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Oliver Cromwell
Oliver Cromwell
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Oliver Cromwell (25 April 1599 – 3 September 1658) was an English statesman, politician and soldier, widely regarded as one of the most important figures in British history. He came to prominence during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, initially as a senior commander in the Parliamentarian army and latterly as a politician. A leading advocate of the execution of Charles I in January 1649, which led to the establishment of the Commonwealth of England, Cromwell ruled as Lord Protector from December 1653 until his death.

Key Information

Although elected Member of Parliament (MP) for Huntingdon in 1628, much of Cromwell's life prior to 1640 was marked by financial and personal failure. He briefly contemplated emigration to New England, but became a religious Independent in the 1630s and thereafter believed his successes were the result of divine providence. In 1640 he was returned as MP for Cambridge in the Short and Long Parliaments. He joined the Parliamentarian army when the First English Civil War began in August 1642 and quickly demonstrated his military abilities. In 1645 he was appointed commander of the New Model Army cavalry under Thomas Fairfax, and played a key role in winning the English Civil War.

The death of Charles I and exile of his son Charles, followed by military victories in Ireland and in Scotland, firmly established the Commonwealth and Cromwell's dominance of the new regime. In December 1653 he was named Lord Protector,[a] a position he retained until his death, when he was succeeded by his son Richard, whose weakness led to a power vacuum. This culminated in the 1660 Stuart Restoration, after which Cromwell's body was removed from Westminster Abbey and re-hanged at Tyburn on 30 January 1661. His head was cut off and displayed on the roof of Westminster Hall. It remained there until at least 1684.

The debate over his historical reputation continues. He remains a controversial figure due to his use of military force to acquire and retain political power, his role in the execution of Charles I and the brutality of his 1649 campaign in Ireland.[2] Winston Churchill described Cromwell as a military dictator,[3] while others view him a hero of liberty.

His statue outside the Houses of Parliament, first proposed in 1856, was not erected until 1895, with most of the funds privately supplied by Prime Minister Archibald Primrose.[4]

Early life

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Cromwell's House in Ely

Cromwell was born in Huntingdon on 25 April 1599[5] to Robert Cromwell and his second wife Elizabeth, daughter of William Steward.[6] His birthplace, the Grade II listed Cromwell House, was at that time the site of Huntington Priory, and is commemorated by a plaque.[7] The family's estate derived from Oliver's great-great-grandfather Morgan ap William, a brewer from Glamorgan, Wales, who settled at Putney and married Katherine Cromwell, the sister of Thomas Cromwell, who would become the famous chief minister to Henry VIII. The Cromwells acquired great wealth as occasional beneficiaries of Thomas's administration of the Dissolution of the Monasteries.[8]

Oliver's father Robert Williams, alias Cromwell, married Elizabeth Steward, probably in 1591. Cromwell's paternal grandfather, Henry Williams, was one of the two wealthiest landowners in Huntingdonshire. Cromwell's father was of modest means but still a member of the landed gentry. As a younger son with many siblings, Robert inherited only a house at Huntingdon and a small amount of land. This land would have generated an income of up to £300 a year, near the bottom of the range of gentry incomes.[9] In 1654 Cromwell said, "I was by birth a gentleman, living neither in considerable height, nor yet in obscurity."[10] They had ten children, but Oliver, the fifth child, was the only boy to survive infancy.[11] Oliver Cromwell was baptised on 29 April 1599 at St John's Church,[12] and attended Huntingdon Grammar School. He went on to study at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, then a recently founded college with a strong Puritan ethos. He left in June 1617 without taking a degree, immediately after his father's death.[13] Early biographers claim that he then attended Lincoln's Inn, but the Inn's archives retain no record of him.[14] Antonia Fraser concludes that it is likely that he did train at one of the London Inns of Court during this time.[15] His grandfather, his father and two of his uncles had attended Lincoln's Inn, and Cromwell sent his son Richard there in 1647.[15]

Cromwell probably returned home to Huntingdon after his father's death. As his mother was widowed, and his seven sisters unmarried, he would have been needed at home to help his family.[16]

Marriage and family

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Portrait of Cromwell's wife Elizabeth Bourchier

Cromwell married Elizabeth Bourchier (1598–1665) on 22 August 1620 at St Giles-without-Cripplegate on Fore Street, London.[12] Elizabeth's father, James Bourchier, was a London leather-merchant who owned extensive lands in Essex and had strong connections with Puritan gentry families there. The marriage brought Cromwell into contact with Oliver St John and leading members of London's merchant community, and behind them the influence of the Earls of Warwick and Holland. A place in this influential network proved crucial to Cromwell's military and political career. The couple had nine children:[17]

Crisis and recovery

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Little evidence exists of Cromwell's religion in his early years. His 1626 letter to Henry Downhall, an Arminian minister, suggests that he had yet to be influenced by radical Puritanism.[20] But there is evidence that Cromwell underwent a personal crisis during the late 1620s and early 1630s. In 1628 he was elected to Parliament from the Huntingdonshire county town of Huntingdon. Later that year, he sought treatment from the Swiss-born London doctor Théodore de Mayerne for a variety of physical and emotional ailments, including valde melancholicus (depression). In 1629 Cromwell became involved in a dispute among the gentry of Huntingdon involving a new charter for the town. As a result, he was called before the Privy Council in 1630.[21]

In 1631, likely as a result of the dispute, Cromwell sold most of his properties in Huntingdon and moved to a farmstead in nearby St Ives. This move, a significant step down in society for the Cromwells, also had significant emotional and spiritual impact on Cromwell; an extant 1638 letter from him to his cousin, the wife of Oliver St John, gives an account of his spiritual awakening at this time in which he describes himself as having been the "chief of sinners", describes his calling as among "the congregation of the firstborn".[20] The letter's language, particularly the inclusion of numerous biblical quotations, shows Cromwell's belief that he was saved from his previous sins by God's mercy, and indicates his religiously Independent beliefs, chief among them that the Reformation had not gone far enough, that much of England was still living in sin, and that Catholic beliefs and practices must be fully removed from the church.[20] It appears that in 1634 Cromwell attempted to emigrate to what became the Connecticut Colony in the Americas, but was prevented by the government from leaving.[22]

Along with his brother Henry, Cromwell had kept a smallholding of chickens and sheep, selling eggs and wool to support himself, his lifestyle resembling that of a yeoman farmer. In 1636 Cromwell inherited control of various properties in Ely from his uncle on his mother's side, and his uncle's job as tithe-collector for Ely Cathedral. As a result, his income is likely to have risen to around £300–400 per year;[23] by the end of the 1630s Cromwell had returned to the ranks of acknowledged gentry. He had become a committed Puritan and had established important family links to leading families in London and Essex.[24]

Member of Parliament: 1628–1629 and 1640–1642

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Cromwell became the Member of Parliament for Huntingdon in the Parliament of 1628–1629, as a client of the Montagu family of Hinchingbrooke House. He made little impression: parliamentary records show only one speech (against the Arminian Bishop Richard Neile), which was poorly received.[25] After dissolving this Parliament, Charles I ruled without a Parliament for the next 11 years. When Charles faced the Scottish rebellion in the Bishops' Wars, lack of funds forced him to call a Parliament again in 1640. Cromwell was returned to this Parliament as member for Cambridge, but it lasted for only three weeks and became known as the Short Parliament. Cromwell moved his family from Ely to London in 1640.[26] A second Parliament was called later the same year and became known as the Long Parliament. Cromwell was again returned as member for Cambridge. As with the Parliament of 1628–29, it is likely that he owed his position to the patronage of others, which might explain why in the first week of the Parliament he was in charge of presenting a petition for the release of John Lilburne, who had become a Puritan cause célèbre after his arrest for importing religious tracts from the Netherlands. For the Long Parliament's first two years, Cromwell was linked to the godly group of aristocrats in the House of Lords and Members of the House of Commons with whom he had established familial and religious links in the 1630s, such as the Earls of Essex, Warwick and Bedford, Oliver St John and Viscount Saye and Sele.[27] At this stage, the group had an agenda of reformation: the executive checked by regular parliaments, and the moderate extension of liberty of conscience. Cromwell appears to have taken a role in some of this group's political manoeuvres. In May 1641, for example, he put forward the second reading of the Annual Parliaments Bill, and he later took a role in drafting the Root and Branch Bill for the abolition of episcopacy.[28]

English Civil War begins

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Failure to resolve the issues before the Long Parliament led to armed conflict between Parliament and Charles I in late 1642, the beginning of the English Civil War. Before he joined Parliament's forces, Cromwell's only military experience was in the trained bands, the local county militia. He recruited a cavalry troop in Cambridgeshire after blocking a valuable shipment of silver plate from Cambridge colleges that was meant for the King. Cromwell and his troop then rode to, but arrived too late to take part in, the indecisive Battle of Edgehill on 23 October 1642. The troop was recruited to be a full regiment in the winter of 1642–1643, making up part of the Eastern Association under Edward Montagu, 2nd Earl of Manchester. Cromwell gained experience in successful actions in East Anglia in 1643, notably at the Battle of Gainsborough on 28 July.[29] He was subsequently appointed the governor of the Isle of Ely[30] and a colonel in the Eastern Association.[24]

Marston Moor, 1644

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By the time of the Battle of Marston Moor in July 1644, Cromwell had risen to the rank of lieutenant general of horse in Manchester's army. His cavalry's success in breaking the ranks of the Royalist cavalry and then attacking their infantry from the rear at Marston Moor was a major factor in the Parliamentarian victory. Cromwell fought at the head of his troops in the battle and was slightly wounded in the neck, stepping away briefly to receive treatment but returning to help secure the victory.[31] After Cromwell's nephew was killed at Marston Moor, he wrote a letter to his brother-in-law, Valentine Walton. Marston Moor secured the north of England for the Parliamentarians but failed to end Royalist resistance.[32]

The indecisive outcome of the Second Battle of Newbury in October meant that by the end of 1644 the war still showed no sign of ending. Cromwell's experience at Newbury, where Manchester had let the King's army slip out of an encircling manoeuvre, led to a serious dispute with Manchester, whom he believed to be less than enthusiastic in his conduct of the war. Manchester later accused Cromwell of recruiting men of "low birth" as officers in the army, to which he replied: "If you choose godly honest men to be captains of horse, honest men will follow them ... I would rather have a plain russet-coated captain who knows what he fights for and loves what he knows than that which you call a gentleman and is nothing else".[33] At this time, Cromwell also fell into dispute with Major-General Lawrence Crawford, a Scottish Covenanter attached to Manchester's army, who objected to Cromwell's encouragement of unorthodox Independents and Anabaptists.[34] He was also charged with familism by the Scottish Presbyterian Samuel Rutherford in response to his letter to the House of Commons in 1645.[35]

Battle of Naseby, 1645

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Cromwell in the Battle of Naseby in 1645 as depicted in a portrait by Charles Landseer

At the critical Battle of Naseby in June 1645, the New Model Army smashed the King's major army. Cromwell led his wing with great success at Naseby, again routing the Royalist cavalry. At the Battle of Langport on 10 July, Cromwell participated in the defeat of the last sizeable Royalist field army. Naseby and Langport effectively ended the King's hopes of victory, and the subsequent Parliamentarian campaigns involved taking the remaining fortified Royalist positions in the west of England. In October 1645, Cromwell besieged and took the wealthy and formidable Catholic fortress Basing House, later to be accused of killing 100 of its 300-man Royalist garrison after its surrender.[36] He also took part in successful sieges at Bridgwater, Sherborne, Bristol, Devizes and Winchester, then spent the first half of 1646 mopping up resistance in Devon and Cornwall. Charles I surrendered to the Scots on 5 May 1646, effectively ending the First English Civil War. Cromwell and Fairfax took the Royalists' formal surrender at Oxford in June.[24]

Politics: 1647–1649

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In February 1647 Cromwell suffered from an illness that kept him out of political life for over a month. By the time he recovered, the Parliamentarians were split over the issue of the King. A majority in both Houses pushed for a settlement that would pay off the Scottish army, disband much of the New Model Army, and restore Charles I in return for a Presbyterian settlement of the church. Cromwell rejected the Scottish model of Presbyterianism, which threatened to replace one authoritarian hierarchy with another. The New Model Army, radicalised by Parliament's failure to pay the wages it was owed, petitioned against these changes, but the Commons declared the petition unlawful. In May 1647 Cromwell was sent to the army's headquarters in Saffron Walden to negotiate with them, but failed to agree.[37]

In June 1647, a troop of cavalry under Cornet George Joyce seized the King from Parliament's imprisonment. With the King now present, Cromwell was eager to find out what conditions the King would acquiesce to if his authority was restored. The King appeared to be willing to compromise, so Cromwell employed his son-in-law, Henry Ireton, to draw up proposals for a constitutional settlement. Proposals were drafted multiple times with different changes until finally the "Heads of Proposals" pleased Cromwell in principle and allowed for further negotiations.[38] It was designed to check the powers of the executive, to set up regularly elected parliaments, and to restore a non-compulsory episcopalian settlement.[b]

Many in the army, such as the Levellers led by John Lilburne, thought this was not enough and demanded full political equality for all men, leading to tense debates in Putney during the autumn of 1647 between Fairfax, Cromwell and Ireton on the one hand, and Levellers like Colonel Rainsborough on the other. The Putney Debates broke up without reaching a resolution.[41][42]

Second Civil War & King's execution

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The trial of Charles I on 4 January 1649.

