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Himarë
Himarë
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Himarë (Albanian definite form: Himara; Greek: Χιμάρα, Chimara or Χειμάρρα, Cheimarra) is a municipality and region in Vlorë County, southern Albania. The municipality has a total area of 571.94 km2 (220.83 sq mi) and consists of the administrative units of Himarë, Horë-Vranisht and Lukovë.[2][3] It lies between the Ceraunian Mountains and the Albanian Ionian Sea Coast and is part of the Albanian Riviera. The traditionally perceived borders of the Himarë region gradually shrank during the Ottoman period, being reduced to the town of Himarë and the villages of the coastline (Bregdet in Albanian),[4] generally including only Palasë, Dhërmi, Pilur, Kudhës, Vuno, Iljas and Qeparo.[5]

Key Information

The coastal region of Himarë is predominantly populated by an ethnic Greek community.[6][7][8][9][10] The local population is bilingual in Greek and Albanian.[11] The town of Himarë and the villages of Dhërmi and Palasa, which together account for the bulk of the population of the region, are primarily populated by a Greek population. The villages of Iljas, Lukovë, Kudhës, Pilur and Vuno are inhabited by an Albanian population, while Qeparo is inhabited by both ethnic Albanians and Greeks.[12] In the 2011 census, 83% of the inhabitants of the former municipality of Horë-Vranisht declared themselves as Albanians, while the rest failed to provide a reply.[13] In the former Lukovë municipality, the population is predominantly Albanian (94%) with a small Greek minority (6%).[14]

Geography

[edit]

The Himarë region is a strip approximately 20 km long by 5 km wide, covering a total of 132.13 km2,[15] and bounded by the 2000-metre-high Ceraunian mountains to the northeast and the Ionian Sea to the southwest. There are long pebbled beaches and the few hills close to the sea are terraced and planted with olive and citrus trees.[16] The traditionally perceived borders of the Himarë region gradually shrank during the Ottoman period, being reduced only to the town of Himarë and the villages on the coastline (Bregdet in Albanian).[4]

History

[edit]

Antiquity

[edit]
In antiquity the region of Himarë was part of the territory of the Chaonians.

In antiquity the region was inhabited by the Greek tribe of the Chaonians.[17] The Chaonians were one of the three principal Greek-speaking tribes of Epirus, along with the Thesprotians and the Molossians.[18][19] The town of Himarë is believed to have been founded as Chimaira[20] (Χίμαιρα)[21] by the Chaonians as a trading outpost on the Chaonian shore. However, another theory suggests that it comes from Greek χείμαρρος (cheimarros), meaning "torrent".[22] An oracular lamella from the Οracle of Dodona, dated to the first half of the 4th century BCE and written in the Doric Greek dialect, has the inscription "περὶ τᾶς οἰκήσιος τᾶς ἐγ Χεμαρίων πότερον αὐτεῖ οἰκέωντι;",[23] which translates as "regarding the settlement by the inhabitants of Himarë, [they submit the question] should (or can) they settle here?".[24]

In classical antiquity, Himarë was part of the Kingdom of Epirus under the rule of the Molossian Aeacid dynasty, which included King Pyrrhus of Epirus. When the region was conquered by the Roman Republic in the 2nd century BCE, its settlements were badly damaged and some were destroyed by the Roman General Aemilius Paulus.[citation needed]

Middle Ages

[edit]
Ruins of the Himarë Fortress, locally known as 'Kastro' meaning castle

Himarë and the rest of the southern Balkans passed into the hands of the Byzantine Empire[25] following the fall of Rome, but like the rest of the region it became the frequent target of various attackers including the Goths, Avars, Slavs, Bulgars, Saracens and Normans. Himarë is mentioned in Procopius of Caesarea's Buildings (544)[26] as Chimaeriae, being part of Old Epirus and that a new fortress was built in its location. In 614, the Slavic tribe of the Baiounetai invaded the area and controlled a region from Himarë to Margariti called "Vagenetia".[26]

A local diocese of Cheimara (Greek: Χειμάρα) was formed as noted in a Byzantine Taktikon of the late 10th century (972-976) under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan bishopric of Nicopolis.[27] It is unclear when Albanians and Himarë Greeks arrived in the Himarë region and when contacts between the two groups began.[28] Nevertheless, contacts between them probably started in the 13th and 14th centuries.[29] The use of the name "Chaonia" in reference to the region apparently died out during the 12th century, the last time it is recorded (in a Byzantine tax collection document).[citation needed] In 1278, Nicephorus of Epirus surrendered to the Angevins the ports of Himarë, Sopot and Butrint. As a result, Charles of Anjou controlled the Ionian coast from Himarë to Butrint.[30] It must have returned to Byzantine rule in 1281 after the battle of Berat.[31] In c. 1360 the Latin bishop of Chimara renounced his office and his Catholic faith and submitted to the Patriarch of Constantinople.[31] Himarë was later ruled by Serbian Empire between 1342 and 1372. In 1372, Himarë, together with Vlora, Kanina and Berat region, was given as a dowry to Balsha II due to his marriage with Comita Muzaka, the daughter of Andrea II Muzaka. After the death of Balsha II, his widow and his daughter Rugjina Balsha (who married Mrkša Žarković) managed to keep possession of the region up to 1417 when the Ottomans captured Vlora.[32] At the Battle of Kosovo of 1389, contemporary Greek authors list among participants Northern Albanians, those of Himarë, Epirus and the coast.[33] Though in 14th century Byzantine control in Himarë was lost, the local bishop remained under the jurisdiction of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Constantinople.[34]

Early Ottoman period

[edit]
The flag of Himarë during the Ottoman era, depicting the Archangels Michael and Gabriel

In 1431 Himarë became a nahiye, an administrative division, of the Sanjak of Albania.[35] It became a symbol of resistance to the Ottomans but suffered from an almost continuous state of warfare. Himariots participated in Skanderbeg's resistance against the Ottoman Empire.[36] During Skanderbeg's rebellion and the rule of Gjergj Arianiti, Himarë was within the domains of the Principality of Arianiti between 1443 and 1462. In the summer of 1473 the chieftain John Vlasis, with a small unit from nearby Corfu and with native Himariot support, took control of the entire coastal region from Sagiada to Himarë, but when the ongoing Ottoman-Venetian war ended (1479) the region was again under Ottoman control.[37] In 1481, one year after the Ottomans had landed in Otranto in southern Italy, the Himariots joined the forces of Gjon Kastrioti II (son of Skanderbeg) in his uprising against the Ottomans.[38] The Albanian rebellion in Himarë was led by Konstantin Muzaka with aid from Krokodeilos Kladas.[39] The uprising failed, but the Himariots rose up again in 1488, and between 1494 and 1509, destabilizing Ottoman control but failing to liberate their territory.

In 1501, Himarë was governed by its own elders, and the traditional meeting place of the region was in the locality of Spille, near the village of Qeparo; the region at this time consisted of 7 villages - Qeparo, Himarë, Vuno, Sopot (which was divided into two, Shën Vasija and Nivicë Bubari), Dhërmi, Palasë and Kudhës-Perivoli. Certain villages enjoyed more privileges than others, as they were provided with Kapedana - hereditary leaders with military roles, particularly regarding recruitment. The Spiromilio family were the hereditary holders of this position in Himarë, while the Gjika family held the title in Qeparo and the Kasneci family in Vuno. Sopot also had its own Kapedan but lost the privilege prior to the other three aforementioned villages, as was observed when Neapolitan documents relating to the king's recruitments in the region during the end of the 18th century only mentioned a lieutenant and future captain called Giovanni Spiro (Spiromilio), alongside a major by the name of Atanasio Gjika and a lieutenant called Costantino Kasneci, as well as multiple cadets. Apart from these Kapedana, the villages in the Himarë region did not have unique leaders, but rather a council made up of the heads of the local tribes or brotherhoods known as primates in relevant documents.[40] The Albanians in southern Albania and northern Greece were not divided in fis like northern and central Albanians, but in fara' or gjeri ("common thing"). Among the lineages was that of Himarë.[41]

In 1532, Denis Possot, who travelled through the region, described Albania as divided into three parts: one ruled by the Ottomans, one ruled by the Venetians and the other ruled by the Albanians themselves. He included the Himarë region, which still included all of Labëria, among those ruled by the Albanians. He added that it could field 20,000 warriors against the Ottomans.[42]

The Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent personally mounted an expedition in 1537 that destroyed or captured many surrounding villages but did not manage to subdue the area. The Ottomans found it necessary to compromise with the inhabitants by giving them a series of privileges: local self-government, the right to bear arms, exemption from taxes, the right to sail under their own flag into any Ottoman port and to provide military service in time of war.[43] However, despite the privileges, the Himariots revolted during the following conflicts: Ottoman–Venetian War (1537–40), Albanian revolt of 1566–1571, Ottoman–Venetian War (1570–73), Morean War (1684–99), Ottoman–Venetian War (1714–18) and the Russo-Turkish wars of the 18th century. On the other hand, Ottoman reprisals depopulated the area and led to forced Islamizations which finally limited the area's Christian population by the 18th century to the town of Himarë and six villages.[44] In 1567, Himariots are counted among Albanians that could be rallied against the Ottoman, as they, together with other Albanians, had caused great damage to the Ottomans since 1537.[45]

In one occasion, in 1577, the villages of the bishopric of Himarë appealed to the Pope for arms and supplies promising to fight the Ottomans. They also promised to transfer their religious allegiance to Rome, provided that they would retain their Eastern Orthodox liturgical customs;[46] the letter concludes with "From Himarra, i.e. Epiros of the Arvanids [Albanians], on July 12th 1577".[47][48] The term "Albanian" was used by the Himariots, both as an identifier of local Himariotes, and as an identifier of "otherness" (as for example in letters from 1532 and 1578), which has led some to suggest that it indicated that Himariots consisted of both Albanians and non-Albanians.[49] In various letters to European rulers the Himariots claimed that they were once ruled by leaders such as Alexander the Great, Pyrrhus of Epirus and Skanderbeg, personalities with which the Himariotes formed identitarian historical memory; as they later did with the figure of Spyros Spyromilios. The most cited figure with which the Himariots proud themselves through their past is Skanderbeg.[36] The Himarë region was one example where Christian Albanians during the Ottoman period could carry arms and have a rather independent life.[50] In the second half of the 16th century, Himarë was one of the cities of southern Albania that maintained the pre-Ottoman Christian character. It did not have a single Muslim family.[51] By the end of the century, an Italian author states that the Himariots are peoples of Albania who speak Albanian and adhere to the Greek Orthodox rite.[52]

The Ottomans managed to register the population for taxation purposes in 1583. Kristo Frashëri describes the list as having predominantly Albanian anthroponymy. The town of Himarë had 130 households and 7 orphans, where the most common names and surnames were Dhima/Dhimo, Gjon, Kont/Kond, Gjin, Gjoka; the village of Dhërmi had 50 households and 3 orphans, where most common anthroponyms were Gjin, Dhima/Dhimo, Kond, Todor; the village of Palasë had 95 households, where the most common anthroponyms were Dhima/Dhimo, Jorgo, Pali, Andrea, Nika/Niko.[53] Oliver J. Schmitt notes that in the 16th century Ottoman registers the anthroponyms of Himarë includes not only Albanian, Greek, Orthodox but also Slavic baptismal names.[54]

Albanians organized an uprising again in the region of Himarë on 1596 against the Ottoman Empire.[55][56][57]

During the Ottoman period, the people of Himarë established close links to the Italian city states, especially Naples and the powerful Republic of Venice, which controlled Corfu and the other Ionian Islands, and later with Austro-Hungary. In 1743, Albanian families from Piqeras, Lukovë, Klikursi, Shën Vasil and Nivica-Bubar migrated to Italy and founded the village Villa Badessa in Abruzzo, where the Arbëreshë dialect is still spoken.[58][59] After the death of Skanderbeg, successive waves of Albanians from regions such as Himarë moved to Italy, and often settled in depopulated places; they are known as Arbëreshë.[60][61]

The first school in the region opened in 1627, where lessons were held in the Greek language. The following years (until 1633) Greek-language schools opened also in the villages of Dhërmi and Palasa.[62] During the Ottoman period, judicial authority in Himarë and the surrounding villages was exercised by community courts also known as "councils of elders", that consisted exclusively of laymen. Their decisions was subject to the sanction of the local Orthodox bishop who belonged to the metropolis of Ioannina.[63] In 1632 Albanian schools were founded in Himarë by Neophytos Rodinos.[64][65]

In 1661, both the Muslims and the Christians of the region had joined in rebellion against the Ottomans.[66] In 1720, the villages of Himarë, Palasa, Ilias, Vuno, Pilur and Qeparo refused to submit to the Pasha of Delvina.[67] In 1759–1760, local leaders sent three letters to the government of the Russian Empire, stating that the population of Himarë was Orthodox Christian, Albanian-speaking (with the educated speaking Greek and the nobility Italian) and willing to join an anti-Ottoman uprising, provided the Russians would support a liberation movement of the Greece.[68][69] The Himariots did revolt in 1767, laying siege to Delvinë and Vlorë, but were eventually defeated by Ottoman reinforcements from nearby regions. This defeat resulted in large numbers fleeing to Apulia and Corfu, where many were recruited as Albanian contingents for the Russian fleet.[70]

The Italian missionary Giuseppe Schiro, who visited the region, wrote during the same period (1722) that the settlements of Himarë (town), Dhërmi, and Palasë were ethnically Greek, while the rest ethnically Albanian.[71] They all wrote in the Greek dialect of the region in their "in-group" communication, mixed with Albanian, Turkish, Italian and some Arabic words. They used Greek in their correspondence with the Pope and other representatives of western countries, as well as with the Russian Empire. When they communicated in Italian, they used a translator, but signed in Greek, with Greek conferments of their names. Their preference of writing in Greek was conscious and not imposed by any conditions or a secretariat.[72] At that time (1730-1750) after extensive Islamization the term "Albanians" in local literature referred to the inhabitants of nearby Kurvelesh province, or as an identifier of the Islamized Himariots located in the same province, who were portrayed as adversaries of Himarë.[73]

Late Ottoman period

[edit]
Sunset on the coast of Himarë depicted by Edward Lear, 24 October 1848.[74]
Ethnographic map based on the work of P. Aravandinos of the Epirus region from 1878

The Orthodox-Albanian communities of the Himariots and Souliotes were often in conflict with Ali Pasha of Yanina.[75] In 1797, Ali Pasha, the Muslim Albanian ruler of the de facto independent Pashalik of Yanina, led a raid on the town of Himarë because they supported his enemy, the Souliotes, and more than 6,000 civilians were slaughtered.[76] Two years later, Ali Pasha tried to create good relations with the Himariots after declaring their enclave part of his emerging semi-independent state, by financing various public works and churches. A church he built near Himarë, opposite of the Porto Palermo (Panormos) Castle is the largest and most magnificent in the region and still stands today as a major tourist attraction. Ali Pasha's rule over Himarë lasted about 20 years until it was abruptly terminated by his murder at the hands of the Ottoman agents. Himarë subsequently reverted to its status quo ante of an enclave surrounded by Ottoman territory. To emphasize the region's special status, the terms that the Himariots had reached with Suleiman the Magnificent were inscribed on bronze tablets at the request of their leaders, who wanted to record the agreement on a durable medium. These tablets are preserved to this day in the Topkapi palace museum in Istanbul.

The most famous military corps of the Kingdom of Naples that consisted of Greeks, the Reggimento Real Macedone was initially formed (1735) by Himariots, but after 1739 accepted also Greek fighters from different areas.[77] At the turn of the 18th century various Himariot Albanian captains had their own military troops in the Kingdom of Naples, and they occasionally returned to their homeland in order to recruit new military troops.[78] During the period of Ali Pasha's rule in the late 18th century Dimo Staphanopoli, a Corsican Greek of the French army, was particularly active in spreading revolutionary ideas and was found in areas receptive to the concept of Greek liberation, such as Himarë.[79]

When the Greek War of Independence (1821–1830) broke out, the people of Himarë rose in revolt.[80] The local uprising failed, but many Himariots, veterans of the Russian and French Army, joined the revolutionary forces in today southern Greece, where they played a significant role in the struggle.[81] Many Himariots also joined the revolutionary movement in Greece via Greek commities formed in the Ionian Islands.[82] In 1854, during the Crimean War, a major local rebellion broke out, with Himarë being one of the first towns that joined it. Although the newly founded Greek state tried tacitly to support it, the rebellion was suppressed by Ottoman forces after a few months.[83][84] The Himariots were continuously held suspicious of supporting the expansionist plans of Greece in the region, especially during the era of the Albanian national awakening.[85]

The leader of Albanian independence, Eqrem Vlora, wrote at the turn of the 19th century that among Himariots there were only 3,000 who had always been Greek-speaking. According to him, they were of a single Greek line of descent, regardless how old it was.[86]

Himara became the most notable centre of the 'Epirote Society' created in 1906 under Spyros Spyromilios that sought the establishment of a network between the Greek state and the Orthodox communities of Epirus.[87]

