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Richard A. Falk
Richard A. Falk
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Richard Anderson Falk (born November 13, 1930)[1] is an American professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University,[2] and Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor's Chairman of the Board of Trustees.[3] In 2004, he was listed as the author or coauthor of 20 books and the editor or coeditor of another 20 volumes.[4] Falk has published extensively with multiple books written about international law and the United Nations.

Key Information

In 2008, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) appointed Falk to a six-year term as a United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.[5]

Early life and education

[edit]

Falk was born into a New York Jewish family. Defining himself as "an American Jew", he says that having an outsider status, with a sense of not belonging, may have influenced his later role as a critic of American foreign policy.[2][6][7] His being Jewish signifies above all for Falk, "to be preoccupied with overcoming injustice and thirsting for justice in the world, and that means being respectful toward other peoples regardless of their nationality or religion, and empathetic in the face of human suffering whoever and wherever victimization is encountered."[7]

Falk obtained a Bachelor of Science in Economics from the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania in 1952 before completing a Bachelor of Laws degree at Yale Law School.[2][8] He obtained his Doctorate in Law (SJD) from Harvard University in 1962. His early thinking was influenced by readings of Karl Marx, Herbert Marcuse, and C. Wright Mills, and he developed an overriding concern with projects to abolish war and aggression as social institutions.[2]

Professional career

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Falk began his teaching career at Ohio State University and Harvard in the late 1950s.[2] In 1961, he moved to Princeton University, which served as his academic affiliation for over thirty years. He was appointed Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law and Practice in 1965, a position he retains as emeritus professor.[9] In 1985, he became a Guggenheim Fellow.[2] He retired from teaching in 2001.[9]

Since 2002, he has been a research professor at the Orfalea Center for Global & International Studies at University of California, Santa Barbara. As of 2013, he was director of the Global Climate Change, Human Security, and Democracy project.[10]

Falk is a critic of the Westphalian system of nation states, which he argues must be transcended by a more international institution to control the resort to force by nations,[2] as the world moves towards a global ethos in which states renounce their boundary-obsessed territorialism in exchange for a regime of consensually negotiated aims, in which national leaders must be subject to accountability.[11] With regard to specific geopolitical situations, he has published books and essays analyzing the ideological aspects of the American Human Rights Debate,[12] the legality of the Vietnam War and other military operations. With regard to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, he wrote that it is "inescapable that an objective observer would reach the conclusion that this Iraq War is a war of aggression, and as such, that it amounts to a Crime against Peace of the sort for which surviving German leaders were indicted, prosecuted and punished at the Nuremberg trials conducted shortly after the Second World War."[13]

Activism

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Falk's engagement with politics began at Ohio State University, where in the 1960s as a member of the faculty of law he was a witness to racism targeted at black students.[citation needed] His move to Princeton University, where the teaching of law was linked to politics, international relations and other social sciences allowed Falk to integrate his professional expertise in international law with his ethical and political values.[citation needed] Falk aimed to combine his academic work with political activism in a role he described as a "citizen-pilgrim".[2]

The essential inquiry of a citizen-pilgrim is to discover how to make desirable, yet unlikely, social movements succeed. The movements against slavery, colonialism, racial discrimination, and patriarchy are some instances. My overriding concern is to foster an abolitionist movement against war and aggression as social institutions, which implies the gradual construction of a new world order that assures basic human needs of all people, that safeguards the environment, that protects the fundamental human rights of all individuals and groups without encroaching upon the precarious resources of cultural diversity, and that works toward the non-violent resolution of intersocietal conflicts.[2]

In media

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Falk is a member of the Editorial Boards of The Nation[14] and The Progressive. He has spoken on college campuses[15] and for organizations.[16]

Former activities

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Falk is a former advisory board member of the World Federalist Institute and the American Movement for World Government,[17] as well as a former fellow at the Transnational Institute.[6] During 1999–2000, Falk worked on the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, an initiative of the Prime Minister of Sweden Göran Persson.[18]

For several years Falk served on the Santa Barbara, California local committee of Human Rights Watch (HRW). In December 2012, he was asked to resign from the local committee.[19] Falk said he was asked to resign from HRW because his work for the United Nations was contrary to HRW's policy.[20][21] Later that month, in response to a press release from a lobby group, UN Watch, that criticized Falk, forty representatives of major international human rights organisations worldwide signed a letter to HRW urging it to "clarify that he was not 'expelled' as an enemy of human rights' as UN Watch claimed."[22][23] Phyllis Bennis, a signer of the letter, wrote that HRW stated in a reply on January 1, 2013, that the UN Watch's statement was filled with inaccuracies and falsehoods and that Falk was asked to resign from HRW to comply with long-standing HRW policy.[22][24]

Appointments at the United Nations

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United Nations Human Rights Inquiry Commission for the Palestinian territories

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In 2001, Falk served on a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Inquiry Commission for the Palestinian territories[25] with John Dugard, a South African based in Leiden University in the Netherlands, and Kamal Hussein, former foreign minister of Bangladesh. Falk stated the two main issues: "One is evaluating whether the conditions of occupation are such as to give the Palestinians some kind of right of resistance. And if they have that right, then what are the limits to that right?" "The other issue at stake in this current inquiry is to evaluate how Israel as the occupying power is carrying out its responsibility to protect the society that is subject to its control."[26] After its investigation the commission issued a report, "Question of the violation of human rights in the occupied Arab territories, including Palestine."[27]

Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967

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On March 26, 2008, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) appointed Falk to a six-year term as a United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.[5] Falk replaced South African international law professor John Dugard, who left his post in June 2008 after seven years.[28] Falk's appointment expired in May 2014.[29]

Response to appointment

[edit]

The appointment of Falk was made by a consensual decision by the 47 members of the UN's Human Rights Council. Although Jewish groups tried to persuade the European Union and Canada to oppose Falk's appointment, the EU did not intervene, and Canada did not oppose although it distanced itself via a statement.[30]

According to a UN press release, Israel's Ambassador to the United Nations Itzhak Levanon[31] strongly criticized the appointment stating that Falk had written in an article that it was not "an irresponsible overstatement to associate the treatment of Palestinians with the criminalized Nazi record of collective atrocity" and argued that "someone who had publicly and repeatedly stated such views could not possibly be considered independent, impartial or objective."[32]

According to The Forward, Falk said: "Is it an irresponsible overstatement to associate the treatment of Palestinians with this criminalized Nazi record of collective atrocity? I think not."[30] Levanon further stated: "He has taken part in a UN fact-finding mission which determined that suicide bombings were a valid method of 'struggle'. He has disturbingly charged Israel with 'genocidal tendencies,' and accused it of trying to achieve security through 'state terrorism'. Someone who has publicly and repeatedly stated such views cannot possibly be considered independent, impartial or objective."[33] The Israeli government announced that it would deny Falk a visa to Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip at least until the September 2008 meeting of the Human Rights Council.[34]

The UN press release reported that the Palestinian representative, Mohammad Abu-Koash, said that it was "ironic that Israel which claimed to be representing Jews everywhere was campaigning against a Jewish professor who had been nominated to the post of Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory." The Palestinian statement went on to refer to Falk as the "author of 54 books on international law" and concluded that his appointment was "a victory for good sense and human rights, as he was a highly qualified rapporteur."[32]

A former United States Ambassador to the United Nations, John Bolton, criticized Falk's appointment to the United Nations Human Rights Council by stating: "This is exactly why we voted against the new human rights council" and "he was picked for a reason, and the reason is not to have an objective assessment — the objective is to find more ammunition to go after Israel."[35]

UN investigations and reports as Special Rapporteur

[edit]

2008

[edit]

In May 2008, Israel refused to admit Falk to gather information for a report. The National Lawyers Guild urged Israel to permit Falk entry by stating, "Falk made no claims any different from those made by John Dugard, the man he was to replace, in several reports on conditions in the Occupied Territories."[36] Human Rights Watch issued a statement that asked Israel to reverse its expulsion of Falk from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.[37] In a July 2008 interview, Falk stated the constraints would "limit my exposure to the direct realities. But I think it's quite possible to perform this role without that exposure. Barring my entry complicates my task but doesn't make it undoable."[38]

In June 2008, Falk proposed to the Human Rights Council for his mandate to investigate violations of international humanitarian law in the Palestinian territories to be extended to include possible Palestinian infringements. He stated his goal was to "insulate" the council, which is dominated by Islamic and African states, usually supported by China, Cuba and Russia, "from those who contend that its work is tainted by partisan politics."[39]

On December 9, 2008, the United Nations released a statement by Falk in his official capacity as "Special Rapporteur" that noted that United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, General Assembly President Miguel D'Escoto, and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, among other top officials, have expressed concern for the "desperate plight" of civilians in Gaza. Falk stated: "And still Israel maintains its Gaza siege in its full fury, allowing only barely enough food and fuel to enter to stave off mass famine and disease." He outlined steps that must be taken to avoid a "humanitarian catastrophe."[40] They included implementing the "responsibility to protect" a civilian population from collective punishment and a determination of "whether the Israeli civilian leaders and military commanders responsible for the Gaza siege should be indicted and prosecuted for violations of international criminal law," which The Jerusalem Post wrote would go before the International Court of Justice at The Hague.[41][42]

On December 14, Falk arrived at Ben Gurion Airport with staff members from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on an official visit, planning to travel to the West Bank and Gaza to prepare a report on Israel's compliance with human rights standards and international humanitarian law.[43][44][45][46] In an interview, Falk stated the Israeli government distorted his real views and that he saw the expulsion as an "insidious pattern of trying to shift the attention from their objections to the person."[47] Pillay called Israel's detention (he was held at the airport for about 20 hours) and expulsion of Falk as "unprecedented and deeply regrettable."[48][49]

On December 27, 2008, Falk issued a statement condemning the December 2008 Israel strikes on Gaza as "war crimes" because he claimed that they included collective punishment, targeting of civilians and a disproportionate military response to Hamas rocket attacks on Israel, which also targeted civilians. He stated that Israel had ignored Hamas's diplomatic initiatives to re-establish the ceasefire which expired December 26 and condemned nations that provided Israel military support and participated during the siege of Gaza.[50] In an article for the Houston Chronicle, Falk reaffirmed that he had "called on the International Criminal Court" to investigate Israeli leaders responsible for possible violations of international criminal law.[51]

