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Matthew 10
View on Wikipedia| Matthew 10 | |
|---|---|
Gospel of Matthew 9:23–10:17 on Codex Sinaiticus, made about AD 330–360 | |
| Book | Gospel of Matthew |
| Category | Gospel |
| Christian Bible part | New Testament |
| Order in the Christian part | 1 |
Matthew 10 is the tenth chapter in the Gospel of Matthew in the New Testament section of the Christian Bible. This chapter opens with Jesus calling some of his disciples and sending them out to preach and heal. This chapter is also known as the Mission Discourse, the Apostolic Discourse,[1] or the Little Commission, in contrast to the Great Commission at the end of the gospel (Matthew 28:18–20). The Apostles receiving the Little Commission are directed to enter only the towns of the "lost sheep of the house of Israel" in verse 6, but verse 18 mentions that they will also be a witness to "governors, kings and the Gentiles" while in those towns.[2][3] In contrast, the Great Commission is specifically directed to all nations. This has led to debate as to whom the target audience of Jesus' original, pre-resurrection ministry was.[4]
Matthew names the twelve apostles, or "twelve disciples", in verses 2 to 4, and gives them careful instruction as they travel around Israel. The remainder of the chapter consists almost entirely of sayings attributed to Jesus. Many of the sayings found in Matthew 10 are also found in Luke 10 and the Gospel of Thomas, which is not part of the accepted canon of the New Testament.
Text
[edit]

The oldest known texts were written in Koine Greek. This chapter is divided into 42 verses.
Textual witnesses
[edit]Some early manuscripts containing the text of this chapter are:
- Papyrus 110 (3rd/4th century; extant verses 13–15, 25–27)[5][6]
- Uncial 0171 (~300; extant verses 17–23, 25–32)
- Codex Vaticanus (325–350)
- Codex Sinaiticus (330–360; complete)
- Codex Bezae (~400)
- Papyrus 19 (4th/5th century; extant verses 32–42)[7]
- Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus (~450; complete)
- Codex Petropolitanus Purpureus (6th century)

The twelve (verses 1–15)
[edit]The text in verse 1 refers to "his twelve disciples" (Greek: τους δωδεκα μαθητας αυτου, tous dōdeka mathētas autou). Verse 2 calls them "the twelve apostles" (Greek: τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων, tōn dōdeka apostolōn):
²Now the names of the twelve apostles are these: The first, Simon, who is called Peter, and Andrew his brother; James the son of Zebedee, and John his brother; ³Philip, and Bartholomew; Thomas, and Matthew the publican; James the son of Alphaeus, and Lebbaeus, whose surname was Thaddaeus; ⁴Simon the Canaanite, and Judas Iscariot, who also betrayed him.
Verse 5 refers to them simply as "the twelve" (Greek: τοὺς δώδεκα, tous dōdeka) but the verb which follows is "ἀπέστειλεν" (apesteilen), meaning "sent forth".[8] Dale Allison observes that they are implicitly called "to imitate Jesus the missionary". Peter is named first because he would go on to lead the church. Judas is named last, because he was the most dishonoured.[9]
Verses 17–39
[edit]The Jerusalem Bible refers to these verses as a "missionary's handbook", and suggests that their scope is wider than that of the "first mission of the apostles" in verses 1–16.[10]
Verse 34
[edit]- "Think not that I am come to send peace on earth: I came not to send [or bring] peace, but a sword."[11][12]
This is a much-discussed passage, often explained in terms of the "apocalyptic-eschatological" context of the 1st century.[13]
R. T. France explains the verse, in context with the subsequent verse 35: "The sword Jesus brings is not here military conflict, but, as vv. 35–36 show, a sharp social division which even severs the closest family ties. … Jesus speaks here, as in the preceding and following verses, more of a division in men’s personal response to him."[14]
The text of Matthew's Gospel in the Book of Kells alters gladium, the Vulgate translation of makhairan "sword", to gaudium, "joy", resulting in a reading of "I came not [only] to bring peace, but [also] joy".[15]
Verse 38
[edit]- And he who does not take his cross and follow after Me is not worthy of Me.[16]
- "Take his cross": is in the sense of "willingly to undergo the severe trials that fall to his lot" (2 Corinthians 1:5; Philippians 3:10); a figurative expression taken from the practice that "condemned criminals were compelled to take up their own cross and carry it to the place of execution" (Matthew 27:32; Luke 23:26; John 19:16).[a][17]
Parallels in the Gospel of Thomas
[edit]Matthew 10 contains many parallels found in the Gospel of Thomas.