In 1913, the French journalist Rene Puaux was impressed by the strong Greek feeling of the Himariots.[88]

During the last year of Ottoman rule in Albania, a demographic census conducted in the Kaza of Himara, showed that it was inhabited by 12,000 people.[89]

Modern

[edit]
Spyros Spyromilios in the entrance of the castle (locally called Kastro) of Himarë

During the First Balkan War, on 18 November 1912, the town revolted under the Greek Gendarmerie officer and Himarë native Spyros Spyromilios and expelled the Ottoman forces[90][91] in order to join Greece. In March 1914, the "Protocol of Corfu" was signed, which established the Autonomous Republic of Northern Epirus, of which Himarë formed a part, though the Autonomous Republic itself formally remained part of the newly formed Albanian state. However, in the Panepirotic assembly in Delvinë, that aimed at the ratifications of the terms of the Protocol by the Northern Epirote representatives, the delegates of Himarë abstained, insisting that only union with Greece would be a viable solution.[92]

During the First World War, Himarë was under Greek administration (October 1914-September 1916) and then occupied by Italy. The Italians used Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war to build a road running through Himarë, which greatly reduced the region's isolation. Spiro Jorgo Koleka, a native of Vuno and a local leader of the Albanian national movement, opposed the annexation by foreign powers of Himarë area and the wider region around Vlora.[93] To that effect Koleka was an organiser of the Vlora War, where other local Himariots participated.[93] In 1921 the region came under the control of the Albanian state. The Himarë question in 1921, regarding the rights of "Himariots" and their villages Dhërmi, Vuno, Himarë, Piluri, Kudhës and Qeparo, was supervised by Albanian government representative Spiro Jorgo Koleka.[94] The government concluded that Albanian was obligatory in school, as the official language, while Greek was free to be taught as a second language, as desired by the people.[94] The locals rose in revolt, in 1924, protesting against a series of measures aiming at Albanisation, and demanding the same privileges they enjoyed prior to incorporation to Albania.[95] Other uprisings followed in 1927 and 1932, both suppressed by the government of king Zog of Albania.[96]

Later, Himarë was again occupied by the Italians as part of the Italian invasion in Albania. During the Greco-Italian War, the 3rd Infantry Division of the Greek Army entered Himarë, on 22 December 1940, after victorious fighting against the Fascist Italian forces deployed in the region. The town briefly came under Greek control until the German invasion in 1941.

In 2015 the government merged Himarë with the municipalities Horë-Vranisht and Lukovë. The seat of the municipality is the town Himarë.[3]

Demographics

[edit]
The village of Piqeras and the Albanian Riviera

Himarë is composed of three former municipalities which now serve as administrative divisions of the post-2011 municipality: Himarë, Vranisht and Lukovë. In the 2011 census, the three - then independent municipalities - had a total combined population of ~7,800.[13] Lukovë had 2,916 permanent inhabitants, Himarë 2,822 and Vranisht 2,080.[97] Comparatively, the 2015 Albanian Civil Registry offices, which list all Albanian citizens including those who live abroad, put the population of the municipality at 27,049 people.[98] The Himarë municipality has the second lowest population density in Albania after Dropull. The majority of the population has left to live in Greece or large cities in Albania.[99]

Himarë

[edit]

The population of the former Himarë municipality was 2,822 in the 2011 census. 60.38% declared themselves as Albanians, 24.56% as Greeks and 14.00% preferred not to declare any ethnicity at all.[13] 70.5% of the population declared themselves Christian Orthodox, 16.6% as Muslims, 2.7% as Catholics and ~10% declared no religious affiliation.[100] The census results were disputed and affected by a boycott by part of the Greek minority,[101][102][103][104] Mangalakova (2004) describes the ethnic composition of the territory of the former municipality of Himarë as predominantly Greek.[105] Karl Kaser states that the Greek population comprised a majority or at least an important part of the population of Himarë.[106] According to Martin Urban (1938) only three out of eight villages in Himarë were inhabited by a population of Albanian origin (Pilur, Vuno, Kudhes) with the rest being of Greek. From 1989 to 2011, about 3/4 of its population, left the Himarë region.[107][108]

Today the town of Himarë and the settlements of Dhërmi and Palasë, which account for the bulk of the region's population, are inhabited by Greeks, while Pilur, Kudhës, Vuno and Ilias are populated by an Orthodox Albanian population.[12] The village of Qeparo is inhabited by both Greeks (upper neighbourhood) and an Orthodox Albanian population (lower neighbourhood).[12]

In the early 19th century according to Greek scholar and secretary to Ali Pasha Athanasios Psalidas, three villages of the area were considered Greek, while he also stated that there were also some Orthodox Albanian villages in the region.[109] In general, the allegiances of the locals were in a narrow sense to their respective clans (the "phatriae") and areas, and in a broader sense to their Orthodox religion and cultural heritage. The later factors indicate closer links with their Greek co-religionists than to the Muslim Albanian communities.[110]

Vranisht

[edit]

Vranisht had a total resident population of 2,080 in the 2011 census.[13] 83% declared themselves as Albanians and the rest didn't provide a reply.[13] More than 75% of the population declared no religion, while 22.6% are Muslims.[100] Vranisht is largely part of the region of Kurvelesh.

Lukovë

[edit]

Lukovë had a total resident population of 2,916 in the 2011 census. 55.8% declared themselves as Albanians, 7.3% as Greeks and the rest didn't provide a reply.[13] ~37% are Muslims, 30.9% are Christian Orthodox, 3.40% are Catholics, 0.6% Bektashi and the rest of the population declared no religious affiliation.[100] In a demographic investigation by Leonidas Kallivretakis in the late 20th century, the population of Lukovë commune and all its villages, 54% were Albanian Christians, 40% were Albanian Muslims and 6% were Greek Christians.[14]

Religion

[edit]
Bell tower of the Orthodox Church
Part of the Dhërmi village with two Orthodox church buildings visible

The inhabitants of Himarë are predominantly Orthodox Christians.[111] In 1577, 38 chieftains of the Himarë region appealed to Pope Gregory XIII for arms and supplies against the Ottomans. They promised to switch allegiance from the Orthodox to the Roman Catholic Church, and recognize Philip II of Spain as their sovereign. They asked to retain their Orthodox liturgical customs 'since the majority of the population is Greek and does not understand the Frankish language'.[112] From 1577 to 1765 the population accepted the Pope as the religious head of the community and identified with the Roman Catholic Church.[112] The success of the Roman Catholic missionaries among the Eastern-rite Albanians in Himarë led to the region becoming a refuge for Orthodox prelates that had converted.[112] Himariotes thus largely adhered to Christian faith, although individual conversions to Islam were recorded from the early 16th century. One of them, Ajaz Pasha, became Grand Vizier and was sent by the Ottoman Sultan to put down the 1537 revolt of Himariotes. Even so, crypto-Christianity appeared, particularly in the villages of Fterre, Corraj, and Vuno. Under the request of Himariots to the Pope of Rome, a Basilian mission to Albania took place. Among the missionaries were Nico Catalano and monk Filoteo Zassi, an Arbëreshë. They departed by the end of January 1693 and first stayed in Dhërmi, where they found a deteriorated spiritual state with pressures from the Ottomans and the Greek Orthodox bishops. As noted by Catalano they: "were making of God's house a house of traffic, of affairs and of sacrilegious trade". He opened a school in the Himarë region, raised in the village of Dhërmi, where more than eighty students, both Christian and Muslim, were registered from the adjacent villages. Apart from preaching Catalano also taught new farming techniques and other professions to locals. He was particularly careful in teaching and preaching in the Albanian language, since he considered it to be the most effective method to counter the diffusion of Islam.[113]

In August 2015 Albanian police demolished the renovated Orthodox church of Saint Athanasius in Dhermi, as local authorities weeks earlier declared it an "illegal construction".[114] The Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania declared it a vandalistic act of desecration and a violation of church property and it also triggered diplomatic protests from Greece.[114] This is the second demolition of the church, the first having taken place during the era of the People's Republic of Albania, but at the time the church was rebuilt by the local Orthodox Church after the restoration of Democracy in the country (1991).[114][115] The Albanian government has promised to rebuild the church after archaeological excavations have taken place.[114][116] The demolition of the religious monument also triggered strong reactions from the European Commission.[117]

Language

[edit]

Himariote dialect of Greek

[edit]
View of the village of Palasë. Its inhabitants speak mainly the Himariote Greek dialect.