The failure to conclude a political agreement with the King led eventually to the outbreak of the Second English Civil War in 1648, when the King tried to regain power by force of arms. Cromwell first put down a Royalist uprising in south Wales led by Rowland Laugharne, winning back Chepstow Castle on 25 May and six days later forcing the surrender of Tenby. The castle at Carmarthen was destroyed by burning; the much stronger castle at Pembroke fell only after an eight-week siege. Cromwell dealt leniently with ex-Royalist soldiers, but less so with those who had formerly been members of the parliamentary army, John Poyer eventually being executed in London after the drawing of lots.[43]

Cromwell then marched north to deal with a pro-Royalist Scottish army (the Engagers) who had invaded England. At Preston, in sole command for the first time and with an army of 9,000, he won a decisive victory against an army twice as large.[44][45]

During 1648, Cromwell's letters and speeches started to become heavily based on biblical imagery, many of them meditations on the meaning of particular passages. For example, after the battle of Preston, study of Psalms 17 and 105 led him to tell Parliament that "they that are implacable and will not leave troubling the land may be speedily destroyed out of the land". A letter to Oliver St John in September 1648 urged him to read Isaiah 8, in which the kingdom falls and only the godly survive. On four occasions in letters in 1648 he referred to the story of Gideon's defeat of the Midianites at Ain Harod.[46] These letters suggest that it was Cromwell's faith, rather than a commitment to radical politics, coupled with Parliament's decision to engage in negotiations with the King at the Treaty of Newport, that convinced him that God had spoken against both the King and Parliament as lawful authorities. For Cromwell, the army was now God's chosen instrument.[47] The episode shows Cromwell's firm belief in Providentialism—that God was actively directing the affairs of the world, through the actions of "chosen people" (whom God had "provided" for such purposes). During the Civil Wars, Cromwell believed that he was one of these people, and he interpreted victories as indications of God's approval and defeats as signs that God was pointing him in another direction.[48]

In December 1648, in an episode that became known as Pride's Purge, a troop of soldiers headed by Colonel Thomas Pride forcibly removed from the Long Parliament all those who were not supporters of the Grandees in the New Model Army and the Independents.[49] Thus weakened, the remaining body of MPs, known as the Rump Parliament, agreed that Charles should be tried for treason. Cromwell was still in the north of England, dealing with Royalist resistance, when these events took place, but then returned to London. On the day after Pride's Purge, he became a determined supporter of those pushing for the King's trial and execution, believing that killing Charles was the only way to end the civil wars.[24] Cromwell approved Thomas Brook's address to the House of Commons, which justified the trial and the King's execution on the basis of the Book of Numbers, chapter 35 and particularly verse 33 ("The land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it.").[50]

Charles's death warrant was signed by 59 of the trying court's members, including Cromwell (the third to sign it).[51] Though it was not unprecedented, execution of the King, or regicide, was controversial, if for no other reason than the doctrine of the divine right of kings.[52] Thus, even after a trial, it was difficult to get ordinary men to go along with it: "None of the officers charged with supervising the execution wanted to sign the order for the actual beheading, so they brought their dispute to Cromwell...Oliver seized a pen and scribbled out the order, and handed the pen to the second officer, Colonel Hacker who stooped to sign it. The execution could now proceed."[53] Although Fairfax conspicuously refused to sign,[54] Charles I was executed on 30 January 1649.[24]

Establishment of the Commonwealth: 1649

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Arms of the Commonwealth

After the King's execution, a republic was declared, known as the Commonwealth of England. The "Rump Parliament" exercised both executive and legislative powers, with a smaller Council of State also having some executive functions. Cromwell remained a member of the Rump and was appointed a member of the council. In the early months after Charles's execution, Cromwell tried but failed to unite the original "Royal Independents" led by St John and Saye and Sele, which had fractured during 1648. Cromwell had been connected to this group since before the outbreak of civil war in 1642 and had been closely associated with them during the 1640s. Only St John was persuaded to retain his seat in Parliament. The Royalists, meanwhile, had regrouped in Ireland, having signed a treaty with the Irish known as Confederate Catholics. In March, the Rump chose Cromwell to command a campaign against them. Preparations for an invasion of Ireland occupied him in the subsequent months. In the latter part of the 1640s, Cromwell came across political dissidence in the New Model Army. The Leveller or Agitator movement was a political movement that emphasised popular sovereignty, extended suffrage, equality before the law, and religious tolerance. These sentiments were expressed in the 1647 manifesto: Agreement of the People. Cromwell and the rest of the "Grandees" disagreed with these sentiments in that they gave too much freedom to the people; they believed that the vote should extend only to the landowners. In the Putney Debates of 1647, the two groups debated these topics in hopes of forming a new constitution for England. Rebellions and mutinies followed the debates, and in 1649, the Bishopsgate mutiny resulted in the Leveller Robert Lockyer's execution by firing squad. The next month, the Banbury mutiny occurred with similar results. Cromwell led the charge in quelling these rebellions. After quelling Leveller mutinies within the English army at Andover and Burford in May, he departed for Ireland from Bristol at the end of July.[55]

Irish campaign: 1649–1650

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Portrait of Oliver Cromwell by Robert Walker, c. 1649, on display at the National Portrait Gallery

Cromwell led a Parliamentary invasion of Ireland from 1649 to 1650. Parliament's key opposition was the military threat posed by the alliance of the Irish Confederate Catholics and English royalists (signed in 1649). The Confederate-Royalist alliance was judged to be the biggest single threat facing the Commonwealth. However, the political situation in Ireland in 1649 was extremely fractured: there were also separate forces of Irish Catholics who were opposed to the Royalist alliance, and Protestant Royalist forces that were gradually moving towards Parliament. Cromwell said in a speech to the army Council on 23 March that "I had rather be overthrown by a Cavalierish interest than a Scotch interest; I had rather be overthrown by a Scotch interest than an Irish interest and I think of all this is the most dangerous".[56]

Cromwell's hostility to the Irish was religious as well as political. He was passionately opposed to the Catholic Church, which he saw as denying the primacy of the Bible in favour of papal and clerical authority, and which he blamed for suspected tyranny and persecution of Protestants in continental Europe.[57] Cromwell's association of Catholicism with persecution was deepened with the Irish Rebellion of 1641. This rebellion, although intended to be bloodless, was marked by massacres of English and Scottish Protestant settlers by Irish ("Gaels") and Old English in Ireland, and Highland Scot Catholics in Ireland. These settlers had settled on land seized from former, native Catholic owners to make way for the non-native Protestants. These factors contributed to the brutality of the Cromwell military campaign in Ireland.[58]

Parliament had planned to re-conquer Ireland since 1641 and had already sent an invasion force there in 1647. Cromwell's invasion of 1649 was much larger and, with the civil war in England over, could be regularly reinforced and supplied. His nine-month military campaign was brief and effective, though it did not end the war in Ireland. Before his invasion, Parliamentarian forces held outposts only in Dublin and Derry. When he departed Ireland, they occupied most of the eastern and northern parts of the country. After he landed at Dublin on 15 August 1649 (itself only recently defended from an Irish and English Royalist attack at the Battle of Rathmines), Cromwell took the fortified port towns of Drogheda and Wexford to secure the supply lines from England. At the Siege of Drogheda in September 1649, his troops killed nearly 3,500 people after the town's capture—around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and all the men in the town carrying arms, including some civilians, prisoners and Roman Catholic priests.[59] Cromwell wrote afterwards:

I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future, which are satisfactory grounds for such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.[60]

At the Siege of Wexford in October, another massacre took place under confused circumstances. While Cromwell was apparently trying to negotiate surrender terms, some of his soldiers broke into the town, killed 2,000 Irish troops and up to 1,500 civilians and burned much of the town.[61][62]

After taking Drogheda, Cromwell sent a column north to Ulster to secure the north of the country and went on to conduct the Siege of Waterford, Kilkenny and Clonmel in Ireland's south-east. The Siege of Kilkenny was protracted but was eventually forced to surrender on terms, as did many other towns like New Ross and Carlow, but Cromwell failed to take Waterford, and at the siege of Clonmel in May 1650 he lost up to 2,000 men in abortive assaults before the town surrendered.[63]

One of Cromwell's major victories in Ireland was diplomatic rather than military. With the help of Roger Boyle, 1st Earl of Orrery, he persuaded the Protestant Royalist troops in Cork to change sides and fight with the Parliament.[64][65] At this point, word reached Cromwell that Charles II (son of Charles I) had landed in Scotland from exile in France and been proclaimed King by the Covenanter regime. Cromwell returned to England from Youghal on 26 May 1650 to counter this threat.[66]

The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland dragged on for almost three years after Cromwell's departure. The campaigns under Cromwell's successors Henry Ireton and Edmund Ludlow consisted mostly of long sieges of fortified cities and guerrilla warfare in the countryside, with English troops suffering from attacks by Irish toráidhe (guerilla fighters). The last Catholic-held town, Galway, surrendered in April 1652 and the last Irish Catholic troops capitulated in April 1653 in County Cavan.[63]

In the wake of the Commonwealth's conquest of the island of Ireland, public practice of Roman Catholicism was banned and Catholic priests were killed when captured.[67] All Catholic-owned lands were confiscated under the Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652 and given to Scottish and English settlers, Parliament's financial creditors and Parliamentary soldiers.[68] Remaining Catholic landowners were allocated poorer land in the province of Connacht.[69]

Scottish campaign: 1650–1651

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Scots proclaim Charles II as king

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Moray House on the Royal Mile, Cromwell's residence in Edinburgh when he implored the Assembly of the Kirk to stop supporting Charles II

Cromwell left Ireland in May 1650 and several months later invaded Scotland after the Scots had proclaimed Charles I's son Charles II as King. Cromwell was much less hostile to Scottish Presbyterians, some of whom had been his allies in the First English Civil War, than he was to Irish Catholics. He described the Scots as a people "fearing His [God's] name, though deceived".[70] He made a famous appeal to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, urging them to see the error of the royal alliance—"I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken."[71] The Scots' reply was robust: "would you have us to be sceptics in our religion?" This decision to negotiate with Charles II led Cromwell to believe that war was necessary.[72]

Battle of Dunbar

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His appeal rejected, Cromwell's veteran troops went on to invade Scotland. At first, the campaign went badly, as Cromwell's men were short of supplies and held up at fortifications manned by Scottish troops under David Leslie. Sickness began to spread in the ranks. Cromwell was on the brink of evacuating his army by sea from Dunbar. However, on 3 September 1650, unexpectedly, Cromwell smashed the main Scottish army at the Battle of Dunbar, killing 4,000 Scottish soldiers, taking another 10,000 prisoner, and then capturing the Scottish capital of Edinburgh.[73] The victory was of such a magnitude that Cromwell called it "A high act of the Lord's Providence to us [and] one of the most signal mercies God hath done for England and His people".[73]

Battle of Worcester

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Citadel Archway built by Cromwell soldiers in 1656 in Leith, Edinburgh

The following year, Charles II and his Scottish allies made an attempt to invade England and capture London while Cromwell was engaged in Scotland. Cromwell followed them south and caught them at Worcester on 3 September 1651, and his forces destroyed the last major Scottish Royalist army at the Battle of Worcester. Charles II barely escaped capture and fled to exile in France and the Netherlands, where he remained until 1660.[74]

To fight the battle, Cromwell organised an envelopment followed by a multi-pronged coordinated attack on Worcester, his forces attacking from three directions with two rivers partitioning them. He switched his reserves from one side of the river Severn to the other and then back again. Cromwell's success at Worcester relied on a degree of manoeuvre that the English parliamentary armies had not been skilled enough to execute at the start of the war, such as at the Battle of Turnham Green.[75]

In the final stages of the Scottish campaign, Cromwell's men under George Monck sacked Dundee, killing up to 1,000 men and 140 women and children.[76] Scotland was ruled from England during the Commonwealth and was kept under military occupation, with a line of fortifications sealing off the Highlands which had provided manpower for Royalist armies in Scotland. The northwest Highlands was the scene of another pro-Royalist uprising in 1653–1655, which was put down with deployment of 6,000 English troops there.[77] Presbyterianism was allowed to be practised as before, but the Kirk (the Scottish Church) did not have the backing of the civil courts to impose its rulings, as it had previously.[78]

