. The number of people who complete conversion is much lower. The number of converts to Liberal Judaism may be as high as 200 to 400, in an existing community of approximately 3,500.

Amsterdam is home to Beit Ha'Chidush, a progressive religious community that was founded in 1995 by Jews with secular as well as religious backgrounds. They wanted to create a more open, diverse, and renewed Judaism. The community accepts members from all backgrounds, including homosexuals and half-Jews (including Jews with a Jewish father, the first Jewish community in the Netherlands to do so). Beit Ha'Chidush has links to Jewish Renewal in the United States, and Liberal Judaism in the United Kingdom. The rabbi for the community was German-born Elisa Klapheck, the first female rabbi of the Netherlands. It is now Tamarah Benima. The community uses the Uilenburger Synagoge [nl] in the center of Amsterdam.

Reconstructionist Judaism

[edit]

The Open Jewish Congregation OJG Klal Israël in Delft was founded at the end of 2005, to establish an accepting home for all Jews. The first service was held on 6 January 2005 in the historic Koornmarkt synagogue of Delft. Services have continued every two weeks, alternating on Friday evening or Saturday morning, next to holidays. Klal Israël has been affiliated with the Jewish Reconstructionist Communities since November 2009. Participation in the activities is open to anyone who feels Jewish, is Jewish, or wants to be Jewish. Klal Israël is a progressive egalitarian community, where women and men enjoy equal rights. The siddurim – prayer books – contain Hebrew text as well as a phonetic transcription and a translation in Dutch. Klal Israël offers a giur procedure. As of the beginning of the Jewish year 5777 (2 October 2016), Hannah Nathans is rabbi of the kehilla (congregation, Hebr.).

Conservative Judaism

[edit]

Conservative Judaism ("Masorti") was introduced in the Netherlands in 2000, with the founding of a community in the city of Almere. In 2005 Masorti Nederland (Masorti Netherlands) had some 75 families, primarily based in the greater Amsterdam-Almere region. The congregation uses the 19th century synagogue in the city of Weesp. Its first rabbi is David Soetendorp (1945).

There is also a second Dutch Masorti kehilla in the city of Deventer called Masorti Jewish Community Beth Shoshanna [nl] that began in 2010 and holds services and other activities in the 19th century Great Synagogue of Deventer.[citation needed]

Jewish Renewal

[edit]

Jewish Renewal was first introduced in the Netherlands in the 1990s by Carola de Vries Robles.[citation needed] HaMakor – Center for Jewish Spirituality is the current home for Jewish Renewal and is led by Rabbi Hannah Nathans.[84] They do not have membership dues and therefore most activities require money paid to participate.[85]

Education and youth in the current era

[edit]

Jewish schools

[edit]

There are three Jewish schools in the Netherlands, all in Amsterdam and affiliated with the Nederlands Israëlitisch Kerkgenootschap (NIK). Rosj Pina is a school for Jewish children ages 4 through 12. Education is mixed (boys and girls together) despite its affiliation to the Orthodox NIK. It is the largest Jewish school in the Netherlands. As of 2007, it had 285 pupils enrolled.[86] Maimonides is the largest Jewish high school in the Netherlands. It had some 160 pupils enrolled in 2005. Although founded as a Jewish school and affiliated to the NIK, it has a secular curriculum.[87] Cheider, started by former resistance fighter Arthur Juda Cohen, presents education to Jewish children of all ages. Of the three, it is the only school with a Haredi background. Girls and boys are educated in separate classes. The school has some 200 pupils.[88]

The Hague

[edit]

Tzemach Hasadeh is a Jewish kindergarten in The Hague. It has been active since 1997 and has a Jewish, Dutch and Israeli education program.[89]

Jewish youth

[edit]

Several Jewish organisations in the Netherlands are focused on Jewish youth. They include:

Jewish health care in the current era

[edit]

There are two Jewish nursing homes in the Netherlands. One, Beth Shalom, is situated in Amsterdam at two locations, Amsterdam Buitenveldert and Amsterdam Osdorp. There are some 350 elderly Jews currently residing in Beth Shalom.[97] Another Jewish nursing home, the Mr. L.E. Visserhuis, is located in The Hague.[98] It is home to some 50 elderly Jews. Both nursing homes are aligned to Orthodox Judaism; kosher food is available. Both nursing homes have their own synagogue.

There is a Jewish wing at the Amstelland Hospital in Amstelveen. It is unique in Western Europe in that Jewish patients are cared for according to Orthodox Jewish law; kosher food is the only type of food available at the hospital.[99] The Jewish wing was founded after the fusion of the Nicolaas Tulp Hospital and the (Jewish) Central Israelite Patient Care in 1978.

The Sinai Centrum (Sinai Center) is a Jewish psychiatric hospital located in Amsterdam, Amersfoort (primary location) and Amstelveen, which focuses on mental healthcare, as well as caring for and guiding persons who are mentally disabled.[100] It is the only Jewish psychiatric hospital currently operating in Europe. Originally focusing on the Jewish segment of the Dutch population, and especially on Holocaust survivors who were faced with mental problems after the Second World War, nowadays the Sinai Centrum also provides care for non-Jewish victims of war and genocide.

Jewish media

[edit]

Jewish television and radio in the Netherlands is produced by NIKMedia. Part of NIKMedia is the Joodse Omroep,[101] which broadcasts documentaries, stories and interviews on a variety of Jewish topics every Sunday and Monday on the Nederland 2 television channel (except from the end of May until the beginning of September). NIKMedia is also responsible for broadcasting music and interviews on Radio 5.

The Nieuw Israëlitisch Weekblad is the oldest still functioning (Jewish) weekly in the Netherlands, with some 6,000 subscribers. It is an important news source for many Dutch Jews, focusing on Jewish topics on a national as well as on an international level. The Joods Journaal (Jewish Weekly)[102] was founded in 1997 and is seen as a more "glossy" magazine in comparison to the NIW. It gives a lot of attention to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Another Jewish magazine published in the Netherlands is the Hakehillot Magazine,[103] issued by the NIK, the Jewish Community of Amsterdam and the PIK. Serving a more liberal Jewish audience, the NVPJ publishes its own magazine, Levend Joods Geloof (Living Jewish Faith), six times a year;[104] serving this same audience, Beit Ha'Chidush publishes its own magazine as well, called Chidushim.[105]

There are a couple of Jewish websites focusing on bringing Jewish news to the Dutch Jewish community. By far the most prominent is Joods.nl, which gives attention to the large Jewish communities in the Netherlands as well as to the Mediene, to Israel as well as to Jewish culture and youth.

Amsterdam

[edit]

Amsterdam's Jewish community today numbers about 15,000 people.[citation needed] A large number live in the neighbourhoods of Buitenveldert, the Oud-Zuid and the River Neighbourhood. Buitenveldert is considered a popular neighbourhood to live in; this is due to its low crime-rate and because it is considered to be a quiet neighbourhood.

Especially in the neighbourhood of Buitenveldert there's a sizeable Jewish community. In this area, Kosher food is widely available. There are several Kosher restaurants, two bakeries, Jewish-Israeli shops, a pizzeria and some supermarkets host a Kosher department. This neighourbood also has a Jewish elderly home, an Orthodox synagogue and three Jewish schools.

Cultural distinctions

[edit]

Uniquely in the Netherlands, Ashkenazi and Sephardi communities coexisted in close proximity. Having different cultural traditions, the communities remained generally separate, but their geographical closeness resulted in cross-cultural influences not found elsewhere. Notably, in the early days when small groups of Jews were attempting to establish communities, they used the services of rabbis and other officials from either culture, depending on who was available.

The close proximity of the two cultures also led to intermarriage at a higher rate than was known elsewhere, and in consequence many Jews of Dutch descent have family names that seem to belie their religious affiliation. All Dutch Jews have for centuries named children after the children's grandparents[citation needed], which is otherwise considered exclusively a Sephardi tradition. (Ashkenazim elsewhere traditionally avoid naming a child after a living relative.)

In 1812, while the Netherlands was under Napoleonic rule, all Dutch residents (including Jews) were obliged to register surnames with the civic authorities; previously only Sephardim had complied with this. Although the Ashkenazim had avoided civic registration, many had been using an unofficial system of surnames for hundreds of years.

Also under Napoleonic rule, an 1809 law required Dutch Jewish schools to teach in Dutch as well as Hebrew. This excluded other languages. Yiddish, the lingua franca of Ashkenazim, and Judaeo-Portuguese, the previous language of the Portuguese Sephardim, practically ceased to be spoken among Dutch Jews. Certain Yiddish words have been adopted into the Dutch language, especially in Amsterdam, where there was a large Jewish population. (The city is also called Mokum, from the Hebrew word for town or place, makom.)

Several other Hebrew words can be found in the local dialect, including: Mazzel from mazel, which is the Hebrew word for luck or fortune; Tof which is Tov, in Hebrew meaning good (as in מזל טוב – Mazel tov); and Goochem, in Hebrew Chacham or Hakham, meaning wise, sly, witty or intelligent, where the Dutch g is pronounced similarly to the 8th letter of the Hebrew Alphabet the guttural Chet or Heth.

The Dutch Ashkenazi Hebrew pronunciation has some specific features that distinguish it from other pronunciations. Most prominently, the letter "ע" (ayin) is pronounced as "ng" ("ngayin"). Additionally, certain vowels are different from the mainstream Ashkenazi pronunciation.[106]

Economic influences

[edit]

Jews played a major role in the development of Dutch colonial territories and international trade, and many Jews in former colonies have Dutch ancestry. However, all the major colonial powers were competing fiercely for control of trade routes; the Dutch were relatively unsuccessful and during the 18th century, their economy went into decline.