2009

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In March 2009, Falk stated that Israel's offensive in Gaza was a war crime of the "greatest magnitude." He called for an independent group to be set up to investigate the war crimes committed on both sides.[52] The British government responded to Falk's report by stating that "the report of the UN Human Rights Council's Special Rapporteur is unbalanced and contributes little."[53] In October 2009, Falk endorsed the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict, also known as the "Goldstone Report," as "an historic contribution to the Palestinian struggle for justice, an impeccable documentation of a crucial chapter in their victimization under occupation."[citation needed]

2010

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In his August 30, 2010 UN Special Rapporteur report Falk detailed the accusation that Israel was practicing a policy of apartheid in the Palestinian territories:

Among the salient apartheid features of the Israeli occupation are the following: preferential citizenship, visitation and residence laws and practices that prevent Palestinians who reside in the West Bank or Gaza from reclaiming their property or from acquiring Israeli citizenship, as contrasted to a Jewish right of return that entitles Jews anywhere in the world with no prior tie to Israel to visit, reside and become Israeli citizens; differential laws in the West Bank and East Jerusalem favouring Jewish settlers who are subject to Israeli civilian law and constitutional protection, as opposed to Palestinian residents, who are governed by military administration; dual and discriminatory arrangements for movement in the West Bank and to and from Jerusalem; discriminatory policies on land ownership, tenure and use; extensive burdening of Palestinian movement, including checkpoints applying differential limitations on Palestinians and on Israeli settlers, and onerous permit and identification requirements imposed only on Palestinians; punitive house demolitions, expulsions and restrictions on entry and exit from all three parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territories.[54][55]

In the same report, Falk said that "Israel is not meeting its obligations as occupying Power to Palestinian children living in Area C" citing a 2009 report by Save the Children UK whose conclusion "is that Israeli policies of land confiscation, expanding settlements, lack of such basic services as food, water, shelter, and medical clinics is at “a crisis point”, with food security problems even worse than in Gaza",[56] that "settlements are often built on the best agricultural land and so as to take advantage of access to water (using 85 per cent of West Bank water either for the settlements or to pump it into Israel, violating the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibition on appropriating the resources of an occupied territory)",[57] that "reports of independent organizations routinely confirm that Israeli soldiers offer the Palestinians no protection against settler violence even when present"[58] and that there is Israeli "ethnic cleansing in occupied East Jerusalem".[59] Falk recommended that "the United Nations should lend its support to the worldwide boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign, so long as Israel unlawfully occupies Palestinian territories, and the United Nations should endorse a non-violent “legitimacy war” as an alternative to both failed peace negotiations and armed struggle, as the best available means of promoting the rights of the civilian population of the occupied Palestinian territory, as specified by international humanitarian law".[60]

2011

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In 2011, Falk spoke to the UN Human Rights Council and stated that Israeli policies in Jerusalem amounted to "ethnic cleansing" against the Palestinian population. He urged it to ask the International Court of Justice to investigate Israel for acts of "colonialism, apartheid, and ethnic cleansing inconsistent with international humanitarian law" that are committed during its occupation of the Palestinian territories.[61] Falk wrote that "this report has decided to employ such terms as “annexation”, “ethnic cleansing”, “apartheid”, “colonialist” and “criminality” as more adequately expressing the actual nature of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories. Such labels can be perceived as emotive, and admittedly require a finding by a court of law to be legally conclusive. However, such language, in the Special Rapporteur's view, more accurately describes the realities of the occupation as of the end of 2010".[62]

As of March 2011, Falk was still denied entry into and effectively banned from Israel.[61]

2012

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Falk's report to the UN Human Rights Council recommended the International Court of Justice at the Hague to be asked to issue an advisory opinion on "the Israeli practice of transferring detained Palestinians to prisons in Israel, denying normal visitation rights, possibly joined to a broader request for legal clarification of the special character of prolonged belligerent occupation" and also recommended the Human Rights Council to censure Israel because of its use of administrative detention, take "emergency notice of an Israeli legislative initiative that purports to legalize settlement “outposts”, currently unlawful under Israeli law", and to increase attention on Israel's refusal to cooperate with his work.[63] According to the report, "Israel continues to rely on excessive or disproportionate use of force in Gaza" and there is a "continuing Israeli rejection of negotiated ceasefire in favour of its pattern of reliance on targeted assassination and other extrajudicial killings".[64] The US Ambassador to the UN Human Rights Council said the US "continues to be deeply troubled by this council's biased and disproportionate focus on Israel."[65]

In Falk's report to the UN General Assembly, he recommended that "businesses highlighted in the report – as well as the many other businesses that are profiting from the Israeli settlement enterprise – should be boycotted until they bring their operations into line with international human rights and humanitarian law and standards." He specifically named the United States' Caterpillar Inc., Hewlett-Packard and Motorola; Israel's Ahava, Elbit Systems and Mehadrin; Sweden's Volvo Group and Assa Abloy; France's Veolia Environment; United Kingdom's G4S, Belgium's Dexia Group, the Netherlands' Riwal Holding Group and Mexico's Cemex.[66] Falk also wrote "that the businesses highlighted in this report constitute a small portion of the many companies that engage in profit-making operations about Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory"[67] and that he "conducted research for this report based on the foundational principle that business enterprises must respect international humanitarian law and should respect human rights".[68] At a news conference, Falk stated, "The focus on business activities is partly an expression of frustration about the inability to obtain compliance with these fundamental legal obligations of Israel and the ineffectiveness of the U.N. efforts to condemn settlement expansion." He also stated, "The whole issue of Palestinian self-determination is at risk here."[69]