Return to England and dissolution of the Rump Parliament: 1651–1653

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Cromwell was away on campaign from the middle of 1649 until 1651, and the various factions in Parliament began to fight amongst themselves with the King gone as their "common cause". Cromwell tried to galvanise the Rump into setting dates for new elections, uniting the three kingdoms under one polity, and to put in place a broad-brush, tolerant national church. The Rump vacillated in setting election dates, although it established a basic liberty of conscience, but it failed to produce an alternative for tithes or to dismantle other aspects of the existing religious settlement. According to the parliamentarian lawyer Bulstrode Whitelocke, Cromwell began to contemplate taking the Crown for himself around this time, though the evidence for this is retrospective and dubious.[79]

Cromwell demanded that the Rump establish a caretaker government in April 1653 of 40 members drawn from the Rump and the army, and then abdicate but the Rump returned to debating its own bill for a new government.[80] Cromwell was so angered by this that he cleared the chamber and dissolved the Parliament by force on 20 April 1653, supported by about 40 musketeers. Several accounts exist of this incident; in one, Cromwell is supposed to have said "you are no Parliament, I say you are no Parliament; I will put an end to your sitting".[81] At least two accounts agree that he snatched up the ceremonial mace, symbol of Parliament's power, and demanded that the "bauble" be taken away.[82] His troops were commanded by Charles Worsley, later one of his Major Generals and one of his most trusted advisors, to whom he entrusted the mace.[83]

Establishment of Barebone's Parliament: 1653

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After the dissolution of the Rump, power passed temporarily to a council that debated what form the constitution should take. They took up the suggestion of Major-General Thomas Harrison for a "sanhedrin" of saints. Although Cromwell did not subscribe to Harrison's apocalyptic, Fifth Monarchist beliefs—which saw a sanhedrin as the starting point for Christ's rule on earth—he was attracted by the idea of an assembly made up of men chosen for their religious credentials. In his speech during the assembly on 4 July, Cromwell thanked God's providence that he believed had brought England to this point and set out their divine mission: "truly God hath called you to this work by, I think, as wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons of men in so short a time."[84] The Nominated Assembly, sometimes known as the Parliament of Saints, or more commonly and denigratingly called Barebone's Parliament after one of its members, Praise-God Barebone, was tasked with finding a permanent constitutional and religious settlement (Cromwell was invited to be a member but declined). However, the revelation that a considerably larger segment of the membership than had been believed were the radical Fifth Monarchists led to its members voting to dissolve it on 12 December 1653, out of fear of what the radicals might do if they took control of the Assembly.[85]

The Protectorate: 1653–1658

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Coat of arms of the Protectorate
Banner of Oliver Cromwell

After Barebone's Parliament was dissolved, John Lambert put forward a new constitution known as the Instrument of Government, closely modelled on the Heads of Proposals. This made Cromwell undertake the "chief magistracy and the administration of government". Later he was sworn as Lord Protector on 16 December, with a ceremony in which he wore plain black clothing, rather than any monarchical regalia.[86] Cromwell also changed his signature to 'Oliver P', with the P being an abbreviation for Protector, and soon others started to address Cromwell as "Your Highness".[87] As Protector, he had to secure a majority vote in the Council of State. As the Lord Protector he was paid £100,000 a year (equivalent to £20,500,000 in 2023).[88]

Although Cromwell stated that "Government by one man and a parliament is fundamental," he believed that social issues should be prioritised.[89] The social priorities did not include any meaningful attempt to reform the social order.[90] Small-scale reform such as that carried out on the judicial system were outweighed by attempts to restore order to English politics. Tax slightly decreased, and he prioritised peace and ending the First Anglo-Dutch War.[91]

England's overseas possessions in this period included Newfoundland, the New England Confederation, the Providence Plantation, the Virginia Colony, the Province of Maryland and islands in the West Indies. Cromwell soon secured the submission of these and largely left them to their own affairs, intervening only to curb other Puritans who had seized control of Maryland Colony at Severn battle, by his confirming the former Roman Catholic proprietorship and edict of tolerance there. Of all the English dominions, Virginia was the most resentful of Cromwell's rule, and Cavalier emigration there mushroomed during the Protectorate.[92]

Cromwell famously stressed the quest to restore order in his speech to the first Protectorate parliament.[93] However, the Parliament was quickly dominated by those pushing for more radical, properly republican reforms. Later, the Parliament initiated radical reform. Rather than opposing Parliament's bill, Cromwell dissolved them on 22 January 1655. The First Protectorate Parliament had a property franchise of £200 per annum in real or personal property value set as the minimum value which a male adult was to possess before he was eligible to vote for the representatives from the counties or shires in the House of Commons. The House of Commons representatives from the boroughs were elected by the burgesses or those borough residents who had the right to vote in municipal elections, and by the aldermen and councilors of the boroughs.[94]

Cromwell's signature before becoming Lord Protector in 1653, and afterwards. 'Oliver P', standing for Oliver Protector, similar in style to English monarchs who signed their names as, for example, 'Elizabeth R' standing for Elizabeth Regina.
Broad of Oliver Cromwell, dated 1656; on the obverse the Latin inscription OLIVAR D G RP ANG SCO ET HIB &c PRO, translated as "Oliver, by the Grace of God of the Republic of England, Scotland and Ireland etc. Protector".

Cromwell's second objective was reforms on the field of morality and religion.[95] As a Protectorate, he established trials for the future parish ministers, and dismissed unqualified ministers and rectors. These triers and the ejectors were intended to be at the vanguard of Cromwell's reform of parish worship. This second objective is also the context in which to see the constitutional experiment of the Major Generals that followed the dissolution of the first Protectorate Parliament. After a Royalist uprising in March 1655, led by John Penruddock, Cromwell (influenced by Lambert) divided England into military districts ruled by army major generals who answered only to him. The 15 major generals and deputy major generals—called "godly governors"—were central not only to national security, but also viewed as Cromwell's serious effort in exerting his religious conviction. Their position was further harmed by a tax proposal by Major General John Desborough to provide financial backing for their work, which the second Protectorate parliament—instated in September 1656—voted down for fear of a permanent military state. Ultimately, however, Cromwell's failure to support his men, sacrificing them to his opponents, caused their demise. Their activities between November 1655 and September 1656 had, however, reopened the wounds of the 1640s and deepened antipathies to the regime.[96] In late 1654, Cromwell launched the Western Design armada against the Spanish West Indies, and in May 1655 captured Jamaica.[97]

As Lord Protector, Cromwell was aware of the Jewish community's involvement in the economics of the Netherlands, now England's leading commercial rival. It was this—allied to Cromwell's tolerance of the right to private worship of those who fell outside Puritanism—that led to his encouraging Jews to return to England in 1657, over 360 years after their banishment by Edward I, in the hope that they would help speed up the recovery of the country after the disruption of the Civil Wars.[98] There was a longer-term motive for Cromwell's decision to allow the Jews to return to England, and that was the hope that they would convert to Christianity and therefore hasten the Second Coming of Jesus Christ, ultimately based on Matthew 23:37–39 and Romans 11. At the Whitehall conference of December 1655, he quoted from St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans 10:12–15 on the need to send Christian preachers to the Jews. The Presbyterian William Prynne, in contrast to the Congregationalist Cromwell, was strongly opposed to the latter's pro-Jewish policy.[99][100][101]

On 23 March 1657 the Protectorate signed the Treaty of Paris with Louis XIV against Spain. Cromwell pledged to supply France with 6,000 troops and war ships. In accordance with the terms of the treaty, Mardyck and Dunkirk—a base for privateers and commerce raiders attacking English merchant shipping—were ceded to England.[102]

In 1657 Cromwell was offered the crown by Parliament as part of a revised constitutional settlement, presenting him with a dilemma since he had been "instrumental" in abolishing the monarchy. Cromwell agonised for six weeks over the offer. He was attracted by the prospect of stability it held out, but in a speech on 13 April 1657 he made clear that God's providence had spoken against the office of King: "I would not seek to set up that which Providence hath destroyed and laid in the dust, and I would not build Jericho again".[103] The reference to Jericho harks back to a previous occasion on which Cromwell had wrestled with his conscience when the news reached England of the defeat of an expedition against the Spanish-held island of Hispaniola in the West Indies in 1655—comparing himself to Achan, who had brought the Israelites defeat after bringing plunder back to camp after the capture of Jericho.[104] Instead, Cromwell was re-installed as Lord Protector on 26 June at Westminster Hall, and sitting on King Edward's Chair, he imitated a royal coronation as he wore many royal regalia, such as a purple robe, a sword of justice and a sceptre.[105] Cromwell's new rights and powers were laid out in the Humble Petition and Advice, a legislative instrument which replaced the Instrument of Government. Despite failing to restore the Crown, this new constitution did set up many of the vestiges of the ancient constitution including a house of life peers. In the Humble Petition it was called the Other House as the Commons could not agree on a suitable name. Furthermore, Oliver Cromwell increasingly took on more of the trappings of monarchy. In particular, he created three peerages after a Petition and advised Charles Howard to be appointed as Viscount Morpeth and Baron Gisland in July. Meanwhile, Edmund Dunch being appointed as Baron Burnell of East Wittenham in April next year.[106]

Death and posthumous execution

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Oliver Cromwell's death mask at Warwick Castle
The posthumous execution of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton, depicted in a contemporary print

Cromwell is thought to have suffered from malaria and kidney stone disease.[citation needed] In 1658, he was struck by a sudden bout of malarial fever, and it is thought that he may have rejected the only known treatment, quinine, because it had been discovered by Catholic Jesuit missionaries.[107] This was followed directly by illness symptomatic of a urinary or kidney complaint. The Venetian ambassador wrote regular dispatches to the Doge of Venice in which he included details of Cromwell's final illness, and he was suspicious of the rapidity of his death.[108] The decline may have been hastened by the death of his daughter Elizabeth Claypole in August. He died at age 59 at Whitehall on 3 September 1658, the anniversary of his great victories at Dunbar and Worcester.[109] The night of his death, a great storm swept England and all over Europe.[110] The most likely cause of death was sepsis (blood poisoning) following his urinary infection. He was buried with great ceremony, at what is now the RAF Chapel, with an elaborate funeral at Westminster Abbey based on that of James I,[111] his daughter Elizabeth also being buried there.[112]

Cromwell was succeeded as Lord Protector by his son Richard. As Richard had no power base in Parliament or the Army, he was forced to resign in May 1659, ending the Protectorate. There was no clear leadership from the various factions that jostled for power during the reinstated Commonwealth, so George Monck was able to march on London at the head of New Model Army regiments and restore the Long Parliament. Under Monck's watchful eye, the necessary constitutional adjustments were made so that Charles II could be invited back from exile in 1660 to be king under a restored monarchy.[113]

Burial place of Oliver Cromwell in Westminster Abbey from 1658 to 1661

Cromwell's body was exhumed from Westminster Abbey on 30 January 1661, the 12th anniversary of the execution of Charles I, and was subjected to a posthumous execution, as were the remains of John Bradshaw and Henry Ireton (the body of Cromwell's daughter was allowed to remain buried in the abbey). His body was hanged in chains at Tyburn, London, and then thrown into a pit. His head was cut off and displayed on the roof of Westminster Hall at the Palace of Westminster until at least 1684. Afterwards, it was owned by various people, including a documented sale in 1814 to Josiah Henry Wilkinson,[114][115] and it was publicly exhibited several times before being buried beneath the floor of the antechapel at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, in 1960.[112][116] The exact position was not publicly disclosed, but a plaque marks the approximate location.[117]

Many people began to question whether the body mutilated at Tyburn and the head seen on Westminster Hall were Cromwell's.[118] These doubts arose because it was assumed that Cromwell's body was reburied in several places between his death in September 1658 and the exhumation of January 1661, in order to protect it from vengeful royalists. The stories suggest that his bodily remains are buried in London, Cambridgeshire, Northamptonshire, or Yorkshire.[116]

The Cromwell vault was later used as a burial place for Charles II's illegitimate descendants.[119] In Westminster Abbey, the site of Cromwell's burial was marked during the 19th century by a floor stone in what is now the RAF Chapel reading: "The burial place of Oliver Cromwell 1658–1661".[120]

Character assessment

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A contemporaneous satirical view of Cromwell as a usurper of monarchical power

During his lifetime, some tracts painted Cromwell as a hypocrite motivated by power. For example, The Machiavilian Cromwell and The Juglers Discovered are parts of an attack on Cromwell by the Levellers after 1647, and both present him as a Machiavellian figure.[121] John Spittlehouse presented a more positive assessment in A Warning Piece Discharged, comparing him to Moses rescuing the English by taking them safely through the Red Sea of the civil wars.[122] Poet John Milton called Cromwell "our chief of men" in his Sonnet XVI. The 1640s also saw support for Cromwell in his fight against Charles I from Massachusetts Bay Colony's First Church whose members included the colony's founder, John Winthrop, and his son Stephen, a colonel in Cromwell's Army.[123][124][125][126]

Several biographies were published soon after Cromwell's death. An example is The Perfect Politician, which describes how Cromwell "loved men more than books" and provides a nuanced assessment of him as an energetic campaigner for liberty of conscience who is brought down by pride and ambition.[127] An equally nuanced but less positive assessment was published in 1667 by Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon in his History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England. Clarendon famously declares that Cromwell "will be looked upon by posterity as a brave bad man".[128] He argues that Cromwell's rise to power had been helped by his great spirit and energy, but also by his ruthlessness. Clarendon was not one of Cromwell's confidantes, and his account was written after the Restoration of the monarchy.[128]