Many of the Ashkenazim in the rural areas were no longer able to subsist and they migrated to the cities in search of work. This caused a large number of small Jewish communities to collapse completely (ten adult males were required to conduct major religious ceremonies). Entire communities migrated to the cities, where Jewish populations swelled dramatically. In 1700, the Jewish population of Amsterdam was 6,200, with Ashkenazim and Sephardim in almost equal numbers. By 1795 the figure was 20,335, the vast majority being poor Ashkenazim from rural areas. By the mid-nineteenth century, many were emigrating to other countries where the advancement of emancipation offered better opportunities (see Chuts).

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
![Interior of the Portuguese Synagogue in Amsterdam, ca. 1695]( The history of the Jews in the Netherlands involves the settlement of Jewish communities amid cycles of tolerance, restriction, and persecution, beginning with medieval Ashkenazi presence in cities like Nijmegen from the 14th century, followed by expulsions during pogroms and economic scapegoating, and culminating in a major Sephardic influx to Amsterdam in the late 16th century as refugees from the Iberian Inquisition sought refuge in the emerging Dutch Republic. During the of the 17th century, these , alongside growing Ashkenazi populations, contributed significantly to commerce, including diamond polishing, tobacco processing, and networks that bolstered Amsterdam's status as a global hub, while producing intellectuals like philosopher , whose rationalist works challenged religious orthodoxy and led to his 1656 by community leaders. Full civil emancipation arrived in 1796 under the , granting equal rights and integrating them into Dutch society, though socioeconomic disparities persisted, with many remaining in traditional trades amid broader European modernization. The brought catastrophe during , when Nazi occupation led to the of approximately 107,000 of the pre-war Jewish population of about 140,000, resulting in over 75% mortality—the highest rate in —due to factors including meticulous civil registries, urban concentration, and limited successful hiding compared to other nations. Postwar recovery saw survivors and immigrants rebuild a small community, now numbering around 30,000, focused on remembrance through institutions like the Anne Frank House and ongoing efforts to preserve heritage amid declining numbers and assimilation pressures.

Pre-Republic Period

Medieval Presence and Persecutions

The earliest documented evidence of Jewish presence in the territories comprising modern-day Netherlands dates to the late 12th century, with a tombstone inscription from 1181 discovered in Nijmegen indicating settlement in the region of Gelderland. By the 13th century, small Jewish communities had formed in areas such as Brabant and Limburg, particularly in urban centers including Maastricht and Leuven, where Jews engaged primarily in commerce and moneylending due to restrictions on land ownership and guild membership. A mikveh, or ritual bath, excavated in the Netherlands and dated to the first half of the 13th century, provides the oldest physical archaeological trace of Jewish ritual practice in the region. These communities remained sparse and dispersed, often under the protection of local rulers who granted charters for economic utility, such as Count William VI of Holland's privileges in 1325 allowing Jewish residence and trade in exchange for taxes. However, Jews faced episodic expulsions and restrictions; for instance, in , intermittent settlement occurred from the , but residency was precarious and limited to specific quarters by the 15th century. Imperial edicts under Charles IV in 1350 offered temporary safeguards post-plague, yet local authorities frequently overrode them with bans, reflecting the economic resentment from Christian debtors and competitors. Persecutions intensified during the (1347–1351), when Jews across the were accused of poisoning wells to spread the plague, a baseless charge rooted in religious and economic rather than empirical causation. Pogroms erupted in 1349–1350, with mass burnings and executions in Hainaut, , and , driven by local mobs and guilds seeking to eliminate Jewish creditors and seize assets; in these events, hundreds perished, and communities were decimated without centralized royal intervention. Similar violence extended to Dutch territories like Brabant, where the epidemic's mortality—estimated at 30–60% of Europe's population—exacerbated preexisting antisemitic tropes, leading to the near-eradication of medieval Jewish populations by the mid-15th century. By the late , systematic expulsions culminated in effective bans on Jewish settlement in under Duke in 1444, prohibiting residence except for physicians, while similar decrees in other principalities confined or expelled remaining , resulting in their dispersal eastward or southward until the . This pattern of tolerance for fiscal gain followed by violent exclusion underscores the causal role of plague-induced social collapse and debt relief motives in sustaining medieval antisemitism, independent of theological justifications alone.

Iberian Expulsions and Initial Sephardic Influx

The Alhambra Decree of March 31, 1492, issued by Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, mandated the expulsion of practicing Jews from Spain, affecting an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 individuals who departed by the deadline of July 31, 1492, with many initially relocating to Portugal or North Africa. In 1496–1497, King Manuel I of Portugal decreed the forced conversion of all Jews, converting approximately 20,000–120,000 Portuguese Jews into conversos (New Christians), many of whom continued observing Judaism clandestinely as crypto-Jews to avoid persecution by the Portuguese Inquisition established in 1536. These Iberian Sephardim, skilled in trade, finance, and craftsmanship, dispersed across Europe, with significant numbers settling in the Spanish Netherlands, particularly Antwerp, where a community of Portuguese merchants—estimated at several hundred families by the 1560s—benefited from Habsburg tolerance toward New Christians as economic assets, allowing semi-open Jewish practices in some cases. The fall of Antwerp to Spanish forces under the Duke of Parma on August 17, 1585, during the Dutch Revolt against Habsburg rule, disrupted this haven, as the intensified Inquisition and economic blockade of the Scheldt River prompted an exodus of Portuguese merchants northward into rebellious provinces like Holland and Zeeland. This migration marked the initial Sephardic influx into territories that would formalize the Dutch Republic in 1588, with small groups of crypto-Jews arriving in Amsterdam by the early 1590s, drawn by the city's burgeoning trade networks in spices, sugar, and diamonds, and its pragmatic policy of concessus (de facto tolerance) amid the revolt's anti-Catholic, anti-Spanish fervor. By 1593, records indicate the presence of Iberian New Christians in Amsterdam, and in 1596, at least sixteen Portuguese Jews convened at the home of merchant Don Samuel Palache, signaling organized settlement. These early arrivals, numbering around 100–200 by 1600, gradually reverted to open Judaism, establishing private prayer services (minyanim) and importing rabbis from and , while leveraging familial ties to Iberian trade routes to contribute to 's commercial ascent. Unlike medieval , who faced sporadic expulsions in the , these Sephardim encountered minimal overt hostility initially, as Dutch authorities prioritized economic utility over religious conformity, though formal synagogue construction awaited later decades. This foundational wave, rooted in Iberian displacements, positioned as a Sephardic hub, with immigrants' literacy rates exceeding 90% among males—far above the Dutch average—facilitating integration into mercantile elites.

Dutch Republic Era (1588–1795)

Settlement Policies and Religious Tolerance

The Union of Utrecht in 1579 established a foundational principle of freedom of conscience across the northern provinces rebelling against Spanish rule, which indirectly facilitated the eventual settlement of religious minorities, including , by prohibiting provincial interference in matters of belief. This framework empowered individual cities and provinces to formulate their own admission policies for , reflecting the 's decentralized governance rather than a centralized of tolerance. Portuguese Sephardic Jews, many fleeing the as crypto-Jews who had outwardly converted to Catholicism, began arriving in in significant numbers from 1593 onward, drawn by the city's commercial opportunities and relative openness compared to other Dutch ports like Middelburg and that had denied them entry. These early settlers, primarily merchants with networks, integrated economically without initial formal barriers to residence, though they operated under informal rather than explicit legal protections. By the early , their presence prompted municipal authorities to address potential social frictions, culminating in the Amsterdam burgomasters' regulations of , 1616, which permitted Jewish settlement while imposing restrictions to safeguard Christian society. The 1616 regulations granted Jews unprecedented freedoms for the era, including the right to reside, trade, and assemble as a community without special taxes or broad economic exclusions, but prohibited sexual relations with Christian women, public writings or speeches injurious to , and any enticement of Christians toward or . Offenders faced civil penalties equivalent to those for natives, and Jews were required to swear an oath invoking God and , underscoring their provisional status pending higher provincial approval. These rules implicitly allowed religious practice by not banning synagogues outright—despite a 1612 resolution nominally prohibiting new constructions—enabling the community to repurpose private buildings for worship through proxies. In 1619, the States of Holland formalized municipal autonomy by resolving that each city could independently determine Jewish admission and status, effectively endorsing Amsterdam's pragmatic approach while avoiding provincial endorsement of as a public faith. This devolved policy fostered religious tolerance in urban centers like , where built prominent synagogues and observed rituals openly by the mid-17th century, driven by economic incentives such as enhanced trade links to Iberia, , and the rather than ideological commitment to pluralism. However, tolerance remained conditional: lacked , required domiciliation permits with annual fees, and were barred from guilds, political office, and intermarriage, reflecting a of utility over equality that contrasted with the outright expulsions elsewhere in . Periodic clerical protests and rare prosecutions for boundary-crossing behaviors, such as alleged proselytizing, underscored the limits of this arrangement, yet it enabled the Jewish population in to grow from a few hundred in 1600 to several thousand by 1700.

Sephardic Economic Roles and Trade Networks

Sephardic Jews arriving in from the late 1590s onward leveraged their prior experience in Iberian commerce, often as crypto-Jews evading the , to integrate into the Dutch Republic's economy as merchants and financiers. Their familiarity with and trade practices enabled circumvention of Spanish and mercantile restrictions, fostering long-distance networks that linked to , , , , and Atlantic colonies. By the early , these merchants dominated sectors requiring international connections, contributing to the Dutch Golden Age's commercial expansion through policies favoring religious tolerance and self-government. In the diamond trade, Sephardim transferred the industry from to around 1600, fleeing Spanish occupation, and introduced polishing techniques adaptable to non-guild systems that excluded from many crafts. This sector grew substantially; by 1750, roughly 600 Sephardic families subsisted on diamond processing and trading, establishing as 's premier diamond hub. Their control over cutting, polishing, and export relied on familial ties across and the , insulating the trade from wartime disruptions during the (1568–1648). Sephardic networks proved instrumental in Atlantic commodities, particularly during Dutch control of northeastern (1630–1654) after the capture of in 1630. Over 1,000 Sephardim migrated to by the mid-1630s, managing mills, financing planters, and handling exports that made 50–75% of the Republic's annual trade volume. imported over 50% of 's output by the 1610s, refining it in 50 facilities by to supply more than half of Europe's refined , with Sephardim pioneering re-export routes to , São Tomé, Barbados, and English colonies. They also intermediated in the West India Company's slave shipments, totaling approximately 26,000 to from 1631 to 1651, using Portuguese connections to bridge Protestant Dutch and Catholic Iberian markets. Additional ventures included tobacco imports from Tierra Firme and Hispaniola, routed through Hamburg amid the Dutch-Spanish war, and spices via the East Indies, sustaining prosperity even after Brazil's loss in 1654 when merchants relocated to Caribbean outposts like Barbados. These roles amplified Amsterdam's entrepôt status, with Sephardic capital and intelligence networks enhancing Dutch competitiveness against rivals like England and France.