On the other hand, the vast majority of people in Himarë, who call themselves "Horiani" (Greek: Χωριανοί), meaning locals in the local Greek dialect,[118] are bilingual in both Albanian and Greek. In the town of Himarë as well as in nearby villages of Dhërmi and Palasa mainly speak a unique local Greek dialect that preserves many archaic features no longer found in standard Modern Greek. This dialect has small variations in the way it is spoken in every town, especially in the accent.[119] Elements of Slavic influence are limited compared to the neighboring Albanian idioms, as well as the other variants of the Greek language spoken in southeast Albania and Nartë region.[120] Greek schools were operating until the 1920s. During the struggle for the re-establishment of Greek education in the area (1934-1936) even the Albanian-speaking villages asked for the reopening of Greek schools, however their demand was rejected by the Albanian government.[121] In the spring of 2006, a private Greek-language school opened in the town of Himarë,[119] at the precise location where the Orthodox missionary Cosmas the Aetolian founded the Acroceraunian School in 1770.[16]

Among those who identify as Greeks in Himarë there is near equal proficiency with Albanian. This may be explained by mixed marriages with Albanian elements on the part of the ancestors of the Himarë Greeks, and as the result of the Hellenization of the local Albanian population via policies encouraged by the Greek Orthodox Church up until the time of Albania's founding, accentuated by the differences in cultural norms among Christians and Muslims.[122] Albanian is the state language, while Greek is the language of high culture, religion, and the state language of an economically powerful neighbor where many Himariotes now earn their living.[123] The Greek language went through a difficult period between 1946 and 1990, when the Greek population of Himarë could not study in its native language, religion was prohibited, and relations with Greece were severed.[124]

Himariot subdialect of Lab Albanian

[edit]
The village of Vuno. Its population speak the Lab dialect of Tosk Albanian.

The surrounding towns of Ilias, Vuno, Qeparo, Kudhës and Pilur mainly speak the Lab Albanian dialect, a subdialect of Tosk Albanian.[125] A conservative phonological trait of Lab is the lack of palatalization, making residents speak "shkjip", not "shqip" (as in Arbëresh). The purported discovery of nasal vowels in the Himarë region and the neighboring Kurvelesh region challenged the traditional view that the split between Gheg and Tosk was in part caused by the phenomenon of nasalization;[126] Elements of Slavic influence in the lexicon are also evident in the local Albanian idiom.[120]

Politics

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Jorgo Goro backed by an electoral alliance led by the Socialist Party of Albania is the mayor of Himarë since 2011 when he defeated Vasil Bollano (PBDNJ). Bollano had won the 2007 local elections. He won 49.16% of the total vote, Dhimitri Llazari backed by a PD-led coalition 27.62%, Aleks Tato (PS-led coalition) 20.15% and Kosta Andruco 3.07%.[127] At that time, the possibility of victory by the Greek minority Unity for Human Rights Party in the municipal elections in the past triggered nationalist rhetoric, both at the local and even national level, and heightened tensions in the town.[128] During his tenure, Bollano and his aides were accused of handing building permits on their property by locals of Himarë. Since then he has been charged with abuse of power and falsification of administrative documents related to illegal building permits in the coastal area. He has called his legal issues "politically motivated". His political narrative at the time have been described as " inflammatory nationalist rhetoric to galvanize his power base".[129] In the 2011 elections, a PS-backed coalition fielded Jorgo against him. Goro won 41.97% of the total vote, Bollano 39.25%, Savo Prifti (backed by the right-wing Democratic Party of Albania) 14.93%, Dhimitri Llazari (backed by MEGA, another Greek community party) 3.84%. The PS-backed alliance won 7 councillor seats, PBDNJ in coalition with MEGA won 6 seats and the DP-led alliance 4 seats.[130] In the 2013 governmental elections, the region of Himarë voted 48.3% for the Socialist Party and 25.5% for the Unity of Human Rights party.[131] In the 2015, the elections were held under the new administrative division which includes Himarë, Vranisht and Lukovë. Goro won with 55.6% (14 councillors) of the total vote, Dhionisios Alfred Beleri (PBDNJ) 27.34% (4 councillors), Vladimir Kumi (independent candidate) 10.08%, Lefteri Prifti (backed by PD) 6.98% (3 councillors).[132] In 2019, PD backed by PBDNJ and other smaller parties abstained from the elections. Goro was re-elected without opposition and PS 63.79% of the total vote for councillor seats, while former mayor Bollano who ran as an independent candidate for a seat in the municipal council got 64 votes in total and wasn't elected.[133]

In the local elections of May 15, 2023, Greek minority candidate Dhionisios Alfred Beleri won by a slender margin. Beleri got arrested two days earlier on charges of vote-buying raising diplomatic tensions between Albania and Greece.[134] Beleri's appeal in the middle of June 2023 to have his pre-trial detention lifted was rejected. This turn provoked reactions from the Greek Foreign Ministry.[135]

In March 2024, Himara's acting mayor Jorgo Goro was arrested, along with four others, on charges of corruption and abuse of office by order of the Special Anti-Corruption Structure, following accusations made by Beleri. His criminal activities are connected with Artan Gaçi, the husband of the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olta Xhaçka.[136] Following Goro's arrest and resignation, Blerina Bala was elected as caretaker mayor by the Himara council amid protests at the municipality building in support of the jailed Beleri, who is currently challenging his conviction for electoral fraud. Bala will remain in office as caretaker for as long as is needed to hold new elections in the municipality, which will be possible after the final court decision in Beleri's case.[137]

Minority issues

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While the situation of the Greek minority in Albania has improved since the fall of communism, ethnic tensions in Himarë remain.[138][139] During the 1994 trial of the Omonoia members, an organization that represents the Greek minority in Albania, three local Greeks were arrested and beaten by the Albanian police after they were found in possession of leaflets calling for the release of the arrested Omonoia leaders.[140] In 2008, a number of protests took place with the locals demanding land ownership and autonomy for the region.[141] The house of former mayor of Himarë, Vasil Bollano, has been the target of a bomb attack twice, in 2004 and again in May 2010.[142] In 2009 the ethnic Greek mayor of Himarë ordered the removal of several road signs because they were not written in Greek, but only in Albanian and English. A local court convicted him for the destruction of government property but his conviction was overturned.[143]

On 12 August 2010, ethnic tensions soared after the ethnic Greek shopkeeper Aristotelis Goumas was killed when his motorcycle was hit by a car driven by three Albanian youths with whom Goumas allegedly had an altercation when they demanded that he must not speak Greek to them in his store.[138][139] Outraged locals blocked the main highway between Vlore and Saranda and demanded reform and increased local Himariote representation in the local police force.[139] The incident was condemned by both the Greek and Albanian governments, and three suspects were charged for the incident.[139]

The census of 2011 included ethnicity for the first time, a long-standing demand of the Greek minority in Albania and of international organizations.[138] However, Greek minority representatives found unacceptable article 20 of the Census law, according to which there is a $1,000 fine for declaring an ethnicity other than what was written down on someone's birth certificate.[144] As a result, the census was boycotted by parts of the Greek community.[101]

In 2005, after years of unanswered demands, Prime Minister Berisha authorized the opening of a Greek-language school in Himarë partially funded by the Greek government.[138]

On 26 August 2015, Albanian government demolished the church of St. Athanasios at Dhërmi. The Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned this action.[145] In October 2017 the Albanian authorities proceeded with the demolition of properties belonging to Greek minority members. Due to this development the local inhabitants publicly protested while a large number of Albanian policemen were dispatched to Himarë.[146]

In March 2019 the Albanian authorities withdrew a former decision for the seizure of properties belonging to members of the local Greek minority. According to diplomatic sources, this decision came as a result of stern warning by Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. Moreover, Omonoia appealed to Greece to defend the legal rights of the local Greek population and to avoid seizure of their properties.[147]

Attractions

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Albanian Riviera at Himarë

The area has a great potential for tourism, with the major characteristics of the municipal town being its seaside promenade, the tavernas and the traditionally preserved old town built on a hill.[148] The town of Himarë consists of the old town, Kastro, situated on and around the old castle and the coastal region of Spilea, which is the touristic and economic center of the region. Other parts of the town are Potami, Livadhi, Zhamari, Michaili and Stefaneli. North of the town of Himarë lie the villages of Vuno, Ilias, Dhërmi, with its coastal region Jaliskari, and Palasë. Dhermi contains a number of recently built beach resorts. On the mountains lie Pilur and Kudhës, while Qeparo lies to the south of the town of Himarë.[16]

The region has several Orthodox churches and monasteries, built with traditional Byzantine architecture, like the Monastery of the Cross, Athaliotissa, Saint Theodore, Virgin Mary in Dhërmi and Saint Demetrius. Moreover, a number of churches are located inside the castle of Himarë, which was initially built in classical antiquity, like the Church of Virgin Mary Kasopitra, Episkopi, which is built on the site of an ancient temple dedicated to Apollo, as well as the Aghioi Pantes church, in the entrance of the castle. Additional monuments in the castle include the mansion of the Spyromilios family and the Greek school.[16]

Sports

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The city of Himarë's soccer club KF Himara. The club currently plays in the Albanian Second Division. Its home stadium is Petro Ruci Stadium in Orikum, Albania which is owned by KF Oriku and has a capacity of 2,000 people.