During the early 18th century, Cromwell's image began to be adopted and reshaped by the Whigs as part of a wider project to give their political objectives historical legitimacy. John Toland rewrote Edmund Ludlow's Memoirs in order to remove the Puritan elements and replace them with a Whiggish brand of republicanism, and it presents the Cromwellian Protectorate as a military tyranny. Through Ludlow, Toland portrayed Cromwell as a despot who crushed the beginnings of democratic rule in the 1640s.[129]

I hope to render the English name as great and formidable as ever the Roman was.[130]

— Cromwell

During the early 19th century, Cromwell began to be portrayed in a positive light by Romantic artists and poets. Thomas Carlyle continued this reassessment in the 1840s, publishing Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches: With Elucidations, an annotated collection of his letters and speeches in which he described English Puritanism as "the last of all our Heroisms" while taking a negative view of his own era.[131] By the late 19th century, Carlyle's portrayal of Cromwell had become assimilated into Whig and Liberal historiography, stressing the centrality of puritan morality and earnestness. The civil-war historian Samuel Rawson Gardiner concluded that "the man—it is ever so with the noblest—was greater than his work".[132] Gardiner stressed Cromwell's dynamic and mercurial character, and his role in dismantling absolute monarchy, rather than his religious conviction.[133] Cromwell's foreign policy also provided an attractive forerunner of Victorian imperial expansion, with Gardiner stressing his "constancy of effort to make England great by land and sea".[134] Calvin Coolidge described Cromwell as a brilliant statesman who "dared to oppose the tyranny of the kings".[135]

During the first half of the 20th century, Cromwell's reputation was often influenced by the rise of fascism in Nazi Germany and in Italy. The historian Wilbur Cortez Abbott, for example, devoted much of his career to compiling and editing a multi-volume collection of Cromwell's letters and speeches, published between 1937 and 1947. Abbott argues that Cromwell was a proto-fascist. However, subsequent historians such as John Morrill have criticised both Abbott's interpretation of Cromwell and his editorial approach.[136]

Late-20th-century historians re-examined the nature of Cromwell's faith and of his authoritarian regime. Austin Woolrych explored the issue of "dictatorship" in depth, arguing that Cromwell was subject to two conflicting forces: his obligation to the army and his desire to achieve a lasting settlement by winning back the confidence of the nation as a whole. He argued that the dictatorial elements of Cromwell's rule stemmed less from its military origin or the participation of army officers in civil government than from his constant commitment to the interest of the people of God and his conviction that suppressing vice and encouraging virtue constituted the chief end of government.[137] Historians such as John Morrill, Blair Worden and J. C. Davis have developed this theme, revealing the extent to which Cromwell's writing and speeches are suffused with biblical references, and arguing that his radical actions were driven by his zeal for godly reformation.[138][139][140]

Irish campaign controversy

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The extent of Cromwell's brutality[141][142] in Ireland has been strongly debated. Some historians argue that Cromwell never accepted responsibility for the killing of civilians in Ireland, claiming that he had acted harshly but only against those "in arms".[143] Other historians cite Cromwell's contemporary reports to London, including that of 27 September 1649, in which he lists the slaying of 3,000 military personnel, followed by the phrase "and many inhabitants".[144] In September 1649, he justified his sacking of Drogheda as revenge for the massacres of Protestant settlers in Ulster in 1641, calling the massacre "the righteous judgement of God on these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands with so much innocent blood".[145] But the rebels had not held Drogheda in 1641; many of its garrison were in fact English royalists. On the other hand, the worst atrocities committed in Ireland, such as mass evictions, killings and deportation of over 50,000 men, women and children as prisoners of war and indentured servants to Bermuda and Barbados, were carried out under the command of other generals after Cromwell had left for England.[146] Some point to his actions on entering Ireland. Cromwell demanded that no supplies be seized from civilian inhabitants and that everything be fairly purchased; "I do hereby warn ... all Officers, Soldiers and others under my command not to do any wrong or violence toward Country People or any persons whatsoever, unless they be actually in arms or office with the enemy ... as they shall answer to the contrary at their utmost peril."[147]

The massacres at Drogheda and Wexford were in some ways typical of the day, especially in the context of the recently ended Thirty Years' War,[148][149] although there are few comparable incidents during the Civil Wars in England or Scotland, which were fought mainly between Protestant adversaries, albeit of differing denominations. One possible comparison is Cromwell's Siege of Basing House in 1645—the seat of the prominent Catholic the Marquess of Winchester—which resulted in about 100 of the garrison of 400 being killed after being refused quarter. Contemporaries also reported civilian casualties, six Catholic priests and a woman.[150] The scale of the deaths at Basing House was much smaller.[151] Cromwell himself said of the slaughter at Drogheda in his first letter back to the Council of State: "I believe we put to the sword the whole number of the defendants. I do not think thirty of the whole number escaped with their lives."[152] Cromwell's orders—"in the heat of the action, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town"—followed a request for surrender at the start of the siege, which was refused. The military protocol of the day was that a town or garrison that rejected the chance to surrender was not entitled to quarter.[153][154] The refusal of the garrison at Drogheda to do this, even after the walls had been breached, was to Cromwell justification for the massacre.[155] Where Cromwell negotiated the surrender of fortified towns, as at Carlow, New Ross, and Clonmel, some historians[who?] argue that he respected the terms of surrender and protected the townspeople's lives and property.[156] At Wexford, he again began negotiations for surrender. The captain of Wexford Castle surrendered during the negotiations and, in the confusion, some of Cromwell's troops began indiscriminate killing and looting.[157][158][159][160]

Although Cromwell's time spent on campaign in Ireland was limited and he did not take on executive powers until 1653, he is often the central focus of wider debates about whether, as historians such as Mark Levene and John Morrill suggest, the Commonwealth conducted a deliberate programme of ethnic cleansing in Ireland.[161] Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, Cromwell's son-in-law and key adviser, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation. Total excess deaths for the entire period of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms in Ireland was estimated by William Petty, the 17th-century economist, to be 600,000 out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000 in 1641.[162][163][164]

The sieges of Drogheda and Wexford have been prominently mentioned in histories and literature up to the present day. James Joyce, for example, mentioned Drogheda in his novel Ulysses: "What about sanctimonious Cromwell and his ironsides that put the women and children of Drogheda to the sword with the Bible text 'God is love' pasted round the mouth of his cannon?" Similarly, Winston Churchill (writing in 1957) described Cromwell's impact on Anglo-Irish relations:

[U]pon all of these Cromwell's record was a lasting bane. By an uncompleted process of terror, by an iniquitous land settlement, by the virtual proscription of the Catholic religion, by the bloody deeds already described, he cut new gulfs between the nations and the creeds. 'Hell or Connaught' were the terms he thrust upon the native inhabitants, and they for their part, across three hundred years, have used as their keenest expression of hatred 'The Curse of Cromwell on you.' ... Upon all of us there still lies 'the curse of Cromwell'.[165]

A key surviving statement of Cromwell's views on the conquest of Ireland is his Declaration of the lord lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving of deluded and seduced people of January 1650.[166] In this he was scathing about Catholicism, saying, "I shall not, where I have the power... suffer the exercise of the Mass."[167] But he also wrote: "as for the people, what thoughts they have in the matter of religion in their own breasts I cannot reach; but I shall think it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to suffer for the same."[167] Private soldiers who surrendered their arms "and shall live peaceably and honestly at their several homes, they shall be permitted so to do".[168]

In 1965 the Irish minister for lands stated that his policies were necessary to "undo the work of Cromwell"; circa 1997, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern demanded that a portrait of Cromwell be removed from a room in the Foreign Office before he began a meeting with Tony Blair.[169]

Military assessment

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Cromwell has been credited for the formation of the New Model Army. As a member of Parliament, he contributed significantly to the reforms contained in the Self-Denying Ordinance, passed by Parliament in early 1645. The ordinance was enacted partly in response to the failure to capitalise on victory at Marston Moor. It decreed that the army be "remodeled" on a national basis, replacing the old county associations. It also forced members of the House of Commons and the Lords, such as Manchester, to choose between civil office and military command. All of them except Cromwell chose to renounce their military positions. In contrast, Cromwell's commission was given continued extensions and he was allowed to remain in Parliament.[24]

In April 1645 the New Model Army finally took to the field, with Thomas Fairfax in command and Cromwell as Lieutenant-General of cavalry and second-in-command.[24] Some authorities maintain that the army's organisation and the thorough training of its men were accomplished by Fairfax, not Cromwell.[170] In contrast to Fairfax, Cromwell had no formal training in military tactics. However, he is generally accepted to have been a capable military leader, particularly as a battlefield commander.[171][172] In recruiting, he sought loyal and well-behaved men regardless of their religion or social status. He required good treatment and reliable pay for his soldiers, but also enforced strict discipline.[171]

As a battlefield commander, Cromwell followed the common practice of ranging his cavalry in three ranks and pressing forward, relying on impact rather than firepower. His strengths were an instinctive ability to lead and train his men, and his moral authority. In a war fought mostly by amateurs, these strengths were significant and most likely contributed to the discipline of his cavalry.[173] Cromwell introduced close-order cavalry formations, with troopers riding knee to knee; this was an innovation in England at the time and a major factor in his success. He kept his troops close together after skirmishes where they had gained superiority, rather than allowing them to chase opponents off the battlefield. This facilitated further engagements in short order, which allowed greater intensity and quick reaction to battle developments. This style of command was decisive at both Marston Moor and Naseby.[174]

Alan Marshall was critical for Cromwell's approach to warfare i.e. the "War of annihilation" style which usually brought swift victory but also contained high risk.[175] Marshall notes Cromwell's shortcomings in Ireland, highlighting his defeat at Clonmel and condemning his act at Drogheda as "an appalling atrocity, even by seventeenth-century standards".[175] Marshall and other historians saw Cromwell as less proficient in the field of manoeuvre, attrition warfare and at siege warfare.[175] Marshall also argues that Cromwell was not truly revolutionary in his war strategies.[175] Instead, he observes Cromwell as a courageous and energetic commander, with an eye for discipline and logistics.[175] However, Marshall also suggests that Cromwell's military proficiency had improved significantly by 1644–1645—and that he operated efficiently during the operations of those years.[175] Marshall also points out that Cromwell's political career was shaped by his military career advance.[175]

Cromwell's conquest left no significant legacy of bitterness in Scotland. The rule of the Commonwealth and Protectorate was largely peaceful, apart from the Highlands. There were no wholesale confiscations of land or property. Three out of every four Justices of the Peace in Commonwealth Scotland were Scots and the country was governed jointly by the English military authorities and a Scottish Council of State.[176]

Monuments and posthumous honours

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1899 statue of Oliver Cromwell, Westminster by Hamo Thornycroft outside the Palace of Westminster in London

During the opening of the American Revolutionary War in 1776, the Connecticut State Navy commissioned a corvette named the Oliver Cromwell, one of the first American naval vessels. It was captured in battle in 1779 and renamed HMS Restoration before being commissioned as HMS Loyalist.[177][178][179]

The 19th-century engineer Richard Tangye was a noted Cromwell enthusiast and collector of Cromwell manuscripts and memorabilia.[180] His collection included many rare manuscripts and printed books, medals, paintings, objets d'art, and a bizarre assemblage of "relics". This includes Cromwell's Bible, button, coffin plate, death mask, and funeral escutcheon. On Tangye's death, the entire collection was donated to the Museum of London, where it can still be seen.[181]

In 1875 a statue of Cromwell by Matthew Noble was erected in Manchester outside the Manchester Cathedral, a gift to the city by Abel Heywood in memory of her first husband.[182][183] It was the first large-scale statue to be erected in the open in England, and was a realistic likeness based on the painting by Peter Lely; it showed Cromwell in battledress with drawn sword and leather body armour. It was unpopular with local Conservatives and the large Irish immigrant population. Queen Victoria was invited to open the new Manchester Town Hall, and she allegedly consented on the condition that the statue be removed. The statue remained, Victoria declined, and the town hall was opened by the Lord Mayor. During the 1980s, the statue was relocated outside Wythenshawe Hall, which had been occupied by Cromwell's troops.[184]

Bust of Oliver Cromwell (1762), by Joseph Wilton, at the Victoria & Albert Museum[185]

During the 1890s Parliamentary plans to erect a statue of Cromwell outside Parliament turned controversial. Pressure from the Irish Nationalist Party[186] forced the withdrawal of a motion to seek public funding for the project; the statue was eventually erected, but it had to be funded privately by Archibald Primrose.[187]