- Matthew 10:16 parallels saying 39 in the Gospel of Thomas.
- Matthew 10:37 parallels sayings 55 and 101
- Matthew 10:27b parallels saying 33a.
- Matthew 10:34–36 parallels saying 16.
- Matthew 10:26 parallels saying 5b.
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Also in Artemid. ii. 56, p. 153; Plut. Mor. p. 554 A; Cic. de divin. i. 26; Valer. Max. xi. 7. apud Meyer's NT, Matthew 10:38
References
[edit]- ^ Jerusalem Bible (1966), sub-headings at Matthew 10:1 and Matthew 10:40
- ^ Matthew 10:6
- ^ "Matthew 10:18".
- ^ Pulpit Commentary on Matthew 10, accessed 3 January 2017
- ^ Cockle, Walter E. H. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Volume 45. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1999. Pages 1–3.
- ^ Comfort, P. W., & Barrett, D. P. (2001). The text of the earliest New Testament Greek manuscripts, pp. 656
- ^ Grenfell, B. P.; Hunt, A. S. (1912). Oxyrhynchus Papyri IX. London. p. 7.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Bible Hub, Text Analysis: Matthew 10:5, accessed 20 November 2022
- ^ Allison, D., 56. Matthew, in Barton, J. and Muddiman, J. (2001), The Oxford Bible Commentary, p. 858
- ^ Jerusalem Bible (1966), footnote g at Matthew 10:17
- ^ Matthew 10:34: KJV
- ^ Mathewes, Charles (6 December 2010). Understanding Religious Ethics. John Wiley & Sons. p. 186. ISBN 9781405133517.
- ^ Cim, David C. (2000). "The sword motif in Matthew 10:34". Theological Studies. 56 (1). School of Theology, Australian Catholic University: 84–104. doi:10.4102/hts.v56i1.1698.
- ^ France, Tyndale New Testament Commentaries, Vol 1: Matthew (1985). 2nd ed (2008), p. 192. ISBN 978-1844742677.
- ^ Nathan, George Jean Nathan; Henry Louis Mencken (1951). The American Mercury. p. 572.
The compilers of the late seventh century manuscript, The Book of Kells, refused to adopt St. Jerome's phrase "I come not to bring peace but a sword" (" ... non pacem sed gladium"). To them the phrase made no sense and they altered it ...
- ^ Matthew 10:38: NKJV
- ^ Meyer's NT Commentary on Matthew 10. Accessed 24 April 2019.
External links
[edit]- Matthew 10 King James Bible – Wikisource
- English Translation with Parallel Latin Vulgate
- Online Bible at GospelHall.org (ESV, KJV, Darby, American Standard Version, Bible in Basic English)
- Multiple bible versions at Bible Gateway (NKJV, NIV, NRSV etc.)
Matthew 10
View on GrokipediaTextual History
Manuscript Witnesses
Papyrus 110 (𝔓¹¹⁰), a fragmentary codex discovered at Oxyrhynchus, Egypt, and dated to the 3rd or 4th century, preserves portions of Matthew 10:13–15 on the recto and 10:25–27 on the verso, providing the earliest direct manuscript evidence for sections of the chapter.[3][4] Uncial 0171, consisting of vellum leaves from the late 3rd or early 4th century, attests to Matthew 10:17–23 and 25–32 on one fragment, with textual characteristics aligning closely to the Alexandrian tradition. The full text of Matthew 10 appears in major 4th-century uncial codices, including Codex Sinaiticus (א, c. 330–360 CE), a complete Greek New Testament manuscript, and Codex Vaticanus (B, c. 325–350 CE), which contains the Gospels intact. These codices demonstrate consistent transmission of the chapter without significant lacunae. Later witnesses include Codex Alexandrinus (A, 5th century) and the 6th-century Codex Purpureus (N), a purple-dyed uncial fragment preserving Matthew 10:10–17.[5]| Manuscript | Approximate Date | Extant Verses of Matthew 10 | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 𝔓¹¹⁰ | 3rd–4th century | 13–15, 25–27 | Papyrus codex; Alexandrian text-type |
| Uncial 0171 | Late 3rd–early 4th century | 17–23, 25–32 | Vellum; mixed text affiliations |
| Codex Sinaiticus (א) | c. 330–360 CE | Full chapter | Complete NT; Alexandrian base |
| Codex Vaticanus (B) | c. 325–350 CE | Full chapter | Gospels complete; pure Alexandrian |
Textual Variants and Critical Notes
The text of Matthew 10 demonstrates remarkable stability in its transmission, with textual variants confined to minor orthographic, nominative, and expansionary differences that do not substantially alter the narrative or doctrinal content. Critical apparatuses in editions like Nestle-Aland 28 (NA28) and the United Bible Societies' Greek New Testament (UBS5) prioritize readings supported by early Alexandrian manuscripts such as Codex Sinaiticus (ℵ, ca. 330–360 CE) and Codex Vaticanus (B, ca. 325–350 CE), which provide the strongest external evidence against the smoother, later Byzantine text-type predominant in medieval copies.[8] This preference reflects the earlier attestation and lower tendency toward harmonization in Alexandrian witnesses, yielding a reconstructed text with high confidence for the chapter.