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Frances Burney
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Frances Burney (13 June 1752 – 6 January 1840), also known as Fanny Burney and later Madame d'Arblay, was an English novelist, diarist and playwright.[1] In 1786–1790 she held the post of "Keeper of the Robes" to Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, George III's queen. In 1793, aged 41, she married a French exile, General Alexandre d'Arblay. After a long writing career that gained her a reputation as one of England's foremost literary authors,[2] and after wartime travels that stranded her in France for over a decade, she settled in Bath, England, where she died on 6 January 1840. The first of her four novels, Evelina (1778), was the most successful and remains her most highly regarded, followed by Cecilia (1782). She also wrote a number of plays. She wrote a memoir of her father (1832), and is perhaps best remembered as the author of letters and journals that have been gradually published since 1842, whose influence has overshadowed the reputation of her fiction, establishing her posthumously as a diarist more than as a novelist or playwright.[3]
Key Information
Overview of career
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (October 2022) |
Frances Burney was a novelist, diarist and playwright. In all, she wrote four novels, eight plays, one biography and twenty-five volumes of journals and letters. She has gained critical respect in her own right, but she foreshadowed such novelists of manners with a satirical bent as Jane Austen and William Makepeace Thackeray.
She published her first novel, Evelina, anonymously in 1778. Burney feared that her father would find what she called her "scribblings", so she only told her siblings and two trusted aunts about the work. Her closest sister, Susanna, helped with the cover-up.[4] Eventually, her father read the novel and guessed that she was its author. News of her identity spread.[5] The novel brought Burney almost immediate fame with its unique narrative and comic strengths. She followed it with Cecilia in 1782, Camilla in 1796 and The Wanderer in 1814.
All Burney's novels explore the lives of English aristocrats and satirises their social pretensions and personal foibles, with an eye to larger questions such as the politics of female identity. With one exception, Burney never succeeded in having her plays performed, largely due to objections from her father, who thought that publicity from such an effort would be damaging to her reputation. The exception was Edwy and Elgiva, which was not well received by the public and closed after the first night's performance despite having Sarah Siddons in the cast.[6]
Although her novels were hugely popular during her lifetime, Burney's reputation as a writer of fiction suffered after her death at the hands of biographers and critics, who felt that the extensive diaries, published posthumously in 1842–1846, offer a more interesting and accurate portrait of 18th-century life. Today, critics are returning to her novels and plays with renewed interest in her outlook on the social lives and struggles of women in a predominantly male-oriented culture. Scholars continue to value Burney's diaries as well, for their candid depictions of English society.[7]
Throughout her writing career, Burney's talent for satirical caricature was widely acknowledged: figures such as Dr Samuel Johnson, Edmund Burke, Hester Lynch Thrale, David Garrick and other members of the Blue Stockings Society to which she aligned herself were among her admirers. Her early novels were read and enjoyed by Jane Austen, whose own title Pride and Prejudice derives from the final pages of Cecilia. Thackeray is said to have drawn on the first-person account of the Battle of Waterloo recorded in her diaries while writing his Vanity Fair.[8]
Burney's early career was strongly affected by her relations with her father and the critical attentions of a family friend, Samuel Crisp. Both encouraged her writing, but used their influence to dissuade her from publishing or performing her dramatic comedies, as they saw the genre as inappropriate for a lady. Many feminist critics see her as an author whose natural talent for satire was stifled by the social pressures on female authors.[9] Burney persisted despite the setbacks. When her comedies were poorly received, she returned to novel writing, and later tried her hand at tragedy. She supported both herself and her family on the proceeds of her later novels, Camilla and The Wanderer.
Family life
[edit]Burney was born in Lynn Regis, now King's Lynn, England, on 13 June 1752, to the musician Dr Charles Burney (1726–1814) and his first wife, Esther Sleepe Burney (1725–1762), as the third of her mother's six children. Her elder siblings were Esther (Hetty, 1749–1832) and James (1750–1821); those younger were Susanna Elizabeth (1755–1800), Charles (1757–1817) and Charlotte Ann (1761–1838). Of her brothers, James became an admiral and sailed with Captain James Cook on his second and third voyages.[10] The younger Charles Burney became a well-known classical scholar, after whom The Burney Collection of Newspapers is named.[11]
Her younger sister Susanna married, in 1781, Molesworth Phillips, an officer in the Royal Marines who had sailed in Captain Cook's last expedition; she left a journal that gives a principal eye-witness account of the Gordon Riots.[12] Her younger half-sister Sarah Harriet Burney (1772–1844) also became a novelist, publishing seven works of fiction.[13] Esther Sleepe Burney also bore two other boys, both named Charles, who died in infancy in 1752 and 1754.
Frances Burney began composing small letters and stories almost as soon as she learnt the alphabet. She often joined with her brothers and sisters in writing and acting in plays. The Burney family had many close friends. "Daddy Crisp" was almost like a second father to Frances and a strong influence on her early writing years. Burney scholar Margaret Anne Doody has investigated conflicts within the Burney family that affected Burney's writing and her personal life.[14] She alleged that one strain was an incestuous relationship between Burney's brother James and their half-sister Sarah in 1798–1803, but there is no direct evidence for this, and Burney was affectionate towards Sarah and provided her with financial assistance in later life.[15]
Frances Burney's mother, Esther Sleepe, described by historians as a woman of "warmth and intelligence", was the daughter of a French refugee named Dubois and had been brought up a Catholic. This French heritage influenced Frances Burney's self-perception in later life, possibly contributing to her attraction and subsequent marriage to Alexandre d'Arblay. Esther Burney died in 1762 when Frances was ten years old.[16]
Frances's father, Charles Burney, was noted for his personal charm, and for his talents as a musician, a musicologist, a composer and a man of letters. In 1760 he moved his family to London, a decision that improved their access to English high society and social standing.[13] They lived amidst an artist social circle that gathered round Charles at their home in Poland Street, Soho.
In 1767, Charles Burney eloped to marry for a second time, to Elizabeth Allen, the wealthy widow of a King's Lynn wine merchant.[17] Allen had three children of her own, and several years after the marriage the two families merged. This new domestic situation was fraught with tension. The Burney children found their new stepmother overbearing and quick to anger, and they made fun of her behind her back. However, their collective unhappiness may have also brought them closer to one another. In 1774 the family moved again, to what had been the house of Isaac Newton in St Martin's Street, Westminster.[citation needed][18][19]
Education
[edit]Burney's sisters Esther and Susanna were favoured by their father, for what he perceived as their superior attractiveness and intelligence. At the age of eight, Burney had yet to learn the alphabet; some scholars suggest she had a form of dyslexia.[20] By the age of ten, however, she had begun to write for her own amusement. Esther and Susanna were sent by their father to be educated in Paris, while at home Burney educated herself by reading from the family collection, including Plutarch's Lives, works by Shakespeare, histories, sermons, poetry, plays, novels and courtesy books.[21] She drew on this material, along with her journals, when writing her first novels. Scholars who have looked into the extent of Burney's reading and self-education find a child who was unusually precocious and ambitious, working hard to overcome an early disability.[21]
From the age of fifteen, Burney lived in the midst of a brilliant social circle, gathered round her father in Poland Street, and later in St Martin's Street. David Garrick was a frequent visitor, often arriving before eight o'clock in the morning. Burney left detailed accounts of people they entertained, notably of Omai, a young man from Raiatea, and of Alexis Orlov, a favourite of Catherine the Great. She first met Dr Samuel Johnson at her father's home in March 1777.[17]
A critical aspect of Burney's literary education was her relationship with a family friend, the dramatist Samuel Crisp, who had met her father in about 1745 at the house of Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville.[21] He encouraged Burney's writing by soliciting frequent journal-letters from her that recounted to him the goings-on in her family and social circle in London. Burney paid her first formal visit to Crisp at Chessington Hall in Surrey in 1766.
Journal-diaries and Caroline Evelyn
[edit]The first entry in Frances Burney's journal was dated 27 March 1768 and addressed to "Nobody". The journal itself was to extend over 72 years. Burney kept the journal-diary as a form of correspondence with family and friends, recounting life events and her observations of them. The diary contains a record of her extensive reading in her father's library, as well as the visits and behaviour of notable people who visited their home. Burney and her sister Susanna were particularly close, and Burney continued to send journal-letters to Susanna throughout her adult life.
Burney was 15 when her father married Elizabeth Allen in 1767. Her diary entries suggest that she had begun to feel pressure to abandon her writing as something "unladylike" that "might vex Mrs. Allen."[22] Feeling that she had transgressed, the same year she burnt her first manuscript, The History of Caroline Evelyn, which she had written in secret. Frances recorded in her diary an account of the emotions that led up to that dramatic act and eventually used it as a foundation for her first novel, Evelina, which follows the life of the fictional Caroline Evelyn's daughter.
In keeping with Burney's sense of propriety, in later life she heavily edited sections of her earlier diaries, destroying much of the material. Editors Lars Troide and Joyce Hemlow recovered some of this obscured material while researching their editions of Burney's journals and letters in the late twentieth century.
Evelina
[edit]
Burney's Evelina or the History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World was published anonymously in 1778 without her father's knowledge or permission, by Thomas Lowndes, who voiced an interest after reading its first volume and agreed to publish it upon receipt of the finished work. The novel had been rejected by a previous publisher, Robert Dodsley, who declined to print an anonymous work.[23] Burney, who worked as her father's amanuensis, had copied the manuscript in a "disguised hand" to prevent any identification of the book with her family, thinking that her own handwriting might be recognised by a publisher. Burney's second attempt to publish Evelina involved the help of her eldest brother James, who posed as its author to Lowndes. Inexperienced at negotiating with a publisher, he only extracted twenty guineas (£21) as payment for the manuscript.