The report drew criticism from the United States Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, who called it "irresponsible and unacceptable,"[70][71] and the Canadian foreign ministry, which called it "biased and disgraceful" and called on Falk to withdraw his "offensive" report or to resign from his UN post.[72] The Israeli Mission to the UN stated that "while he [Falk] spends pages and pages attacking Israel, Falk fails to mention even once the horrific human rights violations and ongoing terrorist attacks by Hamas."[73] Caterpillar Inc. called the report inaccurate and misleading, reflecting its "personal and negative opinions toward Israel." Hewlett Packard said that Falk was "far from an independent and unbiased expert in this matter."[70]

Several countries, including Egypt and Iran, called the report fair and balanced.[72]

In December, Falk visited "Cairo and the Gaza Strip", where he "met with governmental, inter-governmental and civil society representatives, as well as victims and witnesses", with the "initial purpose assessing the overall impact of Israel's prolonged occupation and blockade" against Gaza. However, after Israel's November seven-day "Operation Pillar of Defense" military actions against Hamas, Falk claimed that "there arose an urgent need to investigate Israel's seemingly deliberate attacks against civilian targets." After visiting Palestinian survivors of military attacks, Falk stated that "some attacks killed and harmed civilians in a grossly disproportionate manner and thus appear to violate international law." He called on Israel "to abide by and fully implement the cease fire agreement" and called on the international community to make sure it did so.[74]

2013

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Falk's annual report, delivered to the Human Rights Council on June 3, 2013, called for an international "commission of enquiry into the situation of Palestinians detained or imprisoned by Israel. This enquiry should have a broad mandate, to examine Israel’s track record of impunity for prison officials and others who interrogate Palestinians".[75] Falk also pointed out that "the following policies and practices remain serious, on-going concerns: detention without charges and other forms of arbitrary detention, such as Israel‟s abusive misuse of administrative detention; torture and other forms of ill, inhumane and humiliating treatment; coerced confessions; solitary confinement, including of children; denial of equality of arms; denial of visits by family members and the International Committee of the Red Cross; denial of access to legal representation; unacceptable conditions in prisons and detention centres; lack of access to required health care, at times amounting to medical neglect; and denial of access to education, including for children. These concerns are punctuated by Israel‟s flagrant disregard of article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention".[76]

The report criticized the use of arbitrary detention, torture, and coerced confessions and stated, "the treatment of thousands of Palestinians detained or imprisoned by Israel continues to be extremely worrisome." Falk said that Israel held 5,000 Palestinians in custody and had imprisoned 750,000 since the start of the occupation. Falk also criticized and called for an end to Israel's blockade of Gaza by saying that it amounted to the "collective punishment of 1.75 million Palestinians." He argued that viability of Gaza was at stake: "With 70 percent of the population dependent on international aid for survival and 90 percent of the water unfit for human consumption, drastic and urgent changes are urgently required if Palestinians in Gaza are to have their most basic rights protected."[77][78]

Falk also called for the Red Cross or a commission of international law experts to establish a convention to address the specific issues related to situations of prolonged occupation. He said, "Forty-six years ago today Israel's occupation of Palestine began. Six days of war have turned into 46 years of occupation." He concluded, "Forty-six years of denying Palestinians their most basic rights has not achieved peace, Israel's continuous annexation of Palestinian resources and territory."[77][78]

Falk devoted part of his report to UN Watch which he described as a "pro-Israel lobbying organization" that had conducted "a smear campaign" by issuing "a series of defamatory attacks demeaning his character, repeatedly distorting his views on potentially inflammatory issues" but "despite its efforts to discredit the Special Rapporteur, UN Watch has never offered substantive criticisms or entered into any serious discussion of the Special Rapporteur‟s reports". He asked the UN to investigate UN Watch to determine whether it is an independent organisation and "not indirectly sponsored by the Government of Israel and/or other pro-Israel lobbying groups".[79][80][81] Some media outlets have described UN Watch as a pro-Israel group.[82][83][84][85][86][87][88][89]

Many countries speaking at the session thanked Falk for his work and challenged Israel for refusing to co-operate with his human rights mission in the Palestinian territories.[81] The Palestinian delegation praised the report and called for its speedy implementation. The European Union agreed that Israel's settlements and separation barrier were "illegal under international law and constitute an obstacle to peace" but also criticised parts of the report.[77] The European representative said, "The EU continues to regret the unbalanced mandate of the Special Rapporteur and is also concerned that parts of the report include political considerations. In the past, the EU emphasized that future reports should be based on a more factual and legal analysis, and we regret to see no genuine progress in that direction. The council needs to be provided with accurate, factual information and solid allegations to fulfill its role and address the human rights situation in the occupied Palestinian territory." The United States Ambassador to the UNHRC, Eileen Donahoe, called for Falk's resignation and said, "Falk's attack on UN Watch threatens the independent voice of civil society at the UN. NGO work is particularly important in the field of human rights. Mr. Falk's most recent statement – which he dramatically and recklessly included in an official UN document – is characteristic of previous reprehensible comments and actions he has made during his tenure as a special rapporteur. His views and behavior, both official and unofficial, are offensive and provocative and do nothing to advance peace in the Middle East or to further the protection and promotion of human rights. We again call for his resignation."[81]