[8] In verse 3, listing the apostles, variants occur in the name of the tenth disciple: "Thaddaeus" appears in ℵ, B, and many minuscules, while "Lebbaeus, whose surname was Thaddaeus" is found in Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus (C, 5th century), Codex Regius (L, 8th century), and the Byzantine majority; NA28 adopts the shorter "Thaddaeus" but deems the choice indecisive due to evenly divided manuscript support and potential scribal expansion for clarification.[8] Verse 8 shows division on the inclusion of "raise the dead" among commissioned miracles, present in ℵ, B, and early versions but omitted in C, Codex Cyprius (K, 9th century), and some later texts; the NA28 favors inclusion (rated certainty level 2, approaching certain) based on superior early evidence, interpreting omissions as scribal simplification.[8] Verse 23 features a significant expansion in Western and Byzantine manuscripts (e.g., Codex Bezae, D, 5th century; L), adding clauses to the flight instruction ("for truly I say to you, you will not have gone through the towns of Israel before the Son of Man comes"), against the shorter form in ℵ, B, and papyri; the concise reading is preferred for its primitive character and avoidance of perceived interpretive glosses, though rated indecisive amid mixed attestation. A related minor variant omits the subjunctive particle ἄν in ℵ* (original hand) and B, likely a transcriptional error, with NA28 retaining it as original.[8] Word order variations in verse 1, such as the phrasing of granting "authority over unclean spirits," appear in some apparatuses but uniformly preserve the sense across text-types without evidential preference for alteration.[8] Unlike synoptic parallels with more contested passages (e.g., Mark 6 or Luke 9-10), Matthew 10 lacks major omissions or interpolations affecting core elements like the commissioning or warnings; papyri like 𝔓110 (3rd/4th century, verses 13-14, 25-27) align closely with Alexandrian readings, reinforcing textual reliability.[8] Scholarly consensus, per apparatuses, affirms that these variants arise from copying errors, harmonizations to parallel accounts, or liturgical smoothing rather than deliberate doctrinal shifts, preserving the chapter's essential form from the autographic tradition.[8]Historical Context
First-Century Jewish Society and Messianic Expectations
In first-century Palestine, Jewish society was characterized by religious diversity amid a population estimated at around 1-2 million, with Galilee serving as a rural, agriculturally focused region of villages and small towns populated predominantly by observant Jews. Major sects included the Pharisees, who emphasized oral traditions and purity laws alongside the Torah; the Essenes, ascetic communities withdrawing from mainstream society to practice communal living and ritual purity; and the Sadducees, aristocratic priests rejecting resurrection and oral law in favor of temple-centric literalism.[9][10] These groups reflected broader tensions over authority, with messianic hopes rooted in prophetic texts anticipating a Davidic figure to restore national sovereignty and temple purity, though interpretations varied—some envisioning a priestly messiah, others a warrior-king.[11] The commissioning of twelve apostles in Matthew 10 symbolically evoked the twelve tribes of Israel, signaling a prophetic restoration akin to Ezekiel 48's vision of tribal land allotments in a renewed Jerusalem or Isaiah 49's regathering of dispersed Israel from exile. This numerical parallelism underscored expectations of eschatological renewal, where the apostles would represent reconstituted tribal leadership, judging or governing the restored nation as promised in prophetic literature.[12][13] Such symbolism aligned with first-century Jewish aspirations for covenantal fulfillment, positioning the mission as an intra-Israel initiative to reclaim the covenant people from spiritual fragmentation. The directive to target the "lost sheep of Israel" (Matthew 10:6) drew from prophetic imagery in Ezekiel 34 and Jeremiah 50:6, portraying the populace as wayward flocks neglected by inadequate shepherds—elite leaders like Pharisees or Sadducees—who failed to guide amid sectarian divides. This focused outreach prioritized fellow Jews in Galilee and Judea, bypassing Samaritans and Gentiles, to address the spiritual disarray of common villagers burdened by ritual demands and unfulfilled restoration hopes.[14][15] The apostles' instructions to travel without provisions or baggage mirrored traditions of itinerant prophets like Elijah, who depended on divine provision through hospitality during his circuits (1 Kings 17:8-16), emphasizing reliance on Israel's covenantal networks rather than self-sufficiency. This model of peripatetic ministry, shaking dust from rejected towns as a prophetic sign of judgment, resonated with cultural norms where wayfarers invoked hospitality as a marker of piety, reinforcing the mission's alignment with ancient patterns of Israelite renewal.[16][17]Roman Occupation and Prospects for Persecution