The novel was a critical success, with praise from respected persons, including the statesman Edmund Burke and the literary critic Samuel Johnson.[21] It was admired for its comic view of wealthy English society and realistic portrayal of working-class London dialects. It is known today as a satire.[24] It was even discussed by characters in another epistolary novel of the time: Elizabeth Blower's George Bateman (1782).[25] Burney's father read public reviews of Evelina before learning that the author was his daughter. Although the act of publication was radical for its time, he was impressed by the favourable reactions and largely supported her. He certainly saw social advantages in having a successful writer in the family.[26]
Critical reception
[edit]Written in epistolary form just as this was reaching its height of popularity, Evelina portrays the English upper middle class through a 17-year-old woman who has reached marriageable age. It was a Bildungsroman ahead of its time. Evelina pushed boundaries, for female protagonists were still "relatively rare" in that genre.[27] Comic and witty, it is ultimately a satire of the oppressive masculine values that shaped a young woman's life in the 18th century, and of other forms of social hypocrisy.[13] Encyclopædia Britannica calls it a "landmark in the development of the novel of manners".[21]
In choosing to narrate the novel through letters written by the protagonist, Burney made use of her own writing experience. This course has won praise from critics past and present, for the direct access it provides to events and characters, and the narrative sophistication it demonstrates in linking the roles of narrator and heroine.[26] The authors of Women in World History argue that she identifies difficulties faced by women in the 18th century, especially those on questions of romance and marriage.[26] She is seen as a "shrewd observer of her times and a clever recorder of its charms and its follies". What critics have consistently found interesting in her writing is the introduction and careful treatment of a female protagonist, complete with character flaws, "who must make her way in a hostile world." These are recognisable also as features of Jane Austen's writing, and show Burney's influence on her work.[13] Furthermore, she sought to put to use the epistolary form espoused periodically by Burney, as seen in Lady Susan and to a lesser extent Pride and Prejudice.[28]
As a testament to its popularity, the novel went through four immediate editions. In 1971, Encyclopædia Britannica stated of Evelina: "Addressed to the young, the novel has a quality perennially young."[23]
Hester Thrale and Streatham
[edit]Evelina brought Burney to the attention of a patron of the arts, Hester Thrale, who invited Burney to visit her home in Streatham. The house was a centre for literary and political conversation. Though shy by nature, Burney reportedly impressed those she met, including Dr Johnson, who would remain a friend and correspondent throughout the period of her visits, from 1779 to 1783. Thrale wrote to Dr Burney on 22 July: "Mr. Johnson returned home full of the Prayes of the Book I had lent him, and protesting that there were passages in it which might do honour to Richardson: we talk of it for ever, and he feels ardent after the dénouement; he could not get rid of the Rogue, he said."[17] Many of Johnson's compliments were transcribed into Burney's diary. Visits to Streatham occupied months at a time, and on several occasions the guests, including Frances Burney, made trips to Brighton and to Bath. Like other notable events, these were recorded in letters to her family.[23]
The Witlings
[edit]In 1779, encouraged by the public's warm reception of comic material in Evelina, and with offers of help from Arthur Murphy and Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Burney began to write a dramatic comedy called The Witlings. The play satirised a wide segment of London society, including the literary world and its pretensions. It was not published at the time because Burney's father and the family friend Samuel Crisp thought it would offend some of the public by seeming to mock the Bluestockings, and because they had reservations about the propriety of a woman writing comedy.[29] The play tells the story of Celia and Beaufort, lovers kept apart by their families due to "economic insufficiency".[26]
Burney's plays were discovered in 1945 when her papers were acquired by the Berg Collection of the New York Public Library.[30] A complete edition was published in 1995.[31]
Cecilia
[edit]In 1782 Burney published Cecilia, or Memoirs of an Heiress, written partly at Chessington Hall and after much discussion with Crisp. The publishers, Thomas Payne and Thomas Cadell, paid Frances £250 for her novel, printed 2000 copies of the first edition, and reprinted it at least twice within a year.[32]
The plot revolves around a heroine, Cecilia Beverley, whose inheritance from an uncle comes with the stipulation that she find a husband who will accept her name. Beset on all sides by suitors, the beautiful and intelligent Cecilia's heart is captivated by a man whose family's pride in its birth and ancestry would forbid such a change of name. He finally persuades Cecilia, against all her judgement, to marry him secretly, so that their union – and consequent change of name – can be presented to the family as an accomplished fact. The work received praise for the maturity of its ironic third-person narration, but was viewed as less spontaneous than her first work, and weighed by the author's self-conscious awareness of her audience.[23] Some critics claim to have found the narration intrusive, while friends found the writing too closely modelled on Johnson's.[26] Edmund Burke admired the novel, but moderated his praise with criticism of the array of characters and tangled, convoluted plots.[23]
Jane Austen may have been inspired by a sentence in Cecilia to name her famous novel Pride and Prejudice: "'The whole of this unfortunate business,' said Dr Lyster, 'has been the result of pride and prejudice.'"
Her fellow Bluestocking, Anna Laetitia Barbauld wrote to Burney in 1813 encouraging her to publish her novel The Wanderer in the United States where her work, including Cecilia, was popular.[33]
The royal court
[edit]
In 1775 Burney turned down a marriage proposal from one Thomas Barlow, a man whom she had met only once.[34] Her side of the Barlow courtship is amusingly told in her journal.[35] During 1782–1785 she enjoyed the rewards of her successes as a novelist; she was received at fashionable literary gatherings throughout London. In 1781 Samuel Crisp died. In 1784 Dr Johnson died, and that year also brought her failure in a romance with a clergyman, George Owen Cambridge. She was 33 years old.
In 1785, an association with Mary Granville Delany, a woman known in both literary and royal circles, allowed Burney to travel to the court of King George III and Queen Charlotte, where the Queen offered her the post of "Keeper of the Robes", with a salary of £200 per annum. Burney hesitated to accept, not wishing to be separated from her family, and especially resistant to employment that would restrict free use of her time in writing.[23] However, unmarried at 34, she felt pressure to accept and thought that improved social status and income might allow her greater freedom to write.[36] Having accepted the post in 1786, she developed a warm relationship with the queen and princesses that lasted into her later years, yet her doubts proved accurate: the position exhausted her and left her little time for writing. Her sorrow was intensified by poor relations with her colleague Juliane Elisabeth von Schwellenburg, co-Keeper of the Robes, who has been described as "a peevish old person of uncertain temper and impaired health, swaddled in the buckram of backstairs etiquette."[37]
Burney's continued to write journals during her years in the court. To her friends and to her sister Susanna, she recounted her life in court, along with major political events, including the public trial of Warren Hastings for "official misconduct in India". She recorded the speeches of Edmund Burke at the trial.[34]
Burney was courted by an official of the royal household, Colonel Stephen Digby, but he eventually married another woman of greater wealth.[34] The disappointment, combined with the other frustrations of office, may have contributed to her health failing at this time. In 1790 she prevailed on her father (whose own career had taken a new turn when he was appointed organist at Chelsea Hospital in 1783) to request that she be released from the post, which she was. She returned to her father's house in Chelsea, but continued to receive a yearly pension of £100. She kept up a friendship with the royal family and received letters from the princesses from 1818 until 1840.[23]
The court plays
[edit]
From 1788, Burney's diaries record the composition of a small number of playtexts which were neither performed nor published in the author's lifetime, remaining in manuscript until 1995. These are the dramatic fragment conventionally known as Elberta and three completed plays copied out in handwriting in ordered booklets, suitable for private circulation, if not publication. These are Edwy and Elgiva, Hubert de Vere, and The Siege of Pevensey. Edwy and Elgiva was the only one to be staged, although for one night only, on 21 March 1795, garnering unanimous negative reviews from the public and critics. The long-delayed publication of these plays has largely kept critics.[38] Even for the handful of scholars who have dealt with them, these texts remain devoid of particular dramatic qualities, indeed 'wretched', as they are often called: in the form in which they have come to us they seem too long to be staged; characterizations are stereotyped; the endings are weak, and the plots convoluted and inconsistent. The style, rhetorical and emphatic, makes them sound clumsy and heavy to the modern ear. However, when properly contextualized and studied as theatrical texts, rather than as unfortunate second-order productions within the works of a successful novelist as Burney, the four Court plays suggest a distinct thematic-stylistic-discursive alignment, more in line with the dramatic production of the late 18th century than has been recognized thus far.[39]
Marriage
[edit]
In 1790–1791 Burney wrote four blank-verse tragedies: Hubert de Vere, The Siege of Pevensey, Elberta and Edwy and Elgiva, only the last of which was performed. One of a profusion of paintings and literary works about the early English king Eadwig (Edwy) and his wife Ælfgifu (Elgiva) to appear in the later 18th century, it met with public failure, playing in London for one night in March.[40]
When the French Revolution began in 1789, Burney was among the many literary figures in England who sympathized with its early ideals of equality and social justice.[7] During this period Burney became acquainted with some French exiles known as "Constitutionalists", who fled to England in August 1791 and were living at Juniper Hall, near Mickleham, Surrey, where Burney's sister Susanna lived. She quickly became close to General Alexandre d'Arblay (1754-1818), an artillery officer who had been adjutant-general to Lafayette. D'Arblay taught her French and introduced her to the writer Germaine de Staël.
Burney's father disapproved of d'Arblay's poverty, Catholicism, and ambiguous social status as an émigré. Nonetheless, she and d'Arblay were married on 28 July 1793 at St Michaels and All Angels Church in Mickleham. The same year she produced her pamphlet Brief Reflections relative to the Emigrant French Clergy. This short work resembled other pamphlets produced by French sympathisers in England, calling for financial support for the revolutionary cause. It is noteworthy for the way that Burney employed her rhetorical skills in the name of tolerance and human compassion. On 18 December 1794, Burney gave birth to a son, Alexander Charles Louis (died 19 January 1837), who took holy orders and became minister of Ely Chapel, London, and perpetual curate of Camden Town Chapel.[41][42] Her sister Charlotte's remarriage in 1798 to the pamphleteer Ralph Broome caused her and her father further consternation, as did the move by her sister Susanna and penurious brother-in-law Molesworth Phillips and their family to Ireland in 1796.
Camilla
[edit]Burney and her new husband, General Alexandre d'Arblay, were saved from poverty in 1796 by the publication of Burney's "courtesy novel" Camilla, or a Picture of Youth, a story of frustrated love and impoverishment.[34] The first edition sold out; she made £1000 on the novel and sold the copyright for another £1000. This enabled them to build a house in Westhumble near Dorking in Surrey, which they called Camilla Cottage.[43] Their life at this time was by all accounts happy, but the illness and death in 1800 of Burney's sister and close friend Susanna cast a shadow and ended a lifelong correspondence that had been the motive and basis for most of Burney's journal writing. However, she resumed her journal at the request of her husband, for the benefit of her son.[44]
Comedies
[edit]In the period 1797–1801 Burney wrote three comedies that remained unpublished in her lifetime: Love and Fashion, A Busy Day and The Woman Hater. The last is partly a reworking of subject-matter from The Witlings, but with fewer satirical elements and more emphasis on reforming her characters' faults.[45] First performed in December 2007 at the Orange Tree Theatre in Richmond, it retains one of the central characters, Lady Smatter – an absent-minded but inveterate quoter of poetry, perhaps meant as a comic rendering of a Bluestocking. All other characters in The Woman Hater differ from those in The Witlings.[46][47]
Life in France: revolution and mastectomy
[edit]In 1801 d'Arblay was offered service with the government of Napoleon Bonaparte in France, and in 1802 Burney and her son followed him to Paris, where they expected to remain for a year. The outbreak of war between France and England overtook their visit and they remained there in exile for ten years. Although isolated from her family while in France, Burney was supportive of her husband's decision to move to Passy, outside Paris.
In August 1810 Burney developed pains in her breast, which her husband suspected could be due to breast cancer. Through her royal network, she was eventually treated by several leading physicians, and a year later, on 30 September 1811, underwent a mastectomy performed by "7 men in black, Dr. Larrey, M. Dubois, Dr. Moreau, Dr. Aumont, Dr. Ribe, & a pupil of Dr. Larrey, & another of M. Dubois". The operation was performed like a battlefield operation under the command of M. Dubois, then accoucheur (midwife or obstetrician) to the Empress Marie Louise and considered the best doctor in France. Burney later described the operation in detail, since she was conscious through most of it, as it took place before the development of anaesthetics.
I mounted, therefore, unbidden, the Bed stead – & M. Dubois placed me upon the Mattress, & spread a cambric handkerchief upon my face. It was transparent, however, & I saw, through it, that the Bed stead was instantly surrounded by the 7 men & my nurse. I refused to be held; but when, Bright through the cambric, I saw the glitter of polished Steel – I closed my Eyes. I would not trust to convulsive fear the sight of the terrible incision. Yet – when the dreadful steel was plunged into the breast – cutting through veins – arteries – flesh – nerves – I needed no injunctions not to restrain my cries. I began a scream that lasted unintermittingly during the whole time of the incision – & I almost marvel that it rings not in my Ears still? so excruciating was the agony. When the wound was made, & the instrument was withdrawn, the pain seemed undiminished, for the air that suddenly rushed into those delicate parts felt like a mass of minute but sharp & forked poniards, that were tearing the edges of the wound. I concluded the operation was over – Oh no! presently the terrible cutting was renewed – & worse than ever, to separate the bottom, the foundation of this dreadful gland from the parts to which it adhered – Again all description would be baffled – yet again all was not over, – Dr. Larry rested but his own hand, & – Oh heaven! – I then felt the knife (rack)ling against the breast bone – scraping it!
Burney sent her account of this experience months later to her sister Esther without rereading it.[citation needed] It is impossible to know today whether the breast removed was indeed cancerous.[48] She survived, and returned to England with her son in 1812 to visit her ailing father and to avoid her son's conscription into the French army. Charles Burney died in 1814, and she returned to France later that year after the Treaty of Paris had been concluded, to be with her husband.