Cromwell controversy continued into the 20th century. Winston Churchill was First Lord of the Admiralty before the First World War, and he twice suggested naming a British battleship HMS Oliver Cromwell. The suggestion was vetoed by King George V because of his personal feelings and because he felt that it was unwise to give such a name to an expensive warship at a time of Irish political unrest, especially given the anger caused by the statue outside Parliament. Churchill was eventually told by First Sea Lord Admiral Battenberg that the King's decision must be treated as final.[188] The Cromwell tank was a British medium-weight tank first used in 1944,[189] and a steam locomotive built by British Railways in 1951 was named Oliver Cromwell.[190]

Other public statues of Cromwell are the Statue of Oliver Cromwell, St Ives in Cambridgeshire[191] and the Statue of Oliver Cromwell, Warrington in Cheshire.[192] An oval plaque at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, refers to the end of the travels of his head and reads:[117][193]

Near to
this place was buried
on 25 March 1960 the head of
OLIVER CROMWELL
Lord Protector of the Common-
wealth of England, Scotland &
Ireland, Fellow Commoner
of this College 1616–7

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Oliver Cromwell (25 April 1599 – 3 September 1658) was an English military commander and statesman who led the Parliamentarian army to decisive victories in the English Civil Wars, culminating in the execution of King Charles I and the establishment of the , a republican regime that he ruled as from 1653 until his death. Born into minor gentry in , Cromwell served as a before the wars but gained prominence through his organizational skills and leadership, forming the core of the that professionalized parliamentary forces. His achievements included the unification of , , and under a single government, the expansion of the English navy to challenge Dutch and Spanish maritime dominance, and efforts to promote religious liberty for Protestant dissenters and Jews, though enforcing strict moral codes aligned with his Independent Puritan beliefs. Cromwell's campaigns extended to and , where he suppressed royalist and confederate forces, but these involved severe measures, such as the storming of in 1649, where his troops killed nearly all defenders after they refused quarter, a practice justified by prior atrocities against Protestants and military convention of the era. Cromwell's rule, while initially welcomed for ending royal absolutism, devolved into personal dictatorship after he dissolved the and rejected the more democratic , ruling by military fiat amid ongoing plots and factional strife. His death led to the brief continuation under his son , followed by the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, after which his legacy polarized: hailed by republicans as a defender of against tyranny, yet condemned for , conquests, and authoritarian governance, with modern assessments varying due to selective emphasis in partisan histories.

Early Life and Family Background

Birth, Upbringing, and Education

Oliver Cromwell was born on 25 April 1599 in , , , to Robert Cromwell, a local landowner and member of the , and Elizabeth Steward, daughter of William Steward of Ely. He was baptized three days later, on 29 April, at All Saints' Church in . The family derived from East Anglian stock that had risen to minor status, with Robert serving as and in . As the only son to survive infancy among his parents' ten children—three sons and seven daughters—Cromwell grew up in a household dominated by sisters, in relative prosperity on family estates that included property in Huntingdon and nearby areas. His early years were shaped by the routines of provincial gentry life, including oversight of agricultural lands, though the family's wealth was modest compared to higher nobility. Cromwell received his initial education at Huntingdon Grammar School, a local institution focused on classical studies. In April 1616, at age 16, he matriculated at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, a college with Puritan leanings that emphasized moral discipline alongside academics. Contemporary accounts describe him as undisciplined in studies, more inclined toward horsemanship and physical pursuits than scholarly rigor. He departed Cambridge in June 1617 without a degree following his father's sudden death, returning to Huntingdon to assume responsibility for the family properties and support his mother and siblings.

Marriage, Children, and Early Career

On 22 August 1620, shortly after his 21st birthday, Oliver Cromwell married Elizabeth Bourchier (c. 1598–1665), the daughter of Sir James Bourchier, a prosperous London merchant specializing in furs and leather. The wedding took place at St Giles' Church, Cripplegate, in London, with Elizabeth bringing a dowry of £1,500, which provided some financial stability amid Cromwell's modest gentry background. The marriage, arranged through family connections, lasted until Cromwell's death in 1658 and produced numerous children, though marked by the early deaths of several offspring. Cromwell and Elizabeth had at least nine children who survived infancy, though records indicate up to eleven births with infant losses: sons Robert (b. 1621, d. 1632), Oliver (b. 1622, d. 1644 of fever during ), Henry (b. 1628, later major-general in Ireland), and Richard (b. 1626, who succeeded as Lord Protector); daughters Elizabeth (b. 1623), (b. 1624, who married military figures), Mary (b. 1637), and (b. 1638, married Lord Richard Devereux). Two additional children, James and another unnamed, died young. The family resided primarily in initially, with Elizabeth managing household affairs while Cromwell pursued local ventures; later children like Mary were born during periods of relative prosperity after relocations. Following the marriage, Cromwell returned to Huntingdon to manage the family estate inherited from his father , who died in 1617, generating a modest from land and insufficient for his growing family. Financial pressures mounted, leading to disputes over fen drainage projects and the sale of inherited property in by 1631 to cover debts. In the early 1630s, upon the death of his maternal uncle Thomas Steward, Cromwell acquired leases on church properties in the Ely area, including the rectory of St. Ives, transitioning to farming—collecting agricultural levies—and brewing ale, which supplemented his but involved contentious legal battles with local authorities over values. By the mid-1630s, the family relocated to Ely, where Cromwell served as a and engaged in local governance, advocating for Puritan reforms amid personal religious awakening. Cromwell's entry into national politics occurred with his election as for in 1628, during the Third Parliament of King Charles I, where he spoke on grievances like the billeting of troops but saw limited impact before its dissolution in 1629. Excluded from the in 1640 due to local rivalries, his pre-Civil War career reflected a pattern of economic struggle and local activism rather than prominence, with no military experience until age 40.

Religious and Political Formation

Personal Conversion and Puritan Beliefs

Cromwell's family background exposed him to Puritan influences from an early age, as his father Henry was a devout Protestant who supported godly preaching and opposed Catholic remnants in the . Despite this, Cromwell experienced a personal in his adulthood, characterized by periods of melancholy and uncertainty about divine favor, which culminated in a conversion to deeper Puritan conviction during the 1630s. This transformation occurred amid financial difficulties and the repressive religious policies of Archbishop , which alienated many by emphasizing ritual over scriptural preaching. In a letter dated 13 October 1638 to his cousin Elizabeth St. John, Cromwell vividly recounted the essence of his conversion, describing how he had previously "lived in and loved darkness" and despaired of mercy due to his sins, until "brake [his] heart" and granted assurance of salvation through Christ's atonement. He likened this revelation to "one beam in a dark place," signifying a profound inward change that aligned him with Calvinist doctrines of , wherein sovereignly elects individuals for salvation irrespective of human merit. This experience instilled in him a lasting of and covenantal obligation to pursue holiness, marking a shift from nominal conformity to the established church toward radical personal piety. Cromwell's matured Puritan beliefs centered on the authority of Scripture over ecclesiastical hierarchy, the necessity of experimental faith evidenced by moral transformation, and rejection of "popish" ceremonies such as altars and vestments that he viewed as idolatrous distractions from true worship. He gravitated toward Independency, favoring autonomous gathered churches composed of "visible saints"—believers demonstrating regenerate lives—governed by congregational discipline rather than episcopal or presbyterian oversight. Central to his theology was , the conviction that directly intervened in human affairs to fulfill divine purposes, a he applied first to his own life and later to national events. While committed to Puritan rigor, including observance and suppression of vice, Cromwell's faith eschewed extreme , emphasizing unity among the godly while tolerating conscientious diversity within Protestant bounds.

Initial Involvement in Parliament

Cromwell first entered as the member for in the assembly of 1628–1629, during the third Parliament convened by Charles I, but his participation was limited and unremarkable, with no recorded speeches or significant committee roles. After the dissolution of that Parliament in March 1629, no further parliaments met until Charles I, facing financial pressures from the , summoned the on November 3, 1639, which convened on April 13, 1640. Cromwell secured election as one of the two MPs for the borough of in this body, reflecting his growing local influence among Puritan sympathizers in . The session lasted only until May 5, 1640, when Charles dissolved it without obtaining the necessary subsidies, amid disputes over grievances including and religious policies; Cromwell's contributions during this brief period were minor, focused on articulating local discontent but not elevating him to prominence. Elected again for Cambridge to the Long Parliament, which assembled on November 3, 1640, and endured until 1653 (with interruptions), Cromwell aligned early with the reformist faction led by John Pym, emphasizing Puritan grievances against the established church. His initial activities centered on religious committees, where he advocated for purer worship and opposed the influence of Archbishop William Laud and the episcopal hierarchy. In December 1640, he supported the reception of the London Root and Branch Petition, signed by up to 15,000 citizens demanding the abolition of bishops "root and branch," viewing episcopacy as a corruption fostering popery and tyranny. Cromwell contributed to drafting the ensuing Root and Branch Bill, introduced in May 1641 by Henry Vane the Younger, and spoke in its favor, arguing that moderate reforms would fail to address the church's systemic flaws. Beyond ecclesiastical reform, Cromwell backed procedural changes to curb , proposing the second reading of the Annual Parliaments Bill in May 1641 to ensure frequent assemblies and limit dissolutions without consent, a measure tied to broader efforts to secure . He also assisted in legislation curbing bishops' temporal powers, reflecting his conviction—rooted in personal religious experience—that must prioritize godly over mere political maneuvering. Despite these interventions, Cromwell remained a secondary figure in 1640–1641 debates, overshadowed by more eloquent leaders, though his consistent advocacy for radical Puritanism laid groundwork for his later ascent amid escalating tensions with the king.

Outbreak and Conduct of the First English Civil War

Mobilization and Early Military Role

At the outbreak of the in August 1642, Oliver Cromwell, serving as for , received a commission as and raised a troop of approximately 60 horsemen from the vicinity of and Ely in eastern . These recruits, drawn largely from local Puritan sympathizers, were mustered to bolster Parliament's forces against advances, with Cromwell establishing a temporary headquarters at the Falcon Inn in . His efforts focused on securing the strategically vital eastern counties, including organizing defenses around to protect supply lines and prevent incursions from the north. Cromwell's troop participated in the on October 23, 1642, the first major pitched engagement of the war, where Parliament's forces under the clashed with King Charles I's Royalist army near the Warwickshire village, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides but no decisive victor. Arriving possibly late to the field, Cromwell commanded his horsemen effectively amid the chaos, but the encounter highlighted Parliamentarian cavalry's inferiority in discipline and resolve compared to the Royalists' mounted troops, who routed their opponents on the wings. This experience underscored for Cromwell the need for religiously motivated, reliable soldiers rather than the often dissolute or inexperienced recruits prevalent in the early parliamentary armies, prompting him to prioritize "honest" and committed men in subsequent enlistments. By late 1642, as organized regional associations to consolidate forces, Cromwell's troop expanded into a full during the winter of 1642–1643, integrating into the Eastern Association—a coalition of militias from , , , , and formed on December 20, 1642, under the Earl of Manchester to defend and mount offensives. Promoted to by early 1643, Cromwell played a pivotal role in training and leading this wing, emphasizing strict discipline, sobriety, and Puritan zeal among his "Ironsides"—troopers renowned for their unyielding charge and cohesion, which contrasted sharply with the plunder-prone habits of many contemporary soldiers. His early campaigns in the association's territory, including skirmishes to clear Royalist garrisons in and , secured vital provisioning areas and demonstrated his tactical acumen in , laying the groundwork for Parliament's eventual dominance in the eastern theater.

Key Battles: Marston Moor and Naseby

The Battle of Marston Moor was fought on 2 July 1644 near Long Marston in North Yorkshire, pitting a combined force of approximately 22,000 Parliamentarian and Scottish Covenanter troops against 17,000 Royalists seeking to relieve the siege of York. Oliver Cromwell commanded the cavalry of the Parliamentarian left wing, drawn from his Eastern Association forces, and executed a decisive charge amid a surprise assault that began around 7 p.m. under cover of a thunderstorm. His disciplined troopers routed the Royalist cavalry under Sir Marmaduke Langdale and pressed into the infantry, turning the tide after initial setbacks on the right wing led by the Earl of Manchester. The Royalists suffered heavy losses of about 5,000 killed or captured, compared to roughly 300 Parliamentarian casualties, yielding control of northern England to the Parliamentarian alliance and marking Cromwell's emergence as a formidable cavalry leader. The Battle of Naseby occurred on 14 June 1645 near Naseby in , where the Parliamentarian of 12,000 to 14,000 men, commanded overall by Sir Thomas Fairfax with Cromwell as lieutenant-general of horse, engaged 9,000 to 10,000 Royalists under King Charles I and . Positioned on the right wing, Cromwell deployed dragoons to harass the Royalist cavalry from hedgerow cover before directing his horse in charges that shattered Prince Rupert's opposing wing and wheeled to envelop the Royalist infantry center, exploiting the absence of Rupert's pursuing troopers. This maneuver, leveraging the superior discipline of his Ironsides, secured a rapid and comprehensive victory within two hours, with Royalist casualties including about 1,000 dead and 5,000 captured against fewer than 150 Parliamentarian losses. Naseby's outcome crippled the Royalist main field army, rendering King Charles's position untenable and paving the way for Parliament's dominance in the .

