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Precognition (from the Latin prae- 'before', and cognitio 'acquiring knowledge') is the purported psychic phenomenon of seeing, or otherwise becoming directly aware of, events in the future.

There is no accepted scientific evidence that precognition is a real effect, and it is widely considered to be pseudoscience.[1] Precognition violates the principle of causality, that an effect cannot occur before its cause.[2]

Precognition has been widely believed in throughout history. Despite the lack of scientific evidence, many people believe it to be real; it is still widely reported and remains a topic of research and discussion within the parapsychology community.

Precognitive phenomena

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Precognition is sometimes treated as an example of the wider phenomenon of prescience or foreknowledge, to understand by any means what is likely to happen in the future. It is distinct from premonition, which is a vaguer feeling of some impending disaster. Related activities such as predictive prophecy and fortune telling have been practised throughout history.

Precognitive dreams are the most widely reported occurrences of precognition.[3] Usually, a dream or vision can only be identified as precognitive after the putative event has taken place. When such an event occurs after a dream, it is said to have "broken the dream".[4][5]

"Joseph's Dream", a painting by Gaetano Gandolfi, c. 1790. According to the Book of Genesis, God granted Joseph precognition through prophetic dreams and the ability to interpret the dreams of others.

In religion

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In Judaism it is believed that dreams are mostly insignificant while others "have the potential to contain prophetic messages".[6] Others hold that dreams have meaning, and bad dreams require amelioration. According to the Book of Genesis, God granted Joseph precognition through prophetic dreams and the ability to interpret the dreams of others.[7]

Precognition has a role in Buddhism with dreams believed to be 'mind-created phenomena'. Those dreams which 'warn of impending danger or even prepare us for overwhelming good news" are considered the most important.[8]

History

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Throughout history it has been believed that certain individuals have precognitive abilities, or that certain practices can induce such experiences, and these visions have sometimes been associated with important historical events.[3] Despite the lack of scientific evidence, many people still believe in precognition.[9][10] A poll in 2005 showed 73% of Americans believe in at least one type of paranormal experience, with 41% believing in extrasensory perception.[11][12]

Antiquity

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Since ancient times precognition has been associated with dreams and trance states as well as waking premonitions, giving rise to acts of prophecy and fortune telling. Oracles, originally seen as sources of wisdom, became progressively associated with previsions of the future.[3]

Such claims of seeing the future have never been without their sceptical critics. Aristotle carried out an inquiry into allegedly prophetic dreams in his On Divination in Sleep. He accepted that "it is quite conceivable that some dreams may be tokens and causes [of future events]" but also believed that "most [so-called prophetic] dreams are, however, to be classed as mere coincidences...". Where Democritus had suggested that emanations from future events could be sent back to the dreamer, Aristotle proposed that it was, rather, the dreamer's sense impressions which reached forward to the event.[13]

17th–19th centuries

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The term "precognition" first appeared in the 17th century but did not come into common use among investigators until much later.[3]

An early investigation into claims of precognition was published by the missionary Fr. P. Boilat in 1883. He claimed to have put an unspoken question to an African witch-doctor whom he mistrusted. Contrary to his expectations, the witch-doctor gave him the correct answer without ever having heard the question.[3]

Early 20th century

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In the early 20th century J. W. Dunne, a British soldier and aeronautics engineer, experienced several dreams which he regarded as precognitive. He developed techniques to record and analyse them, identifying any correspondences between his future experiences and his recorded dreams. He reported his findings in his 1927 book An Experiment with Time. In it he alleges that 10% of his dreams appeared to include some element of future experience. He also persuaded some friends to try the experiment on themselves, with mixed results. He noted a strong cognitive bias in which subjects, including himself, were reluctant to ascribe their dream correspondences to precognition and determinedly sought alternative explanations.[14] Dunne concluded that precognitive elements in dreams are common and that many people unknowingly have them.[15][16] He suggested also that dream precognition did not reference future events of all kinds, but specifically the future experiences of the dreamer. He was led to this idea when he found that a dream of a volcanic eruption appeared to foresee not the disaster itself but his subsequent misreading of an inaccurate account in a newspaper.[15]

Edith Lyttelton, who became President of the Society for Psychical Research (SPR), regarded his theory as consistent with her own idea of the superconscious.[17] In 1932 he helped the SPR to conduct a more formal experiment, but he and the Society's lead researcher Theodore Besterman failed to agree on the significance of the results.[18][19] Nevertheless, the Philosopher C. D. Broad remarked that, "The only theory known to me which seems worth consideration is that proposed by Mr. Dunne in his Experiment with Time."[20] An Experiment with Time was widely read and "undoubtedly helped to form something of the imaginative climate of [the interwar] years", influencing many writers of both fact and fiction both then and since.[21] According to Flieger, "Dunne's theory was so current and popular a topic that not to understand it was a mark of singularity."[22] Major writers whose work was significantly influenced by his ideas on precognition in dreams and visions include H. G. Wells, J. B. Priestley and Olaf Stapledon.[23][24] Vladimir Nabokov was also later influenced by Dunne.[25]

In 1932 Charles Lindbergh's infant son was kidnapped, murdered and buried among trees. Psychologists Henry Murray and D. R. Wheeler used the event to test for dream precognition, by inviting the public to report any dreams of the child. A total of 1,300 dreams were reported. Only five per cent envisioned the child dead and only 4 of the 1,300 envisioned the location of the grave as amongst trees.[26]

The first ongoing and organised research program on precognition was instituted by husband-and-wife team Joseph Banks Rhine and Louisa E. Rhine in the 1930s at Duke University's Parapsychology Laboratory. J. B. Rhine used a method of forced-choice matching in which participants guessed the order of a deck of 25 cards, each five of which bore one of five geometrical symbols. Although his results were positive and gained some academic acceptance, his methods were later shown to be badly flawed and subsequent researchers using more rigorous procedures were unable to reproduce his results. His mathematics was sometimes flawed, the experiments were not double-blinded or even necessarily single-blinded and some of the cards to be guessed were so thin that the symbol could be seen through the backing.[27][28][29]