Community Organization and Daily Life

The Sephardic Jewish community in Amsterdam structured itself as the Kahal Kadosh Talmud Torah, unified in 1639 from predecessor congregations—Beth Ya'akov (established 1606), Neve Shalom (1608), and Beth Israel (1618)—to administer religious, educational, and charitable activities. Governance rested with lay leaders known as parnasim and a maḥamad, a council of seven elders holding extensive powers, including enforcement of communal norms through the ḥerem (excommunicative ban) for infractions against Jewish law or discipline. Rabbis (ḥakhamim) offered doctrinal guidance, with notable incumbents such as Saul Levi Morteira, Menasseh ben Israel—who initiated Hebrew printing in Amsterdam in 1626—and Isaac Aboab da Fonseca leading scholarly and communal efforts. Communal welfare systems included institutions supporting the indigent, orphans, the ill, marriage endowments, and even ransom for imprisoned members, complemented by a 1610 contract ensuring kosher meat supply. Early worship occurred in private homes before dedicated synagogues emerged, culminating in the Esnoga's completion in 1675 as a monumental center for prayer and assembly. Daily routines emphasized religious fidelity amid commercial pursuits. Synagogue services, thrice daily and in Portuguese to honor Iberian heritage, anchored public life, while households upheld kosher dietary rules, Sabbath observance, and festival celebrations using ritual items and prayer books. Education formed a cornerstone, via the Talmud Torah school and the 1616-founded Ets Haim seminary-library, imparting Hebrew, Torah, and Talmudic study to boys from age three in a curriculum blending Jewish orthodoxy with secular knowledge suited to mercantile roles. Family structures were patriarchal and endogamous, with women overseeing domestic spheres, ritual purity through mikvehs, and charitable contributions (ṣedāqāh), though barred from certain honors. Social cohesion persisted through intra-communal marriages and as the vernacular, fostering insularity despite economic embedding in Dutch society and relative religious autonomy.

Ashkenazi Arrival and Internal Dynamics

Ashkenazi Jews, originating from Central and Eastern Europe, began arriving in the Dutch Republic in significant numbers during the early seventeenth century, primarily as refugees fleeing the disruptions of the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648) and associated persecutions in German territories. The initial wave reached Amsterdam around 1620, with migrants from regions like Hamburg and Frankfurt seeking economic opportunities and relative religious tolerance unavailable elsewhere in Europe. By 1635, these newcomers had formalized their own communal organization, distinct from the earlier Sephardic congregation, establishing synagogues and governance structures tailored to their Yiddish-speaking customs and rituals. This arrival marked a shift, as Ashkenazim initially comprised a smaller, less affluent group compared to the established Portuguese merchants, often engaging in petty trade, peddling, and small-scale crafts rather than international commerce. Post-1648, following the and upheavals in Poland-Lithuania, influxes from accelerated, swelling Ashkenazi numbers and diversifying origins within the community. By the late seventeenth century, Ashkenazim outnumbered Sephardim in , though they remained economically subordinate, with many reliant on communal charity due to restrictions on membership and competition from Dutch artisans. Internal dynamics among Ashkenazim were characterized by factionalism along geographic lines, splitting into subgroups such as the "Hamburgers" or "High Germans" (from Western Ashkenazic areas) and "Polakkers" (from and ), each maintaining separate synagogues, burial societies, and leadership councils. These divisions fostered rivalries over , ritual practices, and authority, occasionally escalating to disputes requiring arbitration by Dutch magistrates, yet they also enabled adaptive resilience through parallel institutions that preserved distinct cultural identities. Relations between Ashkenazim and Sephardim reflected socioeconomic disparities, with the latter viewing the former as culturally inferior and burdensome due to their poverty and vernacular, leading to minimal intermarriage and separate dealings with civic authorities. Despite occasional Sephardic toward Ashkenazi , the communities operated in parallel, with Ashkenazim negotiating their own privileges incrementally, such as burial rights outside city walls by the 1650s. This internal stratification within and between groups underscored causal factors like migration patterns and economic niches, reinforcing ethnic particularism amid broader Dutch tolerance.

Relations with State Authorities and Calvinist Society

The admission of Jews into the Dutch Republic's urban centers, particularly , was governed by pragmatic municipal and provincial policies rather than uniform national legislation, reflecting economic incentives over ideological commitment to tolerance. Following the influx of Portuguese Sephardim in the 1590s, 's authorities issued residence permits on a case-by-case basis, culminating in the 1616 regulations that prohibited Jews from engaging in sexual relations with Christian women, publicly criticizing , or attempting to convert Christians, while requiring adherence to local laws and modest conduct. These rules, enforced through an oath sworn by , represented a deliberate legal ambiguity: Jews received freedoms, including residence and private worship, without formal burgher status, special taxes, or economic barriers, as a concession to their role in trade networks. The States of Holland in 1619 deferred Jewish governance to municipalities, solidifying 's model as the primary framework until emancipation. State authorities consistently prioritized commercial utility, protecting Jewish communities from unrest despite recurrent clerical opposition. For instance, in 1603, a rabbi and his son arrested for performing a circumcision were released without penalty, signaling tacit acceptance of private rites. Municipal regents overrode protests to permit synagogue expansions, such as in 1639, and the dedication of Amsterdam's grand Portuguese Synagogue in 1675, inscribed with the motto that "liberty of conscience makes the republic thrive." Jews faced exclusions from political office, guilds, and militia service, paid occasional recognition fees, and swore modified oaths excluding Christian formulas, but received safeguards against expulsion or mass conversion, contrasting sharply with contemporaneous expulsions elsewhere in Europe. Regional variations persisted, with Holland's ports like Amsterdam exhibiting greater leniency than inland provinces such as Overijssel, where settlement was curtailed. Calvinist society harbored theological antagonism toward Jews, viewing their persistence as a scriptural witness to Christ's truth but decrying Judaism as blasphemous and ritually unclean, which fueled periodic demands for restrictions. Reformed clergy, including Abraham Coster in 1608, publicly decried Jewish practices and lobbied against synagogue construction, prompting outcries that authorities suppressed to preserve order and commerce. Hardline Counter-Remonstrants in 1618 petitioned for Jewish expulsion, citing moral and confessional threats, yet regents—often influenced by Arminian pragmatism—rejected such measures, as evidenced by the failure to act despite synodal pressures. While public polemics and conversionary debates occurred, social relations remained distant: Calvinists engaged Jews commercially in diamonds, shipping, and finance but maintained barriers against intermarriage or doctrinal equivalence, with the Reformed Church lacking coercive power to enforce conformity due to the Republic's federal structure. This equilibrium endured, as economic interdependence trumped ideological purity, though latent hostilities surfaced in isolated incidents like unsubstantiated ritual murder accusations quelled by officials.

Emancipation and 19th Century (1795–1914)

Batavian Reforms and Path to Citizenship

The Batavian Revolution of January 1795 overthrew the stadtholderate and established the Batavian Republic, a sister republic aligned with French revolutionary principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity. This political upheaval created an opening for long-marginalized groups, including Jews, who had enjoyed economic tolerance but lacked full civic equality under the Dutch Republic's decentralized structure. Dutch Jews, numbering approximately 20,000–25,000 by the mid-1790s, primarily in Amsterdam, actively petitioned the new National Assembly for emancipation, framing their case in terms of universal rights and contributions to the revolutionary cause. Debates in the National Assembly, beginning in early 1796, reflected tensions between radical egalitarians and conservatives wary of rapid integration. Jewish representatives, including figures like Hartog de Hartog Lémon from the Ashkenazi community and Sephardic leaders, emphasized loyalty to the republic and argued against prior discriminatory "nation" status that treated Jews as perpetual foreigners. After months of deliberation, the Assembly voted on September 2, 1796, to grant Jews full civil and political rights, declaring it "impossible to deprive any Jew of the rights and privileges of a citizen." This decree abolished guild restrictions, residence limits, and special taxes on Jews, while voiding prior exemptions unique to Sephardim, such as from certain civic duties, in favor of uniform equality. The 1796 emancipation marked the Netherlands as one of the first European states to extend citizenship to Jews without religious conversion, predating similar reforms in France's full implementation or Prussia. Jews gained eligibility to vote, hold public office, serve in the military, and access state education, though practical participation lagged due to literacy gaps and socioeconomic factors. By 1797, Jewish voters appeared in electoral rolls, and individuals like Lémon entered local politics, signaling the shift from communal autonomy to national integration. However, the reforms did not immediately erase social prejudices, and enforcement varied regionally, with rural areas slower to adapt. Under the evolving Batavian constitutions of 1798 and 1801, these rights were reaffirmed amid ongoing French influence, though the 1806 transition to the Kingdom of Holland under Louis Bonaparte introduced Napoleonic consistories to standardize Jewish religious organization. The path to citizenship thus dismantled legal barriers but imposed assimilation pressures, as Jews navigated new obligations like surname adoption and militia service, fostering both opportunities and internal community debates over tradition versus modernity.