Notable people

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See also

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References

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Sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Himarë is a coastal municipality in Vlorë County, southern Albania, comprising the town of Himarë and villages such as Dhërmi, Qeparo, Borsh, and Porto Palermo along the Albanian Riviera.
Positioned between the rugged Ceraunian Mountains and the Ionian Sea, the municipality spans 559.5 km² and had a population of 8,328 as per the 2023 census, with a bilingual populace primarily speaking Albanian and Greek amid a notable ethnic Greek presence in coastal areas.
Renowned for its unspoiled beaches, clear waters, and ancient sites like Himarë Castle—constructed by the Chaonians around the 4th century BC as a trading outpost in historical Epirus—the region anchors tourism in Albania's economy, drawing visitors to its Riviera shores while preserving medieval influences and Orthodox heritage.
Himarë's history includes Hellenistic fortifications and 19th-20th century revolts against Ottoman and emerging Albanian rule, reflecting its strategic coastal role; contemporarily, it has been embroiled in controversies over local governance, including the 2023 arrest and mandate revocation of ethnic Greek mayor Fredi Beleri on vote-buying charges, exacerbating tensions with Greece regarding minority rights and perceived political targeting.

Geography

Location and Topography

Himarë Municipality is situated in in , forming part of the along the coast. It occupies an area of approximately 572 km² and lies at coordinates 40°6′N 19°45′E. The municipality's boundaries extend from the Llogara Pass in the north to the vicinity of Porto Palermo in the south, encompassing a narrow coastal zone backed by inland highlands. The topography of Himarë features a rugged coastal strip where steep limestone cliffs and mountains rise sharply from the sea, reaching elevations exceeding 2,000 meters in the to the east. This range, including peaks within the Llogara Mountains, creates a dramatic that historically constrained land access to narrow passes and coastal paths. The borders the region to the west, with pebbled beaches and bays such as Himarë Bay characterized by clear waters and rocky shores formed by erosive limestone features. Geologically, the area is dominated by karstic formations typical of the western Albanian Alps extension, contributing to sea caves, cliffs, and limited due to thin soils and steep gradients. The proximity to the and the mountainous barrier have shaped a that isolates coastal settlements while providing strategic vantage points overlooking maritime routes.

Climate and Environment

Himarë features a with hot, dry summers and mild, wet winters. The hottest month is , when average high temperatures reach 31°C (87°F) and lows average 20°C (68°F). Winters, from late to , have average highs of 13–15°C (55–59°F) and lows around 5–7°C (41–45°F), with rare freezes. totals approximately 1,100–1,600 mm annually, concentrated between and , supporting seasonal growth while summers remain arid. The environment encompasses diverse coastal and montane ecosystems, including , evergreen oak forests, and olive groves along the , which thrive in the soils and mild conditions. Marine habitats in the adjacent host rich , with seagrass meadows () and reefs supporting fish, mollusks, and crustaceans, though specific inventories for Himarë remain limited. The add alpine elements, fostering endemics adapted to rugged terrain and features. Tourism expansion post-2020 has intensified environmental pressures, including —advancing up to 20 meters annually in vulnerable Albanian Riviera segments—and episodic during peak summer demand. Unregulated construction and visitor influxes contribute to and discharge, threatening marine ecosystems despite Albania's 154 km of eroded coastline out of 273 km total. Mitigation efforts lag, with climate variability exacerbating runoff and soil loss in steep terrains.

History

Ancient Origins and Classical Antiquity

Archaeological investigations in the vicinity of Himarë have uncovered evidence of late prehistoric settlement, including a tumulus cemetery dating to the Late Bronze Age (circa 1500–1200 BCE), marking one of the earliest documented burial practices along the Ionian coast of Albania. These tumuli, consisting of earthen mounds covering inhumations, reflect cultural continuities with broader Bronze and early Iron Age practices in the western Balkans, characterized by simple grave goods and communal burial structures. Such finds indicate human occupation in the region predating classical Greek influences, likely tied to local Indo-European groups engaging in pastoral and early agrarian activities amid the rugged Ceraunian terrain. In , the area encompassing modern Himarë fell within Chaonia, the northwestern district of inhabited by the , an ancient Greek-speaking tribe allied with other Epirote groups such as the and . The settlement, known in ancient sources as Chimara (Χίμαιρα), emerged as a fortified coastal site around the 5th–4th centuries BCE, serving as a trading outpost and defensive position amid interactions between Greek colonists, Epirote leagues, and neighboring Illyrian communities to the north. Epigraphic inscriptions and historical accounts from the period highlight its strategic role, with the town functioning as the northwesternmost stronghold of Chaonia, overlooking key maritime routes across the . During the Hellenistic era, following integration into the expanded Epirote kingdom under rulers like Pyrrhus (r. 297–272 BCE), Chimara's fortifications were bolstered, featuring polygonal masonry walls traceable on a hill rising approximately 250 meters above . Archaeological surveys have documented these defensive circuits, along with facilities that facilitated in goods such as timber, metals, and amphorae, underscoring the site's economic vitality within the Hellenistic network of Epirote poleis. Limited evidence of pre-Hellenistic Greek contacts, potentially from the BCE, appears in and settlement patterns, suggesting gradual cultural exchange rather than abrupt colonization. Roman incorporation of the region occurred after the decisive defeat of the Epirote alliance at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BCE, with Chimara transitioning into the province of Epirus Nova, maintaining its function as a minor port along enduring coastal trade paths linking Dyrrhachium (Durrës) to the Peloponnese. While substantial Roman architectural remains are scarce—comprising scattered ceramics and reused stone elements in later structures—the site's continuity in maritime commerce is inferred from broader provincial patterns, with no major urban redevelopment evident until later periods. This era saw minimal disruption to local Epirote-Greek traditions, prioritizing utilitarian harbor use over monumental building.

Byzantine and Medieval Periods

Following the division of the in 395 AD, the region encompassing Himarë integrated into the as part of Vetus, administered within the theme of by the 8th century. This coastal area assumed a defensive role against recurrent invasions, including Slavic settlements in the 6th-7th centuries and Arab naval raids in the 9th-10th centuries, with local fortifications like Himarë Castle—originally Hellenistic—reinforced to serve as outposts monitoring Adriatic approaches. Primary accounts, such as Anna Komnene's , document Chimara (the medieval name for Himarë) in the context of Norman incursions under around 1082, where Byzantine forces leveraged the terrain for resistance amid broader campaigns to repel Western aggressors from the empire's western periphery. In the medieval period, after the fragmented Byzantine territories in 1204, Himarë fell under the , a Greek Orthodox successor state centered at Arta and , which preserved Byzantine administrative and cultural traditions against Latin, Serbian, and Angevin pressures. Ruled successively by the and Orsini dynasties until the mid-14th century, the despotate maintained feudal structures with local archons overseeing coastal strongholds like Himarë, emphasizing Orthodox ecclesiastical networks and Hellenic identity amid ethnic of the populace—evidenced by Greek or Hellenized majorities in by circa 500 AD, sustained through Byzantine continuity. Trade interactions with Venetian merchants in the Adriatic, documented in broader regional logs, highlighted Greek-speaking communities in ports like Himarë, facilitating commerce in and timber while Venetian naval presence influenced fortifications indirectly through alliances against common foes. Byzantine and post-Byzantine Orthodox communities in Himarë retained religious under the despotate, with churches serving as cultural anchors; post-1430 Ottoman advances gradually incorporated the area, yet local Orthodox adherence persisted, as Venetian defters and records attest to enduring Greek liturgical practices distinct from emerging Albanian tribal elements inland.

Ottoman Rule

Himarë was incorporated into the as part of the of Delvina within the of , where the system governed land allocation and revenue collection. Under this system, sipahis received grants of revenue from villages in exchange for providing cavalry service to the . Ottoman tahrir defters, detailed tax and cadastral registers, documented Himarë's settlements, households, and agricultural output, facilitating centralized fiscal control while allowing local holders to manage day-to-day administration. 16th- and 17th-century defters indicate a predominantly Christian , with records showing neamets (non-Muslim taxpayers) forming the majority and reflecting Orthodox naming practices alongside Albanian and Slavic elements. These censuses quantified land use primarily for groves, vineyards, and activities, underscoring the region's agrarian base with limited urban development. Islamization remained minimal, as coastal isolation and strong communal ties preserved Orthodox adherence, unlike more centralized inland districts where conversions were incentivized through tax relief. Local was negotiated through privileges granted to Himariote leaders, including in internal affairs and the right to bear arms, in recognition of the area's strategic coastal position and recurring resistance to imperial overreach. This semi-autonomous status balanced Ottoman with in local justice and defense. In the early , Ali Pasha of Yanina sought to consolidate control, launching a campaign against Himarë in that temporarily annexed the region, yet local alliances and guerrilla tactics maintained a precarious equilibrium between provincial power and central authority.