Samuel G. Soal, another leading member of the SPR, was described by Rhine as one of his harshest critics, running many similar experiments with wholly negative results. However, from around 1940 he ran forced-choice ESP experiments in which a subject attempted to identify which of five animal pictures a subject in another room was looking at. Their performance on this task was at chance, but when the scores were matched with the card that came after the target card, three of the thirteen subjects showed a very high hit rate; Rhine now described Soal's work as "a milestone in the field".[30] However analyses of Soal's findings, conducted several years later, concluded that the positive results were more likely the result of deliberate fraud.[31] The controversy continued for many years more.[30] In 1978 the statistician and parapsychology researcher Betty Markwick, while seeking to vindicate Soal, discovered that he had tampered with his data.[31] The untainted experimental results showed no evidence of precognition.[30][32]

Late 20th century

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As more modern technology became available, more automated techniques of experimentation were developed that did not rely on hand-scoring of equivalence between targets and guesses, and in which the targets could be more reliably and readily tested at random. In 1969 Helmut Schmidt introduced the use of high-speed random event generators (REG) for precognition testing, and experiments were also conducted at the Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research Lab.[33] Once again, flaws were found in all of Schmidt's experiments, when the psychologist C. E. M. Hansel found that several necessary precautions were not taken.[34]

Science fiction writer Philip K Dick believed that he had precognitive experiences and used the idea in some of his novels,[35] especially as a central plot element in his 1956 science fiction short story "The Minority Report"[36] and in his 1956 novel The World Jones Made.[37]

In 1963 the BBC television programme Monitor broadcast an appeal by the writer J.B. Priestley for experiences which challenged our understanding of Time. He received hundreds of letters in reply and believed that many of them described genuine precognitive dreams.[38][9] In 2014 the BBC Radio 4 broadcaster Francis Spufford revisited Priestley's work and its relation to the ideas of J.W. Dunne.[39]

In 1965 G. W. Lambert, a former Council member of the SPR, proposed five criteria that needed to be met before an account of a precognitive dream could be regarded as credible:[40]

  1. The dream should be reported to a credible witness before the event.
  2. The time interval between the dream and the event should be short.
  3. The event should be unexpected at the time of the dream.
  4. The description should be of an event destined literally, and not symbolically, to happen.
  5. The details of dream and event should tally.

David Ryback, a psychologist in Atlanta, used a questionnaire survey approach to investigate precognitive dreaming in college students during the 1980s. His survey of over 433 participants showed that 290 or 66.9 per cent reported some form of paranormal dream. He rejected many of these reports, but claimed that 8.8 per cent of the population was having actual precognitive dreams.[41]

21st century

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In 2011 the psychologist Daryl Bem, a Professor Emeritus at Cornell University, published findings showing statistical evidence for precognition in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.[42] The paper was heavily criticised, and the criticism widened to include the journal itself and the validity of the peer-review process.[43][44] In 2012, an independent attempt to reproduce Bem's results was published, but it failed to do so.[45][46][47][48][49] The widespread controversy led to calls for improvements in practice and for more research.[50][51]

In 2025, Youtuber McJuggerNuggets would release his first feature film titled, "Don't Dream About Me" which delves into his personal experiences with precognition and dreaming the future.

Scientific reception

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Claims of precognition are, like any other claims, open to scientific criticism. However, the nature of the criticism must adapt to the nature of the claim.[52]

Pseudoscience

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Claims of precognition are criticised on three main grounds:

  • There is no known scientific mechanism which would allow precognition. It breaks temporal causality, in that the precognised event causes an effect in the subject prior to the event itself.
  • The large body of experimental work has produced no accepted scientific evidence that precognition exists.
  • The large body of anecdotal evidence can be explained by alternative psychological mechanisms.

Consequently, precognition is widely considered to be pseudoscience.[1][53][54]

Violation of causality

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Precognition would violate the principle of antecedence (causality); that is, that an effect does not happen before its cause.[55][52] Information passing backwards in time (retrocausality) would need to be carried by physical particles doing the same. Experimental evidence from high-energy physics suggests that this cannot happen. There is therefore no direct justification for precognition from a physics-based approach.[2]

Precognition would also contradict "most of the neuroscience and psychology literature, from electrophysiology and neuroimaging to temporal effects found in psychophysical research."[56]

Lack of evidence

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A great deal of evidence for precognition has been put forward, both as witnessed anecdotes and as experimental results, but none has been accepted as rigorous scientific proof of the phenomenon. Even the most prominent pieces of evidence have been repeatedly rejected due to errors in those experiments as well as follow-on studies contradicting the original evidence. This suggests that the evidence was not valid in the first place.[57][58]

Alternative explanations

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Various known psychological processes have been put forward to explain experiences of apparent precognition. These include:

  • Coincidence, where apparent instances of precognition in fact arise from the law of truly large numbers.[59][60]
  • Self-fulfilling prophecy and unconscious enactment, where people unconsciously bring about events which they have previously imagined.[citation needed]
  • Unconscious perception, where people unconsciously infer, from data they have unconsciously learned, that a certain event will probably happen in a certain context. When the event occurs, the former knowledge appears to have been acquired without the aid of recognised channels of information.[citation needed]
  • Retrofitting, which involves the false interpretation of a past record of a dream or vision, in order to match it to a recent event. Retrofitting provides an explanation for the supposed accuracy of Nostradamus's vague predictions. For example, quatrain I:60 states "A ruler born near Italy...He's less a prince than a butcher." The phrase "near Italy" can be construed as covering a very broad range of geography, while no details are provided by Nostradamus regarding the era when this ruler will live. Because of this vagueness, and the flexibility of retrofitting, this quatrain has been interpreted by some as referring to Napoleon, but by others as referring to the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II, and by others still as a reference to Hitler.[61]
  • False memories, such as identifying paramnesia and memory biases, where the memory of a non-existent precognitive event is formed after the real event has occurred.[62] Where subjects in a dream experiment have been asked to write down their dreams in a diary, this can prevent selective memory effects such that the dreams no longer seem accurate about the future.[63]
  • Déjà vu, where people experience a false feeling that an identical event has occurred previously. Some recent authors have suggested that déjà vu and identifying paramnesia are the same thing.[64] This view is not universally held, with others instead treating them as distinct phenomena.[65]