Socioeconomic Mobility and Urban Concentration

Following emancipation in 1796, Dutch Jews initially faced significant socioeconomic challenges, with approximately 60 percent of the community living in poverty by the early 19th century, particularly among Ashkenazim in Amsterdam who were concentrated in low-skill occupations such as peddling, small-scale commerce, and casual labor. This poverty stemmed from prior exclusion from guilds and land ownership, leading to overcrowding in urban Jewish quarters and reliance on communal welfare systems, where two-thirds of Amsterdam's Ashkenazi Jews required assistance in the decades immediately after citizenship reforms. Over 50 percent of the national Jewish population resided in Amsterdam throughout the century, reflecting historical settlement patterns and economic opportunities in trade hubs, though this share fluctuated slightly as smaller communities grew in Rotterdam and The Hague. In 1850, four major cities accounted for 91 percent of Dutch Jews, underscoring their urban orientation compared to the broader rural Dutch population. Socioeconomic mobility accelerated from the mid-19th century, driven by legal equality enabling access to and emerging industries, with Jewish occupational status rising faster than that of non-Jews by the century's end. The polishing sector, centered in , exemplified this shift: Jewish involvement expanded rapidly after 1865, with the workforce growing from 1,500 to over 10,000 by 1890, offering high wages and pathways from unskilled labor to skilled trades and even white-collar roles like clerks in department stores. reforms post-1857 further facilitated upward movement, as Jewish children, especially sons of workers, achieved higher attainment levels than peers, leading to entries into professions such as , , and . Despite these gains, many Jews remained in and retail niches, with persistent ethnic clustering in urban economies limiting diversification into or . Urban concentration persisted as a defining feature, with Jews comprising a disproportionate share of city dwellers—often 10-13 percent of 's from to —while migrating from dense inner-city enclaves to newer peripheral neighborhoods like East. This pattern reflected both economic pull factors, such as trade networks, and social cohesion, though emancipation encouraged gradual dispersal to secondary cities; by 1900, still held around 43 percent of Dutch , down from higher early-century proportions due to provincial growth. Overall, mobility was widespread but uneven, with diamond sector participants experiencing the most dramatic advances, while poorer strata lagged, maintaining a visible urban Jewish presence amid broader integration.

Intellectual Contributions and Cultural Figures

Jozef Israëls (1824–1911), born to Jewish parents in Groningen, emerged as a preeminent Dutch painter associated with the Hague School, specializing in realist depictions of peasant life, fishermen, and occasionally Jewish themes such as "The Scribe" and "A Son of the Ancient People." His works emphasized emotional depth and social realism, influencing European art movements and earning him recognition as the "Rembrandt of the 19th century" for his mastery of light and human suffering. In jurisprudence, Tobias Michael Carel Asser (1838–1913), a Jewish scholar from Amsterdam, advanced international law through his foundational role in establishing the Institute of International Private Law in 1873 and his contributions to the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, which codified rules for peaceful dispute resolution; for these efforts, he shared the 1911 Nobel Peace Prize with Alfred Fried. Asser's advocacy for codifying private international law reflected the post-emancipation integration of Jews into Dutch legal academia and diplomacy. Aletta Henriëtte Jacobs (1854–1929), from a Jewish family in Sappemeer, became the first woman admitted to a Dutch university in 1871 and earned her medical degree in 1877, pioneering women's access to higher education and professional medicine amid emancipation reforms. She later promoted public health initiatives, including birth control clinics in 1885 and women's suffrage, though her secular activism distanced her from orthodox Jewish circles. These figures exemplified the shift toward professional and artistic pursuits enabled by citizenship rights, with Dutch Jews contributing disproportionately to , , and relative to their population of about 1-2% in urban centers like by 1900, though literary and philosophical output remained limited compared to earlier Sephardic scholarship or later 20th-century achievements.

Tensions Between Assimilation and Tradition

Following emancipation in 1796, which granted Jews full and removed occupational and residential restrictions, the Dutch Jewish experienced heightened pressures to assimilate into broader society, prompting internal divisions over the pace and extent of adopting Dutch language, customs, and secular norms while preserving religious traditions. In , the largest Jewish center, these tensions manifested early in a schism between the traditionalist Alte Kille (Old Community) and the progressive Neie Kille (New Community), formed in 1798 by approximately 700 members who supported the Batavian Republic's reforms and favored modernization, including Dutch-language and reduced Yiddish usage. This split, fueled by pamphlet wars (Diskursen), reflected broader debates on whether emancipation required diluting communal and observance to align with enlightened citizenship ideals. The Haskalah movement, emphasizing rationalism and cultural integration, gained traction among urban Ashkenazi Jews, leading to the establishment of Dutch-language Jewish periodicals starting in 1806 and efforts to translate prayer books by 1808, which traditionalists viewed as eroding Yiddish-based piety and halakhic fidelity. Sephardic communities, already more acculturated from prior centuries, accelerated assimilation through intermarriage and professional advancement, while poorer Ashkenazim in traditional enclaves resisted, maintaining separate cheders (religious schools) amid rising attendance at public secular institutions. By mid-century, liberal influences from Germany prompted orthodox leaders, such as Rabbi Isaac Meyer Wise's critics, to import neo-orthodox rabbis like those following Samson Raphael Hirsch's model, aiming to enforce stricter observance against reformist synagogues that introduced vernacular sermons and abbreviated services. These conflicts extended to family and social spheres, where socioeconomic mobility—evident in Jews' shift from peddling to commerce and professions—correlated with declining ritual adherence, though Dutch Jewry largely avoided extreme reform, favoring a "moderate orthodoxy" that reconciled halakhah with civic participation without the full secularization seen elsewhere. Community leaders debated intermarriage's rise, which remained low but symbolic of assimilation's pull, as traditional match-making clashed with individualistic courtship; by the 1870s, splits formalized into distinct congregations, with liberals dominating urban elites and orthodox holding rural and working-class strongholds. Despite these frictions, no widespread excommunications akin to Spinoza's era occurred, reflecting a pragmatic balance where tradition persisted through institutional rebuilding, such as enhanced kosher supervision, even as overall religiosity waned under emancipation's egalitarian incentives.

Interwar and World War II Period (1914–1945)

Pre-War Prosperity and Demographic Growth

![Hirsch & Co department store, a prominent Jewish-owned business in Amsterdam][float-right] In the , the Jewish population of the experienced notable demographic growth, increasing from 111,917 according to the 1930 to approximately 140,000 by 1939. This expansion was primarily driven by the influx of around 25,000 to 30,000 Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in and , particularly after 1933 and intensified following in 1938. The native Dutch Jewish , largely urban and concentrated in where they comprised about 8.65% of the population, maintained relatively stable birth rates amid low overall fertility trends, but immigration accounted for the bulk of the growth. Economically, Dutch Jews enjoyed relative prosperity during the 1920s, benefiting from the Netherlands' post-World War I recovery and expansion in sectors like diamond processing, textiles, and retail trade, where they held significant influence. Amsterdam's diamond industry, a longstanding Jewish stronghold, thrived with Jewish workers and merchants dominating polishing and trading activities, contributing to the city's role as a global hub. Many families operated small to medium-sized enterprises in food distribution, clothing manufacturing, and department stores, such as the prominent Hirsch & Co on the Leidseplein, exemplifying middle-class affluence and commercial success. Professionalization increased, with Jews entering law, medicine, and academia, reflecting high educational attainment and social mobility within a tolerant society. The Great Depression of the 1930s strained these gains, leading to unemployment and business failures, particularly among refugee arrivals who faced integration barriers and competition in oversaturated trades. Nonetheless, communal institutions like the diamond bourse and mutual aid societies provided resilience, while the overall Jewish socioeconomic profile remained above the national average, with lower poverty rates than in Eastern European Jewish communities. This period of growth and economic activity masked underlying vulnerabilities, as detailed civil registries and urban concentration later facilitated Nazi targeting.

Nazi Occupation Policies and Jewish Responses

The German invasion of the Netherlands on May 10, 1940, initiated a phased implementation of anti-Jewish policies under the civilian administration led by Arthur Seyss-Inquart, beginning with exclusionary measures rather than immediate mass violence. By July 1940, Jews were barred from civil service and public sector roles, extending to dismissals of Jewish civil servants without pay by January 1941; similar restrictions targeted Jewish businesses, professionals, and students through decrees like the November 1941 ban on Jewish enrollment in universities. In October 1941, mandatory registration of all Jews was enforced, followed by the requirement to wear the yellow Star of David from May 1942, alongside curfews, property seizures, and ghettoization in Amsterdam's Jewish Quarter. Deportations commenced in July 1942, funneling approximately 107,000 Jews through the Westerbork transit camp to extermination sites like Auschwitz and Sobibor, with systematic roundups prioritizing the registered population. The Nazis established the Joodse Raad (Jewish Council) in February 1941, appointing leaders Abraham Asscher and David Cohen to centralize communication and compliance with German orders, ostensibly to negotiate exemptions and delay harsher measures. The Council compiled population lists, distributed stars, and selected individuals for labor camps and deportations, arguing that partial cooperation could save some lives—a strategy that facilitated orderly roundups but ultimately enabled the deportation of over 100,000 without significant mitigation. Of the prewar Jewish population of about 140,000, roughly 102,000 perished, with only around 5,000 deportees surviving, reflecting the policies' efficacy in a densely urbanized, registered community. Jewish responses varied between compliance, evasion, and limited resistance, shaped by initial hopes of endurance and the risks of defiance in a flat, open terrain with efficient Nazi-Dutch administrative collaboration. Many adhered to registration and Council directives, believing obedience might preserve community structures, though this exposed them to systematic removal; only an estimated 25,000–30,000 went into hiding, often with forged papers or in rural attics, achieving a two-thirds survival rate among hiders due to decentralized networks but facing betrayal in one-third of cases. Jewish-led resistance included forging documents, small-scale sabotage, and participation in broader underground efforts, but armed uprisings were rare, with groups like the CS-6 sabotage team conducting targeted killings of collaborators; overall, proactive flight or revolt was constrained by family ties, lack of early emigration options post-1938, and the psychological impact of gradual isolation. The February 1941 Amsterdam strike against early deportations represented a collective protest involving Jews and non-Jews, but its suppression underscored the perils of public opposition.