Rise to Power Amid Political Turmoil

Negotiations with King and Army Disputes

In early 1647, the , facing arrears in pay totaling over £3 million and opposition to Parliament's proposed disbandment without settlement of grievances, mutinied against Presbyterian-dominated efforts to negotiate a lenient with Charles I, whom soldiers viewed as untrustworthy due to his prior alliances with Scots and Catholics. Cromwell, as Lieutenant-General of Horse under Sir , supported the army's demands for indemnity against prosecution for war actions and religious toleration for Independents, arguing these were essential to prevent radical agitation among troops. By June 1647, escalating tensions prompted the army's Council of Officers to authorize a march on , where they occupied the city on 14 June without bloodshed, forcing Parliament to rescind disbandment orders and reinstate the army's influence. On 3 June 1647, Cornet , acting under verbal instructions from Cromwell and Fairfax, seized Charles I from Parliamentary custody at Holmby House with 500 cavalry troopers, escorting him to army headquarters at Newmarket to shield him from potential Presbyterian plots while asserting military control over negotiations. Cromwell justified the action as precautionary, citing intelligence of the King's possible removal to France or use as a pawn in renewed intrigue, though it deepened rifts with , which accused the army of usurpation. The King initially cooperated, dining with officers and expressing willingness to treat with the army over , but underlying distrust persisted as Charles sought to exploit divisions. From October 1647, Cromwell led army negotiations with at , presenting the "Heads of Proposals" on 1 October—a framework drafted by Ireton and army grandees for a with parliamentary supremacy, biennial parliaments, reduced royal veto, and army oversight of militia for seven years. Cromwell urged the King to accept these as a basis for settlement, emphasizing mutual concessions to avoid anarchy, but prevaricated, demanding time to consult allies and secretly plotting escape. Internal army disputes surfaced during the concurrent (28 October to 11 November 1647), where Cromwell and Ireton defended officer-led reforms against Leveller agitators like Colonel , who advocated broader suffrage and rejected any compromise with the King as tyrannical; Cromwell dissolved the debates amid threats of mutiny, prioritizing stability. Charles's flight from Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight on 11 November 1647, followed by his alliance with radical Scots via the (December 1647), confirmed army suspicions of royal perfidy, eroding Cromwell's mediation efforts. By January 1648, disillusioned with the King's evasions—which had stalled progress on core demands like disbanding and securing Protestant liberties—Cromwell endorsed Parliament's Vote of No Addresses on 3 January, halting further talks by a 141-91 margin and shifting focus to military enforcement. These failures, rooted in Charles's causal prioritization of absolute prerogative over pragmatic concession, intensified army-Parliament antagonism, paving the way for renewed conflict.

Pride's Purge, Regicide, and Commonwealth Foundation

In the wake of the Second , which ended in royalist defeat by November 1648, negotiations with King Charles I faltered as the , dominated by Independents and led by figures like Oliver Cromwell, rejected any accommodation preserving monarchical authority. On 6 December 1648, Colonel , under army directives, deployed troops at the entrance to the in , arresting 45 members and excluding approximately 180 others deemed sympathetic to the king or willing to negotiate, thereby reducing the to a compliant Rump of about 200 MPs. Cromwell, absent in Windsor during the initial purge but aligned with the army's grandees, supported these measures as essential to punish the king's "sacrilegious" betrayal and prevent a return to tyranny, viewing the exclusions as a purge of Presbyterians obstructing . The , now under army influence, convened a comprising 135 commissioners, including Cromwell, to try Charles I for high treason. occurred on 20 January 1649 in , where the king was charged with levying war against and the kingdom's people since 1641, subverting laws, and exercising tyrannical power. Charles refused to recognize the court's authority, denying it jurisdiction over a crowned king accountable only to God and rejecting pleas as incompatible with his royal oath. Proceedings spanned multiple sessions, with witnesses testifying to royalist atrocities; on 27 January, the court pronounced a death sentence, leading to the king's beheading on 30 January 1649 on a scaffold outside the in , where he addressed onlookers asserting his innocence and divine right. Cromwell, present at key stages, endorsed the verdict as "cruel necessity" to avert further bloodshed, and joined 58 other commissioners in signing the death warrant on 29 January. The precipitated the monarchy's abolition: on 7 February 1649, the Rump resolved against restoring kingship, formalizing this in an act passed by 17 March, while also dissolving the as "useless and dangerous" on 19 March. On 19 May 1649, enacted "An Act declaring to be a ," proclaiming sovereignty vested in the people via representative assemblies, without king or , and establishing a 41-member —chaired initially by John Bradshaw, with Cromwell as a prominent member—for executive administration. This framework marked 's shift to republican governance, though power concentrated in the Rump and army, with Cromwell's influence pivotal in stabilizing the regime against threats and domestic dissent. The changes faced international condemnation, as European monarchs viewed the regicide as an assault on hereditary rule, yet domestically secured parliamentary supremacy over defeated absolutism.

Military Campaigns in Ireland and Scotland

Irish Conquest: Strategy and Atrocities

In August 1649, Oliver Cromwell arrived in Ireland with approximately 12,000 troops and naval support from the English Commonwealth fleet, tasked by Parliament with suppressing the Irish Confederate alliance of Catholics and Royalists who opposed the regicide of Charles I and sought to restore or autonomy. The primary strategic objective was to secure eastern coastal strongholds for supply lines and base operations, beginning with the reinforcement of , already held by Parliamentarian forces under Michael Jones, before advancing northward to and southward to Wexford to dismantle the Confederate defensive network in . Cromwell employed concentrated barrages and assaults on fortified towns, prioritizing rapid sieges over prolonged field engagements to minimize exposure to Ireland's harsh terrain, , and guerrilla tactics by dispersed Irish forces. The siege of , commencing on 10 1649 after a summons to surrender was rejected by commander Sir Arthur Aston, exemplified Cromwell's tactics of overwhelming force; breaches were made in the walls, leading to a storming on 11 where Parliamentarian troops executed an estimated 2,000 to 3,500 defenders and civilians, including soldiers, women, and found in churches, with Cromwell reporting in his dispatch to Parliament that "I believe we put to the sword the whole number of the said garrison" numbering around 2,800, plus additional inhabitants refusing quarter. This no-quarter policy, invoked after resistance to terms, was justified by Cromwell as for the 1641 Irish Rebellion's massacres of Protestant settlers—estimated at 4,000 to 8,000 deaths—and as a deterrent to further opposition, though contemporary accounts and later analyses note the inclusion of non-combatants, with Irish sources emphasizing civilian slaughter while English records frame it as targeted at armed holdouts. Similarly, at Wexford, reached by late October 1649, Cromwell's forces besieged the port town, which capitulated on 11 October but saw its garrison and breach the gates, allowing an incursion that killed roughly 2,000 soldiers and 1,500 civilians, including friars and townsfolk, at the cost of only about 20 Parliamentarian casualties. Cromwell again cited the 1641 atrocities and the defenders' violation of surrender terms as warranting the bloodshed, writing that the outcome served "to discourage others from attempting the like," though the scale of civilian deaths—facilitated by troops pursuing fleeing inhabitants—drew condemnation in Irish Catholic narratives as indiscriminate, contrasting with Cromwell's insistence on and . These actions, while aligning with 17th-century warfare norms where resisting garrisons faced execution, were calculated to terrorize resistance, enabling subsequent advances like the capture of and the push toward Waterford, though logistical strains and winter conditions prompted Cromwell's departure for in May 1650, leaving subordinates to complete the pacification.

Scottish Campaign: Dunbar and Worcester

In July 1650, following the completion of his Irish campaign, Oliver Cromwell was dispatched northward by the to counter the , who had proclaimed Charles II as king of , , , and in June 1649 and posed a direct threat of to the . The Scots, under General David Leslie, fielded a force estimated at 20,000–23,000, bolstered by religious zeal and alliances with royalist elements, while Cromwell commanded approximately 15,000–16,000 troops, including veterans hardened by prior conflicts. Leslie's strategy emphasized attrition through scorched-earth tactics, denying Cromwell forage and supplies while maneuvering to exploit the English army's overextension along the east coast, ultimately trapping it near after the failure to capture . The Battle of Dunbar erupted on September 3, 1650, when Cromwell, recognizing his precarious position hemmed by the sea and rising ground, executed a daring night march and pre-dawn assault on the Scottish positions atop Doon Hill. Despite the Scots' numerical superiority and elevated defensive stance, Cromwell's forces—comprising about 11,000 infantry and several thousand cavalry—overwhelmed Leslie's lines through coordinated infantry advances supported by artillery and cavalry flanks, shattering the Scottish cohesion within hours. English casualties were light, with Cromwell reporting around 20–30 killed and 60 wounded, while Scottish losses reached 800–3,000 dead, over 6,000 wounded, and 6,000–10,000 captured, including much of their artillery, baggage, and muskets; the pursuit extended eight miles, exacerbating the rout. This victory, attributed to Cromwell's tactical audacity and the Scots' divided command amid Kirk politics, allowed the English to occupy Edinburgh by late September and Stirling by November, though full pacification eluded them amid guerrilla resistance and disease, which claimed over 2,000 English lives by winter's end. By early 1651, Charles II, crowned at in January, reorganized the Scottish forces into a more disciplined army of about 10,000–12,000 and Highlanders, purging radical influences to broaden appeal, and launched a southward invasion of in July to exploit Commonwealth distractions in . Cromwell, reinforced to 28,000 men, shadowed the royalist advance, intercepting them at Worcester on September 3, 1651, where the town and its bridges formed a natural bottleneck defended by 12,000–16,000 royalists under Charles II's personal command. Employing a pincer strategy, Cromwell divided his army—sending 10,000 under upstream to cross the Severn and attack from the north—while personally leading the main force in a direct assault across the Teme and Sidbury, overwhelming the fragmented royalist defenses amid house-to-house fighting that lasted until dusk. The Battle of Worcester resulted in a crushing Parliamentarian triumph, with royalist casualties estimated at 2,000–4,000 killed and 8,000–10,000 captured, compared to fewer than 200 English dead; Charles II narrowly escaped in disguise, evading capture during a 44-day flight that highlighted the regime's collapse. This engagement, coinciding exactly one year after Dunbar, effectively dismantled organized Scottish royalism, enabling Cromwell's forces to consolidate control over Lowland Scotland by 1652 through garrisons and union proposals, though it entrenched resentment via taxes and religious impositions that alienated Presbyterian moderates. The campaigns underscored Cromwell's reliance on disciplined infantry, rapid maneuver, and exploitation of enemy disunity, securing the Commonwealth's northern flank at the cost of prolonged occupation and economic strain.

Governance as Lord Protector

Constitutional Frameworks and Parliaments

The Instrument of Government, adopted on 15 December 1653 by the Council of Army Officers, established the constitutional basis for the Protectorate, designating Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector with executive authority including veto power over legislation and command of the armed forces. This document, England's first codified written constitution, vested supreme legislative power in the Protector and Parliament, requiring parliamentary approval for taxation and declarations of war while mandating triennial parliaments of at least 400 members elected under a broadened franchise excluding royalists and Catholics. A Council of State of 21 members, appointed by the Protector with parliamentary advice, handled executive functions, reflecting an intent to balance military influence with civilian oversight amid post-regicidal instability. The First Protectorate Parliament convened on 3 September 1654, comprising 460 members, but faced immediate contention over a proposed recognition clause demanding MPs pledge fidelity to the Instrument, which excluded about 100 republican-leaning members and prompted debates on constitutional legitimacy. Despite passing over 80 ordinances beforehand via the Protector and Council—including legal and economic reforms—the assembly achieved no legislative enactments, stalled by factional divisions between Presbyterians seeking broader toleration and Independents aligned with Cromwell's Puritan vision. Cromwell dissolved it on 22 January 1655, the earliest permissible date under the Instrument's five-month minimum, citing its failure to legislate constructively and threats to godly governance. From late 1655 to 1656, rule devolved to the Major-Generals—a system of 10-12 governors dividing into districts for local administration, taxation, and moral enforcement—but this interim framework lacked parliamentary sanction and fueled resentment without altering core constitutional provisions. The Second Protectorate Parliament assembled in September 1656, initially purged of about 100 radicals, and in May 1657 proposed the , a revised offering Cromwell the kingship (which he declined on 13 May, citing providential and republican objections), establishing a bicameral with an appointed "Other House" of 40-70 peers for life, limiting powers, and enabling hereditary succession. Cromwell accepted the document sans crown on 25 June 1657, gaining parliamentary approval for taxation and funding, marking a shift toward stabilized governance with the Other House convened in January 1658. This parliament, reconvened post-adjournment, passed significant legislation including probate reforms and Jewish readmission but dissolved upon Cromwell's death on 3 September 1658, as the Humble Petition's provisions proved insufficient to prevent under his son . The frameworks underscored Cromwell's preference for consensual rule tethered to religious principles, yet repeated dissolutions highlighted tensions between executive prerogative and , contributing to the Protectorate's fragility against monarchical restoration sentiments.