In 1815 Napoleon escaped from Elba, and returned to power in France. D'Arblay, who was serving with the King's Guard, remained loyal to King Louis XVIII and became involved in the military actions that followed. Burney fled to Belgium. When her husband was wounded she joined him at Trèves (Trier) and together they returned to Bath in England, to live at 23 Great Stanhope Street. Burney wrote an account of this experience and of her Paris years in her Waterloo Journal of 1818–1832. D'Arblay was promoted to lieutenant-general, but died shortly afterwards of cancer, in 1818.[49]
The Wanderer and Memoirs of Dr Burney
[edit]Burney published her fourth novel, The Wanderer: Or, Female Difficulties, a few days before her father's death. "A story of love and misalliance set in the French Revolution", it criticises the English treatment of foreigners in the war years.[7] It also criticizes the hypocritical social restriction put on women in general – as the heroine tries one means after another to earn an honest living – and the elaborate class criteria for social inclusion or exclusion. That strong social message sits uneasily within an unusual structure that might be called a melodramatic proto-mystery novel with elements of the picaresque. The heroine is no scallywag, but she is wilful and for obscure reasons refuses to reveal her name or origin. So as she darts about the South of England as a fugitive, she arouses suspicions.
Some parallels of plot and attitude have been drawn between The Wanderer and the early novels of Helen Craik, which she could have read in the 1790s.[50]
Burney made £1500 from the first run, but the work disappointed her followers and did not go into a second English printing, although it met her immediate financial needs. Critics felt it lacked the insight of her earlier novels.[7] It was reprinted in 1988 with an introduction by the novelist Margaret Drabble in the "Mothers of the Novel" series.[51]
After her husband's death at 23 Great Stanhope Street, Bath, Burney moved to London to be nearer to her son, then a fellow at Christ's College.[23] In homage to her father she gathered and in 1832 published in three volumes the Memoirs of Doctor Burney. These were written in a panegyric style, praising her father's accomplishments and character, and she drew on many of her own personal writings from years before to produce them. Protective of her father and the family reputation, she destroyed evidence of facts that were painful or unflattering and was soundly criticised by contemporaries and later by historians for doing so.[7]
Later life
[edit]Burney's son died in 1837 and her sister Charlotte Broome in 1838. While in Bath, Burney received visits from younger members of the Burney family, who found her a fascinating storyteller with a talent for imitating the personalities that she described.[23] She continued to write often to members of her family.
Frances Burney died on 6 January 1840. She was buried with her son and her husband in Walcot cemetery in Bath. A gravestone was later erected in the churchyard of St Swithin's across the road, adjacent to that of Jane Austen's father, George Austen.
Plaques and other memorials
[edit]In addition to the gravestone erected in the churchyard of St Swithin, Bath, other memorials and plaques record Burney's life.
A plaque on the wall at 84 High Street, King's Lynn, shows where she and her father lived in the 1750s.[52]
In 1780, two years after the publication of Evelina, she stayed at 14 South Parade, Bath, with Mr and Mrs Thrale, who were great friends of Dr Johnson. A plaque on the wall of the house records her visit.[53]
At 78 West Street, Brighton, Sussex a blue plaque records her visits to the Thrales' home there.[54]
At Windsor Castle Wall, St Alban's Street, Windsor, a plaque records the residence of Mary Delaney between 1785 and 1788, where she was frequently visited by Burney.[55]
A blue plaque on a wall in Chapel Lane, Westhumble, Surrey records the d'Arblays' life there in their cottage, 'Camilla', which they built and in which they lived between 1797 and 1801.[56]
At St Margaret's Vicarage, St Margaret's Place, King's Lynn a blue plaque records Burney's regular visits there, where she observed the social life of Lynn.[57]
Elizabeth Goudge's four-act play, "Fanny Burney" (in Three Plays: Suomi, The Brontës of Haworth, Fanny Burney: Gerald Duckworth, London, 1939) has scenes from the life of Frances Burney from 1768 to 1840. Under the title "Joy Will Come Back", the play was performed in London, in the Arts Theatre in 1937. Under the published title, "Fanny Burney", it was performed at Oldham, Lancashire, in 1949.
A Royal Society of Arts brown plaque records her period of residence at 11 Bolton Street, Mayfair.[58]
On 13 June 2002 the Burney Society of North America[59] and the Burney Society UK[60] unveiled a memorial panel in the new Poets' Corner window in Westminster Abbey in memory of Frances Burney.[61]
In 2013, a marble plaque was unveiled in the gallery of St Swithin's Church, Bath, to record Burney's life. This replaces two original plaques—one to her and one to her half-sister Sarah Harriet—that were lost. In 1958, the St Swithin's church authorities had sought to protect the plaques by removing them during renovations to the church organ, but they later disappeared.[62]
List of works
[edit]Novels
[edit]- The History of Caroline Evelyn, (ms. destroyed by author, 1767)
- Evelina: Or The History of A Young Lady's Entrance into the World, London, 1778
- Cecilia: Or, Memoirs of an Heiress, London, 1782
- Camilla: Or, A Picture of Youth, London, 1796, revised (shortened) 1802
- The Wanderer: Or, Female Difficulties, London: Longmans, 1814
Non-fiction
[edit]- Brief Reflections Relative to the French Emigrant Clergy. London, 1793
- Memoirs of Doctor Burney. London: Moxon, 1832
Posthumously published journals and letters
[edit]- The Early Diary of Frances Burney 1768–1778. 2 vols. Ed. Annie Raine Ellis. London: 1889[63]
- Diary and Letters of Madame d'Arblay, 1778-1840. Edited by her niece [Charlotte Barrett]. In 7 vols. London: H. Colburn (1842–1846).[64]
- The Diary and Letters of Madame d'Arblay. Ed. Austin Dobson. London: Macmillan, 1904
- Dr. Johnson & Fanny Burney [HTML at Virginia], by Fanny Burney. Ed. Chauncy Brewster Tinker. London: Jonathan Cape, 1912
- The Diary of Fanny Burney. Ed. Lewis Gibbs. London: Everyman, 1971
McGill University's Burney Centre Editions
[edit]- The Early Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney, 1768–1783. 5 vols. Vols. 1–2, ed. Lars Troide; Vol. 3, ed. Lars Troide and Stewart Cooke; Vol. 4, ed. Betty Rizzo; Vol. 5, ed. Lars Troide and Stewart Cooke.
- The Additional Journals and Letters of Frances Burney vol. 1 (1784–1786). Edited by Peter Sabor and Stewart Cooke, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.
- The Court Journals and Letters of Frances Burney (1786-July 1791). In 6 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011–2019.
- The Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) 1791–1840, (12 vols.) Vols. I–VI, ed. Joyce Hemlow, with Patricia Boutilier and Althea Douglas; Vol. VII, ed. Edward A. and Lillian D. Bloom; Vol. VIII, ed. Peter Hughes; Vols. IX–X, ed. Warren Derry; Vols. XI–XII, ed. Joyce Hemlow with Althea Douglas and Patricia Hawkins. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972–1984.
- The Additional Journals and Letters of Frances Burney vol. 2 (1791-1840). Edited by Peter Sabor, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018.
Plays
[edit]- The Witlings, 1779 (satirical comedy)[65]
- Edwy and Elgiva, 1790 (verse tragedy). Produced at Drury Lane, 21 March 1795[66]
- Hubert de Vere, c. 1788–1791 (verse tragedy)
- The Siege of Pevensey, c. 1788–1791 (verse tragedy)
- Elberta, (fragment) 1788–1791? (verse tragedy)
- Love and Fashion, 1799 (satirical comedy)
- The Woman Hater, 1800–1801 (satirical comedy)
- A Busy Day, 1800–1801 (satirical comedy)
- The Complete Plays of Frances Burney, Peter Sabor, Geoffrey Sill, and Stewart Cooke editors, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press: 1995, Volume 1: Comedies, Volume 2: Tragedies
Citations
[edit]- ^ "Home - Fanny Burney". Fanny Burney. Archived from the original on 5 December 2018. Retrieved 2 November 2025.
- ^ Francus, Marilyn (2023). "Why Austen, not Burney? Tracing the Mechanisms of Reputation and Legacy". ABO: Interactive Journal for Women in the Arts, 1640-1830. 13 (1). doi:10.5038/2157-7129.13.1.1328.
- ^ Civale, Susan (2011). "The Literary Afterlife of Frances Burney and the Victorian Periodical Press". Victorian Periodicals Review. 44 (3): 236–66. doi:10.1353/vpr.2011.0027. JSTOR 23079109.
- ^ Olleson, Philip (6 October 2016). "Phillips [née Burney], Susanna Elizabeth [Susan] (1755–1800), letter writer". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/109741. ISBN 978-0-19-861412-8. Retrieved 24 July 2022. (Subscription, Wikipedia Library access or UK public library membership required.)
- ^ "Second Glance: Wave and Say Hello to Frances | Open Letters Monthly – an Arts and Literature Review". openlettersmonthly.com. Archived from the original on 29 October 2010. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
- ^ Sabor, Peter (2019), "Edwy and Elgiva: Frances Burney", The Routledge Anthology of British Women Playwrights, 1777–1843, Routledge, doi:10.4324/9781351025140-6, ISBN 978-1-351-02514-0, S2CID 199267251, retrieved 13 June 2022
- ^ a b c d e Commire, Klezmer, pg. 231.
- ^ Biography of Frances BurneyArchived 16 June 2006 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Commire, Anne and Deborah Klezmer. Women in World History: a biographical encyclopedia. (Waterford: Yorkin Publications, 1999–2002), pg. 231.
- ^ Chisholm 1911, p. 826.
- ^ Turner, Adrian. "17th and 18th Century Burney Collection Database". bl.uk. Archived from the original on 1 May 2017. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
- ^ Philip Olleson, The Journals and Letters of Susan Burney: Music and Society in Late Eighteenth-Century England. Ashgate, 2012; ISBN 978-0-7546-5592-3
- ^ a b c d Commire, Klezmer, pg. 228.
- ^ Frances Burney: The Life in The Works (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press 1988), pp. 277ff.
- ^ Lorna J. Clark, "Introduction", pg. xii. In: Sarah Burney: The Romance of Private Life, ed. Lorna J. Clark (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2008; ISBN 1-85196-873-3)
- ^ Doody, pg. 11.
- ^ a b c Chisholm 1911, p. 827.
- ^ Burney, Frances. Early Journals and Letters. pp. Early Journals and Letters 2: 32.
- ^ Saggini, Francesca (29 March 2023). "Frances Burney: A Houstory". European Romantic Review. 34 (2): 223–242. doi:10.1080/10509585.2023.2181487. hdl:20.500.11820/3c78035f-0022-49ba-9452-a02292cb3159.
- ^ Julia Epstein, The Iron Pen: Frances Burney and the Politics of Women's Writing. (Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989) p. 23.
- ^ a b c d e Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol. 4 (Chicago, London: Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 1971) p. 450.
- ^ Doody 36.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 451.
- ^ "Evelina; or, The History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World". Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 16 July 2021.
- ^ Jacqueline Pearson: "Mothering the Novel. Frances Burney and the Next Generations of Women Novelists". CW3 Journal Retrieved 20 September 2015. Archived 22 October 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b c d e Commire, Klezmer, p. 229.
- ^ Doody, p. 45.
- ^ Bender, Barbara Tavss. "Jane Austen's use of the epistolary method". Retrieved 5 April 2017.
- ^ Doody, p. 451. Saggini, pp. 90-132.
- ^ Orange Tree Theatre, Richmond, Surrey: programme notes by the director Sam Walters for his world première production of The Woman Hater, 19 December 2007.
- ^ Sabor, Peter; Sill, Geoffrey; Cooke, Stewart, eds. (1995). The Complete Plays of Frances Burney. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-1333-7; Volume1: Comedies, Volume 2: Tragedies.