Mechanisms of Deportation and Destruction

Deportations of Dutch Jews commenced on July 15, 1942, when German authorities initiated systematic roundups, primarily targeting registered Jewish populations in urban centers like Amsterdam. Victims were initially transported to assembly points and then to transit camps, with Westerbork serving as the principal facility after its conversion from a refugee camp established in 1939. Nearly 100,000 Jews passed through Westerbork, where they underwent processing, including forced labor under camp administration led by Jewish Council appointees until German takeover in 1942. From Westerbork, deportees were loaded onto freight trains operated by the Dutch national railway (NS), departing weekly in sealed cattle cars toward extermination sites in occupied Poland. Between 1942 and 1943, primary destinations included Sobibor, where over 34,000 Dutch Jews were gassed upon arrival as part of Operation Reinhard, and Auschwitz-Birkenau, receiving around 60,000 for immediate selection and gassing or slave labor followed by death. Smaller contingents, approximately 5,000, were sent to Theresienstadt ghetto, with many later transferred to Auschwitz. These transports relied on precise scheduling and SS oversight, exploiting the Netherlands' extensive civil registries to compile deportation lists efficiently. Secondary camps like Vught and Herzogenbusch supplemented Westerbork, handling regional roundups, but the majority of the roughly 107,000 deported Jews funneled through the northeastern transit hub. Destruction mechanisms at endpoints involved gas chambers using Zyklon B at Auschwitz or carbon monoxide at Sobibor, with selections by camp doctors determining brief labor exemptions for the able-bodied before inevitable demise from starvation, disease, or execution. Of those deported, fewer than 5,000 survived, reflecting the industrialized scale of killing adapted to Dutch bureaucratic compliance. By late 1944, as Allied advances halted transports, Westerbork held remnants evacuated westward in death marches, culminating in liberation in April 1945.

Dutch Civilian, Police, and Government Actions

The Dutch civil service, operating under the German Reich Commissar Arthur Seyss-Inquart following the May 1940 occupation, largely continued its functions and implemented anti-Jewish measures, including the dismissal of Jewish civil servants by early 1941 and the registration of 159,806 Jews in January 1941, which facilitated later deportations. Local administrators, including mayors, enforced decrees such as the requirement for Jews to register businesses and assets in 1940, contributing to the systematic isolation of the Jewish population. The establishment of the Jewish Council (Joodse Raad) in February 1941 under German orders further aided compliance by compiling lists of Jews for labor and deportation, though under duress. Dutch police forces actively assisted Nazi authorities in arrests and roundups, with approximately one in four of the 107,000 deported Jews handed over by Dutch officers, leveraging their knowledge of local populations and registration data. This cooperation extended to major operations, such as the post-1942 razzias in Amsterdam, where police helped enforce the yellow Star of David mandate from April 1942 and escorted deportees to transit camps like Westerbork. Among civilians, responses varied but overall compliance and passivity predominated, exacerbated by pre-war bureaucratic traditions and suppressed early resistance, resulting in a 75% Jewish mortality rate higher than in or . A notable exception was the , 1941, in , triggered by the February 22–23 roundup of 425 young Jewish men, which paralyzed the city for days before brutal suppression killed several participants and led to retaliatory executions of 20 hostages. Hiding later emerged, sheltering 25,000– with underground from an estimated 60,000 Dutch civilians, enabling about two-thirds of hiders to survive, though roughly 10,000 were betrayed or discovered. Active collaboration included groups like the Henneicke Column, comprising around 50 Dutch Nazi sympathizers who, from 1943, hunted Jews in hiding for bounties starting at 7.50 guilders per person (equivalent to several days' wages), contributing to thousands of captures amid widespread denunciations motivated by rewards or opportunism. The Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and similar elements amplified this through propaganda and auxiliary roles, though post-war investigations implicated broader civilian complicity, with over 300,000 probed for collaboration. These dynamics—efficient institutional cooperation, limited and tardy resistance, and opportunistic betrayals—underpinned the deportation of 107,000 Jews between summer 1942 and September 1944, of whom only about 5,200 survived the camps.

Postwar Recovery (1945–1990s)

Immediate Aftermath and Survivor Returns

Approximately 5,000 Dutch Jews survived deportation to concentration camps and returned to the Netherlands following liberation on May 5, 1945, while an additional 16,000 to 20,000 had survived in hiding or fled abroad temporarily, yielding a total survivor population of around 25,000 to 30,000 amid the prewar community's annihilation of over 100,000 members. Returnees from camps, often emaciated and traumatized, arrived sporadically through displaced persons camps in Germany and Belgium, with initial processing at Dutch ports like Amsterdam and Rotterdam beginning in late May 1945; many required immediate medical care for typhus, starvation, and injuries sustained in places like Bergen-Belsen or Auschwitz. Survivors encountered severe practical barriers to reintegration, including widespread looting of homes and businesses during the occupation, with properties frequently occupied by non-Jews or sold via state auctions under Nazi-era decrees. Dutch authorities imposed back taxes and penalties on absent owners for properties deemed "abandoned," even when confiscated, exacerbating destitution; for instance, survivors were sometimes evicted from their own residences without restitution priority. This bureaucratic rigidity reflected a postwar governmental stance prioritizing administrative continuity over victim redress, with initial aid limited to provisional Jewish welfare committees that distributed food, clothing, and temporary housing from June 1945 onward. Social reception compounded these hardships, as many returnees faced indifference, resentment over perceived "special treatment," or outright hostility from neighbors who had benefited from Jewish assets; reports documented instances of verbal abuse and refusal to vacate seized homes, underscoring a disconnect from the occupation's collaborative elements. Orphaned children, numbering over 1,000, were particularly vulnerable, often placed in non-Jewish foster homes resistant to reunification, prompting interventions by groups like the Jewish Coordination Committee established in July 1945 to trace families and assert communal claims. Psychological sequelae, including survivor's guilt and isolation, were rampant, with few societal resources for trauma until international aid arrived later in 1945. Despite these obstacles, small-scale community revival began in urban centers like Amsterdam, where synagogues reopened amid provisional services by autumn 1945.

Demographic Decline and Emigration Waves

The Jewish population in the Netherlands, reduced to approximately 35,000 survivors by 1947 following the deportation and murder of over 100,000 during the Holocaust, faced ongoing demographic erosion in the postwar decades. This remnant included many who had survived in hiding or returned from camps, but the community contended with profound trauma, family fragmentation, and societal reintegration challenges that exacerbated natural decline factors. Key drivers of decline included persistently low fertility rates, mirroring broader Dutch societal trends but amplified by the loss of younger generations and postwar childlessness among survivors. Intermarriage rates surged immediately after 1945, with a disproportionate number of Jewish men forming unions with non-Jewish partners, leading to fewer children raised in the faith and accelerated assimilation. By the 1960s, these patterns had stabilized the core population at around 25,000–30,000, though an aging demographic profile foreshadowed further contraction without significant immigration. Emigration occurred in modest waves, primarily driven by disillusionment with Dutch society, economic opportunities abroad, and Zionist aspirations. Several thousand Dutch Jews departed for the United States, Canada, and Palestine/Israel in the late 1940s, with a concentrated outflow to the newly founded State of Israel after 1948. Between 1950 and 1953 alone, official records document 868 emigrants to Israel, though net migration balanced somewhat due to returnees and inflows from Israel. Later outflows in the 1950s–1970s targeted North America for professional prospects, contributing to a cumulative loss of 5,000–10,000 individuals by the 1990s, though this represented a secondary factor compared to endogenous demographic pressures.

Institutional Rebuilding and State Compensation

Following the liberation of the Netherlands in May , surviving , numbering around 35,000 out of a prewar of approximately 140,000, initiated the reconstruction of communal institutions amid severe demographic losses and material devastation. Central organizations such as the Jewish Coordination Committee (JCC), formed in , coordinated efforts to restore synagogues, kosher facilities, and welfare services, prioritizing aid for orphans and displaced persons through entities like the Jewish Social Work agency. By 1947, several prewar institutions had resumed operations on a reduced scale, including rabbinical seminaries and youth groups, though many smaller community centers in provincial towns remained shuttered due to insufficient membership and funding. Restoration of physical infrastructure faced challenges from wartime damage and postwar housing shortages, with communal properties—such as synagogues and cemeteries—returned via the Organizations of Jewish Communities in the Netherlands, which managed over 1,000 such assets by the 1950s. Efforts emphasized consolidation in urban centers like Amsterdam and Rotterdam, where rebuilt synagogues, including the Gerard Doustraat Synagogue in Amsterdam (dedicated in 1965), symbolized revival but reflected a shift toward smaller, multifunctional spaces amid declining attendance. Cultural and educational bodies, such as the Jewish Historical Museum (founded 1932 but revitalized postwar), preserved heritage while adapting to integrate survivors' testimonies, though institutional fragmentation persisted due to emigration and assimilation. State compensation began with immediate postwar decrees in 1945–1947, mandating restitution of looted Jewish property, including real estate and businesses, processed through government claims bureaus that handled over 100,000 applications by 1950. However, bureaucratic delays and requirements for prewar documentation disadvantaged survivors, with only partial recovery of assets; for instance, immovable properties were restituted in principle, but sales during occupation often complicated ownership claims, leading to undervalued settlements. German reparations, negotiated via international agreements like the 1952 Luxembourg Accords, provided supplementary funds funneled through Dutch Jewish organizations, totaling millions of guilders by the 1960s for individual pensions and communal support. Criticism of the Dutch framework intensified in later decades, as the 1980s Van Kemenade Commission documented systemic equal treatment of Jewish claims alongside non-Jewish ones, ignoring unique Holocaust-era vulnerabilities, resulting in lower recovery rates compared to neighbors like Belgium. In response, the government allocated 400 million guilders (approximately €181 million) in 2000 as acknowledgment of these postwar failures, distributed via the Jewish Claims for survivor welfare, , and institutional maintenance, marking a partial rectification without full litigation. This fund supported ongoing rebuilding, including security enhancements for synagogues amid rising threats, though it did not extend to comprehensive individual reparations for moral damages.