Psychological explanations have also been proposed for belief in precognition. Psychologists have conducted experiments which are claimed to show that people who feel loss of control in their lives will turn to belief in precognition, because it gives them a sense of regaining control.[66]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Precognition

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Precognition is the purported of future events or information that cannot be deduced from current sensory inputs, logical inference, or past experiences, often manifesting as physiological responses, dreams, or conscious anticipations. In , it is studied as a form of anomalous , distinct from conventional prospection, which relies on and of possible futures. Historical accounts of precognition date back centuries through anecdotal reports, such as premonitory dreams attributed to figures like and , but systematic scientific investigation began in the 1930s with J.B. Rhine's experiments at using forced-choice card-guessing tasks to test for precognitive abilities. Rhine's work laid the foundation for modern parapsychological research, which expanded in the mid-20th century through programs like the U.S. government's Stargate Project (1972–1995), focusing on with precognitive elements. Key paradigms include precognitive dreaming, where participants report dreams anticipating future stimuli; free-response tasks, involving open-ended descriptions of upcoming events; and implicit measures like presentiment, where physiological precedes random stimuli by seconds. Empirical evidence from includes showing small but statistically significant effects across hundreds of studies. For instance, a of 309 forced-choice experiments from 1935 to 1987 yielded an of 0.02 (p < 1.1 × 10⁻⁹), while a review of 90 implicit precognition studies reported an of 0.09 (p < 1.2 × 10⁻¹⁰). Notable experiments include Daryl Bem's 2011 study, where participants anticipated erotic images with 53.1% accuracy across nine experiments, and physiological presentiment research demonstrating anticipatory skin conductance responses with an of 0.21 (p < 5.7 × 10⁻⁸). A 2012 of 26 presentiment studies confirmed repeatable effects, with lead times of 0.5 to 15 seconds. Gender differences appear in some findings, with stronger effects in men for presentiment but not remote viewing. However, mainstream psychology and neuroscience remain skeptical, attributing reported effects to methodological flaws, such as exploratory analyses, selective reporting, and statistical artifacts like the file-drawer problem or transposed conditional fallacy. Replications of Bem's experiments have been inconsistent, including a large-scale 2022 replication attempt by Muhlmenthaler et al. that found no evidence for the effect, with Bayesian analyses suggesting weak evidence and requiring sample sizes of around 2,000 for confirmatory power. Critics emphasize the absence of a plausible physical or biological mechanism for retrocausality, low prior probability of psi phenomena, and failure to observe effects in high-stakes real-world settings, such as gambling. Despite this, proponents advocate for preregistered, large-scale studies to address replicability concerns.

Definition and Concepts

Core Definition

Precognition derives its name from the Latin roots prae- ("before") and cognoscere ("to know"), forming praecognitio, meaning "foreknowledge." In parapsychology, precognition is defined as the purported extrasensory perception (ESP) of future events, involving the acquisition of non-inferential information about occurrences that have not yet happened and cannot be deduced from present sensory input or logical reasoning. This phenomenon is considered a form of psi, distinct from ordinary foresight or prediction based on probability or evidence. Precognition differs from related ESP abilities such as , which involves perceiving present or hidden events beyond normal sensory range, like viewing a distant location in real time, and , which entails knowledge of past events not accessible through inference, such as sensing details of a historical incident at a site. A common example of precognition is dreaming of a specific future accident, such as a car crash involving known individuals, details of which later unfold exactly as foreseen without prior clues. Parapsychological theory posits core principles for precognition, including non-local consciousness, where awareness transcends linear time constraints, allowing perception across temporal boundaries as suggested by early researchers like Frederic Myers. Additionally, intuitive foresight operates through subliminal mental processes that interpret and anticipate future events, as explored by figures such as Louisa Rhine and G. N. M. Tyrrell, emphasizing an innate, non-volitional capacity for such perception.

Types and Mechanisms

Precognition in parapsychology is classified into several types based on the nature and manifestation of the purported foresight. Veridical precognition refers to accurate anticipation of future events that cannot be inferred from present information, often involving detailed and verifiable outcomes. Precognitive dreams represent a specific subtype where future events appear in dreams, typically during sleep states, and may manifest symbolically or literally. Precognition can occur spontaneously, as in unplanned personal experiences, or be induced, such as through deliberate efforts in controlled settings by individuals with reported sensitivity to psi phenomena. A key distinction exists between conscious and unconscious forms of precognition. Conscious precognition involves explicit awareness of future information, such as clear visions or premonitions recognized as forward-looking at the time of occurrence. In contrast, unconscious precognition operates subtly through intuitions or behavioral influences that are only identified retrospectively upon the event's realization. Theoretical mechanisms proposed within parapsychology to explain precognition challenge conventional causality. Retrocausality posits that future events can influence the past, allowing information to flow backward in time, as explored in models where precognitive experiences stem from reversed causal chains. The collective unconscious, as conceptualized by , suggests precognition arises from access to a shared psychic reservoir containing archetypal knowledge that transcends individual experience and temporal boundaries. Analogies to quantum entanglement in psi theory propose that consciousness may link non-locally across time, similar to entangled particles maintaining correlations regardless of separation, enabling future information to affect present states. Hypothetical models of time-symmetric information flow describe precognition as bidirectional temporal processes, where past and future coexist in a multidimensional framework, permitting symmetric access to events beyond linear progression.