- ^ Journal entry of Charlotte Ann Burney, 15 January, [1783]. In: The Early Diary of Frances Burney 1768–1778, ed. Annie Raine Ellis (London: G. Bell and Sons Ltd., 1913 [1889]), p. 307.
- ^ Parisian, C. (2016). Frances Burney's Cecilia: A Publishing History. Taylor and Francis. p. 75. ISBN 9781317133421. Retrieved 30 June 2023.
n addition, a letter dated July 6, 1813, and addressed to Burney from Anna Laetitia Barbauld attests to Burney's popularity in the United States. In it Barbauld recommends that Burney make arrangements to publish her forthcoming novel, ...
- ^ a b c d Commire, Klezmer 230.
- ^ The Early Diary of Frances Burney 1768–1778..., Vol. II, pp. 48 ff.
- ^ Literature Online 2.
- ^ Austin Dobson, Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) (London: Macmillan, 1903), pp. 149–150.
- ^ Joyce Hemlow, The History of Fanny Burney (Clarendon Press, 1958); Margaret Anne Doody, Frances Burney: The Life in the Works (Rutgers UP, 1988); Barbara Darby, Frances Burney Dramatist: Gender, Performance, and the Late Eighteenth-Century Stage (UP Kentucky, 1997); Jacqueline Pearson, "'Crushing the Convent and the Dread Bastille': Anglo-Saxons, Revolution, and Gender in Women's Plays of the 1790s," in D. Scragg and C. Weinberg (eds), Literary Appropriations of the Anglo-Saxons from the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century (CUP, 2000), 122--27.
- ^ Saggini, Francesca. "Opening Romanticism: Reimagining Romantic Drama for New Audiences". CORDIS. Retrieved 29 April 2022.
- ^ Encyclopædia Britannica 451; ODNB entry for Eadwig: Retrieved 18 August 2011. Subscription required.
- ^ Biographical Register of Christ's College, 1505–1905, vol. II, 1666–1905, John Peile, Cambridge University Press, 1913, p. 385.
- ^ The Annual Register, or a view of the History and Politics of the year 1840, J. G. F. & J. Rivington, London, 1841, p. 150.
- ^ Saggini, Francesca (2023). "Frances Burney: A Houstory". European Romantic Review. 34 (2): 223–42. doi:10.1080/10509585.2023.2181487. hdl:20.500.11820/3c78035f-0022-49ba-9452-a02292cb3159.
- ^ Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 452.
- ^ Saggini, Francesca. "From Evelina to The Woman-Hater: Frances Burney and the Joyce of Dramatic Rewriting, in Studi settecenteschi nr. 20, Bibliopolis, Napoli, 2000, pp. 315-33". UnitusOpen. Retrieved 29 April 2012.
- ^ The Witlings and The Woman-Hater, plays by Fanny Burney; ed. Peter Sabor and Geoffrey Sill, Broadview Press (2002) ISBN 1-55111-378-3
- ^ "THE WOMAN HATER by Frances Burney". Red Bull Theater. Retrieved 29 April 2022.
- ^ Batt, Sharon (2003). Patient no more: the politics of breast cancer. Gynergy. pp. 58–67. ISBN 978-0921881308. Retrieved 14 February 2019.
- ^ Peter Sabor and Lars E. Troide, Chronology from Frances Burney: Journals and Letters. Penguin Classics, 2001.
- ^ Adriana Craciun; Kari Lokke; Kari E. Lokke (2001). Rebellious Hearts: British Women Writers and the French Revolution. SUNY Press. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-7914-4969-1.
- ^ Fanny Burney: The Wanderer or, Female Difficulties (London: Pandora Press, 1988). ISBN 0-86358-263-X
- ^ "Frances Burney and Charles Burney green plaque". openplaques.org. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Fanny Burney". bath-heritage.co.uk. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Henry Thrale, Hester Thrale, Samuel Johnson, and Frances Burney blue plaque". openplaques.org. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Frances Burney and Mary Delany blue plaque". openplaques.org. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Frances Burney and Alexandre D'Arblay blue plaque". openplaques.org. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Frances Burney and St Margaret's Vicarage green plaque". openplaques.org. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Burney, Fanny (1752–1840)". English Heritage. Archived from the original on 5 July 2011. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
- ^ "Burney Society". Burney Centre. Retrieved 29 October 2021.
- ^ "Burney Society UK – Celebrating the work of Frances Burney, her family and contemporaries". Retrieved 29 October 2021.
- ^ pixeltocode.uk, PixelToCode. "Frances and Charles Burney". Westminster Abbey. Retrieved 29 October 2021.
- ^ Davenport, Hester (2013). "Fanny Burney's Bath Plaque Unveiled – Number One London". Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Review of The Early Diary of Frances Burney, 1768–1778, 2 vols. Edited by Annie Raine Ellis". The Athenæum (3248): 109–110. 25 January 1890.
- ^ CIVALE, SUSAN (2011). "The Literary Afterlife of Frances Burney and the Victorian Periodical Press". Victorian Periodicals Review. 44 (3): 236–266. ISSN 0709-4698. JSTOR 23079109.
- ^ THE WITLINGS by Fanny Burney. Pseudopodium.org (15 November 2004). Retrieved on 2020-02-22.
- ^ Miriam J. Berkowitz transcribed a manuscript copy of Edwy and Elgiva (Shoe String Press, 1957), but the first critical edition of the plays was prepared by Peter Sabor (Frances Burney, The Complete Plays, Pickering and Chatto]) in 1995.
General and cited references
[edit]- Michael E. Adelstein, Fanny Burney. New York: Twayne, 1968
- H. H. Asquith, "Fanny Burney", published privately by Sir Charles Russell, 1923
- Kate Chisholm, Fanny Burney: Her Life 1752-1840. London: Chatto & Windus, 1998. ISBN 978-0-701-16378-5
- Sophie Marie Coulombeau, 'New Perspectives on the Burney Family', Special issue of Eighteenth-Century Life 42, 2 (2018) ISSN 0098-2601
- Commire, Anne, and Deborah Klezmer. Women in World History: A biographical encyclopaedia. Waterford: Yorkin, 1999–2002
- D.D. Devlin, The Novels and Journals of Frances Burney. Hampshire: Macmillan, 1987
- Marianna D'Ezio, "Transcending National Identity: Paris and London in Frances Burney's Novels". Synergies Royaume-Uni et Irlande 3 (2010), pp. 59–74
- Margaret Anne Doody, Frances Burney: The Life in The Works. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988
- Julia Epstein, The Iron Pen: Frances Burney and the Politics of Women's Writing. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989
- Mascha Gemmeke, Frances Burney and the Female Bildungsroman: An Interpretation of The Wanderer; or, Female Difficulties. Frankfurt/M: Peter Lang, 2004
- Claire Harman, Fanny Burney: A Biography. New York: Knopf, 2001
- Joyce Hemlow, The History of Fanny Burney. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958
- Francesca Saggini, Backstage in the Novel. Frances Burney and the Theater Arts. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012
- Francesca Saggini, "The wolf, the lamb, and the big "Oh!”: voids, (w)holes, and epitaphic emptiness in Frances Burney's Hubert de Vere." Open Res Europe 2023, 3:138 (https://doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.16439.1)
- Judy Simons, Diaries and Journals of Literary Women from Fanny Burney to Virginia Woolf. Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990
- Paula Stepankowsky, "Frances Burney d'Arblay". Dawson College.
- Fanny Burney, The Complete Plays of Frances Burney (Vol. 1: Comedies; Vol. 2: Tragedies), ed. Peter Sabor, Stewart Cooke, and Geoffrey Sill, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995 ISBN 0-7735-1333-7
- Fanny Burney, Journals and Letters. Ed. Peter Sabor and Lars E. Troide: Penguin Classics, 2001
- Fanny Burney, The Witlings and The Woman-Hater. Ed. Peter Sabor and Geoffrey Sill, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2002
- "Burney, Fanny, 1752–1840." Literature Online Biography. Fredericton: University of New Brunswick. 3 December 2006
- "Burney, Fanny." Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 4, 1971
- "Burney, Fanny." The Bloomsbury Guide to Women's Literature. Ed. Claire Buck. London, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1992.
- This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "D'Arblay, Frances". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 7 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 826–828.
External links
[edit]- Works by Fanny Burney at A Celebration of Women Writers
- A Resource for Fanny Burney at FannyBurney.org Archived 5 December 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- Works by Frances Burney in eBook form at Standard Ebooks
- Works by Fanny Burney at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about Fanny Burney at the Internet Archive
- Works by Frances Burney at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)

- Essays by Fanny Burney at Quotidiana.org
- Fanny Burney's own account of the mastectomy she underwent in 1811
- Burney Centre at McGill University
- The Burney Society
- Archival material relating to Frances Burney listed at the UK National Register of Archives
- Frances d'Arblay ('Fanny Burney') at the National Portrait Gallery, London
- On Frances Burney's houses, March 2023, as part of the OpeRaNew project
Frances Burney
View on GrokipediaEarly Life
Birth and Family Background
Frances Burney was born on 13 June 1752 in King's Lynn (then Lynn Regis), Norfolk, as the third of six children born to Charles Burney, a musician and organist, and Esther Sleepe Burney, daughter of a French refugee and fan-maker.[4][5] Her older siblings were Esther (born 1749), who pursued musical and artistic interests, and James (born 1750), who later embarked on a naval career including voyages with Captain James Cook; the younger ones were Susanna (born 1755), Charles (born 1757), and Charlotte (born 1761).[5][6] Charles Burney, initially trained as an organist and composer, held the position of organist at King's Lynn with an annual salary of £100, fostering a household rich in musical exposure through performances, compositions, and early lessons, though the demands of supporting a growing family amid his professional ambitions contributed to financial strains common in the middling professional class of provincial musicians.[7][8] Esther Burney managed the household and provided initial encouragement for reading and domestic arts, but her death from consumption in September 1762, when Frances was ten, profoundly disrupted family stability, prompting emotional reliance among the children and accelerating Charles Burney's relocation to London for enhanced prospects.[9][10] The Burneys exemplified upwardly mobile dynamics within England's emerging cultural professions, with Charles's scholarly pursuits in music history laying groundwork for familial support networks, as siblings like James pursued seafaring adventures and Esther engaged in creative endeavors, reflecting collective ambition tempered by mutual aid in a context of limited inherited wealth.[11][12]Childhood and Education
Frances Burney was born on 13 June 1752 in King's Lynn, Norfolk, to Charles Burney, a musician and author, and his wife Esther Sleepe.[13] The family relocated to London in 1760, residing first at Poland Street in Soho, which exposed the children to urban cultural circles but disrupted any prior routine.[13] Following her mother's death from consumption in 1762, when Burney was ten, the household dynamics shifted under her father's remarriage, further emphasizing informal domestic arrangements over structured learning.[14] Burney received scant formal education, typical for girls of her social class yet more limited than that of her siblings, who were sent abroad or to schools; she remained at home, where her instruction was described as neglected, with little systematic attention after basic literacy.[15] This absence of schooling cultivated autodidactic tendencies, as she immersed herself in her father's substantial library, devouring novels and other works that shaped her literary sensibilities, including those by Samuel Richardson and Henry Fielding.[3] Her early backwardness in reading and writing, coupled with extreme shyness, initially hindered progress but ultimately channeled energies into private study and observation.[4] Family connections provided supplementary influences, particularly in music and theater; as the daughter of a prominent musician, Burney gained practical exposure through household instruction on instruments like the harpsichord and participation in familial performances and plays, fostering an appreciation for performing arts amid gender-constrained opportunities.[16] These elements, combined with witnessing social interactions among her father's artistic acquaintances, honed her acuity in navigating hierarchies and familial duties, grounding her worldview in pragmatic realism regarding women's roles.[17]Early Literary Pursuits
Journals and Diaries
Frances Burney commenced keeping detailed journals in 1768, at the age of fifteen or sixteen, as a means of personal introspection and meticulous recording of her daily experiences and social interactions.[18] These early entries, preserved and later edited into scholarly volumes covering 1768–1773 and subsequent years, demonstrate her budding skill in capturing the nuances of 18th-century English society, including encounters with prominent figures such as actor David Garrick and poet Christopher Smart.[19] Through this private practice, Burney honed a narrative voice attuned to empirical observation, documenting conversations, behaviors, and environments with clarity and precision that foreshadowed her later fictional works.[20] The journals extended across her lifetime, continuing until shortly before her death in 1840, and encompassed a vast corpus that provided unfiltered insights into her inner thoughts amid evolving personal and social circumstances.[18] While early volumes reveal youthful self-examination, later preserved entries offer candid assessments of human shortcomings, such as instances where she reflected on "vanity and folly" as pervasive social forces shaping individual actions and relationships.[21] This focus on observable patterns—linking personal vanities to relational or societal discord—served as an exercise in discerning cause and effect without delving into partisan commentary, emphasizing instead the follies encountered in domestic and cultural spheres.[4] Burney's commitment to diary-keeping thus functioned as a foundational tool for refining her analytical prose, predating her published novels and allowing her to practice detached scrutiny of character-driven dynamics in real-life settings. The resulting archive, though selectively edited in posthumous publications, underscores her role as a chronicler of everyday causality, where flaws in judgment often precipitated avoidable misfortunes among acquaintances and family circles.[22]Caroline Evelyn and Formative Writings