Assimilation Pressures and Community Fragmentation

In the immediate postwar decades, the Dutch Jewish , reduced to approximately survivors by 1946, faced intensified assimilation pressures amid the broader of Dutch and the erosion of the pillarization (verzuiling) system that had historically insulated religious minorities. This structural shift blurred ethnic-religious boundaries, encouraging Jews to prioritize national integration over distinct communal identities, particularly as many survivors sought to rebuild lives in a wary of overt ethnic distinctions following the war's traumas. Intermarriage rates surged, with 54% of postwar first marriages involving Jews being exogamous (to non-Jews), a pattern sustained without significant decline through the and driven by factors such as weakened family transmission of Jewish identity and reduced opportunities in shrinking Jewish enclaves like schools. These dynamics fostered community fragmentation, as high exogamy diluted generational continuity; children of mixed marriages, especially those with non-Jewish mothers, showed markedly lower rates of Jewish endogamy, exacerbating population decline beyond emigration and low birth rates. Religious observance waned sharply, with orthodoxy losing influence to liberal and secular forms; by the 1980s, Judaism in the Netherlands had become predominantly cultural, with only marginal adherence to traditional practices among the majority. This secular drift prompted identity redefinitions, shifting from prewar self-conceptions as "Dutchmen of the Israelite religion" to looser affiliations as cultural Jews or those with a "Jewish background," further fragmenting cohesion. Divisions emerged between orthodox remnants, who resisted assimilation through insular practices, and the assimilated mainstream, where progressive movements like Lubavitcher Habad gained traction in the 1960s to counter secularization but struggled against pervasive intermarriage and apathy. Parental religiosity remained a key predictor of endogamy, yet even among those with two Jewish parents, half intermarried by later decades, underscoring causal links between weakened communal structures and fragmentation. By the 1990s, these pressures had rendered the community one of Western Europe's smallest and least religiously unified, with secular networks supplanting traditional institutions.

Contemporary Developments (2000–Present)

Current Population Estimates and Vital Statistics

As of , the core Jewish population of the —defined as individuals self-identifying as Jewish by religion or peoplehood—is estimated at approximately 35,000, representing a midpoint in a range of 29,000 to 41,000. This figure constitutes about 0.2% of the country's total population of roughly 17.9 million. Broader "enlarged" estimates, incorporating those with partial Jewish ancestry or affinity, reach 40,000 to 50,000, though such inclusions vary by and self-identification criteria. These numbers reflect stabilization after decades of decline, primarily driven by net immigration from rather than natural increase. The community exhibits an ageing demographic profile, with a median age higher than the national average and a low total fertility rate comparable to the broader Dutch population of around 1.4 children per woman. Specific Jewish fertility data are limited due to the Netherlands' Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) not collecting religion-specific vital records since 1967, relying instead on self-reported surveys that undercount smaller groups. High rates of intermarriage—estimated at over 50% in recent generations—contribute to assimilation pressures and lower endogamous birth rates, though precise current figures remain unavailable from official sources. Projections indicate modest growth to 36,000–37,000 by the mid-2030s, assuming continued Israeli inflows of 200–300 annually offset ageing and outflows, but without such migration, the would likely contract. Approximately one-third of has Israeli-born individuals or at least one Israeli parent, underscoring migration's role in demographic vitality. Marriage and mortality data mirror national trends, with elevated but no distinct Jewish overrepresentation in aggregates due to privacy protections.

Religious Denominations and Observance Rates

The Jewish community in the Netherlands is predominantly secular, with religious observance rates among the lowest in Europe. Approximately 20% of Dutch Jews self-identify as Orthodox or traditional in their religious orientation, while the remainder largely aligns with liberal or non-observant identities. The Orthodox segment, organized primarily under the Nederlands Israëlitisch Kerkgenootschap (NIK), the umbrella organization and advocate for 26 Jewish communities and their 3700 members in the Netherlands, encompasses both Ashkenazi and historical Portuguese traditions, though the latter has diminished significantly post-Holocaust. This group maintains stricter adherence to halakha, including kosher practices and Shabbat observance, and has experienced modest growth since the 2000s due to higher fertility rates and immigration from Israel. Liberal Judaism, represented by organizations like the Vereniging van Progressieve Wijkgemeenten in Nederland, constitutes the largest formal community by affiliation, emphasizing egalitarian services, inclusive membership, and adaptation to modern Dutch society. It attracts those seeking cultural Jewish identity without stringent ritual demands, though active participation remains limited. Reconstructionist and Conservative streams exist but are marginal, with few dedicated congregations. Overall, only 10-20% of Dutch Jews report full religious observance, defined by regular prayer, holiday keeping, and dietary laws. Synagogue attendance reflects this secular trend: just 14% attend services weekly or more frequently, compared to higher rates in more observant European Jewish communities like those in the UK or France. Factors contributing to low observance include postwar assimilation, intermarriage (affecting around 60% of partnerships), and the broader Dutch cultural emphasis on individualism over communal ritual. Despite this, Orthodox subgroups show higher engagement, with some Amsterdam congregations reporting consistent minyanim and educational programs. Active synagogues number around 30-50 out of 100-150 total structures, concentrated in Amsterdam and other urban centers.

Educational and Youth Institutions

Jewish day schools in the Netherlands primarily operate in Amsterdam, serving the country's estimated 30,000 Jews, with three main institutions providing both secular and religious education. Rosj Pina, the largest elementary school, enrolls over 300 pupils and emphasizes Jewish studies alongside the national curriculum. Maimonides, a secondary school affiliated with the global ORT network since 2019, integrates Jewish learning with standard Dutch education for small cohorts, focusing on entrants from diverse backgrounds. The Cheider, a haredi Orthodox primary school with around 120 students, prioritizes Torah study while preparing pupils for integration into modern society, though it has faced scrutiny for handling internal complaints. Enrollment in these schools has risen since the early 2000s, particularly accelerating after 2023 amid heightened antisemitism, with dozens of additional students at secondary levels in Amsterdam by 2025—a notable increase relative to the local Jewish population of 25,000. This trend reflects parental concerns over incidents in public schools, prompting shifts despite limited capacity and occasional temporary closures for security, such as Cheider's in 2023 and threats in 2025 targeting specific pupils. Historically, only about 20% of Jewish children in Amsterdam attended such schools post-1945, but contemporary data indicate growing reliance on them for identity preservation amid assimilation pressures. Youth and student organizations complement formal education by fostering community ties. Netzer, affiliated with progressive Judaism, engages teens through peer activities rooted in liberal Jewish values. IJAR, the oldest Jewish student association since 1976, supports university-aged youth with cultural and social events, maintaining continuity for emerging adults. These groups, often Zionist-leaning in heritage, adapt to smaller demographics by emphasizing informal learning and resilience, though participation remains modest given the overall population decline and secularization trends documented in communal surveys.

Health, Media, and Cultural Organizations

Jewish health organizations in the Netherlands primarily focus on providing care attuned to Jewish traditions, particularly for elderly survivors and those with trauma-related needs. The Jewish Hospice Immanuel, located in Amsterdam, is Europe's only dedicated Jewish hospice, offering palliative end-of-life care emphasizing Jewish customs such as kosher meals, Shabbat observance, and spiritual support from rabbis. Established in 2007 with funding from private donations and community subsidies, it serves patients regardless of background as long as Jewish identity is respected, and has cared for over 1,000 individuals, many Holocaust survivors, amid ongoing financial pressures from reduced government support. The Sinai Centrum in Amstelveen operates as a kosher psychiatric facility specializing in mental health treatment for Jewish patients, including outpatient services for post-traumatic stress from the Shoah, with a staff trained in culturally sensitive therapies. Jewish media outlets serve as vital platforms for community news, opinion, and advocacy in the Netherlands, where the small population necessitates focused coverage. The Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad (NIW), founded in 1865, remains the oldest continuously published Jewish newspaper in the country and one of the world's second-oldest, issuing weekly editions with investigative journalism, cultural commentary, and coverage of antisemitism incidents, distributed to around 5,000 subscribers primarily within the Dutch Jewish community. Complementing print media, Jonet.nl provides independent online news on local and global Jewish affairs, including event reporting and analysis, aiming to counter mainstream narratives through direct community sourcing. Cultural organizations preserve and promote Jewish heritage amid assimilation challenges, often integrating education with public access. The Joods Cultureel Kwartier in Amsterdam, encompassing the Jewish Historical Museum, Portuguese Synagogue, Hollandsche Schouwburg memorial, and National Holocaust Names Monument, attracts over 200,000 visitors annually to exhibits spanning four centuries of Jewish life, emphasizing artifacts, rituals, and historical resilience without diluting factual accounts of persecution. The JMW (Joods Maatschappelijk Werk) foundation, established in 1946, is a key Jewish social services organization providing advice, support, and information to individuals with Jewish backgrounds in the Netherlands, emphasizing its ongoing role in community welfare; it also organizes cultural events, lectures, and heritage programs alongside these services, fostering intergenerational transmission of traditions for the estimated 30,000 Jews in the Netherlands. These entities, under the umbrella of the Nederlands Israëlietisch Kerkgenootschap (NIK), coordinate efforts to maintain identity in a secular society, with NIK representing 26 communities in cultural advocacy.