Historical Perspectives

Ancient and Classical Accounts

In ancient Mesopotamia, divination was a cornerstone of religious and political life, enabling foreknowledge of future events through oracles, omens, and dreams interpreted as divine communications. Babylonian practices, documented in cuneiform texts from the Old Babylonian period onward, included extispicy—examining sheep livers for signs—and celestial omens compiled in series like Enūma Anu Enlil, which predicted outcomes such as military victories or natural disasters based on planetary positions. Oracles, often solicited from gods like and Adad via queries (tamītu), were consulted by kings for state decisions, as seen in the Mari archives where diviners swore oaths of loyalty to interpret these signs accurately. Dreams also served precognitive functions; royal inscriptions, such as those of and Assurbanipal, describe induced dreams via sacrifices that revealed written divine messages foretelling temple constructions or conquests. Similarly, in ancient Egypt, dream incubation in temples facilitated precognitive experiences, where individuals slept in sacred precincts to receive visions from deities like Imhotep or Serapis that disclosed future events or resolutions to dilemmas. This ritual, evidenced in medical papyri such as the Chester Beatty Papyrus (c. 1200 BCE), involved preparatory purification and offerings to ward off malevolent dream influences, aiming not only at healing but also at prophecy for personal or national fortunes. Temples at sites like Deir el-Bahari and Saqqara hosted these practices, blending therapeutic and divinatory purposes to interpret dreams as direct godly revelations of impending outcomes. Among the Greeks, the Delphic Oracle exemplified institutional precognition, with the Pythia delivering ambiguous prophecies from Apollo's temple, influencing decisions from colonization to warfare. Literary and epigraphic sources, including Herodotus' accounts of predictions like the Persian defeat at Salamis (480 BCE), portray these utterances as divinely inspired foreknowledge, often requiring priestly interpretation to align with fate. Aristotle, in On Prophesying by Dreams (part of the Parva Naturalia), analyzed precognitive dreams as natural phenomena rather than supernatural, positing they arise from residual daytime sensory impressions amplified during sleep, serving as coincidental tokens or causes of future events like illnesses or distant occurrences, though not universally reliable. In the Roman era, Virgil's Aeneid wove precognitive prophecies into its narrative to underscore destined imperial glory, as in the Cumaean Sibyl's guided tour of the underworld revealing Rome's future rulers to Aeneas, or Anchises' visionary parade of heroes foretelling Augustus' reign. These elements, drawing on Hellenistic oracle traditions, portrayed visions as bridges between personal trials and cosmic fate, harmonizing Homeric epic with Roman historiography. Cicero's De Divinatione, a dialogue between his brother Quintus (defending divination) and himself (as skeptic Marcus), critiqued such precognitions as superstitious, arguing they stem from chance or faulty reasoning rather than true foreknowledge, and lack consistent empirical validation, thus undermining claims of deterministic prophecy. Philosophical discourse in Greece and Rome intertwined precognition with debates on fate (moira or fatum) versus free will (autexousion or libertas), questioning whether visions implied inescapable determinism. Aristotle rejected strict necessity for human actions, viewing them as contingent and deliberative, allowing precognitive signs without negating choice. Epicureans like Epicurus countered fatalistic foreknowledge by invoking atomic "swerves" to introduce indeterminism, preserving moral responsibility against divine predestination. Stoics, such as Chrysippus, embraced compatibilism, positing fate as a providential causal web where precognitions align with voluntary assents, though critics like Cicero favored skepticism to safeguard human agency from both chance and necessity.

Medieval to 19th Century Developments

In medieval Christian theology, precognition was often interpreted through the lens of divine providence and prophecy as gifts from God, rather than human divination. Augustine of Hippo, in his seminal work The City of God, framed prophecies as manifestations of God's foreknowledge, distinguishing them from pagan soothsaying by emphasizing their role in revealing divine will and guiding the faithful toward salvation. This perspective influenced later scholastic thinkers, who viewed visionary experiences—such as those of saints like —as rare graces that aligned human understanding with eternal truths, though the Church cautioned against unauthorized prognostication to avoid superstition. During the Renaissance, interest in precognition shifted toward humanistic and occult explorations, blending classical antiquity with emerging scientific inquiry. Michel de Nostredame, known as Nostradamus, gained prominence for his Les Prophéties (1555), a collection of cryptic quatrains purportedly foretelling future events through astrological and poetic insight, which he presented as divinely inspired warnings of plagues, wars, and cosmic upheavals. Similarly, Paracelsus (Theophrastus von Hohenheim) integrated alchemical foresight into medicine, arguing in works like Hermetic Astronomy that celestial influences enabled prediction of diseases, deaths, and natural disasters via dreams, animal signs, and stellar configurations, positioning such knowledge as a bridge between the microcosm of the body and the macrocosm of the universe. These ideas reflected a broader Renaissance fascination with hidden correspondences, where precognition served practical ends like healing and societal reform. In the 17th and 18th centuries, precognitive claims emerged amid religious fervor and Enlightenment skepticism, often tied to Protestant dissent. The , Huguenot rebels in France's Cévennes region during the early 1700s, relied on ecstatic prophecies from young visionaries who, in trance-like states, foretold the downfall of the Catholic monarchy and the Pope's defeat, interpreting these as divine mandates for their guerrilla resistance against persecution. Exiled prophets like Durand Fage continued these predictions in England, amassing followers by proclaiming imminent apocalyptic events. , the Swedish mystic and scientist, documented visionary experiences in the mid-18th century that included perceptions attributed to spiritual insight, influencing later discussions on anomalous cognition. The 19th century saw precognition intertwined with the rise of spiritualism and mesmerism, as societal attitudes evolved toward empirical yet mystical explanations of the unseen. The Fox sisters—Margaret, Kate, and Leah—sparked the spiritualist movement in 1848 Hydesville, New York, by claiming spirit communications through raps that included prophetic warnings of future events, drawing thousands to séances where mediums invoked precognitive insights from the afterlife to address personal and global concerns. Concurrently, mesmerism, evolving from 's theories, induced trances that practitioners like James Braid described as states of heightened suggestibility enabling clairvoyance and precognition, with subjects reportedly foreseeing illnesses or disasters, thus linking animal magnetism to occult foresight in medical and philosophical circles. These developments marked a transition from theological to more secular interpretations, reflecting Enlightenment rationalism's tension with enduring beliefs in supernatural perception.