Frances Burney composed her first substantial prose work, The History of Caroline Evelyn, during her early teenage years, beginning around age ten in the early 1760s and continuing intermittently until approximately 1767.[23] The unfinished manuscript centered on a young English woman of modest origins seduced by a French nobleman, resulting in her abandonment, social ostracism, and the birth of an illegitimate daughter; this narrative explored tensions of class disparity, marital expectations, and female vulnerability in eighteenth-century society.[24] Drawing from Burney's observations of family dynamics and polite society recorded in nascent personal notes, the tale attempted satirical elements critiquing mercenary unions and patriarchal authority, though executed with the uneven style typical of adolescent experimentation.[25] On her fifteenth birthday, 13 June 1767, Burney ritually burned Caroline Evelyn alongside her other juvenile compositions—including poems, plays, and sketches—in a courtyard bonfire at the family home in London's Poland Street, viewing the act as contrition for "frivolous" female scribbling deemed improper by contemporary norms.[26] This self-imposed destruction stemmed from perfectionist impulses and internalized pressures against women's literary output, prompting a temporary pivot to diaristic writing for private reflection rather than public fiction.[24] Surviving fragments and later recollections indicate the work's reliance on realistic depictions of social folly over sentimental idealization, foreshadowing Burney's maturation as a self-taught novelist attuned to empirical interpersonal causalities.[23] These formative efforts, including aborted sketches on domestic intrigue and moral lapses, marked Burney's trial-and-error phase in honing epistolary techniques and character-driven satire, prioritizing observable behaviors in stratified English life over romantic confection. Lacking the narrative cohesion of her subsequent productions, they nonetheless evidenced an evolving craft grounded in firsthand encounters with familial and social hierarchies, unadorned by didactic moralizing.[25] The erasure of these precursors underscored her rigorous self-editing, ensuring future works aligned with verifiable human motivations amid rigid conventions of rank and propriety.Rise to Literary Prominence
Composition and Publication of Evelina
Burney composed Evelina between approximately 1776 and 1778, working in stolen moments of privacy amid her domestic duties and family life, while keeping the project entirely secret from her father, Dr. Charles Burney, who had previously discouraged her literary ambitions by advising her to burn her early manuscripts.[27] This secrecy stemmed from the era's constraints on women authors, as novel-writing was deemed an unsuitable pursuit for gentlewomen, potentially risking social reputation and familial disapproval.[28] Drawing from her own journals and observations of London society, Burney crafted the novel's epistolary form to depict the naive protagonist's encounters with urban vices and romantic hazards, emphasizing authentic social satire over invention.[27] In late 1777, Burney's younger brother Charles surreptitiously delivered the manuscript to the bookseller Thomas Lowndes, who agreed to purchase the copyright for £20 without knowing the author's identity.[29] Lowndes published Evelina, or the History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World anonymously in January 1778, with an initial print run of 500 copies—the standard for an unknown novel—which sold out rapidly due to its sharp wit and realistic portrayal of manners.[30] The title page bore no attribution such as "by a Lady," heightening the mystery and protecting Burney from immediate scrutiny as a female writer.[27] Burney's anonymity held through the first edition's success, with Lowndes issuing reprints and a second edition by mid-1778; her authorship remained undisclosed to her father until the novel's acclaim prompted family recognition, after which she cautiously acknowledged it within trusted circles.[31] This veiled publication strategy mitigated the professional hazards faced by women in the literary marketplace, where exposure could invite ridicule or exclusion from polite society.[32]Critical Reception and Societal Impact
garnered immediate critical acclaim following its anonymous publication on January 28, 1778, with reviewers praising its vivid portrayal of social interactions and character dialogues. Horace Walpole extolled the novel in private correspondence as a rare achievement surpassing typical fiction, declaring it "the best of modern novels." Samuel Johnson, during gatherings at Hester Thrale's Streatham home, commended the authenticity of its conversations, reportedly stating that the dialogues captured real-life speech patterns. The Critical Review in its September 1778 issue positioned Burney as a worthy successor to Samuel Richardson, highlighting the work's moral depth and aesthetic refinement in depicting youthful innocence navigating urban vices.[33][34][35] The novel's popularity manifested in strong sales, with approximately 2,500 to 2,800 copies printed and distributed in 1778–1779, necessitating rapid reprints and contributing to its status as a bestseller. This commercial success amplified discourse on 18th-century manners, etiquette, and class distinctions, as Evelina's satirical lens on fashionable London's hypocrisies prompted reflections on social conduct and gender expectations in periodicals and private letters. By foregrounding a naive protagonist's encounters with vulgarity and refinement, the book empirically elevated visibility for female-authored fiction, challenging presumptions of inferiority in women's literary contributions while enabling Burney's entry into influential literary circles like the Streatham group.[36][37][38] Contemporary critiques, though largely favorable, acknowledged limitations such as improbable plot coincidences driving resolutions and occasional verbosity in epistolary exchanges that diluted narrative pace. Some reviewers perceived didactic undertones in moral admonitions against impropriety as overly preachy, reflecting era-specific expectations for novels to balance entertainment with ethical instruction without excess sentimentality. These observations, while not detracting from overall praise, underscored the challenges of epistolary form in sustaining realism amid acute social commentary on class and gender dynamics.[39][40]Mid-Period Social and Literary Engagements
Associations with Hester Thrale and Streatham Circle
Following the success of her anonymously published novel Evelina in January 1778, Frances Burney received an invitation from Hester Lynch Thrale to visit Streatham Park, the Thrale family estate south of London, after Thrale discerned Burney's authorship through mutual acquaintances.[20] Their first meeting occurred in August 1778, marking Burney's entry into the Streatham Circle, an elite intellectual salon hosted by Thrale and her husband Henry Thrale, which regularly included Samuel Johnson, Joshua Reynolds, and other prominent literary figures.[20] Burney made frequent visits from late 1778 through 1781, including a notable return on August 23, 1778, where she observed the household's convivial dynamics and engaged in extended conversations.[20] These stays provided Burney with respite from her family's domestic pressures and access to discerning feedback that sharpened her compositional skills.[41] Central to Burney's Streatham experiences were her interactions with Johnson, who effusively praised Evelina upon its reading at the estate, declaring it superior to Henry Fielding's works in depicting life and manners while honoring Samuel Richardson's moral depth; he affectionately termed her "my dear little Burney" and encouraged her toward comedy.[20][42] Thrale, forming a close, almost sisterly bond, commended the novel's humor, pathos, and natural dialogue in a July 1778 letter, likening it to Marie Jeanne Riccoboni's style, and actively promoted Burney's talent within the circle, including to Reynolds, who offered £50 to identify the author.[20] Burney's journals from this period meticulously recorded the circle's witty exchanges, domestic hierarchies—such as Thrale's management of her children and Johnson's routines—and interpersonal tensions, which later informed character dynamics and social observations in her fiction without direct replication.[20][41] This environment fostered critical honing through informal critiques, expanding Burney's network beyond her father's musical circle. The association waned after Henry Thrale's death in April 1781, which disrupted the household's stability, followed by Johnson's passing in December 1784.[43] Tensions peaked with Hester Thrale's controversial remarriage to the Italian musician Gabriel Piozzi on July 25, 1784, which scandalized the former circle for its perceived social mismatch and defied Johnson's opposition; Burney, while privately expressing support in letters to Thrale amid the ostracism, publicly upheld discretion and distanced herself, reflecting divided loyalties and the era's expectations of propriety.[43][44] This episode tested Burney's personal attachments but underscored the Streatham period's role as a formative, albeit temporary, intellectual refuge.[45]The Witlings and Theatrical Experiments
In 1779, Frances Burney composed The Witlings, her first full-length comedy, which satirized the pretensions of fashionable literary society through a plot centered on intrigue surrounding a high-stakes card game known as loo.[46] The play features characters like the pedantic Lady Smatter, a self-proclaimed bluestocking whose misuse of literary quotations exemplifies the folly of aspiring intellectuals, alongside suitors entangled in romantic and financial deceptions.[47] Burney drew from contemporary theater influences, incorporating sharp, witty dialogue reminiscent of Restoration comedy while aiming for a more realistic portrayal of social vanities.[42] The script was privately read to associates, including actor David Garrick, but faced strong opposition from Burney's father, musician Charles Burney, and mentor Samuel Crisp, who deemed its portrayal of female characters—particularly the "indelicate" satire on bluestockings—too coarse and risky for public performance.[48] Crisp specifically criticized the play's perceived vulgarity in exposing women's intellectual affectations, arguing it could harm Burney's reputation and alienate theater managers like Richard Sheridan.[42] Influenced by these male advisors, Burney shelved The Witlings indefinitely, preventing its staging during her lifetime; it remained unpublished until the 1990s.[49] This episode underscored structural barriers for female dramatists in 18th-century England, where women encountered gatekeeping from male critics and family who prioritized decorum over artistic merit, often suppressing works that challenged gender norms through unvarnished social critique.[50] Despite its abandonment, The Witlings demonstrated Burney's skill in dramatic realism and foreshadowed elements in her later, unproduced comedies like The Woman-Hater, though she shifted focus to novels, where such satirical elements found greater acceptance without theatrical constraints.[51]Cecilia: Themes and Reception
Cecilia (1782) traces the fortunes of its protagonist, the orphaned heiress Cecilia Beverley, who inherits £10,000 annually from her uncle on the proviso that her future husband adopts her surname, a stipulation that precipitates a series of romantic, familial, and social dilemmas in late eighteenth-century London and its environs. The novel delves into themes of prudence as a bulwark against impulsive folly, illustrating how individual vanities and misjudgments ripple through social interconnections to produce unintended hardships, particularly for women navigating courtship, inheritance, and class expectations. Burney underscores the causal links between personal agency and broader societal pressures, portraying financial independence as precarious without moral discernment, while critiquing fortune-hunting marriages and the commodification of women in elite circles.[52][53][54] Contemporary reception hailed Cecilia's incisive satire of urban manners and psychologically nuanced character portrayals, with reviewers in periodicals like the Critical Review acknowledging Burney's elevated depiction of societal structures and interpersonal dynamics, though faulting the narrative's improbable resolutions and excessive sentimentality in subordinate plots. The five-volume work achieved commercial success, matching or exceeding the popularity of Evelina, as evidenced by rapid editions and translations into French, German, and Dutch that expanded its European readership. Critics praised its maturation in plot construction over Burney's debut, yet some, including those responding to its length—twice that of Evelina—deemed the sprawling cast and episodic structure dilutive of dramatic tension.[55][56][57] The novel's innovations in character-driven causality influenced subsequent authors, most notably Jane Austen, whose Pride and Prejudice (1813) derives its title from a key line in Cecilia: "The whole of this unfortunate business... has been the result of PRIDE and PREJUDICE," reflecting shared emphases on how ego and misconception thwart rational unions. While Cecilia excels in tracing the incremental erosion of fortune through social indiscretions, detractors have noted its occasional reliance on contrived coincidences and moralistic overtones, tempering its realism with didacticism typical of the era's conduct literature. This mixed legacy positions Cecilia as a pivotal advancement in the novel of manners, balancing acute observation of human folly with cautionary realism.[58][59][60]Court Service