Domestic Reforms and Economic Policies

Cromwell's domestic policies as prioritized administrative efficiency, public order, and moral governance, frequently relying on military oversight amid ongoing political instability. In December 1653, under the , the regime established a to handle executive functions, including justice and local administration, while aiming to reduce corruption in courts through appointments of qualified judges. Efforts to overhaul the convoluted English legal system included commissions, such as one chaired by Matthew Hale in 1652, which proposed streamlining procedures and codifying laws, though implementation stalled due to parliamentary resistance and Cromwell's dissolution of assemblies. He also targeted inequities like , which exempted clergy from secular penalties, to promote uniform justice, but such changes yielded modest results amid broader failures to enact sweeping reforms. A key initiative was the , implemented from August 1655 to January , dividing into twelve districts under army officers tasked with suppressing royalist plots, enforcing moral codes against vice such as drunkenness and profanity, and maintaining local security. These officials collected the decimation —a 10% levy on estates of known royalists—to fund regional militias, reflecting Cromwell's pragmatic blend of and civilian oversight, though the system strained relations with , which rejected its extension in over costs exceeding £60,000 annually. Economically, Cromwell advanced mercantilist principles to bolster English commerce and naval power, prominently through enforcement of the passed in October 1651, which mandated that goods imported to or exported from and its colonies be carried in English-built ships manned primarily by English crews, aiming to curtail Dutch dominance in carrying . This policy, sustained and expanded under , stimulated —doubling the merchant fleet over the decade—and colonial exports like and , while funding naval growth to protect routes, despite provoking the (1652–1654). Taxation supported these efforts via excises on commodities, monthly assessments on land, and customs duties, generating annual revenues around £1.5–2 million by 1656, though chronic deficits from military expenditures persisted. No fundamental changes occurred to , which continued under the 1601 Elizabethan framework, nor to currency beyond issuing Protectorate coins bearing Cromwell's effigy to symbolize regime stability.

Foreign Wars and Naval Expansion

Cromwell prioritized naval expansion upon assuming the Lord Protectorate in December 1653, reforming the fleet to project power, protect trade routes, and challenge European rivals. The navy, which had grown to approximately 86 warships by the early through prior construction and acquisitions, received further investment under his administration, enabling sustained operations in distant theaters. He appointed experienced commanders, including General-at-Sea Robert Blake, whose aggressive tactics emphasized close-quarters combat and blockade enforcement, marking a shift toward professionalized . The , initiated in July 1652 over commercial disputes and the English , concluded under Cromwell's direct oversight with the Treaty of Westminster signed on 15 April 1654. Despite heavy losses on both sides—English casualties exceeded 3,000—the peace affirmed English naval dominance in the Channel and secured concessions limiting Dutch interference in English trade, though it failed to fully resolve underlying mercantile rivalries. This outcome bolstered Cromwell's prestige and freed resources for broader foreign ambitions, driven by his commitment to Protestant interests and economic expansion against Catholic powers. Cromwell's antagonism toward , viewed as the preeminent Catholic threat suppressing in and the , culminated in the Anglo-Spanish War from 1655 to 1659. Motivated by religious zeal, trade opportunities, and the desire to seize Spanish silver convoys, he orchestrated the expedition in late 1654, dispatching a fleet of 38 warships and 2,500 soldiers under Generals and Robert Venables to assault Spanish colonies in the . The force departed on 24 December 1654 but suffered a decisive repulse at () in April–May 1655 due to disease, poor coordination, and stout Spanish defenses, with over 1,000 English dead from combat and illness. Redirecting efforts, the expedition captured on 11 May 1655 with minimal resistance, establishing an English base that yielded long-term colonial gains despite initial failures and high costs exceeding £200,000. Naval operations intensified post-Western Design, with Blake tasked in May 1655 to intercept Spanish treasure fleets in European waters, culminating in victories such as the destruction of 16 Spanish ships off on 30 April 1657. To prosecute the war, Cromwell forged an alliance with via the Treaty of Paris in October 1657, committing joint forces against ; this enabled the Anglo-French capture of on 14 June 1658 following the Battle of the Dunes, where 6,000 English troops under Turenne routed a Spanish-Habsburg army. These campaigns, while straining finances and yielding mixed results—Jamaica's retention but no disruption of Spanish mainland holdings—elevated England's maritime profile and secured as a strategic foothold until its sale in 1662. Cromwell also pursued diplomatic ties with , signing a treaty on 10 March 1654 that guaranteed English merchants favored access to Brazilian trade in exchange for naval support against .

Religious and Social Policies

Promotion of Puritanism and Moral Reforms

Cromwell envisioned a godly commonwealth grounded in Puritan principles of personal piety, scriptural authority, and communal moral discipline, viewing such reforms as essential to national stability and divine favor. His New Model Army exemplified this ethos, with units like the Ironsides composed largely of devout Puritans selected for their religious zeal alongside military competence, fostering habits of prayer, psalm-singing, and abstinence from vice even in wartime. As from December 1653, Cromwell continued and intensified pre-existing parliamentary ordinances aimed at curbing immorality, including measures against profane swearing enacted in 1644 and criminalized as a capital offense in 1650. He supported the suppression of entertainments deemed conducive to idleness and sin, such as stage plays—banned by in 1647 and explicitly targeted for abolition under his regime—along with horse-racing, cock-fighting, , and unruly alehouses. The appointment of Major-Generals in October 1655 marked the peak of organized moral enforcement, dividing England into twelve regions where these officers, aided by commissioners, were charged with suppressing drunkenness, blasphemy, swearing, sexual licentiousness, and Sabbath-breaking while promoting preaching and godly conduct. In regions like Lancashire under Major-General Charles Worsley, this involved direct interventions against local vices, reflecting Cromwell's commitment to a "reformation of manners" as a bulwark against societal decay. These efforts extended to discouraging traditional festivals associated with excess or pagan origins, such as observances and rituals, which under Cromwell's influence viewed as incompatible with austere worship, though enforcement relied on local magistrates and proved uneven. Despite initial zeal, the Major-Generals' moral crusade faced resistance, contributing to its dissolution by early 1657, with limited evidence of enduring behavioral change amid widespread evasion.

Toleration Limits: Catholics, Royalists, and Sects

Cromwell's regime extended religious liberty primarily to Trinitarian Protestants who accepted the fundamentals of scripture, as outlined in the of 1653, which explicitly excluded "Popery or idolatry" and those denying the or the authority of the . This framework reflected a pragmatic prioritizing state security over unrestricted pluralism, viewing certain groups as inherent threats due to historical precedents of rebellion and foreign allegiance. Catholics, Royalists aligned with episcopal Anglicanism, and radical sects challenging civil order were thus systematically barred from public worship and civic participation, with enforcement varying by perceived loyalty and disruption. Catholics faced the most stringent exclusions, justified by Cromwell's council as a response to papal supremacy's incompatibility with national , evidenced by events like the 1641 Irish uprising and prior plots against the state. The 1650 parliamentary ordinance on and subsequent policies prohibited Catholic from exercising ministry, leading to executions of captured in and ; private lay worship was occasionally overlooked in if unobtrusive, but public practice remained illegal. In , following the 1649 conquest, the Act for the Settlement of Ireland in 1652 banned Catholic ownership of land in key provinces and mandated transplantation of native Catholics to barren western regions like , displacing over 50,000 families by 1654 to secure Protestant dominance. These measures, while framed as countermeasures to rebellion rather than purely doctrinal animus, resulted in widespread confiscations and mortality, with estimates of 200,000 to 600,000 Irish Catholic deaths during the 1649–1653 campaigns attributed partly to famine and disease induced by policy. Cromwell's declaration at in September 1649, refusing quarter to garrisoned forces including civilians, underscored this intolerance as a deterrent against perceived existential threats. Royalists, often conflated with episcopal Anglicans for their allegiance to the Stuart , were denied on political grounds, requiring an of in 1650 abjuring kingly to regain civil rights; non-compliance led to sequestration of estates affecting thousands of families. Anglican were ejected from livings unless conforming to Puritan standards, with the 1655 ordinance further restricting "malignants" from public or military service, building on earlier purges like Pride's in 1648. This exclusion persisted despite occasional amnesties for submissive Royalists post-Worcester in 1651, as the regime prioritized eradicating monarchical sympathies to stabilize the ; by 1655, major-generals enforced compliance through fines and surveillance in their districts. Among Protestant sects, toleration halted where doctrines veered into perceived blasphemy or actions undermined governance, as enforced by the 1650 Blasphemy Act targeting denials of core Christian tenets and "execrable opinions" like those of promoting . , emerging around 1650, faced intermittent suppression for disruptive preaching and refusal of oaths, with imprisoned multiple times and publicly humiliated and pilloried in 1656 by for a blasphemous procession mimicking Christ, reflecting Cromwell's tolerance for private belief but not public disorder. , initially allied with the regime's millenarian rhetoric, turned oppositional after the Protectorate's establishment in 1653, agitating for theocratic rule; their violent unrest prompted arrests and executions, including leaders like Thomas Venner in precursor plots, as the sect's apocalyptic demands clashed with Cromwell's constitutional order. These limits, while narrower than full liberty, stemmed from a realist assessment that unchecked radicalism risked , as Cromwell articulated in council debates emphasizing union over fragmentation. A notable exception to these toleration limits was extended to Jews, expelled from England since 1290. In 1655, Dutch rabbi Menasseh ben Israel petitioned Cromwell for readmission, citing biblical prophecies of Jewish dispersion and ingathering as signs of the messianic era. Motivated by Puritan millenarian expectations of Jewish conversion and return to Jerusalem preceding Christ's second coming, alongside economic incentives for enhanced trade, Cromwell convened the Whitehall Conference in December 1655 with divines, lawyers, and merchants. Though the conference reached no formal resolution, Cromwell authorized de facto readmission by 1656, permitting Jews to reside, trade, and worship privately without parliamentary statute, establishing effective toleration under the Protectorate.

Death, Immediate Aftermath, and Restoration

Final Years and Succession Failure

In the final years of his rule, Cromwell's health deteriorated amid ongoing political strains. By summer 1657, he experienced recurrent fevers, likely contracted earlier from , compounded by possible kidney infections. These episodes intensified in 1658, particularly after the death of his favorite daughter, , from cancer in late August, which deepened his melancholy. Relations with the Second Parliament, convened in January 1658, proved contentious; while it confirmed the , factional divisions between republicans, royalists, and army interests persisted, forcing Cromwell to navigate precarious alliances without resolving underlying constitutional instability. Cromwell died on September 3, 1658, at Whitehall Palace, aged 59, from complications of a severe malarial fever (tertian ague) and urinary infection, as confirmed by contemporary accounts and modern historical analysis. In his final days, he nominated his eldest surviving son, Richard Cromwell, as successor in a codicil to his will, reflecting a dynastic intent despite the republican foundations of the Protectorate. Richard was proclaimed Lord Protector the same day, but his lack of military experience, personal charisma, and command over the army—key to Oliver's authority—undermined his position from the outset. Richard's Protectorate collapsed within nine months due to irreconcilable tensions between the , , and civilian republicans. Summoned to convene in January 1659, Richard faced demands for financial reforms and army pay arrears, but his attempts at mediation alienated army grandees like John Lambert, who resented civilian oversight and Oliver's late toleration of dissenters. By April, escalating disputes led Richard to dissolve on Lambert's advice, only for the army council to assert dominance, forcing his resignation on May 25, 1659. This exposed the regime's fragility: without Oliver's unifying force and coercive military loyalty, the Protectorate's hybrid structure—blending monarchical elements with republican ideology—proved unsustainable, paving the way for the recall of the and eventual monarchical restoration.

Posthumous Execution and Regime Collapse

Oliver Cromwell died on 3 September 1658 at Whitehall Palace, likely from following a urinary or kidney ailment, at the age of 59. His embalmed body lay in state at before a lavish on 23 November 1658, with burial in near Henry VII's chapel, reflecting the regime's attempt to legitimize its rule through monarchical pomp. Cromwell's eldest surviving son, , was nominated successor in his will and proclaimed on 3 September 1658, inheriting a fragile polity divided between civilian republicans, military officers, and royalist sympathizers. Richard convened Parliament on 27 January 1659 amid escalating tensions between army grandees, who demanded arrears in pay and political influence, and civilian members wary of military dominance. By April 1659, army agitation forced Richard to dissolve Parliament on 22 April, but this alienated civilian supporters while failing to appease officers, leading to a coup on 7 May when General George Monck and others compelled his resignation on 25 May 1659. The Protectorate's collapse stemmed from Richard's lack of military experience and authority, exacerbating underlying instabilities: overreliance on coercive force without broad consent, fiscal strains from ongoing wars, and ideological fractures unable to sustain republican governance absent Cromwell's personal prestige. The was recalled briefly in May 1659, but its ineffectiveness paved the way for General Monck's intervention, culminating in the Restoration of Charles II on 29 May 1660 after elections favoring royalists. Following the Restoration, Parliament decreed on 4 December 1660 the exhumation of regicides for posthumous attainder, targeting Cromwell, his son-in-law , and judge John Bradshaw as architects of Charles I's execution. On 26 January 1661, their bodies were disinterred from ; Cromwell's decayed remains were identified amid uncertainty, then subjected to a symbolic for high . On 30 January 1661—the anniversary of Charles I's beheading—the corpses were drawn on sledges to , hanged from morning until 4 p.m., decapitated, and the torsos cast into a common pit, while the heads were spiked on 20-foot poles atop as a deterrent spectacle. This ritual desecration underscored the restored monarchy's imperative to vindicate paternal through retributive justice, though it targeted decayed proxies rather than living perpetrators, reflecting both vengeful symbolism and pragmatic limits on further upheaval. Cromwell's head remained displayed until a storm dislodged it in 1685, entering private possession thereafter, while the regime's erasure extended to demolishing his and purging symbols from public view.