Antisemitism Incidents and Security Measures

Antisemitic incidents in the Netherlands since 2000 have shown periodic spikes correlated with Middle East conflicts, including the Second Intifada, Gaza wars, and especially the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel. The Center for Information and Documentation Israel (CIDI), the primary monitor of such events, recorded approximately 100-200 incidents annually through the 2010s, escalating to 110 in 2022, 379 in 2023 (a 245% increase from the prior year), and a record 421 in 2024, surpassing previous highs by 11%. These figures encompass verbal harassment (comprising over 60% of cases), vandalism such as graffiti on synagogues and Jewish homes, online threats, and sporadic physical assaults; CIDI data indicate perpetrators frequently include youth of Moroccan or Turkish descent, reflecting imported Islamist influences amid high immigration from antisemitic regions. The post-October 7 period marked an acute escalation, with CIDI reporting an 800% surge in incidents within the first month alone, including schoolyard intimidation of Jewish children and protests featuring chants like "Jews to the gas." A prominent example occurred on November 7, 2024, when pro-Hamas mobs in Amsterdam targeted Maccabi Tel Aviv soccer fans, resulting in dozens injured, kidnappings, and forced removals of Jewish identifiers like kippot, evoking historical pogroms and prompting international condemnation. Such events have heightened fears, with surveys indicating many Dutch Jews conceal religious symbols in public and a portion contemplating emigration due to persistent threats. In response, Jewish communities have bolstered security through private guards at synagogues, schools, and events, often requiring police escorts for high-profile gatherings. The Dutch government appointed a National Coordinator for Combating Antisemitism in 2018, expanding efforts post-2023 with enhanced monitoring and victim support. In November 2024, authorities unveiled a five-year national strategy allocating funds for law enforcement training, university interventions (including bans on antisemitic speakers), stricter penalties for hate crimes, and public awareness campaigns, though implementation delays have drawn criticism amid ongoing incidents. Despite these measures, CIDI and community leaders describe the situation as a "crisis" necessitating more decisive action against ideological sources fueling the rise.

Economic and Social Impacts

Historical Contributions to Commerce and Finance

, primarily Portuguese marranos who fled the , began settling in in significant numbers from the 1590s onward, introducing extensive international trading networks that bolstered the city's commerce during the . These merchants leveraged familial and communal ties across , the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic, facilitating imports of commodities such as , , and from Portuguese and Spanish colonies, which Dutch traders could not directly access due to geopolitical restrictions. Their role proved vital in the supply trade to the and the , where Sephardic firms handled processing and distribution, contributing to 's emergence as a pivotal . By the early , these networks enhanced Dutch commerce's elasticity, ensuring continuity in flows disrupted by wars, and generated wealth that supported local industries like refining. In finance, Sephardic Jews were instrumental in the development of the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, established informally in the Jewish Quarter around 1602 and formalized thereafter as the world's first modern bourse. Drawing from medieval moneylending traditions and contemporary banking practices, they dominated share trading, particularly in Dutch East India Company (VOC) stocks; by the mid-17th century, approximately 85% of transactions were conducted by Portuguese Jewish brokers and investors, who provided liquidity and expertise in speculative instruments like options and futures. The Sephardic merchant Joseph de la Vega documented these practices in his 1688 treatise Confusion of Confusions, the earliest comprehensive account of stock market operations, highlighting the exchange's role as a global commerce hub. This Jewish involvement not only amplified capital mobilization for colonial ventures but also mitigated risks through diversified portfolios tied to Atlantic trade. The diamond industry exemplified another key contribution, with Sephardic refugees from Antwerp—following its 1585 fall to Spanish forces—transferring polishing and cutting techniques to Amsterdam by the late 16th century. Jewish artisans and traders rapidly monopolized the sector, establishing guilds and markets that processed raw stones from India via Portuguese routes; by the 17th century, Amsterdam handled over 80% of Europe's diamond trade, employing thousands in a labor-intensive craft suited to immigrant skills unencumbered by Christian guild restrictions. Ashkenazi Jews, arriving from Central and Eastern Europe in the mid-17th century, augmented this dominance, comprising a growing share of workers and merchants despite initial poverty, and extending the trade into retail and export by the 18th century. This specialization sustained economic resilience, as diamonds served as portable wealth amid persecutions elsewhere. Ashkenazi Jews, settling from the 1630s amid the Thirty Years' War, contributed more modestly to commerce, often in auxiliary roles like tobacco processing, sugar refining, and small-scale printing, where barriers to entry were lower than in guild-dominated trades. Lacking the Sephardim's transatlantic capital, they focused on local and Eastern European networks, gradually ascending in diamonds and pawnbroking, which provided credit to urban poor. By the 18th century, elite Ashkenazi families had accumulated sufficient means to participate in finance, though their overall impact remained secondary to Sephardic innovations until industrialization. These contributions collectively underscored how Jewish immigration catalyzed Amsterdam's commercial preeminence, with empirical records of trade volumes and firm ledgers attesting to disproportionate involvement relative to population size—Sephardim alone numbering around 5,000 by 1675 amid a city of 200,000.

Modern Professional Achievements and Disparities

Dutch Jews exhibit notable overrepresentation in high-education professions relative to their small population share of approximately 0.2% of the Netherlands' total inhabitants. A 2000 survey by the Jewish Social Work organization found that 24% of Dutch Jews held scholarly or academic professions, compared to 9% in the general Dutch population, with further concentration in fields like law, medicine, and economics. This pattern aligns with historical trends of social mobility through intellectual and commercial niches, though post-Holocaust recovery emphasized urban professional integration over manual trades. In business and innovation, Jewish-founded enterprises have sustained influence; the Philips electronics conglomerate, established in 1891 by Gerard Philips and expanded by his family, remains a global leader in healthcare technology and lighting, employing thousands and contributing to Dutch exports. More recently, economist Joel Mokyr, born in 1946 in Leiden to Dutch Jewish parents, shared the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for research on technological progress and institutions fostering innovation, highlighting enduring intellectual contributions despite emigration. In academia and public policy, figures like Arnold Heertje, an influential economist and critic of neoliberal policies, shaped Dutch discourse on welfare and markets until his death in 2020. Disparities persist in occupational distribution, with underrepresentation in agriculture, construction, and manufacturing—sectors comprising over 20% of national employment—contrasted by dominance in liberal professions; for instance, Jews historically and currently avoid low-skill labor, favoring urban service roles amid high educational attainment rates exceeding national averages by 15-20 percentage points in higher education completion. These patterns reflect causal factors including cultural emphasis on literacy and merit-based advancement, compounded by post-1945 state compensation enabling professional reintegration, though small community size limits broader sectoral penetration and exposes vulnerabilities to assimilation-driven dilution of distinct networks. Socioeconomic outcomes show elevated median incomes, with Jewish households averaging 25-30% above the Dutch norm in urban centers like Amsterdam, attributable to professional clustering rather than inherited capital alone.

Influence on Dutch Innovation and Global Trade

Sephardic Jews arriving in the Netherlands from the Iberian Peninsula after 1590 contributed significantly to Amsterdam's emergence as a global trade hub during the Dutch Golden Age, leveraging their prior experience in transatlantic and Mediterranean commerce to establish networks spanning Europe, the Americas, and Asia. These merchants facilitated the import of goods such as sugar, tobacco, and spices, often bypassing Iberian monopolies through familial and communal ties in ports like London, Hamburg, and Brazil, thereby enhancing Dutch competitiveness against Portuguese and Spanish rivals. By the early 17th century, their activities helped position Amsterdam as a center for commodity exchange, with Jewish traders handling a substantial portion of the city's re-export trade, estimated to have generated wealth that supported urban expansion and infrastructure. In the diamond industry, Jewish artisans and merchants transformed Amsterdam into Europe's premier polishing and trading center from the late 16th century onward, introducing advanced cutting techniques derived from Antwerp refugees and Antwerp's fall in 1585 spurred their migration, with Sephardic and later Ashkenazi Jews comprising the majority of workers by the 17th century. By the 19th century, the sector employed nearly 30% of Amsterdam's Jewish workforce and over 50% of the Jewish labor force in the city, innovating facets like the rose cut and brilliant cut that increased diamond value through precision grinding, sustaining economic resilience amid fluctuations in global demand. Jewish involvement in finance and printing further bolstered Dutch innovation, with Sephardic bankers pioneering informal credit systems via bills of exchange that underpinned international transactions, complementing the formal Amsterdam Exchange Bank established in 1609. In printing, Amsterdam's Jewish presses produced high-quality Hebrew, Ladino, and Iberian texts from the 1620s, employing innovative typography and illustration techniques that elevated the city as a knowledge dissemination center, with outputs rivaling Venice and influencing Enlightenment scholarship through multilingual editions. While direct participation in the Dutch East India Company (VOC) was limited—primarily through share purchases rather than governance—Jewish merchants' parallel ventures in sugar refining and colonial goods trade often rivaled VOC volumes, diversifying Dutch global commerce.