Appointment to Queen Charlotte's Household
In July 1786, at the age of 34, Frances Burney accepted the position of Second Keeper of the Robes to Queen Charlotte, consort of King George III, following persistent urging from her father, Dr. Charles Burney, and influential friends despite her strong reluctance to enter court service.[13] The appointment, arranged through patronage networks connected to her literary successes and social acquaintances, represented a significant honor for the Burney family, which faced ongoing financial precarity despite Dr. Burney's musical career.[61] Burney viewed the role as a dutiful contribution to the monarchy amid her family's economic pressures, though she later reflected on it as a sacrifice of personal liberty for stability.[62] The position offered an annual salary of £200, equivalent to substantial support for an unmarried woman of her status, along with official lodgings at Windsor Castle and allowances for servants, enabling her to reside near the royal household while separated from her London-based intellectual circle.[63][64] Initially, Burney expressed optimism about the opportunity to observe court life closely, anticipating intellectual stimulation from proximity to the Queen, whose cultural interests aligned with her own.[65] However, this hope was quickly overshadowed by the isolating demands of protocol, which enforced rigid hierarchies and limited her private correspondence and creative pursuits, marking a stark empirical shift from her prior autonomy as a novelist and diarist.[62] Burney's entry into service underscored tensions between familial obligation and individual preference; Dr. Burney, prioritizing social advancement and financial relief, has faced retrospective criticism for overriding her hesitations, as the role confined her under the domineering First Keeper, Madame Schwellenberg, in a environment of enforced decorum.[66] Despite these constraints, the appointment affirmed her loyalty to the Hanoverian court during a period of relative monarchical stability, before the escalating personal and political challenges of the late 1780s.[61]Daily Duties and Court Intrigues
Burney's duties as Second Keeper of the Robes to Queen Charlotte began with rising at six o'clock, followed by attendance in the dressing room from seven to eight in the morning to assist with lacing the queen's stays, arranging her hoop and gown, and placing the neck-handkerchief.[20] After this, she organized the wardrobe by rummaging drawers and laying out clothes, often continuing until three in the afternoon, before joining the queen for tea at five, where she poured for the royal party and ladies-in-waiting.[20] Evenings extended her obligations, including attendance during excursions and formal gatherings, culminating in undressing the queen near midnight, which afforded her roughly two hours of personal time daily.[62] These routines, enforced by unyielding court protocol, left little scope for intellectual or creative respite, progressively eroding her vitality; by 1788, Burney recorded physical weakness and feverishness amid the "killing labour" of perpetual attendance, even when ill.[20] Interpersonal frictions amplified the strains of court service, particularly in her obligatory companionship with the First Keeper, Elizabeth Schwellenberg, a German-born attendant whose rudeness and peevishness Burney likened to those of "a hateful old toadeater... as proud as a whole German Chapter."[20] Meals and evenings from five until eleven were often spent together, either in isolation or with equerries, fostering a dynamic of resentment rooted in Schwellenberg's elevated status and cultural pretensions, which underscored broader class hierarchies among retainers without descending into overt scandal.[62] Such tensions, compounded by the court's insular etiquette, imposed a psychological burden, as the rigid subordination stifled individual agency and fostered quiet animosities.[20] Burney's diaries capture the hierarchical pressures on the royal household, including subdued political murmurs amid King George III's emerging health crises in 1788 and the princesses' enforced seclusion, which limited their outings and amplified familial dependencies on the queen's oversight.[20] These observations reveal the causal weight of court structure in perpetuating isolation and deference, with retainers like Burney bearing the toll of constant proximity to royalty while navigating whispers of state affairs and personal confinements, all under the queen's expectation of unyielding endurance.[62]Authorship of Court Plays and Resignation
During her tenure at court from 1786 to 1791, Frances Burney secretly composed several blank-verse tragedies, including Edwy and Elgiva, which she began in 1788 amid the crisis of King George III's mental illness.[67][68] These works, such as Edwy and Elgiva set in the tenth century and exploring themes of romantic love, political leadership, and religion, were written in stolen moments despite the demands of her position, which prohibited overt literary pursuits to avoid conflicting with royal duties.[69] Burney shared drafts privately with select confidants for readings, adapting scenes to mitigate risks of public exposure or censorship, as her court role imposed strict constraints on personal expression.[70] By 1790, Burney resumed work on Edwy and Elgiva after a hiatus, describing it in her journal as an "almost spontaneous" composition that provided solace amid her grueling routine, though she produced only unconnected speeches and ideas initially.[71] She initiated three additional tragedies during this period—Hubert de Vere, The Siege of Pevensey, and an untitled work—reflecting a persistent dramatic impulse suppressed by court protocol.[67] These efforts remained unperformed and unpublished at the time, confined to manuscript form due to fears that theatrical involvement would jeopardize her position. Burney's health deteriorated progressively from 1790, with symptoms including chronic fatigue, migraines, and palpitations attributed directly to the unremitting demands of court service, such as endless attendance and restricted personal freedom.[72][3] In her letters and journals, she detailed this decline, petitioning Queen Charlotte for release; her resignation was granted on March 1, 1791, after five years of service, with the queen awarding her a full pension of £100 annually in recognition of her loyalty.[3][62] In retrospective diary entries, Burney weighed the court's impact ambivalently: it imposed "lost years" that stalled her novelistic output but instilled invaluable discipline through enforced restraint and observation of human intricacies.[62] She disinterestedly chronicled the monarchy's operational inefficiencies, such as rigid protocols that amplified trivial burdens on the royal household and constrained even the queen's autonomy, viewing these as systemic rather than personal failings.[73] Her accounts underscore a causal link between the court's hierarchical isolation and her physical exhaustion, without ascribing malice to the institution itself.[74]Marriage and Family
Courtship and Union with Alexandre d'Arblay
In early 1793, Frances Burney encountered Alexandre d'Arblay, a French royalist émigré and former aide-de-camp to the Marquis de Lafayette, while visiting Juniper Hall in Surrey, a temporary refuge for French exiles fleeing the Revolution, organized by Germaine de Staël.[75][1] D'Arblay, then aged about 36 and without fortune due to his exile, impressed Burney through shared intellectual pursuits and political affinities; her longstanding Tory leanings complemented his staunch monarchism, fostering a bond rooted in mutual respect rather than material security.[76][77] Their courtship, conducted amid the émigré community's social gatherings, progressed rapidly despite Burney's age of 40 and her father's vehement opposition, which stemmed primarily from concerns over d'Arblay's penury and the couple's uncertain prospects.[77][76] On July 28, 1793, they wed at St. Michael's Church in Mickleham, Surrey, in a modest Protestant ceremony attended by a small circle of friends and family, followed two days later by a Catholic rite at the Sardinian Ambassador's chapel to honor d'Arblay's heritage.[1] The union proceeded with limited financial support—a dowry of £100 from Burney and a £100 annual allowance from her father—reflecting pragmatic constraints over romantic extravagance.[76] Initially, the couple resided in a simple cottage near Mickleham, which they constructed themselves amid ongoing monetary hardships, including d'Arblay's unsuccessful pursuits of British military commissions and the broader instability facing émigrés.[75] This early phase underscored the marriage's foundation in personal compatibility and ideological alignment, tested by economic realities rather than dissolved by them.[77]Birth of Son and Family Dynamics
Frances Burney gave birth to her only child, a son named Alexandre Pierre Jean François d'Arblay (known as Alexander), on December 18, 1794, at the age of 42.[78] In a letter to her father shortly after the delivery, she described taking up her pen for the first time since her "Maternity," conveying profound maternal joy amid the physical toll of childbirth.[78] The child was named in honor of his father, reflecting the couple's immediate integration of familial bonds following their 1793 marriage.[13] Burney's journals and letters from this period document both the delights of parenthood and apprehensions regarding her son's development, including future education and moral formation, themes that echoed parental dilemmas in her novels such as Camilla. These entries reveal a causal focus on child-rearing influences, with Burney weighing environmental factors against innate disposition in shaping character, without romanticizing maternal instincts as infallible.[20] Post-birth family dynamics were strained by Alexandre d'Arblay's unemployment as a French émigré, who, classified as an enemy alien in Britain, was legally barred from many professions and thus unable to provide steady income.[75] Linguistic barriers compounded these pressures, as d'Arblay's imperfect English hindered social integration and household coordination, though his gradual adaptation demonstrated mutual resilience.[75] The family's modest Surrey home achieved basic stability through Burney's literary output, yet this reliance underscored broader émigré dependencies on spousal resources, critiqued in contemporary accounts for fostering idleness amid exile.[75]Experiences in France
Emigration and Revolutionary Aftermath
In 1802, Frances Burney, her husband Alexandre d'Arblay, and their son Alexander traveled from England to France, motivated by d'Arblay's hope of reinstatement in the French army under the Consulate government of Napoleon Bonaparte, following the short-lived Peace of Amiens.[75] [76] The family intended a temporary stay of several months to recover d'Arblay's fortunes, as he had been an émigré officer sidelined by the Revolution's upheavals.[25] However, the resumption of war between Britain and France in May 1803 trapped them on the continent, preventing return until the Bourbon Restoration in 1815, during which they navigated the shifting regimes from Consulate to Empire and beyond.[75] [76] Settling initially near Paris, the d'Arblays faced financial hardship, relying on Burney's modest remittances from England and d'Arblay's unsuccessful petitions for employment, which highlighted the risks of revolutionary migration for former nobles.[75] Burney's journals from this period document the post-Terror society's tentative recovery, marked by economic stabilization under Napoleonic reforms but shadowed by conscription, surveillance, and the suppression of dissent, as ideals of equality gave way to centralized authority.[79] Her earlier sympathy for the Revolution's egalitarian principles, shared by many English intellectuals, eroded through accounts of guillotinings and anarchy she encountered in correspondence and émigré circles, leading her to observe the causal progression from radical fervor to despotic consolidation without romanticizing monarchical absolutism.[80] [81] Throughout the entrapment, Burney critiqued the Revolution's excesses—such as the Reign of Terror's violence and the Directory's instability—in her private letters, emphasizing observed human costs over abstract ideology, while maintaining a pragmatic distance from both Jacobin zeal and royalist nostalgia.[80] This period of isolation underscored the Revolution's aftermath as a landscape of fragile reconstruction amid ongoing conflict, where d'Arblay's loyalty oaths to Napoleon yielded no substantive gain, prolonging their subsistence existence.[75]Witness to Post-Revolutionary Turmoil