19th and Early 20th Centuries

During the 19th century, amid the Ottoman Empire's gradual decline and reform efforts like the Tanzimat, the Himarë region experienced ongoing local resistance to imperial authority, preserving semi-autonomous status through armed defiance and alliances with European powers. The population, consisting mainly of Orthodox Christian inhabitants who self-identified as Greeks or Romans in historical documents from the 16th to 19th centuries, exhibited minimal participation in the Albanian National Awakening (Rilindja), with observers such as Eqrem Vlora noting at the century's turn that few Himariots spoke Albanian fluently. In the of 1912–1913, Greek irredentist aspirations manifested in the Himarë revolt on (O.S.), led by Major Spyros Spyromilios, a local Greek officer, who expelled Ottoman garrisons and secured the coastal area between and for Hellenic forces. This action aligned with broader claims to , a region Greeks viewed as ethnically kindred despite Albanian nationalist counterclaims. Tensions escalated post-war, culminating in the Protocol of Corfu signed on May 17, 1914, which granted autonomy to southern Albanian districts including Himarë, recognizing Greek minority rights to religious, educational, and administrative use of the Greek language under the suzerainty of Albania's Prince Wilhelm of Wied. World War I brought successive occupations to Himarë: Greek administration from October 1914 to September 1916, during which local Greek forces defended against Albanian and incursions, followed by Italian control until 1920, marked by infrastructure projects using prisoner labor. Diplomatic resolutions post-war, via the in , culminated on November 9, 1921, in the affirmation of Albanian sovereignty over Himarë and , delineating borders that rejected Greek territorial demands while acknowledging minority protections, though implementation faced disputes over ethnic composition and rights.

Communist Era (1944-1991)

The communist regime established control over Himarë in late following the liberation from Axis occupation, initiating a period of centralized state dominance under Enver Hoxha's leadership that lasted until 1991. Policies emphasized rapid industrialization, agricultural collectivization, and , with local economies in rural coastal areas like Himarë subordinated to national five-year plans that prioritized self-sufficiency over regional development. Private land ownership was abolished by 1946, and by the mid-1950s, agricultural production in , including Himarë's terraced and groves, was reorganized into work cooperatives and state farms, enforcing collective labor quotas that reduced individual incentives and yields.) Himarë's ethnic Greek population, historically prominent in the region, faced systematic Albanianization measures to curb perceived irredentist threats near the Greek border. Greek-language was confined to limited "minority zones" excluding much of Himarë, with schools outside these areas required to use Albanian exclusively; , including religious practices after Albania's 1967 declaration as the world's first atheist state, were suppressed through closures of Orthodox churches and bans on non-Albanian naming conventions. Property seizures targeted Greek-owned lands and homes, transferring them to state control or Albanian settlers as part of a broader strategy to dilute minority concentrations by relocating ethnic to southern border areas. Isolationist doctrines severed external ties, prohibiting and while enforcing systems that restricted movement, contributing to demographic stagnation in Himarë amid purges of suspected dissidents and periodic food shortages from inefficient collectivized . Hoxha's break with in 1948, the in 1961, and in 1978 heightened paranoia, prompting massive military fortifications; the and Himarë coastline were dotted with thousands of bunkers—part of over 170,000 nationwide—designed for and defense against hypothetical invasions, diverting labor and resources from .

Post-Communist Transition and Recent Developments

Following the collapse of Albania's communist regime in 1991, Himarë experienced rapid , including the privatization of state assets and opening to foreign investment, but these reforms were undermined by the 1997 pyramid scheme crisis, which defrauded millions and sparked nationwide , arms looting, and the temporary dissolution of public order. The ensuing instability accelerated mass emigration from , with nearly 40% of the national population departing since 1991, including significant outflows from rural and coastal areas like Himarë, where depopulation reduced local communities and strained agricultural and social structures. By the early 2000s, tourism deregulation fueled growth along the , positioning Himarë as a central hub for beach resorts and infrastructure upgrades, with national tourist arrivals surging from 300,000 in 2003 to 10.1 million in 2023, driven by low-cost European flights and marketing of its unspoiled coastline. This expansion prompted a construction boom in Himarë, including hotels and roads, but also exacerbated environmental pressures, such as seasonal shortages intensified by demands and inadequate supply networks as of 2025. Albania's EU candidacy status since 2014 has incentivized reforms in minority protections, particularly for the ethnic Greek population in Himarë, where property restitution claims from communist-era expropriations remain unresolved and fuel local tensions. has linked its endorsement of Albania's EU accession to improved safeguards for Greek minority rights, including fair property dispute resolutions, highlighting persistent bilateral frictions amid Albania's integration efforts. Despite these pressures, property conflicts in Himarë continue to hinder investment stability, contrasting with EU-driven pushes for legal transparency.

Demographics

The population of Himarë , encompassing the town and surrounding administrative units, has shown a pattern of decline followed by stabilization, reflecting Albania's broader demographic shifts driven by . Official data indicate an equivalent population of 9,983 for the current municipal boundaries in 2001, dropping to 7,818 by 2011—a reduction of approximately 22% over the decade—before a modest rebound to 8,328 in the 2023 . This trend aligns with national patterns of post-1991 , where rural areas like Himarë experienced outflows of working-age individuals seeking employment in , , and urban Albanian centers such as .
Census YearPopulation (Municipal Equivalent)
20019,983
20117,818
20238,328
The 2011 figure represents the summed populations of pre-2015 administrative units that formed the enlarged municipality after territorial reforms, while the 2023 count from INSTAT's Population and Housing Census captured a 45% increase over 2021 estimates for the area, possibly due to improved enumeration or temporary returns amid economic recovery. However, permanent residency continues to dwindle, with emigration rates exacerbating depopulation; from the late 1980s peaks, the core Himarë area lost roughly three-quarters of its residents by 2011 through sustained outflows. Seasonal tourism boosts transient numbers, drawing visitors and short-term workers to the coast, but fail to offset structural decline, as low fertility and youth migration sustain an aging . The median age in such rural municipalities likely exceeds the national figure of 42.5 years recorded in 2023, approaching 45 amid selective of younger cohorts. data, while prioritized as official, have drawn critiques for potential undercounts in remote or minority-influenced areas due to self-reporting challenges and historical migration underestimation, though total figures remain the most verifiable baseline.

Ethnic Composition and Identity Debates

The 2011 census conducted by Albania's Institute of Statistics () reported the population of the former Himarë municipality at 2,822 individuals, with 60.38% self-identifying as ethnic , 24.56% as ethnic , and 14% declining to specify an . These figures reflect self-reported data amid a context where ethnic declaration can influence access to services, opportunities, and perceived risks of . Members of the local Greek community, known as Himariotes, frequently assert a higher proportion of ethnic Greeks, often describing the coastal areas as predominantly Greek and claiming historical majority status disrupted by migration and underreporting. They attribute census discrepancies to incentives for strategic self-declaration, including fears of state discrimination against minorities and advantages in obtaining Greek citizenship or avoiding local administrative scrutiny by registering as Albanian. Himariotes commonly self-identify as ethnic Greeks with roots tracing to ancient Epirote populations, emphasizing cultural, linguistic, and Orthodox ties documented in historical self-references from the 16th to 19th centuries. Post-1991 emigration significantly altered demographic ratios, as a substantial portion of ethnic , facilitated by access to Greek passports and identity cards, migrated to , reducing their share in the resident population. Estimates suggest over 80% of Albania's ethnic relocated abroad by the mid-2000s, with similar patterns in Himarë where many families maintained dual ties. Albanian perspectives counter that the region's inhabitants, including Himariotes, represent assimilated or fluid identities within the broader Albanian ethnos, citing linguistic shifts and historical integrations as evidence against exclusive Greek autochthony claims.