2017

[edit]

A report Falk co-authored with Virginia Tilley, a professor of political science from Southern Illinois University Carbondale, was published in March 2017 by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (UNESCWA). The report said "Israel has established an apartheid regime that dominates the Palestinian people as a whole". UN Under-Secretary General and Executive Secretary of UNESCWA, Rima Khalaf, said it was the first time a report from a UN body "clearly and frankly concludes that Israel is a racist state that has established an apartheid system that persecutes the Palestinian people".[90][91] US Ambassador to the UN, Nikki Haley, called the report "anti-Israel propaganda".[92] She described Falk as "a man who has repeatedly made biased and deeply offensive comments about Israel and espoused ridiculous conspiracy theories."[93]

UN Secretary General António Guterres said he had no advance knowledge of the report and that it did not reflect his views. He instructed Rima Khalaf to withdraw the report. Khalaf said she stood by the report's conclusions and resigned because of the pressure exerted on her by Guterres to withdraw the report. The report was removed from the UNESCWA website.[94]

Views

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Nuremberg defense of violent protesters

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In October 1973, Falk defended Karleton Armstrong, who pleaded guilty to bombing the University of Wisconsin Army Mathematics Research Center, which killed a researcher working there and injured another four people. The New York Times reported that Falk "appealed for full amnesty for all resistors, including those who use violent tactics to oppose the war in Vietnam." The Times further reported that Falk "cited the Nuremberg Trials as precedent for defense assertions that private American citizens had 'a right, and perhaps a duty' to actively oppose the war by any means."[95] According to Ronald Christenson, a political science professor at Gustavus Adolphus College, Falk "invoked the Nuremberg precedent to argue that there is a right of individuals to stop crime 'even by creating a lesser crime.'"[96][97]

Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979

[edit]

In early 1979, when Falk was a professor of International Law at Princeton, he visited Iranian Revolution leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini at his home on the last day of Khomeini's exile in France.[98][99] In a February 1979 New York Times op-ed, published after Khomeini had returned to Iran, Falk wrote: "The depiction of him as fanatical, reactionary and the bearer of crude prejudices seems certainly and happily false." Falk commented that Khomeini's "entourage was uniformly composed of moderate, progressive individuals"[100] and that "having created a new model of popular revolution based, for the most part, on nonviolent tactics, Iran may yet provide us with a desperately-needed model of humane governance for a third-world country."[101] The New York Times gave Falk's article the headline "Trusting Khomeini", which Falk did not see before its publication. Falk said he received hate mail and death threats for some years afterwards because of the headline, not the article itself.[98]

By the end of 1979, Khomeini had become Supreme Leader of Iran and had begun removing moderates from his circles, arresting and even killing political opponents and supporting students who took over the U.S. embassy in Tehran, holding American hostages for 444 days. Falk was criticized[by whom?] for having supported Khomeini.[99][102]

Around 1982, Falk called the Iranian government "the most terroristic since Hitler."[100][verification needed] In 2017, Falk told the Iranian Tasnim News Agency, "I believe one of the lasting legacies of Imam Khomeini was to give authoritative priority to the Palestinian struggle."[102]

9/11 and the Bush administration

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In 2004, Falk signed a statement released by the organization 9/11 Truth, which called for a new investigation into the September 11 attacks. Falk confirmed his support for the statement in 2009.[103]

Falk contributed the preface to David Ray Griffin's book The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions About the Bush Administration and 9/11 (2004) which maintains that the George W. Bush administration was complicit in the September 11 attacks.[104][105] Griffin believes that the Twin Towers were brought down by a controlled explosion.[106] In the preface to The New Pearl Harbor, Falk wrote: "There have been questions raised here and there and allegations of official complicity made almost from the day of the attacks." Until Griffin's book, "no one had put the pieces together in a single coherent account."[107] David Aaronovitch of the London Times commented in April 2008, "There isn't a single point of alleged fact upon which Griffin's barking theory hasn't itself been demolished. And there isn't a single volume of Griffin that doesn't carry Falk's endorsement."[106]

In November 2008, in an article in The Journal, a student publication in Edinburgh, Scotland, Falk commented: "It is not paranoid under such circumstances to assume that the established elites of the American governmental structure have something to hide and much to explain .... The persisting inability to resolve this fundamental controversy about 9/11 subtly taints the legitimacy of the American government. It can only be removed by a willingness, however belated, to reconstruct the truth of that day, and to reveal the story behind its prolonged suppression."[108][109]

In 2008, Falk called for an official commission to further study the issues, including the role neoconservatives may have played in the attacks, saying, "It is possibly true that especially the neoconservatives thought there was a situation in the country and in the world where something had to happen to wake up the American people. Whether they are innocent about the contention that they made that something happen or not, I don't think we can answer definitively at this point."[35]