During her residence in France from 1802 to 1815, Frances Burney, as Madame d'Arblay, chronicled in her journals and correspondence the pervasive socio-political instability stemming from the Revolution's legacy, including the militarized society under Napoleon Bonaparte's rule. Stranded after the resumption of war between Britain and France on May 18, 1803, she and her family endured restrictions on movement and communication, with letters to England deliverable only via private messengers, heightening isolation amid growing conscription demands and surveillance.[75][82] Her accounts detail the hardships faced by returning émigrés like her husband Alexandre, who navigated bureaucratic hurdles to reclaim property and amend his military record, often confronting financial precarity and social stigma from revolutionary confiscations that persisted into the Napoleonic era.[75] Burney's letters from this period capture testimonies from survivors of the Reign of Terror (1793–1794), whose narratives—circulated through émigré networks—revealed the Revolution's descent into mass executions (estimated at 16,000–40,000 by guillotine and related violence) and arbitrary arrests, fostering a climate of enduring fear rather than promised liberty.[83] She observed Napoleon's militarism firsthand, including the levies en masse that swelled armies to over 600,000 by 1805, compelling widespread conscription that disrupted families and economies, as exemplified by her own efforts to shield her son Alexander from mandatory service upon reaching draft age around 1812.[76] These experiences underscored the causal chain from revolutionary upheaval to dictatorial consolidation, where initial egalitarian aspirations yielded to centralized coercion and endless warfare, with French casualties exceeding 1 million across Napoleonic campaigns by 1815.[79] Initially sympathetic to moderate reforms among some British observers, Burney retracted such views upon empirical confrontation with the Revolution's outcomes, aligning with Edmund Burke's critique that abstract rights rhetoric masked anarchy and paved the way for tyranny, as evidenced by the failure of constitutional experiments like the Directory (1795–1799) to prevent Bonaparte's 1799 coup.[75] Her correspondence reflects a conservative realism, highlighting how egalitarian myths crumbled against persistent hierarchies, corruption, and violence, with post-Terror France marked by inflated assignats devaluing currency by over 99% and sparking famines.[80] During the Bourbon Restoration in 1814, she noted debates among French circles weighing monarchical stability—restoring legal continuity and curbing militarism—against republican holdouts' fears of absolutism, though empirical precedents like the Terror's egalitarian excesses favored the former for quelling disorder, despite lingering resentments over émigré privileges.[84] This witnessing reinforced her assessment of the Revolution as a causal progenitor of prolonged turmoil, debunking ideals through observable cycles of upheaval rather than theoretical promise.[79]Mastectomy and Medical Ordeal
In September 1811, while residing in Paris amid the Napoleonic Wars, Frances Burney (Madame d'Arblay) underwent a mastectomy to excise a malignant tumor from her right breast, a procedure reflecting the era's limited diagnostic and therapeutic options for breast cancer. She had first noted localized pain and swelling around August 1810, which intensified over the following year despite conservative treatments like cupping and ointments; consultations with physicians, including Antoine Dubois, confirmed advanced carcinoma, though Burney delayed surgery due to conflicting medical opinions and Dubois's obligations as physician to the imperial court.[85][86] The operation occurred on September 30 at her home on Rue Miroménil, performed by Dubois with assistance from Baron Dominique Jean Larrey—Napoleon's chief military surgeon—and colleagues Ribe, Moreau, and Aumont, without anesthesia or antisepsis, as such interventions were unavailable. Given mere two hours' notice to minimize dread, Burney fortified herself with wine but endured the 20-minute procedure fully conscious, later recounting sensations of the scalpel "plunging into the breast—cutting through veins—arteries—flesh—& muscles," scraping her breastbone, and eliciting involuntary screams until shock-induced fainting intervened twice.[85]00096-9/fulltext) The tumor appeared localized upon excision, with no evident metastasis, though prognosis was guarded given the disease's stage and surgical crudity; post-operatively, she was conveyed to bed in exhaustion, her wound dressed amid hemorrhage control via cauterization, and recovery spanned months of suppuration, fever, and debility, including headaches persisting nine months later.[85][87] Burney survived 29 more years without recurrence, an outcome underscoring rare survivorship amid high operative mortality, yet her ordeal exemplified pre-anesthetic medicine's causal infliction of trauma—nerve severance and tissue disruption yielding unmitigated nociception—devoid of modern palliation.[88][89] Burney's vivid retrospective letter to her sister Esther, composed March–June 1812, documents the event as a "dreadful operation" of last resort, prioritizing empirical sensory detail over stoicism and highlighting physicians' haste to overpower patient resistance, a dynamic absent analgesic restraint.[85][90] War-era constraints, including supply scarcities and Larrey's military duties, indirectly protracted pre-surgical waits, though primary delays stemmed from diagnostic deliberation rather than acute privation.[86]Later Works
Camilla: Publication and Narrative Innovations
Camilla, Burney's third novel, was published in five volumes on 1 July 1796 by Payne and Cadell & Davies through a subscription model that secured over 1,000 subscribers and generated more than £2,000 in advance payments and copyright fees, marking her greatest commercial success and providing crucial financial support for her family amid d'Arblay's émigré status.[91] The work was dedicated to Queen Charlotte, Burney's former employer during her court service from 1786 to 1791, reflecting ongoing ties to the royal household.[92] The intricate plot centers on the Tyrold siblings—Camilla, Lavinia, and Eugenia—and their navigation of familial obligations, romantic entanglements, and ethical dilemmas, emphasizing moral agency and the consequences of impulsive decisions in courtship and expenditure.[93] Scholars note that the novel incorporates Gothic elements, such as emotional intensity, mysterious circumstances, and shudders of horror, blended with its domestic realism.[94] Burney innovated with a multi-perspective narrative structure that shifts viewpoints to reveal psychological realism and interpersonal misunderstandings, employing perspectival reversals to depict how characters' limited insights drive conflict and growth.[95] This approach advances causal plotting, tracing outcomes from characters' ethical lapses—such as Camilla's secretive spending and concealment of debts—to broader familial and social repercussions, while subtly critiquing speculative financial excesses akin to contemporary bubbles through figures entangled in risky ventures and extravagance.[96] The novel's realism eschews overt didacticism for observational acuity in portraying youth's vulnerabilities, influencing later authors like Jane Austen, who subscribed to the edition and echoed its domestic intricacies.[97] Contemporary reception was mixed: reviewers lauded the novel's penetrating character studies and moral precision but faulted its prolixity, with the five-volume length and repetitive subplots prompting calls for condensation in subsequent editions.[98] Despite such criticisms of melodrama in certain episodes, Camilla's subscription triumph—outpacing her prior works—affirmed its popular appeal, though some deemed the sprawling ensemble and coincidences overwrought compared to tighter precedents.[99] Burney's revisions post-publication streamlined secondary threads, underscoring her intent to balance expansive scope with narrative economy.[100]The Wanderer: Political Undertones and Struggles
The Wanderer; or, Female Difficulties, Burney's fourth novel with Gothic overtones, appeared in five volumes in March 1814, after a composition period spanning roughly fourteen years from its outset in the late 1790s. This protracted labor reflected interruptions from her wartime exile in France and personal upheavals, during which she witnessed revolutionary excesses firsthand. The narrative centers on Juliet Granville, an enigmatic émigrée escaping the French Reign of Terror, who navigates economic and social hardships in England as a nominally independent woman, embodying the "female difficulties" of the subtitle amid émigré displacement and post-revolutionary instability.[16][101] Burney's political undertones embed a critique of the French Revolution's trajectory, tracing causal pathways from egalitarian liberty rhetoric to societal chaos and opportunistic exploitation, especially of vulnerable women stripped of familial or institutional safeguards. Through the radical character Elinor Joddrel, inspired by figures like Mary Wollstonecraft, Burney parodies unchecked revolutionary fervor—depicting Elinor's ideological awakening as precipitating personal ruin, madness, and threats to social order—while advancing a subtler feminist scrutiny of patriarchal constraints within an English context. This anti-radical stance privileges conservative caution, validating hierarchical stability over reformist optimism, as evidenced in sympathetic portrayals of characters upholding traditional institutions against Elinor's disruptive zeal.[102][101][81] The novel's dense interweaving of plotlines drew contemporary rebukes for obscurity and excess length, factors compounded by publication amid the Napoleonic Wars, which dampened sales and reception despite anticipation for Burney's return to fiction. Yet its exposure of women's precarity—lacking viable professions or protections in turbulent times—anticipates later recognitions of structural gender inequities, underscoring causal vulnerabilities arising from ideological disruptions rather than inherent social progress.[103][104]Memoirs of Dr. Burney and Final Compositions
Memoirs of Doctor Burney, published in three volumes in 1832 by Edward Moxon, was compiled by Frances Burney d'Arblay from her father Charles Burney's manuscripts, family papers, and her own recollections following his death on April 12, 1814.[105] The biography sought to defend Burney's legacy as a music historian, composer, and scholar against contemporary detractors, emphasizing his professional achievements such as his 1770 continental tour documented in The Present State of Music in France and Italy and his subsequent History of Music (1776–1789).[106] It incorporated verifiable details, including his interactions with figures like Samuel Johnson and his roles in institutions such as the Royal Society, where he was elected Fellow in 1773.[107] The memoirs provide empirical accounts of Burney's musical career, highlighting specific anecdotes like his harpsichord performances and compositions, drawn directly from primary sources to substantiate claims of his influence on English musicology.[108] While portraying his promotions—from organist at King's Lynn in 1750 to positions at St. Margaret's, Westminster, by 1783— the narrative also touches on family dynamics, though critics noted selective emphasis that mitigated flaws such as perceived favoritism toward certain children.[3] Burney d'Arblay's approach reflected a commitment to primary evidence over external biographies, avoiding unsubstantiated narratives while prioritizing her intimate knowledge. Contemporary reception accused the work of hagiography, with press and readers alike decrying its uncritical tone and lengthy digressions into personal matters, as evidenced in reviews questioning its balance despite factual grounding.[107] In parallel, Burney d'Arblay's final compositions encompassed unpublished dramas, including comedies drafted in the late 1790s and early 1800s such as Love and Fashion (c. 1799) and A Busy Day (c. 1800), which explored social satire but saw no production in her lifetime.[109] Her ongoing letters, preserved in collections, further document family history with unvarnished details of achievements and tensions, serving as supplementary primary records without narrative embellishment.[3]Final Years and Death
Permanent Return to England
Following the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815, Frances Burney and her husband, General Alexandre d'Arblay, repatriated to England in October 1815, accompanied by their son Alexander.[110][13] The family, having been effectively stranded in France since the resumption of hostilities in 1803, settled in Bath, where Burney had prior familiarity from earlier visits and viewed the location as more affordable than London.[111] They resided at 23 Great Stanhope Street, seeking the therapeutic waters for d'Arblay, who had sustained injuries necessitating his retirement from military service.[112][13] Resettlement imposed immediate financial strains, exacerbated by d'Arblay's unsuccessful efforts to reclaim his confiscated French estates and Burney's inability to access her longstanding pension from Queen Charlotte, suspended amid wartime disruptions.[77] These losses compounded the economic precarity stemming from over a decade of exile, during which publishing opportunities were curtailed and family resources depleted by relocation and survival amid revolutionary upheaval.[77] Further burdens arose from supporting Alexander's university studies at Cambridge, where he had enrolled during Burney's brief 1812 visit to England and continued his education post-reunification, incurring costs for tuition and maintenance in a period of postwar inflation.[75][113] Reintegration into English society proved challenging amid the late Regency era's social flux, marked by economic recovery from the Napoleonic Wars and shifts in cultural norms after prolonged continental exposure. Burney's journals from this phase, though sparser than her earlier volumes, record the disorientation of reacclimating to British customs, language nuances, and familial networks after years of French immersion and isolation.[20] The exile's protracted toll—encompassing health strains, severed ties, and adaptive hardships—manifested in practical adjustments to modest Bath lodgings and constrained circumstances, underscoring the causal disruptions of geopolitical conflict on personal stability.[77]Declining Health and Passing