Religious Affiliations

The population of Himarë adheres predominantly to Eastern Orthodoxy, reflecting the historical Christian continuity in the region despite Ottoman rule. Key religious sites include St. Mary's Church, the katholikon of the Monastery of Panagia Athaliotisa, constructed around 1795 east of Himarë town. This monastery remains a focal point for Orthodox worship, underscoring the faith's enduring presence. A minimal Muslim presence persists, stemming from limited Ottoman-era conversions, and is largely confined to certain inland villages within the rather than coastal settlements. No significant between faiths is documented in local records or surveys. After Albania's communist regime ended in 1991, Orthodox religious life revived markedly, with renewed monastic activities and pilgrimages to sites like Athaliotisa, operating amid the country's constitutional that prohibits . Church attendance and maintenance of historic structures increased, though precise proportions from surveys remain approximate due to the 2011 census's focus on self-identification amid underreporting.

Linguistic Characteristics

The Himariote dialect of Greek, a subdialect of the broader Epirote varieties spoken in northern Epirus, serves as the primary vernacular for older residents in core ethnic Greek villages such as Himarë town, Dhërmi, and Palasë, featuring archaic phonological traits like the retention of disyllabic -ea endings in certain forms. Albanian functions as the official language statewide, with the local Lab subdialect of Tosk Albanian predominant in linguistically mixed villages including Vuno and Qeparo, where it coexists alongside Greek in community interactions. Bilingualism is widespread, with code-switching between Himariote Greek and Lab Albanian common in daily discourse, as evidenced by patterns of lexical borrowing and syntactic blending observed in field studies from Palasë, a nearby site exemplifying Himarë-area contact dynamics. Public education adheres to Albanian-medium instruction under , limiting formal transmission of the Himariote , while private Greek-language schooling operates intermittently but encounters administrative hurdles tied to certification requirements. Since the , monolingual proficiency in Himariote Greek has diminished among younger cohorts, attributable to pervasive Albanian-language media dominance and outward migration to , which exposes returnees to standard Modern and reinforces Albanian usage in urbanizing contexts. This shift aligns with broader patterns in Albanian Greek-dialect communities, where intergenerational transmission weakens amid socioeconomic mobility and state linguistic norms.

Economy

Traditional Economy and Subsistence

The traditional economy of Himarë centered on subsistence activities that ensured self-sufficiency amid its coastal and mountainous terrain. cultivation dominated agriculture, with local varieties such as Kalinjot yielding oil characterized by high phenolic content (up to 198.54 mg/kg), supporting household needs and limited surplus through Ottoman times and beyond. , involving herding of goats and sheep, exploited the ' pastures, providing milk, meat, and wool essential for daily sustenance in this mixed agropastoral system prevalent across rural . in the complemented these, yielding catches for local consumption via small-scale coastal operations that persisted despite periodic restrictions. Under Ottoman administration, these livelihoods formed the backbone of a largely autarkic , with agrarian households engaging in including alongside olives to mitigate risks from the variable . The communist era (1944-1991) collectivized these into state farms and cooperatives, prioritizing output quotas for olives, , and while retaining subsistence elements for worker rations, though isolationist policies curtailed external trade. Post-1991 land reforms fragmented collectives into small plots averaging under 1 , perpetuating semi-subsistence farming as families reverted to olives, , and inshore for amid economic transition. This resilience stemmed from the region's fragmented holdings, which favored diversified, low-input production over commercialization until tourism's rise.

Tourism Sector Growth

Tourism in Himarë has experienced rapid expansion since the 2010s, driven by the Albanian Riviera's pristine beaches and Mediterranean climate attracting European visitors, particularly from Italy, Germany, and France. Annual foreign tourist arrivals to Albania surged from 4.1 million in 2015 to 11.6 million in 2024, with the Riviera, including Himarë's coastline, accounting for a substantial share due to its unspoiled bays like Porto Palermo and Gjipe. In the first half of 2025, foreign tourists contributed €2.1 billion to Albania's economy, a 7.7% increase from the prior year, underscoring the sector's role as a key growth engine where Himarë's accommodations and waterfront properties see peak occupancy rates exceeding 90% during summer months. Infrastructure developments have supported this influx, with hotel capacity in Himarë expanding to include boutique resorts and ventures offering experiences amid olive groves and vineyards. By 2022, Himarë featured some of the Riviera's priciest lodging options, averaging €250 per night, reflecting demand for upscale stays while agritourism initiatives promote rural immersion as an alternative to high-volume beach tourism. Debates persist on balancing sustainable models—favoring low-impact —with mass developments, as proponents argue the latter risks overcrowding but maximizes short-term revenue, though local stakeholders often advocate for regulated growth to preserve cultural authenticity. The sector generates seasonal employment spikes, employing thousands in and services during peak periods from to , with monthly wages ranging from €650 to €1,000. However, much of the economic benefits elude locals due to of prime properties and businesses, which repatriates profits and limits reinvestment in community wages or . This dynamic has prompted calls for policies enhancing local participation, as foreign investors dominate coastal ventures in Himarë, contributing to volatility outside high season.

Property Rights and Investment Challenges

During Albania's communist era (1944–1991), the state expropriated vast tracts of private land in Himarë, including properties held by ethnic Greek families, as part of agrarian reforms and collectivization policies that seized over 70% of nationwide. Post-communist restitution efforts, governed by laws such as the 2008 framework and subsequent amendments, have left many claims unresolved due to bureaucratic delays, falsified records from the regime, and competing titles, with only partial compensation bonds issued averaging €1,500 per hectare as of 2023. Ethnic Greek claimants in Himarë have encountered heightened and denials, often tied to disputes over pre-1945 ownership documents, fueling perceptions of discriminatory application amid broader ethnic identity debates in the region during the 2020s. Albania's Law No. 55/2015 on Strategic Investments designates large-scale projects, including resorts exceeding €80 million, as "strategic" to expedite approvals and permits expropriation of private land at if deemed in the , a mechanism applied to coastal developments in Himarë. Extended annually since 2020 and further prolonged through 2026 via amendments in early 2025, the law has drawn criticism from assessors for opacity in selection criteria and risks of favoritism toward politically connected investors, potentially overriding local property holders without adequate judicial recourse. Parallel to these frameworks, investigative analyses reveal infiltration of properties in Himarë by illicit funds, primarily from trafficking and networks, laundered through opaque land deals and construction permits, as evidenced by probes into coastal acquisitions in nearby Dhermi where suspects obtained amnesties despite indicators. This contrasts with legitimate s by ethnic members reclaiming or developing inherited sites, which face protracted legal hurdles and heighten risks in an environment where disputes deter foreign direct inflows, estimated at under 2% annual growth in southern 's real estate sector from 2020–2024. Recent judgments against underscore systemic restitution failures exacerbating these challenges, urging reforms to bolster title security for all investors.

Politics and Governance

Local Administration Structure

The was established in through Albania's territorial and administrative , which consolidated smaller units into larger municipalities capable of efficient service delivery; it merged the former municipalities of Himarë, Horë-Vranisht, and Lukovë, with the town of Himarë designated as the administrative seat. Local governance operates under a dual defined by Albania's No. 139/2015 on Local Self-Government: a directly elected serves as the executive head, responsible for daily administration, , and execution, while a municipal council of 21 members, elected proportionally every four years, holds deliberative and oversight powers, including approval of budgets, land-use plans, and binding local regulations. Post-2000 initiatives, anchored in fiscal transfer laws and the 2000 statute, allocate central government funds to municipalities for core functions such as upgrades and utilities, enhancing local while requiring compliance with national standards. The framework aligns with transparency norms via mandatory public consultations and financial reporting, though reviews have consistently flagged vulnerabilities to irregularities and in small-scale municipalities.

Ethnic Minority Policies and Greek Community Claims

The Albanian government officially recognizes the Greek national minority within designated zones in southern Albania, primarily in the districts of Gjirokastër and Sarandë, following self-declarations in the post-communist era, including the 1991 census that recorded approximately 59,000 ethnic Greeks. However, the status of Himarë remains disputed, as it falls outside these zones despite local assertions of Greek ethnic identity and historical ties to Northern Epirus; Albanian authorities maintain that minority protections apply only to formally delimited areas to prevent expansionist interpretations. Greek community representatives in Himarë invoke the Protocol of , signed on , 1914, which granted autonomy to —including Himarë—under Albanian sovereignty, with provisions for local self-administration, Greek-language education, and religious freedoms mediated by the International Commission of Control. This agreement, endorsed by the Great Powers, aimed to address ethnic tensions amid Albania's independence but was rendered inoperative by territorial changes and subsequent Albanian state consolidation; nonetheless, it persists as a for demands of enhanced cultural and administrative , viewed by advocates as unfulfilled historical rather than active law. Grievances include restricted access to education in Greek, confined largely to minority zones, with Himarë residents reporting insufficient bilingual schooling and teacher shortages despite bilateral understandings; property disputes involve claims of biased restitution processes favoring Albanian claimants over Greek owners, exacerbating tensions in coastal areas. Policing concerns encompass allegations of disproportionate scrutiny and improper conduct toward ethnic Greeks, such as arbitrary detentions, amid broader reports of minority vulnerability to abuse. Verifiable incidents underscore these issues, including the August 2015 vandalism and subsequent demolition of the Orthodox Church of St. Athanasius in Dhermi (within Himarë municipality), condemned by the Albanian Orthodox Church as targeted destruction, and the January 2015 desecration of a cross at an Orthodox site in Himarë proper. Albanian policy emphasizes , integrating minorities through equal citizenship and Albanian-medium instruction supplemented by optional minority language classes, while expressing caution toward perceived Greek irredentism rooted in historical claims to . Bilateral efforts, such as cultural cooperation pacts between and , have sought to mitigate disputes by funding minority education and heritage preservation, yet implementation gaps persist, particularly on expanding Greek schooling beyond zones; the Albanian state prioritizes national unity to counterbalance external influences, attributing some frictions to unverified demographic inflations by Greek sources.