In January 2011, Susan Rice, the United States Ambassador to the United Nations, said that Falk should be removed from his UN posts after he wrote a blog entry on January 11 about the "eerie silence of the mainstream media, unwilling to acknowledge the well-evidenced doubts about the official version of the events: an al Qaeda operation with no foreknowledge by government officials."[110][111][112] Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said, "I condemn this sort of inflammatory rhetoric. It is preposterous, an affront to the memory of the more than 3,000 people who died in that tragic terrorist attack." Ban stated that only the Human Rights Council could remove its appointees from office.[113][114] At the end of January 2011, Falk said that he had not endorsed "the theory that the U.S. government orchestrated the 9/11 attacks" and had argued that "investigations must be, and must be seen to be, transparent, exhaustive and honest". He blamed the "pro-Israel group" UN Watch for misrepresenting his comments in the blog entry.[111]

Speaking on the radio program of 9/11 truther Kevin Barrett in June 2013, Falk said: "questioning that deeply the official version of 9/11 does touch the third rail of American political sensitivities, and there is an attempt to discredit and destroy anyone that makes such a bold statement, and this has intimidated a lot of people."[107]

Israeli-Palestinian conflict

[edit]

In a 2002 op-ed in The Nation, writing as a former United Nations Human Rights Rapporteur in the Occupied Territories and member of a 2001 UN Human Rights Commission inquiry, Falk was highly critical of Operation Defensive Shield and described it as state-sponsored terrorism. He said the Palestinian demonstrations that followed Sharon's "provocative" visit to the Al Aqsa Mosque were initially non-violent, and described Israel as responding with "excessive force", practising "extrajudicial assassination of a range of Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza" and "acting with ever more force at each stage" of an "escalatory spiral". He wrote that Israel's military response against the Palestinians was a violation of international law, and legitimate Palestinian resistance "gradually ran out of military options, and suicide bombers appeared as the only means still available", citing both the 2001 inquiry report and the "overwhelming majority" of the Security Council membership as fully supporting that interpretation of events. In the same article he referred to the Passover massacre as "horrifying" and stated that Israel's response was "equally horrifying."[115]

In 2002, Falk wrote on Princeton Divestment's website that "to divest from companies profiting from business with Israel at this time is to express solidarity with victims of massive crimes against humanity and to call upon Israel to respect U.N. authority and the elemental rules of international law by withdrawing from occupied Palestinian territory."[116]

In a June 2007 article, "Slouching toward a Palestinian Holocaust," Falk compared some Israeli policies with regard to the Palestinians to the Nazi record of collective punishment. Identifying himself as a Jewish American, Falk stated that his use of the term Holocaust "represents a rather desperate appeal to the governments of the world and to international public opinion to act urgently to prevent these current [Israeli] genocidal tendencies from culminating in a collective tragedy [for the Palestinians]." Falk also stated that "the comparison should not be viewed as literal, but... that a pattern of criminality associated with Israeli policies in Gaza has actually been supported by the leading democracies of the 21st century." He wrote that Hamas' leadership were willing to "move toward an acceptance of Israel’s existence if Israel would in turn agree to move back to its 1967 borders". He called Israel's disengagement from Gaza a "sham" in which 300 Gazans were killed since Israel's "supposed physical departure" and stated that Israel's blockade of the Gaza Strip had brought Gaza to "the brink of collective starvation", imposing a "sub-human existence on a people" through "collective punishment", and that Israeli policies were "indeed genocidal."[6] In late December 2009, Falk again criticized Israel's blockade and called for Israel to be threatened with economic sanctions if the blockade was not lifted.[117]

In April 2008, Falk compared Israeli actions in Gaza to those of the Nazis and responded to criticism of his statements by saying, "If this kind of situation had existed for instance in the manner in which China was dealing with Tibet or the Sudanese government was dealing with Darfur, I think there would be no reluctance to make that comparison." He attributed the reluctance to criticise Israel's policies to the "particular historical sensitivity of the Jewish people", as well as Israel's ability to "avoid having [its] policies held up to international law and morality."[118]

At a conference in Cork, Ireland in late March 2017 entitled "International Law and the State of Israel: Legitimacy, Exceptionalism and Responsibility", Falk delivered the keynote address.[119] He stated Israel's creation in 1948 was the result of the "most successful terrorist campaign in history". Falk stated that the initial campaign for a Jewish state was one of "colonialism" which gained "moral justification" from the Holocaust. He said "Liberal democracies felt guilt and it was easy to soothe their consciousness by encouraging and accepting the state of Israel".[120]

In 2025, Falk was detained by the Canada Border Services Agency for four hours while entering the country to attend a conference about Palestine, where he states he was asked about his views regarding Israel. The agents eventually determined that he was not a threat to national security and let him and his wife enter Canada.[121]