Controversies and Analytical Perspectives

Myths of Dutch Tolerance Versus Historical Evidence

The portrayal of the Dutch Republic as a paragon of religious tolerance, particularly towards Jews during the 17th-century Golden Age, stems from the influx of Sephardic Jews fleeing Iberian persecution after 1590, who contributed to Amsterdam's commerce in diamonds, sugar refining, and publishing. This narrative emphasizes the Republic's relative openness compared to inquisitorial Spain or Catholic principalities, where Jews built synagogues like the Portuguese Synagogue in 1675 and figures such as Menasseh ben Israel advocated for broader settlement in 1655. However, such accounts often idealize pragmatic economic incentives as ideological virtue, ignoring that tolerance was provisional and revocable, granted by municipal authorities rather than national law, and confined largely to Holland and Zeeland provinces. Historical records reveal systemic restrictions that belied claims of exceptional liberality. Jews were denied full citizenship ( burgerschap) until the Batavian Republic's emancipation decree on September 2, 1796, barring them from guild membership—which controlled most trades and crafts—and public office, thus limiting economic integration beyond finance and mercantile niches. They required special residence permits ( domiciliebrieven) with annual fees, faced sumptuary laws in some areas, and endured provincial bans elsewhere, such as in Utrecht and Gelderland until the late 18th century. The 1616 Amsterdam city ordinance, while permitting private worship and trade, explicitly prohibited synagogue bells, public processions, and intermarriage, while mandating deference to Christian authorities, reflecting a status of tolerated aliens rather than equals. Antisemitic violence and prejudices persisted despite economic utility. Medieval pogroms during the 1349-1350 Black Death targeted Jewish communities in Arnhem and Nijmegen, accusing them of well-poisoning, leading to massacres and expulsions documented in municipal chronicles. In the Republic, sporadic riots occurred, such as the 1659 Alkmaar unrest over alleged ritual murder, and Jews were occasionally compelled to wear identifying badges or segregate residences, echoing European norms. Provincial synods and Calvinist preachers, while opposing papal intolerance, propagated deicide tropes and viewed Judaism as obsolete, fostering social exclusion; interfaith relations remained asymmetrical, with Jews reliant on elite patronage for synagogue approvals. This conditional framework—driven by trade benefits from converso networks rather than confessional pluralism—undermines the myth, as evidenced by the Republic's failure to extend similar privileges to other groups like Catholics until much later. Emancipation's delay until French-influenced reforms highlights the myth's fragility: pre-1796 Jews petitioned repeatedly for rights, as in David Nassy's 1790s advocacy, but faced resistance from regent oligarchs prioritizing civic homogeneity. Empirical comparisons show Dutch policies aligned with mercantilist pragmatism across Protestant states, not unique benevolence; for instance, Jews in Hamburg or London encountered analogous barriers. Thus, the historical record substantiates a tolerance of utility—effective for Sephardic elites but precarious for poorer Ashkenazim arriving post-1630—over the anachronistic ideal of modern pluralism.

Holocaust Complicity Debates and Comparative Rates

Approximately 140,000 Jews lived in the Netherlands at the time of the German invasion on May 10, 1940, comprising about 1.6% of the population. Of these, around 107,000 were deported to concentration and extermination camps, primarily via the Westerbork transit camp, with roughly 102,000 perishing, yielding a destruction rate of about 75%. This figure markedly exceeded rates in other Western European occupied countries: approximately 25% of France's 320,000 Jews were killed, while Belgium saw around 40% mortality among its Jewish population, and Denmark achieved near-total rescue of its 7,800 Jews through organized evacuation. Factors contributing to the disparity included the Netherlands' highly urbanized Jewish demographic—over 60% resided in Amsterdam, facilitating mass roundups—and the pre-existing national civil registry system, which German authorities exploited for precise identification after a 1941 census update mandated Jewish self-reporting. Only 16,000 to 19,000 Dutch Jews survived in hiding, with two-thirds of the 25,000–30,000 who attempted it succeeding, a lower rate than in Belgium or France due to denser population and limited rural escape options. Historians attribute the elevated Dutch Jewish mortality not solely to German efficiency but to significant local collaboration, including by civil servants who maintained bureaucratic operations and police who conducted arrests. Dutch authorities arrested about 26,000 Jews independently or primarily via regular police forces, accounting for roughly 24% of deportees, often enforcing anti-Jewish measures like the yellow star mandate from May 1942 and transit to Westerbork. The Jewish Council (Joodse Raad), established by the Nazis in February 1941, further enabled deportations by compiling lists and distributing summonses under the delusion of exemptions for essential workers, a tactic mirroring councils elsewhere but executed with greater compliance in the Netherlands' orderly society. Postwar analyses, such as those by historian Hans Blom, highlight how ingrained Dutch administrative punctiliousness and a cultural aversion to confrontation amplified obedience, contrasting with more fragmented resistance in France or Belgium. Debates over Dutch complicity intensified from the 1960s onward, challenging the postwar "myth of tolerance" that portrayed the Netherlands as a bastion of resistance, with claims of widespread aid to Jews. Empirical studies reveal bystander passivity and latent antisemitism, evidenced by limited public protests—such as the muted February 1941 Amsterdam strike—and societal normalization of segregation measures, with non-Jewish neighbors often reporting hidden Jews for rewards. While outright ideological collaboration affected perhaps 1–2% of the population, systemic acquiescence by institutions like the judiciary and railways sustained deportations; for instance, Dutch NSB party members and opportunists filled administrative roles, and recent archival releases name over 425,000 suspected collaborators under investigation postwar. Critics like Chief Rabbi Binyomin Jacobs in 2015 urged official apologies for state complicity, arguing that bureaucratic fidelity prioritized legalism over morality, a view substantiated by lower survival rates in Protestant-dominated regions versus Catholic south, where clandestine networks proved more effective. Comparative analyses underscore that while German pressure was uniform, Dutch societal structures—urban density, registry precision, and compliance culture—yielded uniquely high victimization, prompting reevaluations of national self-image beyond heroic narratives.

Assimilation Risks and Demographic Sustainability

The core Jewish population of the Netherlands stands at approximately 35,000 as of 2023, representing a stabilization after decades of decline from the pre-World War II peak of around 140,000, with the Holocaust decimating over 75% of the community. This figure includes an estimated 20% who were born in Israel or have direct Israeli parentage, reflecting net immigration from Israel averaging 200 individuals annually between 2013 and 2023, which has offset domestic losses. Without such inflows, the population would contract due to a persistent negative natural balance, where deaths exceed births by a margin driven by an aging demographic and fertility rates below replacement level. High intermarriage rates exacerbate assimilation pressures, with surveys indicating that around 50% of Jews with two Jewish parents marry non-Jews, a trend persisting from the late 20th century into recent decades. Such unions often result in children who do not identify fully as Jewish or participate in communal life, contributing to a gradual erosion of the distinct ethnic-religious core; for instance, only about 30% of surveyed Dutch Jews in early 2000s had exclusively Jewish paternal lineage, underscoring incomplete transmission of identity across generations. Fertility among Dutch Jews mirrors the national low of 1.4-1.5 children per woman but skews even lower within secularized subgroups, with completed fertility historically under 2.0 for many cohorts, insufficient to sustain numbers absent external replenishment. Demographic sustainability thus hinges precariously on continued Israeli migration, which introduces younger, often more religiously affiliated individuals but introduces tensions with the historically assimilated Dutch Jewish framework, potentially fragmenting communal unity. Projections suggest a modest rise to 36,000-37,000 by the mid-2030s under current trends, yet any slowdown in aliyah reversal—coupled with outbound emigration averaging 45 Dutch Jews to Israel yearly from 1995-2020—could accelerate decline, rendering long-term viability doubtful without proactive measures to bolster endogamy and natalist incentives. This reliance on exogenous factors highlights inherent vulnerabilities in a diaspora setting marked by secular liberalism, where cultural dilution outpaces organic growth.

Israel-Diaspora Ties Amid Shifting Dutch Politics

The Netherlands established diplomatic relations with Israel on December 29, 1949, shortly after Israel's founding, fostering enduring bilateral ties in trade, security, and innovation that have indirectly bolstered Dutch Jewish communal links to the Jewish state. These relations have historically encouraged cultural and familial exchanges within the Dutch Jewish diaspora, where approximately 20% of the estimated 30,000-50,000 Jews are Israel-born, reflecting bidirectional migration patterns that maintain strong transnational bonds. Between 1948 and the present, over 7,000 Dutch Jews have made aliyah to Israel, though recent net flows show an annual influx of around 200 Israelis to the Netherlands offsetting about 70 Dutch Jewish emigrants to Israel, driven by professional opportunities rather than distress. Shifts in Dutch politics since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel have intensified these ties amid rising antisemitic incidents, with the Center for Information and Documentation Israel (CIDI)—the primary Dutch advocacy group against antisemitism and for informed discourse on Israel—reporting a surge in hostilities often linked to pro-Palestinian mobilizations and immigrant communities. This environment prompted calls for enhanced security and even aliyah facilitation, as seen in responses to November 2024 Amsterdam violence targeting Israeli soccer fans, dubbed a "Jew hunt" by critics, which accelerated debates on Jewish sustainability in Europe. The Dutch Jewish community's advocacy has aligned with pro-Israel stances, emphasizing empirical threats from Islamist extremism over generalized critiques, with CIDI influencing policy through documentation of over 400 post-October 7 incidents. Politically, the November 2023 electoral triumph of Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom (PVV), securing 37 seats on an anti-immigration platform, marked a pivot toward firmer support for Israel, contrasting with prior center-left governments' equivocations. Wilders, a vocal Israel advocate who visited Tel Aviv in 2010 to decry "Islamization," garnered sympathy from segments of the Jewish community wary of Muslim-majority enclaves' role in antisemitism, leading to PVV proposals for deporting convicted violent offenders post-Amsterdam clashes. However, governmental instability—evident in 2025 foreign minister resignations over refused Israel sanctions and court-mandated halts to F-35 parts exports in February 2024—highlights tensions, as left-leaning coalitions and EU pressures have prompted measures like banning Israeli ministers in July 2025 for alleged inflammatory rhetoric. These dynamics have reinforced diaspora-Israel solidarity, with Dutch Jewish leaders leveraging PVV's rise to push for national antisemitism strategies launched in November 2024, incorporating CIDI data for victim support and threat monitoring, while navigating criticisms that conflate legitimate security concerns with xenophobia. Empirical data from sources like the Institute for Jewish Policy Research underscore Israel's outsized role in Dutch Jewish identity, with direct familial ties mitigating assimilation risks amid political flux, though sustained immigration controls remain pivotal for communal viability.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.