Electoral Controversies and Diplomatic Tensions (2023-2024)

In the Albanian local elections held on May 14, 2023, ethnic Greek candidate Fredi Beleris, representing the Democratic Integration party allied with the opposition, narrowly won the mayoralty of Himarë with 50.87% of the vote, defeating the Socialist Party incumbent Gjin Gjinaj by 19 votes amid a turnout of approximately 52%. Beleris was arrested two days later on May 16, 2023, on charges of vote-buying during the election campaign, specifically for allegedly paying 40,000 Albanian lekë (about €355) to secure eight votes from individuals in the area. Albanian authorities described the arrest and subsequent prosecution as a standard application of anti-corruption laws by an independent judiciary, emphasizing evidence from intercepted communications and witness testimonies. In contrast, Beleris, Greek officials, and minority representatives contended the charges were politically motivated to prevent an ethnic Greek from assuming office in a municipality with significant Greek Orthodox population and ongoing disputes over coastal property ownership, potentially undermining minority representation. Beleris was convicted by a lower court in June 2023 and sentenced to two years' imprisonment, a ruling upheld by an appeals court on June 25, 2024, preventing him from assuming the mayoral mandate despite his electoral victory. Albania's Central Election Commission invalidated his mandate on July 5, 2024, triggering a by-election. The case escalated bilateral tensions, with Greece expelling an Albanian diplomat in June 2023 and repeatedly warning it would obstruct Albania's EU accession process unless Beleris's rights, including potential release or oath-taking as mayor, were respected; Athens argued the detention exemplified broader suppression of the Greek minority's political voice. Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama dismissed these claims as interference in judicial sovereignty, asserting the proceedings demonstrated Albania's commitment to electoral integrity amid its EU candidacy. Greece temporarily withheld support for Albania's EU talks in late 2023, citing the unresolved case, though broader EU enlargement dynamics pressured de-escalation. A was held on August 4, , in Himarë, where Socialist Party candidate Vangjel Tavo secured victory with 58.6% of the vote (5,022 votes) against opposition candidate Petro Gjikuria's 41.4% (3,545 votes), at a turnout of about 55%—slightly higher than the original election but marred by complaints from opposition groups of irregularities, including voter and discrepancies in vote counts favoring the . Some ethnic Greek members and opposition parties boycotted or urged abstention, viewing the process as illegitimate without Beleris's participation, while Tavo's supporters highlighted the result as evidence of local preference for Socialist governance on development issues over ethnic divisions. Tavo was sworn in as on September 30, , after court confirmation. Beleris, elected as a Greek MEP in , was temporarily released from on July 15, , to take his oath before returning to serve his sentence, and granted probationary release on September 2, , partially easing tensions as Greece-Albania relations stabilized without formal EU mediation but amid ongoing scrutiny of minority protections.

Culture and Heritage

Historical Sites and Monuments

Himarë's historical sites primarily consist of fortifications and ecclesiastical structures spanning from classical antiquity through the Byzantine and Ottoman eras. The Himarë Castle, perched on a 240-meter hill above the town, originated as a strategic fortress controlling coastal routes from at least the mid-4th century BC. Its walls enclose ruins of Byzantine churches, including remnants of post-iconoclastic frescoes, attesting to continuous occupation and Christian presence from the early medieval period. The castle's defensive role diminished after the early 19th century, leading to abandonment of many internal buildings, which now stand in partial ruin amid overgrown vegetation. Nearby, the exemplifies Ottoman , constructed between and under of Tepelena as a coastal stronghold. This pentagonal fortress, featuring robust walls and a central tower, remains well-preserved and accessible, though its subterranean vaults and show signs of from exposure. Ecclesiastical monuments underscore early Christian influences, with the Church of St. Sergius and St. Bacchus within Himarë Castle dating to the late , its basilical layout and apse decorations reflecting Byzantine stylistic elements. Similarly, the All Saints' Church, erected around , serves as a post-Byzantine Orthodox preserving icons and fragments indicative of regional devotional practices. These sites face ongoing threats from structural and proximity to unregulated coastal development, exacerbating and obstruction, though no formal inscription applies directly to Himarë.

Cultural Traditions and Festivals

The cultural traditions of Himarë prominently feature Orthodox Christian observances tied to the ethnic Greek minority's religious practices, which emphasize communal feasts, litanies, and folklore distinct from broader Albanian customs. These include bilingual elements in oral storytelling and songs passed down in both Greek and Albanian, reflecting the region's historical ethnic composition. A key annual event is the Feast of Panagia on August 15, commemorating the Dormition of the Virgin Mary, where residents from Himarë and surrounding villages hike to sites like Athali Monastery for evening services on August 14, lighting fires and participating in morning liturgies the following day. Celebrations incorporate traditional circle dances and , often performed to Greek folk tunes, followed by shared meals of fresh such as grilled and , prepared with and herbs sourced locally. Other local gatherings, such as the in nearby Dhermi, highlight agricultural heritage with displays of bio-produced from the Himarë region's apiaries, reviving pre-communist amid growth. Significant emigration to since the 1990s has sustained these practices abroad through groups, countering demographic declines that have reduced the local Greek . State-supported , however, frequently prioritize Albanian historical narratives, sometimes marginalizing Greek Orthodox and bilingual traditions in promotion.

Sports and Local Institutions

AS Himara, established in 2022, represents the town's primary football club and competes in Albania's third-tier Kategoria e Tretë, , with matches played at Petro Ruci Stadium, which capacity of 2,000. The club fields and s, fostering participation through academies in areas like Pilur, though it operates at a level amid limited professional resources. Beach volleyball enjoys seasonal popularity linked to , with informal nets and games set up on central beaches such as Prinos, drawing both residents and visitors during summer months; occasional championships further encourage community involvement. Local institutions include branches of Omonoia, the ethnic Greek minority , which function as cultural hubs organizing events to preserve Hellenic identity and language amid constraints on formal , as Albanian authorities have not designated Himarë as a minority area eligible for state-funded Greek-language schooling. infrastructure remains underdeveloped, with reliance on basic facilities like the municipal and ad hoc beach setups, reflecting governance priorities that favor over sustained community investments.

Notable Individuals

Pyrros Dimas (born 13 October 1971) is a former weightlifter of ethnic Greek descent born in Himarë to Albanian parents of Greek origin. He defected to in 1990, acquired Greek citizenship, and competed internationally for , securing Olympic gold medals in the 82.5 kg category at Barcelona 1992, Atlanta 1996, and Sydney 2000, along with a bronze at Athens 2004; these achievements made him one of the most decorated weightlifters in Olympic history. Fredi Beleris (born 9 August 1972 in Himarë), an ethnic Greek politician, was elected mayor of Himarë in the 14 May 2023 local elections as a candidate of the ethnic Greek but was arrested days later on charges of vote-buying and passive . Convicted in March 2024 and sentenced to two years' imprisonment, he served approximately 16 months before release in September 2024; amid diplomatic tensions between and over his case, Beleris was subsequently elected as a in June 2024 on the New Democracy list, representing . Vasil Bollano, an ethnic Greek activist and long-serving mayor of Himarë from 1992 to 2015, led the Greek minority organization Omonoia and advocated for bilingual signage and in the region. In April 2009, he received a six-month sentence for ordering the removal of Albanian-only road signs in December 2007, citing the need for Greek-language inclusion under Albania's minority language laws. Robert Ndrenika (born 10 January 1942 in Vuno, a village within Himarë municipality), an Albanian actor, graduated from the Drama School and became a prominent figure in Albanian theater and cinema, earning the People's Artist of Albania title in 1988 for contributions including roles in over 70 films and stage productions such as Horizonte të hapura (1968).

References

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