20th Century Parapsychology

The (SPR), founded in 1882, expanded its investigations into precognition during the 20th century through systematic case collections and analyses that emphasized verifiability and corroboration. Building on 19th-century spiritualist inquiries, SPR researchers like H.F. Saltmarsh reviewed 349 documented cases in 1934, identifying 134 as providing strong evidence of precognitive foresight, often involving accurate predictions of personal crises or events verified post hoc. Similarly, Edith Lyttelton's 1937 compilation in Some Cases of Prediction categorized over 200 corroborated instances into types such as deathbed visions and disaster forewarnings, highlighting patterns that suggested non-inferential knowledge of future occurrences. A pivotal development occurred in the 1930s with J.B. Rhine's establishment of the Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke University, the first dedicated academic facility for experimental parapsychology. Invited by psychologist William McDougall, Rhine and his wife Louisa began operations in 1930, shifting from anecdotal reports to controlled laboratory protocols. Rhine's team conducted over 90,000 trials using Zener cards—decks featuring five symbols (circle, cross, waves, square, star)—to test extrasensory perception, including precognition via "displacement" methods where subjects guessed symbols on cards selected moments or sessions in the future. Results from these experiments, detailed in Rhine's 1934 book Extra-Sensory Perception, yielded hit rates averaging 26-30% against a 20% chance expectation, establishing statistical paradigms for psi research that influenced subsequent studies. World War II spurred military interest in psi phenomena as potential intelligence tools, with early projects laying groundwork for postwar remote viewing initiatives that incorporated precognitive elements. Both Allied and Axis forces explored extrasensory capabilities for strategic forecasting, such as anticipating enemy movements or outcomes, though documentation remains limited due to classification; for example, Nazi Germany's unit investigated occult practices with vague references to clairvoyance, while U.S. intelligence agencies began informal inquiries into psychic scouting by the war's end. These efforts, though rudimentary, represented a transition from civilian parapsychology to applied contexts, influencing later programs like the U.S. Army's Stargate Project. Mid-century advancements included Charles Honorton's refinement of the ganzfeld technique in the 1970s and 1980s, which isolated subjects in a uniform sensory field (using halved ping-pong balls over eyes and white noise) to enhance receptivity to psi signals. Originally developed for telepathic testing at the , Honorton's protocols were adapted for precognition by presenting targets selected after the session, allowing subjects to describe future images or events. A 1989 meta-analysis by Honorton and Diane Ferrari of 309 forced-choice precognition studies from 1935 to 1987 reported an overall effect size of 0.02 (p < 10^{-9}), indicating a modest but consistent deviation from chance across thousands of trials. These experiments, conducted at institutions like Honorton's Division of Personality Studies, emphasized automated judging and shielding to minimize sensory cues, solidifying ganzfeld as a high-impact method in parapsychological research.

21st Century Investigations

In the early 21st century, research on precognition shifted toward experimental paradigms measuring subconscious physiological responses to future stimuli, known as presentiment experiments. These studies often employ random event generators (REGs) to produce unpredictable stimuli, such as calming or arousing images, while monitoring participants' skin conductance or heart rate prior to stimulus presentation. A seminal example is Daryl Bem's 2011 study "Feeling the Future," which reported nine experiments demonstrating retroactive influences, including presentiment effects where participants' physiological arousal anticipated negative images generated randomly by computer software, with effect sizes indicating statistical significance (p < .05 in eight of nine experiments). A 2015 meta-analysis of 90 precognition experiments from 33 laboratories across 14 countries confirmed an overall effect size of 0.09 (Hedges' g), exceeding 6 sigma significance (z = 6.33, p = 1.2 × 10⁻¹⁰), with P-curve estimates suggesting a true effect around 0.21–0.24. Subsequent investigations in the 2010s and 2020s integrated advanced technologies to probe subconscious anticipation. Neuroimaging techniques, such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), were explored in early efforts like a 2008 study testing psi phenomena, including precognition tasks, where no significant brain activation differences were found between psi and control conditions, though methodological debates persisted. In the 2020s, researchers like Julia Mossbridge advanced presentiment protocols using physiological measures alongside computational tools; her work on predictive anticipatory activity, reviewed in 2018, analyzed over 20 studies showing autonomic responses preceding stimuli by 1–10 seconds, with applications to subconscious foresight. Artificial intelligence has begun aiding these protocols through machine learning for pattern detection in large datasets, as in Mossbridge's 2024 explorations of "Artificial Psi Intelligence" (APsi-I), where generative AI assists in hypothesis generation and data analysis for precognition experiments, enhancing replicability in parapsychological designs. Global research efforts, such as those at the Koestler Parapsychology Unit (KPU) at the University of Edinburgh, have sustained 21st-century investigations into precognition amid broader replication challenges in psychology. Established in 1985 but active through the 2020s, the KPU conducts studies on precognitive dreaming and anomalous cognition, including a 2023 registered confirmatory experiment testing precognition via randomized future events in a ganzfeld setting with 240 participants, emphasizing preregistration to address biases. However, Bem's findings faced significant replication scrutiny; multiple independent attempts in the 2010s, including a 2012 collaborative effort by 11 labs, failed to reproduce the effects (p > .05), contributing to the "replication crisis" in and prompting calls for stricter protocols like Bayesian analysis and sharing. The KPU has critiqued these issues, with researchers like Caroline Watt advocating for process-focused studies to distinguish true anomalies from expectancy biases. Emerging theoretical frameworks in the 2020s link precognition to and simulation hypotheses, positing non-local mechanisms. Parapsychologist Dean Radin has proposed that presentiment arises from in biological systems, where entangled particles enable retrocausal influences on , supported by his lab experiments showing correlated physiological responses across time-displaced events. In contexts, such theories suggest microtubule networks in neurons facilitate quantum coherence for anticipatory processing, as explored in Radin's 2020s analyses tying psi to non-local quantum effects. Regarding simulation hypotheses, some researchers hypothesize precognition as "glitches" in a simulated , where advanced computations allow access to future states, though empirical tests remain preliminary and tied to entanglement models up to 2025 publications.