2011 intervention in Libya

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During the 2011 Libyan Civil War, Falk published an op-ed in Al Jazeera against the proposals for military intervention. Falk wrote that military intervention was illegal under international law and that "the Gaddafi government, however distasteful on humanitarian grounds, remains the lawful diplomatic representative of a sovereign state." Falk also wrote that any intervention would be pro-insurgency rather than counter-insurgency, and he criticized politicians who supported intervention by arguing that "it seems that many of the Republicans focused on the deficit although cutting public expenditures punishes the poor at a time of widespread unemployment and home foreclosures would not mind ponying up countless billions to finance acts of war in Libya."[122]

In a Falk blog entry published in Today's Zaman, Falk argued that, unlike protests in other countries, the Libyan opposition was reliant on military force "almost from the start" and that violent political reaction from within to Gaddafi's government was fully justified as an "expression of Libyan self-determination." He wrote that the Western-led military intervention was not aimed at protecting civilians from attack but to ensure a rebel victory and the defeat of Gaddafi.[123]

Boston Marathon bombing

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In a posting on Falk's blog called "A Commentary on the Marathon Murders," reprinted by Al-Jazeera, he wrote about the "horrific" Boston Marathon bombing in April 2013. Falk commented: "the American global domination project is bound to generate all kinds of resistance in the post-colonial world. In some respects, the United States has been fortunate not to experience worse blowbacks."[124] He contrasted the critical response to the bombing from callers to a PBS program with those of US politicians and the mainstream media among whom he said self-scrutiny remained "taboo" and that American politicians did not "have the courage to connect some of these dots." He also criticized American policy towards the nuclear program of Iran and friendship with Israel and wrote that more attacks are likely "if there is no disposition to rethink US relations to others in the world, starting with the Middle East."[125][126]

Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird criticized Falk by stating that, not for the first time, Falk "spewed more mean-spirited, anti-Semitic rhetoric".[127][non-primary source needed] The United Kingdom, in a statement by its UN mission, said that it was "the third time we have had cause to express our concerns about Mr. Falk's anti-Semitic remarks." United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon rejected Falk's statements by saying that they undermined the credibility and work of the UN.[128] United States Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice wrote on Twitter: "Outraged by Richard Falk's highly offensive Boston comments. Someone who spews such vitriol has no place at the UN. Past time for him to go".[124][129]

Falk's statements were also criticized by numerous publications and advocacy groups, including the New York Daily News, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), The Jerusalem Post, Sohrab Ahmari of The Wall Street Journal, UN Watch, the Anti-Defamation League, and the American Jewish Committee.[130][131][132][133][134][135][136] Scott McConnell responded to the criticism in The American Conservative: "Amazing for its viciousness and rank dishonesty is the campaign waged against UN special rapporteur for human rights in occupied Palestine Richard Falk for making some pretty straightforward 'blowback' points in the aftermath of the Boston terrorist attack." He went on to describe how, in his view, "a well-funded neocon group called UN Watch and its various media allies had ginned up an intense public relations campaign, based on falsifying the meaning of his piece, using ellipses to distort its sentences, to claim that Falk had said that the Boston victims somehow deserved their fate."[137]

Afghanistan and Iraq wars

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Falk described the Iraq War and Afghanistan War as "failed wars" which had "devastated two countries, seemingly beyond foreseeable recovery, added nothing to American security, and wasted trillions." He wrote that, while the failure of the wars would make it difficult for the US to intervene in the same way in the future, he believed that "as long as Tel Aviv has the compliant ear of the American political establishment, those who wish for peace and justice in the world should not rest easy".[138]

U.S. intervention in Venezuela

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In January 2026, Falk wrote of "the United States attack on Venezuela on January 3". The violent "capture of Venezuela's head of state, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores", is "a part of a broader shift towards nihilistic geopolitics in which international law is openly subordinated to imperial management of global security", according to Falk. Beyond the issues of Venezuela's sovereignty and an unlawful use of force, the action indicates, he wrote, "the collapse of any remaining confidence in the capacity of the United Nations system, and particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, to restrain aggression, prevent genocide, or uphold the core legal norms they claim to defend".[139]

Accusations of anti-Semitism

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Cartoon image of a dog

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On June 29, 2011, a blog entry by Falk about the International Criminal Court's indictment of Muammar Gaddafi for crimes against humanity included a cartoon image of a dog with a Jewish head-covering and a sweater with the letters "USA" that was urinating on Lady Justice while it devoured bloody human bones.[140] UN Watch contacted United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay regarding the cartoon. Falk acknowledged on July 6 that the cartoon contained "strongly anti-semitic symbolism" and apologized for posting it. He explained that he had thought the small markings on the dog's head represented a military helmet, not a yarmulka. He added that "My intention has never been to demean in any way Jews as a people despite my strong criticisms of Israeli policies, and some versions of Zionist support."[141][142][140][143][144]

Abraham H. Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League called on Falk to resign as UN Rapporteur for the Palestinian territories and said that the "cartoon is blatantly anti-Semitic and conveys the message that Jews and Americans care little about what is just and moral" and that "the message of hatred in this cartoon nonetheless directly contravenes the principles of the Human Rights Council and of the United Nations itself."[145] The American envoy to the UN Joseph M. Torsella called the posting of the cartoon "shameful and outrageous" and "an embarrassment to the United Nations" and stated that he should resign.[146][147] Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the chairwoman of the US House of Representatives' Committee on Foreign Affairs also called on Falk to resign.[148] British Prime Minister David Cameron instructed the UK's Permanent Representative to express concerns regarding the cartoon and said that he would "continue to closely watch any further actions or comments Mr Falk may make."[149]