Galilee, under the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas from 4 BCE to 39 CE, experienced Roman indirect rule through this client prince who maintained order to secure his position against potential unrest. Antipas, son of Herod the Great, governed Galilee and Perea while answering to Roman authorities, rebuilding cities like Sepphoris after suppressions of rebellion to demonstrate loyalty.[18] This context heightened vigilance against figures promoting alternative kingship, as messianic movements risked being interpreted as challenges to Roman stability. The 6 CE revolt led by Judas the Galilean against the census of Quirinius exemplified such tensions, drawing followers who viewed taxation as enslavement and advocating resistance, which Josephus attributes to fostering a "fourth philosophy" of zeal for divine rule over human.[19] Roman forces crushed the uprising, crucifying participants and razing Sepphoris, near Nazareth, leaving a legacy of suspicion toward any group proclaiming a kingdom not aligned with imperial order.[20] Jesus' emissaries, instructed in Matthew 10 to proclaim the kingdom primarily to Israel, faced realistic threats from this environment, where local rulers like Antipas executed perceived threats, as seen in the beheading of John the Baptist for critiquing Antipas' marriage. Synagogue councils, empowered under Jewish law to administer discipline including flogging (up to 39 lashes per Deuteronomy 25:3) and formal expulsion, served as initial enforcement mechanisms.[21] These bodies, comprising elders and scribes, operated with tacit Roman approval, as Jewish leaders collaborated to preempt disorders that could provoke direct intervention, similar to how the high priesthood, Roman-appointed, balanced internal purity with external compliance. Verse 17's warning of handover to councils and synagogues reflects this dual layer of Jewish self-policing under occupation, where expulsion (niddui or cherem) isolated individuals socially and economically, amplifying persecution risks without immediate Roman involvement.[22] Prospects for escalation included familial betrayal, as verses 21 and 35-36 depict, echoing Micah 7:6 amid divided allegiances in occupied territories where survival often pitted kin against one another. In a society under surveillance, with rewards for denouncing sedition, family members might inform authorities to safeguard property or status, reflecting broader patterns of loyalty splits seen in post-revolt purges. This mirrors Zechariah 13:6's imagery of wounds from close associates, interpreted in prophetic contexts as betrayal by intimates during times of prophetic rejection, underscoring causal pressures from geopolitical strain rather than mere interpersonal strife.[23] Such divisions realistically threatened the apostles' mission, as preaching could fracture households aligned variably with Pharisaic, Herodian, or latent Zealot sympathies, heightening isolation and vulnerability to handover for trial or execution.[24]Structure and Content Overview
Commissioning the Apostles (Verses 1-4)
Matthew 10:1-4 depicts Jesus summoning his twelve disciples and investing them with authority to drive out unclean spirits and heal every disease and sickness.[25] This delegation mirrors the scope of Jesus' own ministry in preceding chapters, where he expelled demons and restored the afflicted, thereby extending empirical evidence of divine power through his chosen agents.[26] The act constitutes a verifiable claim to messianic credentials, as the apostles' subsequent exercise of these powers would corroborate Jesus' source of authority rather than independent efficacy.[27] The text enumerates the Twelve apostles, grouping them in sets of four and commencing with Simon, designated Peter, which positions him at the forefront of the list.[25] This sequencing reflects an early recognition of leadership role among the disciples, predicated on Peter's confessional priority elsewhere in the Gospel, absent interpretive layers from subsequent ecclesiastical traditions.[28] The named individuals comprise:- Simon (called Peter) and Andrew, his brother;
- James, son of Zebedee, and John, his brother;
- Philip and Bartholomew;
- Thomas and Matthew the tax collector;
- James, son of Alphaeus, and Thaddaeus;
- Simon the Zealot and Judas Iscariot, who betrayed him.[25]