Cultural and Religious Contexts

In Religious Traditions

In religious traditions worldwide, precognition is often framed as a divine gift or spiritual insight, allowing prophets, sages, and visionaries to glimpse future events as part of God's will or cosmic order. This underscores the role of foresight in guiding moral, communal, and eschatological narratives, distinguishing it from mere prediction by its sacred origin and purpose. In and , the portrays precognition through the visions of prophets like and Daniel, who received divine revelations of impending judgments and historical shifts. 's prophecies, such as those in chapters 13–23, foretold the fall of empires like and , interpreted as God's sovereign announcements of future calamities to call nations to . Similarly, Daniel's apocalyptic visions in chapters 7–12 depicted successive world empires—, Medo-Persia, Greece, and —culminating in a divine kingdom, emphasizing God's control over history. These accounts position prophetic foresight as a tool for faithfulness amid uncertainty, with visions occurring in dreams or trances as direct communications from . Within , precognition manifests as ru'ya (true visions or prophetic dreams), distinguished from ordinary dreams and considered a fraction of according to , such as one-forty-sixth or one-seventieth. The references ru'ya in narratives like Prophet Joseph's interpretation of Pharaoh's dream foretelling (Surah Yusuf 12:43–49), portraying such visions as divine signs for guidance and warning. collections, such as , affirm that pious dreams from convey truthful foresight, as the Prophet Muhammad stated: "The pious dreams are the seventieth part of ," urging believers to share good visions while concealing nightmares. This doctrinal emphasis integrates ru'ya into spiritual practice, where interpreting these dreams requires knowledge of and to discern future events aligned with . Hindu scriptures, particularly the , depict precognition as (divine sight), a (supernatural power) granted to enlightened figures for upholding . , the epic's compiler, possessed this ability to foresee the War's devastation, as described in the , enabling him to narrate events transcending time. , as an avatar of , exemplified omniscient foresight by guiding the through anticipated outcomes, while received a boon to know the future if he remained silent about it, highlighting the tension between knowledge and action. These instances in the epic underscore precognition's role in moral decision-making, where divine insight reveals karma's unfolding without altering fate. In , precognition aligns with abhijna (higher knowledges) attainable through , allowing insight into future births and events as part of impermanence (anicca). Tibetan traditions extend this through oracles, such as the , who enter trance states to receive prophetic guidance from deities like Pehar, foretelling political or spiritual developments for the and community. Texts like the Abhidhamma describe pre-cognition as a non-conceptual of arising phenomena, cultivated in advanced practitioners to foster by anticipating . This foresight serves soteriological ends, directing actions toward enlightenment rather than personal gain. Indigenous North American traditions, especially among Plains tribes like the Lakota, incorporate precognition via vision quests—solitary fasts in sacred sites seeking guardian spirits' revelations. These quests often yield glimpses of future life paths, personal trials, or communal destinies, as documented in ethnographic accounts where visionaries receive songs or symbols foretelling roles in warfare or healing. For instance, Lakota rites emphasize endurance to access wakan (sacred) insights into impending events, integrating foresight into rites of passage for harmony with nature and kin. Such experiences reinforce cultural resilience, viewing precognitive visions as ancestral bridges to future survival.

In Folklore and Mythology

In Celtic folklore, particularly Irish traditions, the (bean sídhe) is depicted as a female spirit whose mournful wail serves as a precognitive announcing the imminent death of a family member. This spectral figure, often appearing as a at streams scrubbing bloodied clothes, embodies a warning tied to and mortality, with accounts tracing back to medieval Gaelic oral narratives. Across various African oral traditions, ancestral spirits frequently manifest in dreams or visions to forewarn communities of impending calamities, such as droughts, conflicts, or illnesses, emphasizing the living's obligation to honor the dead for . For instance, in many indigenous cosmologies, these spirits—regarded as intermediaries between the human and spiritual realms—reveal environmental hazards or social disruptions through symbolic imagery, preserving cultural knowledge of resilience and ritual response. In , the —three female beings named (past), (present), and (future)—are portrayed as weaving the at the base of , the , determining the destinies of gods and mortals alike with unalterable foresight. Complementing this, , the Allfather, gains precognitive insight through personal sacrifices, such as hanging himself on for to acquire runic knowledge or pledging an eye to Mímir's well for wisdom that pierces time's veil. By the 19th and 20th centuries, collections documented the evolution of precognitive dreams into urban legends, where ordinary individuals report visions foretelling personal disasters or public events, blending rural superstitions with modern anxieties. These narratives, gathered in periodicals and ethnographic surveys, often feature shared dreams of accidents or deaths, reflecting societal shifts toward interpreting warnings amid industrialization.