Assessments of Character and Leadership

Military Genius and Tactical Innovations

Oliver Cromwell, entering in as a without prior experience, rapidly distinguished himself through rigorous selection and training of troops, prioritizing reliability, discipline, and combat prowess over social status or noble birth. By February 1643, as of a , he enforced strict codes—fining for swearing, for drunkenness, and whipping for —fostering units capable of maintaining cohesion during charges and reforming to support , a departure from the often undisciplined that pursued loot and failed to regroup. This tactical innovation in control proved pivotal, enabling coordinated combined-arms operations that integrated horse and foot effectively, as seen in early successes like the at Gainsborough on July 28, 1643, where his 1,200 men defeated a larger reserve force. Cromwell's genius manifested in key battles of the First Civil War, where he commanded cavalry wings with decisive flair. At Marston Moor on July 2, 1644, leading the Parliamentarian left against 18,000 Royalists with allied forces totaling 28,000, he routed Prince Rupert's elite horse, then wheeled reserves to rescue faltering , securing for despite initial setbacks. In the on June 14, 1645, as lieutenant-general of horse in the facing 10,000 Royalists with 14,000 Parliamentarians, Cromwell's right-wing charge shattered Rupert's cavalry, allowing him to reform and flank the enemy , capturing their train and effectively destroying the King's main field army. These engagements highlighted his ability to exploit enemy flanks while preserving unit integrity, contrasting with Royalist tendencies to overextend. Later campaigns against larger foes underscored Cromwell's strategic acumen and adaptability. At on September 3, 1650, outmaneuvering a Scottish army of 23,000 with his 11,000 New Model veterans, he feigned weakness to lure them from strong positions onto exposed terrain, launching a dawn that exploited their overextended lines and routed them despite numerical inferiority. The on September 3, 1651, saw him divide his forces to envelop Charles II's 16,000-strong army from east and south, overcoming stubborn resistance through coordinated assaults that captured the city and ended the Third Civil War. His contributions to the New Model Army's formation in 1645—emphasizing professional pay, drill, and merit-based promotion—professionalized Parliament's forces, enabling sustained victories through superior morale and tactical flexibility rather than mere numbers.

Political Achievements vs. Authoritarian Tendencies

Cromwell's tenure as from December 1653 marked a significant political achievement through the adoption of the , England's inaugural written constitution, which delineated powers among the Protector, a , and a bicameral , while ensuring regular elections and limiting executive overreach via specified parliamentary sessions. This framework nominally united , , and under a republican commonwealth, extending parliamentary representation to former areas and incorporating Scottish and Irish members, thereby attempting a federal structure absent under . Cromwell also vetoed bills and exercised ordinance-making authority during parliamentary recesses, stabilizing governance amid post-civil war chaos by funding the state through fixed revenues independent of annual parliamentary grants. Yet these innovations coexisted with pronounced authoritarian tendencies, exemplified by Cromwell's repeated dissolutions of uncooperative assemblies, including the on April 20, 1653, when he deployed armed soldiers to the Commons chamber to halt proceedings, citing its corruption and failure to pursue godly . Similarly, he disbanded the first Protectorate Parliament in 1655 after it resisted his religious qualifications for members, and the subsequent assembly in 1656 only after rejecting his offer of kingship. From August 1655 to January 1657, following a uprising, Cromwell imposed the , dividing England into twelve military districts governed by army officers tasked with suppressing dissent, disarming royalists, collecting taxes, and enforcing moral codes, bypassing civilian oversight and relying on martial authority answerable solely to him. This duality underscores a causal tension: while Cromwell's military-backed regime preserved the realm from royalist resurgence and foreign threats, enabling tentative constitutional experiments, it eroded the he had championed against Charles I, as evidenced by the Major-Generals' decade-specific of 10% on estates funding their operations, which later repealed due to public backlash. Historians note that such measures, though framed as providential necessities, effectively centralized power in Cromwell's hands, with ordinances substituting for legislative consent and fostering perceptions of , as contemporary critics like royalists decried the absence of traditional liberties. Empirical outcomes reveal limited enduring political settlement, with three short-lived parliaments failing to produce a stable framework, culminating in reliance on rather than institutionalized .

Religious Zeal: Defender of Protestantism or Fanatic

Oliver Cromwell underwent a profound religious conversion in the late 1620s, emerging as a committed Puritan who emphasized personal piety, predestination, and opposition to the perceived Catholic tendencies in the Church of England under Archbishop William Laud. This shift aligned him with Independent congregationalism, rejecting hierarchical episcopacy in favor of gathered churches of the elect, a stance that fueled his entry into politics as a Member of Parliament in 1640. By framing royal policies as assaults on true Protestantism—such as Charles I's alliances with Catholic powers and Laud's Arminian reforms—Cromwell positioned the parliamentary cause as a divine mission to preserve the Reformation's gains against "popery and slavery." During the English Civil Wars (1642–1651), Cromwell's zeal manifested in the creation of the , where he prioritized recruiting "men of religion" who fought with prayer, sermons, and belief in providential victory, as evidenced by his pre-battle exhortations and the army's system of godly chaplains. Victories like in June 1645 were attributed to God's favor, reinforcing his view of the conflict as a holy war against royalist forces tainted by Catholic sympathies, including Irish auxiliaries who had massacred Protestant settlers in in 1641, killing approximately 4,000. This religious framing extended to Ireland's 1649 conquest, where sieges of (September 11, 1649) and Wexford (October 11, 1649) resulted in the deaths of 3,500–4,000 and 2,000–3,500 defenders respectively, many civilians; Cromwell justified these as retribution for the 1641 atrocities and as necessary to crush a Catholic-led threatening Protestant England, declaring the acts "the righteous judgment of God" on idolaters. As from December 1653, Cromwell pursued "godly " through policies enforcing Puritan morality: theaters closed in 1642 and remained so, profane swearing fined, and travel or prohibited under ordinances like the Blasphemy Act of 1650, aiming to purge of vice and align society with biblical standards. He extended to Protestant nonconformists, including and (though the latter faced occasional ), and readmitted in 1656 for theological reasons tied to millenarian expectations of conversion. Catholics, however, were excluded from due to their allegiance to the and role in prior rebellions; the was banned, priests executed if caught (over 20 by 1658), and the 1652 Act for the Settlement of Ireland confiscated Catholic lands, transplanting owners to . Recent archival findings suggest Cromwell privately advocated freer Catholic worship in Ireland if loyalty was assured, but public policy prioritized Protestant security amid continental Catholic threats like the Thirty Years' War's aftermath. Historians debate whether this zeal defended Protestantism against existential threats or veered into fanaticism. Proponents of the former argue Cromwell's actions countered genuine perils—Irish Catholics had allied with royalists, and European Protestantism faced Habsburg encirclement—while fostering relative liberty unprecedented in , suspending Anglican and allying with Dutch Calvinists. Critics, particularly from Irish perspectives, highlight the scale of (15–20% in Ireland 1649–1653) and moral impositions like banning as evidence of theocratic tyranny, though contemporaries noted his aversion to cruelty absent military necessity and his rejection of extreme sects like . In causal terms, his policies stemmed from a providential where religious uniformity ensured national survival, not mere bigotry, yet they imposed conformity on dissenters, alienating Presbyterians and episcopalians who viewed him as a schismatic usurper.

Legacy in Britain and Ireland

Long-Term Constitutional Impact

The , adopted on 16 December 1653, constituted England's first written , delineating a separation of powers among the [Lord Protector](/page/Lord Protector) as executive head, a unicameral with legislative authority, and a for administrative functions, while mandating triennial parliaments and representation from , , , and . This framework vested the Protector with power over bills conflicting with the constitution, command of military forces, and control over foreign policy and honors, but required parliamentary approval for declarations of war, taxation, and dissolution after a minimum five-month session. Departing from monarchical precedents, it rejected hereditary succession in favor of Council election of successors and emphasized non-divine sources of authority, though Cromwell's frequent dissolutions—such as the first Protectorate Parliament in January 1655 and the third in January 1658—underscored executive dominance backed by the . Superseded in May 1657 by the , which proposed an and further curbed the while offering Cromwell kingship (which he declined), the regime nonetheless experimented with electoral reforms, including new constituencies and a broader franchise excluding royalists and Catholics, aiming for a "godly" governance model. These arrangements unified the under a single executive for the first time, establishing administrative precedents like centralized taxation that outlasted . Yet the system's collapse following Cromwell's death on 3 September 1658, amid parliamentary opposition and military factionalism, revealed its instability without broad legitimacy, culminating in the Restoration of Charles II in May 1660 and formal repudiation of republican experiments. Though direct institutions were dismantled, the Protectorate eroded absolutist claims of divine right by demonstrating viable non-hereditary rule, fostering notions of and parliamentary supremacy that informed the of 1688–1689, wherein James II's deposition entrenched a legally constrained without effective veto, echoing Protectorate checks while avoiding military rule. This legacy underscored the causal primacy of consent and institutional balance over personal or martial authority, contributing to Britain's evolution toward , albeit through reactive adaptation rather than unbroken continuity.

Historiographical Debates and Modern Controversies

Historiographical interpretations of Oliver Cromwell have shifted markedly since the , reflecting broader ideological currents in British scholarship. Royalist contemporaries and early Restoration writers, such as Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, portrayed him as a hypocritical usurper whose ambitions masked personal dictatorship, emphasizing his role in the 1649 regicide of Charles I and the dissolution of the in 1653. In contrast, 19th-century Whig historians like S.R. Gardiner recast Cromwell as a providential figure advancing constitutional , crediting his 1653 as an early blueprint for limited monarchy and , though this view often downplayed his military coercion of assemblies. Thomas Carlyle's 1845 Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches romanticized him as a heroic man of action embodying Puritan sincerity amid chaos, influencing Victorian admiration for his role in defeating absolutism at in 1645 and establishing the . Mid-20th-century Marxist historians, including Christopher Hill, framed the as a bourgeois revolution, with Cromwell as its midwife transitioning England from to via land reforms and naval expansion, yet critiquing his suppression of radical at in 1649 as class betrayal. Revisionist scholars since the 1980s, such as Blair Worden, have emphasized Cromwell's pragmatic inconsistencies—balancing religious toleration for Protestants with authoritarian rule—arguing his failures stemmed from irreconcilable army-parliament tensions rather than inherent tyranny. Debates persist over his Irish campaign of 1649–1650, where orders for massacres at (killing 3,500, including ) and Wexford (2,000 dead) aimed to break Confederate resistance but fueled accusations of , with Catholic lands confiscated under the 1652 Act for the Settlement displacing 30–40% of proprietors. Defenders contextualize this within retaliation for the 1641 rebellion's estimated 4,000 Protestant deaths and ongoing alliances, viewing warfare as standard for the , not genocidal intent; critics, including Irish , highlight disproportionate tolls exceeding . Recent analyses, like those in Cromwell and Ireland: New Perspectives (2012), reassess via primary dispatches, concluding terror tactics shortened the war but entrenched sectarian divides, with population declines from 1.5 million pre-1641 to under 1 million by 1652 attributable more to and plague than direct killings. Modern controversies center on Cromwell's public commemoration, particularly the 1899 statue outside Westminster Palace, erected amid parliamentary deadlock and funded privately after Irish MPs protested his "butcher" legacy. Relocated post-1974 IRA bombing for security, it faced 2018 calls for removal amid statue-toppling debates, with historians like Tom Reilly arguing it glorifies and Irish atrocities, while defenders cite his parliamentary defense against royal absolutism. , Cromwell symbolizes colonial brutality, with 2023–2025 discussions linking his campaigns to enduring land dispossession, though some scholars note exaggerated folklore inflated death tolls for propaganda. English views remain polarized: polls and media portray him as a democratic precursor via the 1647 ' franchise expansions, yet critiqued for banning Christmas and theater as Puritan fanaticism; Scottish historiography stresses his 1650–1651 invasions subjugating the . These divides reflect causal tensions between his constitutional experiments—prefiguring 1689 —and coercive methods, with academic bias toward progressive narratives often minimizing authoritarian elements in favor of anti-monarchical heroism.

References

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