Following the death of her son, Alexander d'Arblay, on 19 January 1837 from a sudden fever at age 41, Frances Burney endured profound personal loss in her final years, having already been widowed since her husband Alexandre d'Arblay's passing on 3 May 1818.[110][13][114] Alexander, an Anglican clergyman, died unmarried in Bath, leaving Burney without direct descendants.[115] Burney's health, compromised since her 1811 mastectomy performed without anesthesia, contributed to infirmities in old age, though she outlived the procedure by nearly three decades, demonstrating physical resilience amid chronic effects from the surgery's extensive scarring.[116] She resided in London during this period, maintaining a routine marked by simplicity and reflection rather than public engagement. Burney died on 6 January 1840 at her home on 29 Lower Grosvenor Street in London, at the age of 87.[110] She was buried alongside her son at St. James' Church in Bath.[117] Her will, dated 6 March 1839 and probated shortly after her death, reflected modest circumstances, with her estate valued under £14,000, subject to legacy duty of £220; it directed the disposal of personal effects, including manuscripts, without elaborate bequests, underscoring a life of literary accumulation rather than material excess.[5][118]Legacy and Assessment
Literary Influence and Critical Evaluations
Frances Burney's novels, particularly Evelina (1778) and Cecilia (1782), established her as a precursor to Jane Austen in the genre of social satire and comedy of manners, with Austen's early admiration documented in her juvenile writings and correspondence, including a 1796 reference in Burney's Camilla.[119][120] Burney's focus on the vulnerabilities of young female protagonists navigating high society influenced Austen's portrayal of courtship and social folly, as evidenced by narrative parallels in character development and ironic observation of affectations.[121] Her epistolary technique in Evelina pioneered depictions of female interiority, revealing protagonists' private anxieties amid public scrutiny, a method that advanced psychological depth in women's fiction beyond earlier sentimental models.[122] Critics have praised Burney's satirical acuity in exposing hypocrisies of the upper classes, yet faulted her for stylistic diffuseness, with novels like Camilla (1796) and The Wanderer (1814) extending to over 1,000 pages of intricate subplots that dilute narrative momentum compared to Austen's tighter structures.[123] Her moral conservatism, emphasizing prudence and restraint in heroines' conduct, aligned with 18th-century conduct literature but limited thematic innovation, prompting later assessments of her work as reinforcing rather than challenging social norms for women.[124] These evaluations stem from 19th-century reviews, such as those in the Edinburgh Review, which lauded her early wit but critiqued later prolixity, influencing her gradual marginalization.[125] Burney's initial commercial success—Evelina selling out multiple editions within months of publication and Cecilia achieving comparable reprints—outpaced Austen's during their lifetimes, yet her reputation waned as Austen's concise accessibility sustained broader readership and adaptations.[123] Scholarly debate attributes this eclipse to factors like Burney's denser plotting and lesser emphasis on irony's economy, prioritizing empirical reprint data over romanticized narratives of genius; for instance, Austen's works entered more consistent canonization via 19th-century anthologies, while Burney's faced sporadic neglect until 20th-century recoveries.[126] Modern scholarship, including annotated editions from Oxford University Press since the 1980s, has countered prior dismissals by highlighting Burney's formal innovations, such as free indirect discourse precursors, and her role in elevating the novel's respectability for female authors, evidenced by renewed academic analyses of her influence on 19th-century domestic fiction.[21] These efforts underscore her contributions without overstating, grounded in textual evidence rather than hagiographic claims.[123]Political Perspectives and Social Commentary
Burney's political perspectives evolved amid the upheavals of the French Revolution, reflecting a transition from cautious sympathy for initial reforms to profound aversion toward its radical excesses. In the late 1780s and early 1790s, she aligned with English intellectuals who endorsed the Revolution's early push against absolutism and for constitutional principles, associating with French émigrés at Juniper Hall and marrying one, Alexandre d'Arblay, in 1793 amid their flight from Jacobin violence.[75] [127] However, eyewitness accounts in her correspondence from France, where she resided intermittently from 1802 to 1815, documented the Reign of Terror's atrocities—executions, confiscations, and societal breakdown—as causal outcomes of unchecked utopian egalitarianism devolving into mob rule and tyranny.[80] [128] This shift informed her advocacy for ordered liberty over abstract equality, evident in The Wanderer (1814), where the protagonist's travails amid émigré displacement and wartime England underscore the Revolution's disruption of social hierarchies and personal security, portraying radical ideology as a solvent of civilized restraint rather than a liberator.[129] Burney's letters causally link revolutionary fervor to anarchy, critiquing it not as mere misfortune but as predictable fallout from prioritizing theoretical rights over empirical traditions and monarchical stability, echoing Edmund Burke's emphasis on inherited institutions.[75] Her Tory inclinations, inherited from her father's philosophical commitments and reinforced by five years (1786–1791) in royal service to George III—where she observed parliamentary debates and court deliberations—manifest in endorsements of constitutional monarchy as a bulwark against democratic excess.[130] On social matters, Burney offered realist commentary grounded in observed follies, depicting gender roles as pragmatic structures necessitated by biological differences and societal interdependence, rather than arbitrary impositions amenable to overhaul. Her novels empirically illustrate women's constrained agency—economic dependence, reputational vulnerabilities—while critiquing male imprudence and female vanity, yet affirm moral conservatism: virtue demands adherence to marital and familial duties over individualistic pursuits of equality, which she viewed as empirically unviable and prone to exploitation.[131] [132] This balanced proto-feminism highlights female resilience within bounds, debunking romanticized notions of unfettered autonomy as ignoring causal realities like inheritance laws and social enforcement mechanisms, without endorsing revolutionary reconfiguration of roles.[133] Her correspondence reinforces this, noting gender conventions' role in maintaining order amid revolutionary chaos abroad.[134]Modern Scholarship and Memorials
The Burney Centre at McGill University has driven 20th- and 21st-century scholarship through its ongoing publication of definitive scholarly editions of Burney's journals and letters, including The Early Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney (volumes covering 1768–1783) and The Court Journals and Letters of Frances Burney (volumes on 1786–1791).[18] These editions, initiated in the late 20th century, provide unexpurgated texts that enable precise analysis of her stylistic evolution, social observations, and personal experiences, surpassing earlier bowdlerized versions.[135] Complementary efforts, such as The Additional Journals and Letters of Frances Burney (2015), bridge gaps in her corpus, supporting interdisciplinary studies in linguistics and material culture.[136] Recent scholarship affirms Burney's prescience in satirizing social hierarchies and anticipating revolutionary upheavals, as seen in analyses of her depictions of female agency amid political turmoil in works like The Wanderer.[137] Linguistic corpus studies, drawing on over 3 million words of her writings, reveal consistent adverbial patterns reflecting her lifelong engagement with sociolinguistic norms, while examinations of her manuscript hoarding practices highlight her archival intentionality.[138] Debates persist over her alignment with feminist ideals—some interpret her novels as fostering defiant female autonomy against decorum, yet her texts evince a conservative realism skeptical of radical change, a nuance clarified by primary evidence rather than imposed ideologies.[53] [139] These interpretations, grounded in textual fidelity, have stabilized without major disruptions post-2020. Memorials include an English Heritage blue plaque at 11 Bolton Street, Mayfair, marking a residence tied to her later life.[114] A tabletop tomb in Bath's St. Swithin's churchyard commemorates Burney and her son Alexander.[140] Scholarly archives offer comprehensive resources, bolstering empirical research, though persistent challenges like partial digitization and restricted access to physical collections limit broader engagement.[141]Catalogue of Works
Novels
Frances Burney authored four novels, published between 1778 and 1814, which collectively portray social dynamics among the English gentry and aristocracy through epistolary and narrative forms emphasizing everyday interactions and moral dilemmas.[1][142] Her debut novel, Evelina; or, the History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World, appeared in 1778 under anonymous authorship, issued in three volumes by Thomas Lowndes of Fleet Street.[1][143] A fourth edition followed by 1779, indicating rapid reprints.[143] Cecilia, or Memoirs of an Heiress was published in 1782 in five volumes by T. Payne and Son and T. Cadell, marking Burney's first work issued openly under her name following the revelation of her authorship of Evelina.[142][144] Camilla; or, A Picture of Youth emerged in 1796 across five volumes from Payne and Cadell & Davies, expanding on themes of youthful folly and familial pressures observed in prior works.[142][144] The final novel, The Wanderer; or, Female Difficulties, was released in 1814 in five volumes by Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, composed during Burney's residence in France and reflecting post-Revolutionary European contexts.[142][145]Plays
Burney composed eight plays over three decades, spanning comedies and tragedies, though only one reached the public stage during her lifetime. Her dramatic works often explored social satire, historical themes, and domestic intrigues, mirroring the character dynamics in her novels but adapted for theatrical form. Most remained unproduced due to private readings, paternal reservations about publicity, and concerns over potential scandals from sharp social commentary.[146][147] Her earliest surviving play, the comedy The Witlings, completed in 1779, depicts a circle of pretentious intellectuals and social climbers whose affected wit leads to romantic and financial mishaps. Intended as a comedy of manners targeting bluestocking pretensions, it circulated privately among friends like Samuel Johnson and Hester Thrale but was never staged; Thrale and others urged Burney to suppress it, fearing offense to literary patrons such as Elizabeth Montagu.[148][149] In the early 1790s, amid her court service and personal upheavals, Burney turned to tragedy, producing four blank-verse works set in medieval England: Hubert de Vere, The Siege of Pevensey, Elberta, and Edwy and Elgiva. Elberta, an incomplete draft spanning over 300 fragments, centers on familial tyranny and filial duty, remaining unpublished until modern editions.[150] Edwy and Elgiva (written 1790), her sole produced play, dramatizes the historical conflict of King Edwy's forbidden marriage to his kinswoman Elgiva against ecclesiastical opposition from Archbishop Dunstan. Premiering at Drury Lane Theatre on March 21, 1795, with Sarah Siddons in a lead role, it lasted one night before audience hisses prompted its withdrawal, attributed to convoluted plotting and weak verse.[69][68] Post-revolutionary exile in France (1793–1815) inspired later comedies, including Love and Fashion (1798–1799), A Busy Day (1800–1802), and The Woman-Hater (1800–1802), which satirize matchmaking schemes, social ambition, and misanthropic seclusion among the gentry. These were drafted for potential court presentation to figures like the Prince Regent but confined to manuscript circulation, reflecting persistent hurdles for female dramatists in securing professional production amid Regency theater politics and family caution.[147][146]Non-Fiction, Journals, and Letters
Burney published Brief Reflections Relative to the Emigrant French Clergy in 1793, a pamphlet anonymously authored to solicit charitable support from British women for the exiled French priests displaced by the Revolution, emphasizing their poverty and moral character amid political upheaval.[151] [152] Her principal non-fictional biographical work, Memoirs of Doctor Burney, appeared in three volumes in 1832, compiled from her father Charles Burney's manuscripts, family documents, and her own observations to chronicle his career as a musician, composer, and music historian.[153] [154] Burney composed over twenty volumes of journals spanning from 1768 to 1840, recording personal experiences, social interactions, court duties under Queen Charlotte from 1786 to 1791, and events such as her 1815 mastectomy performed without anesthesia; these remained largely unpublished during her lifetime.[155] [156] Scholarly editions of her journals and letters include the twelve-volume The Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay), edited by Joyce Hemlow with collaborators and issued by Oxford University Press from 1972 to 1984, covering periods from 1791 onward with annotations from original manuscripts.[157] [158] Additional volumes address earlier phases, such as Early Journals and Letters (1768–1781) and Court Journals and Letters (1786–1791), edited in multi-volume sets by McGill University scholars including Peter Sabor and Lorna J. Clark, presenting unexpurgated texts from her time as Keeper of the Robes.[18] [159] The Burney Centre at McGill University oversees ongoing posthumous editions of her correspondence and journals, digitizing and transcribing originals to ensure comprehensive access to her documentary corpus.[160]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclop%25C3%25A6dia_Britannica/Burney%2C_Charles