Scientific and Parapsychological Studies

Key Experiments and Methods

Forced-choice tests represent one of the foundational methodologies in parapsychological investigations of precognition, where participants are required to select a target from a predefined set of discrete options, often before the target is selected or revealed. A classic example involves , which feature five symbol types (circle, cross, waves, square, and star) and were specifically designed for such experiments to test the ability to anticipate future card draws. In these protocols, subjects make guesses across multiple trials, and statistical analysis evaluates hit rates against chance expectation—typically 20% for five options—using measures like binomial tests or z-scores to detect deviations indicative of precognitive effects. A meta-analysis of 309 forced-choice precognition studies from 1935 to 1987, encompassing over 2 million trials, reported a small but significant overall (z/√N = 0.02, Stouffer Z = 6.02, p ≈ 1.1 × 10^{-9}), suggesting hit rates modestly above chance across diverse experimental setups. Free-response methods, in contrast, allow participants to generate open-ended descriptions or impressions without predefined choices, facilitating the capture of potentially rich precognitive content such as symbolic or narrative foresight. A prominent application is the use of dream diaries, where subjects record dreams upon awakening, and these records are later independently judged for correspondence to randomly selected future events or targets, often using standardized rating scales to quantify matches. Protocols typically involve home-based or monitoring, with dream content collected during sleep phases via awakenings and EEG verification to ensure relevance to precognitive claims. A of 50 dream-ESP studies from 1966 to 2016, including precognitive designs, yielded a significant composite (ES = 0.20, Stouffer Z = 5.32, p = 5.19 × 10^{-8}), based on judge ratings of dream-target similarity exceeding chance levels. Presentiment protocols focus on unconscious physiological of future stimuli, measuring autonomic responses prior to the of randomized emotional or neutral events to infer precognitive below . In these experiments, participants are exposed to sequences of future trials where skin conductance response (SCR)—a marker of emotional —is recorded seconds before a stimulus like an unpleasant image appears, with analysis comparing pre-stimulus SCR elevations to baseline via paired t-tests or calculations. Controls include random event generators to ensure unpredictability and counterbalancing of stimulus orders. A of 90 such experiments across 33 laboratories reported a significant anticipatory (Hedges' g = 0.09, z = 6.33, p = 1.2 × 10^{-10}), with SCR showing reliable increases before negative stimuli compared to calm ones. To minimize experimenter and participant in precognition studies, double-blind designs are standard, wherein neither the subject nor the experimenters interacting with them have knowledge of the target or future event until responses are recorded and sealed. This involves automated via computers or mechanical devices, independent judging panels for free-response evaluations, and separation of roles such that target selection occurs post-response by unaware personnel. Such controls have been integrated into forced-choice, free-response, and presentiment paradigms since their early development. Meta-analysis techniques aggregate data from multiple precognition experiments to enhance statistical power and assess consistency, employing methods like standardization (e.g., Cohen's d or Hedges' g) and random-effects models to account for between-study variance. These analyses often include file-drawer tests to evaluate and trim-and-fill adjustments for missing studies, providing an overall probability estimate from combined z-scores or p-values. In , such techniques have been applied to thousands of trials, revealing persistent small effects while highlighting the need for replication. Subsequent updates, such as & Tressoldi (2020) on free-response studies through 2018, report continued small effects (ES = 0.13).

Notable Researchers and Findings

J.B. Rhine, founder of the laboratory at , conducted pioneering card-guessing experiments in the 1930s and 1940s to investigate precognition using Zener decks of five symbols. In an initial series of 700 runs, subjects achieved an average hit rate of 32%, substantially exceeding the 20% expected by chance, with subsequent analyses confirming overall rates between 32% and 35% under stringent conditions. These findings, detailed in Rhine's 1934 book Extra-Sensory Perception, established empirical protocols for psi testing and suggested precognitive influences on guessing accuracy. Daryl Bem, a social psychologist at Cornell University, advanced precognition research through his 2011 study "Feeling the Future," which reversed standard psychological paradigms to test retroactive effects. Across nine experiments involving over 1,000 participants, Bem reported significant precognitive priming outcomes, with initial trials yielding p-values below 0.01, such as p = 0.004 in a recall task where subjects anticipated future stimuli exposure. The aggregated results showed a mean effect size (Cohen's d) of 0.22, indicating small but consistent anomalous anticipation. Charles Tart, a focused on studies, examined in the 1960s, including , as potential facilitators of ESP. In experiments integrating meditative practices with psi tasks, Tart observed potential improvements in general psi performance under relaxed, focused states, linking meditative depth to enhanced subconscious processes, as explored in his physiological correlates research. These findings, building on his 1963 study of psi cognition, highlighted how like could modulate psi sensitivity. Meta-analyses have synthesized decades of precognition data, with Storm, Tressoldi, and Di Risio's 2010 review of free-response ESP studies (1992–2008) reporting positive overall effect sizes. The ganzfeld subset yielded a effect size of 0.142 (Stouffer Z = 5.48, p = 2.13 × 10⁻⁸), while nonganzfeld noise-reduction studies showed 0.110 (Stouffer Z = 3.35, p = 2.08 × 10⁻⁴), supporting modest anomalous effects across protocols. This analysis, encompassing precognitive elements in 59 studies, underscored the persistence of small positive deviations from chance in aggregated empirical results.

Skeptical Analysis and Explanations

Pseudoscientific Classification

Precognition is classified as a primarily due to its failure to meet key demarcation criteria established by philosophers of science, such as Karl Popper's principle of . Popper argued that scientific theories must be testable in a way that could potentially disprove them, allowing for empirical refutation through or experiment. In contrast, claims of precognition—foreknowledge of future events without sensory input—are often structured in ways that evade definitive disproof, as proponents can reinterpret failed predictions or attribute non-occurrences to variables like the observer's influence or suppressed psi effects. Philosopher applied this criterion to , the broader field encompassing precognition, stating that it "fails to meet Popper’s criterion of " because its hypotheses resist conclusive empirical negation. The absence of peer-reviewed consensus in mainstream scientific journals further underscores this pseudoscientific status. Organizations like the (APA) do not recognize parapsychological phenomena, including precognition, as valid areas of psychological inquiry, viewing them with suspicion due to methodological inconsistencies and lack of reproducible evidence. A 2019 critique published in the APA's American Psychologist journal asserted that parapsychological claims "cannot be true" and represent an "elusive quest" unsupported by rigorous science, highlighting the field's exclusion from established psychological frameworks. Precognition shares core traits with other pseudosciences, such as , particularly its heavy reliance on anecdotal reports rather than controlled, replicable experiments. Like , where personal testimonies of accurate horoscopes sustain belief despite statistical null results, precognitive claims often depend on subjective recollections of "hits" while ignoring "misses," a pattern exacerbated by cognitive biases like . This anecdotal foundation, as noted in analyses of pseudoscientific practices, prioritizes unverified personal narratives over systematic data, preventing the accumulation of verifiable knowledge. Since its founding in 1976, the (CSI, formerly CSICOP) has explicitly labeled precognition and related claims as , promoting critical examination to counter their uncritical acceptance in popular media. Established to investigate and debunk unsubstantiated assertions of the , CSI's publications, such as the , have consistently argued that , including precognition research, remains "bankrupt" after over a century of failed empirical validation.

Violations of Physical Laws

Precognition, if it exists, fundamentally conflicts with the principle of enshrined in , which prohibits the transmission of information faster than the . This locality condition ensures that causes precede effects within a , preventing any knowledge of future events from influencing the present without violating relativistic invariance. Such a constraint directly precludes precognitive awareness, as it would require nonlocal signaling from future states to the observer's timeline. The thermodynamic arrow of time further underscores this incompatibility, arising from the second law of thermodynamics, which dictates that entropy in isolated systems irreversibly increases over time. This statistical tendency toward disorder establishes a directional flow from past to future, rendering processes like precognition—where future outcomes retroactively inform the present—impossible without reversing entropy gradients and implying perpetual motion machines. Precognition would thus demand a breakdown of this arrow, contradicting the low-entropy initial conditions of the universe (the Past Hypothesis) that underpin observed irreversibility. In , dominant interpretations such as the framework explicitly reject , maintaining a forward-directed where occurs at without backward influences. This positivistic approach, developed by Bohr and Heisenberg, prioritizes observable predictions over hidden mechanisms that could allow future events to affect past probabilities, lacking empirical justification for retrocausal extensions. remains a speculative alternative in some models, but standard quantum theory provides no support for psi phenomena like precognition that would necessitate such revisions. Hypothetical resolutions, such as John Archibald Wheeler's delayed-choice experiments, have been invoked to explore apparent retroactive influences at the quantum scale, where a photon's path seems determined by post-interaction choices. However, these experiments do not imply true or from the future; instead, they highlight interpretive ambiguities in wave-particle duality without altering causal order or applying to macroscopic psi effects like human precognition. The quantum-to-classical transition further limits their relevance, as precognition involves conscious awareness beyond isolated particle behaviors.

Lack of Reproducible Evidence

One prominent example of replication in precognition is Daryl Bem's 2011 study, which reported statistically significant for retroactive facilitation of recall, suggesting participants could anticipate future stimuli. However, subsequent attempts to replicate this effect under open-science protocols failed to produce significant results. For instance, Ritchie, Wiseman, and French conducted three pre-registered replications with a combined sample of 150 participants and found no of the effect, with a combined p-value of 0.83 (one-tailed). Similarly, a large-scale replication effort by Muhmenthaler et al. in 2022, involving over 1,000 participants across multiple experiments, yielded no support for precognition, highlighting the difficulty in reproducing Bem's findings in controlled conditions. The file-drawer problem, where null or negative results remain unpublished, exacerbates these replication issues by artificially inflating effect sizes in the literature on precognition. First formalized by Rosenthal in 1979, this bias leads to meta-analyses that overestimate psi effects because only positive studies are typically reported. In , selective reporting compounds this, as researchers may emphasize significant subsets of data or engage in optional stopping, further distorting apparent precognitive effects. For example, critiques of Bem's work point to potential p-hacking and flexible analyses that contributed to the initial positive results, which diminish or disappear upon stricter controls. Large-scale reviews of precognition studies have also underscored these empirical shortcomings through ongoing debates over statistical validity. In a 1991 review published in Statistical Science, Jessica Utts analyzed meta-analytic evidence for psi phenomena, including precognition, and argued for a small but genuine effect based on replication patterns. However, skeptic , in his 1985 critical appraisal of parapsychological research, contended that methodological flaws, such as and poor , invalidated claims of precognition, concluding that the cumulative evidence was insufficient to support its existence. Their exchange, culminating in a 1986 joint statement, acknowledged intriguing statistical anomalies but emphasized the need for more rigorous, independent verification, which has not materialized in subsequent decades. Furthermore, precognition remains absent in highly controlled scientific environments where subtle anomalies in timing or could be detected. In laboratories, such as those at , experiments routinely probe quantum events and causality with extreme precision, yet no reproducible precognitive influences have been observed in these settings. This lack of detection in such rigorous contexts reinforces the broader pattern of evidential gaps in precognition research.

Alternative Psychological Interpretations

Apparent precognitive experiences, such as foreseeing an event that later occurs, can often be attributed to , where individuals selectively remember and emphasize instances that align with their expectations while disregarding those that do not. This cognitive tendency leads people to interpret vague or coincidental thoughts as accurate predictions after the fact, reinforcing the of foresight. Similarly, contributes by causing individuals to retroactively view past statements or dreams as more prophetic than they were, distorting to fit subsequent outcomes; for example, a general anxiety about a trip may be recalled as a specific warning of an only after it happens. These biases are well-documented in on beliefs, where they explain why anecdotal reports of precognition persist despite lacking empirical support. Subconscious pattern recognition offers another non-paranormal explanation, as the continuously processes environmental cues, past experiences, and below the level of conscious , sometimes manifesting as intuitive hunches or dream that coincidentally aligns with future events. During , the mind integrates fragmented into narratives that mimic foresight, such as dreaming of a delayed flight after subconsciously noting weather patterns or travel delays in news. This process relies on the brain's mechanisms, honed by to anticipate outcomes based on learned associations rather than insight. Studies in highlight how such implicit learning creates the subjective sense of precognition without any actual temporal reversal. Neurological factors, particularly in conditions like (TLE), provide a basis for some reports of precognitive visions, where abnormal electrical activity in the disrupts normal and processing. Patients with TLE may experience auras characterized by prescience—a sudden, vivid sense of impending events—due to heightened activity in regions responsible for and emotional salience, such as the hippocampus and . For instance, ictal phenomena in TLE can produce dream-like hallucinations or premonitory feelings that feel prophetic, but these are localized neural discharges rather than genuine foresight. Clinical observations confirm that such experiences occur in a minority of TLE cases, underscoring their organic origins over ones. Cultural priming effects further shape how premonitions are perceived and remembered, as societal narratives and expectations about the influence cognitive interpretation of ambiguous events. In cultures with strong traditions of or fate, individuals are more likely to prime memories toward supernatural explanations, enhancing recall of "hits" while downplaying misses through expectancy . reveal that belief in precognition varies significantly by societal values—for example, higher endorsement in collectivist societies emphasizing interconnectedness compared to individualistic ones—demonstrating how cultural context modulates the psychological framing of intuitions as premonitions. This priming operates via associative networks in , where cultural scripts activate schemas that retroactively imbue ordinary foresight with mystical significance.

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