Navi Pillay acknowledged "the anti-Semitic and objectionable nature of the cartoon". She did not call for Falk's resignation because of his public apologies and the fact he had swiftly removed the image from his website.[148]

Organized Jewish community reference

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In July 2012, in discussing why he was drawn to the "Palestinian struggle," Falk commented on his blog: "I formed a well-evidence belief that the U.S. Government and the organized Jewish community were responsible for the massive and enduring confiscation of Palestinian land and rights."[150] UN Watch accused Falk of "promoting racist remarks" as well as anti-Semitism "by attempting to blame Jewish communities everywhere for alleged crimes against Palestinians."[151] Falk responded by writing, "I have often opposed policies including those of the US and Israel ... but to conflate such stands with racism ... is but one element in a wide ranging and frequently repeated denunciation of my views and activities."[150][152]

Other statements regarding Falk

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Alan Dershowitz, in a 2011 article in The New Republic, was critical of Falk endorsing The Wandering Who?, a book by Gilad Atzmon, which Dershowitz described as "an overtly anti-Semitic" work "written by a notorious Jew-hater". According to Dershowitz, Falk and others were "not merely defending Atzmon’s right to publish such a book; they are endorsing its content."[153] Yair Rosenberg, writing for Tablet said Falk had "effusively blurbed" a "vicious book" which called American Jews "the enemy within".[107]

Personal life

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Falk is married to Hilal Elver.[154]

Bibliography

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Richard Anderson Falk (born November 13, 1930) is an American scholar of and professor emeritus at , where he held the Albert G. Milbank Professorship of International Law and Practice for four decades. He earned a B.S. in economics from the University of Pennsylvania's in 1952, an LL.B. from , and an S.J.D. from . Falk gained prominence through his extensive publications—authoring, co-authoring, or editing more than thirty books on , , and global governance—and his appointment as on the situation of in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, serving from 2008 to 2014. In this role, he produced reports documenting alleged violations, including policies likened to apartheid, which drew praise from human rights advocates but sharp rebukes for perceived one-sidedness and inflammatory rhetoric, such as comparisons of Israeli actions to those of , leading to bar his entry in 2008. His broader scholarship critiques U.S. hegemony and Western interventions, advocating for reformed global institutions to prioritize equity and , though critics, including some within academia, have highlighted his endorsement of theories—such as toward the official 9/11 account—and associations with anti- activism as undermining scholarly objectivity. Falk continues to influence discourse through writings and involvement in tribunals examining conflicts like Gaza, emphasizing legal accountability amid ongoing geopolitical tensions.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Richard Anderson Falk was born on November 13, 1930, in . Falk was raised in an assimilationist Jewish family, inheriting a remote relationship to from his parents, who were New York Jews largely unaware of the anti-Semitism prevalent in during his early years. He has characterized his family background as involving "a virtual denial of even the ethnic side of Jewishness," which fostered a sense of outsider status and not fully belonging despite his self-identification as "an American Jew." This upbringing contributed to his later reflections on amid his academic and activist pursuits.

Academic Training

Richard Falk earned a degree in economics from the of the . He subsequently obtained a (LL.B.) from . Falk completed his postgraduate with a (S.J.D.) from in 1962, focusing on advanced studies in . This doctoral work laid the foundation for his subsequent scholarly contributions to international legal theory and practice.

Academic and Professional Career

University Appointments and Teaching

Richard Falk commenced his academic career at the College of Law, where he taught and for six years following an initial one-year appointment. In 1961, he joined as a professor of in the Department of Politics, serving as the Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law and Practice until his retirement in 2001, after which he became professor emeritus. Over four decades at Princeton, Falk taught courses in and , emphasizing critical perspectives on and . He also held the position of Faculty Fellow at Princeton from 1965 to 2001. Post-retirement from Princeton, Falk assumed visiting and research roles, including a one-year visiting professorship at Law School, where he taught a . Since 2002, he has served as Visiting Distinguished Professor and Research Professor in Global and International Studies at the (UCSB), focusing on topics such as global , , and democracy. Additionally, he was appointed Distinguished Visiting Professor of Law at and Chair of Global Law at Faculty of Law. These positions extended his teaching influence beyond traditional into interdisciplinary .

Contributions to International Law


Richard Falk's scholarly contributions to emphasize the limitations of formal legal doctrines in addressing global violence and injustice, advocating instead for a contextual, policy-oriented framework that prioritizes human dignity and equitable world order. Influenced initially by the New Haven School's focus on decision processes and shared values, Falk critiqued its instrumentalism while developing an "intermediate" approach that incorporates normative relevance without subordinating law entirely to . This perspective, articulated in works like Status of Law in International Society (), underscores the political constraints shaping international legal efficacy and calls for intellectual frameworks that transcend state sovereignty to foster transnational justice.
Falk's early analyses applied to armed conflicts, challenging traditional positivist interpretations. In Legal Order in a Violent World (1968), he explored law's prospective role in mitigating systemic , arguing that international norms must adapt to the realities of power disparities rather than relying on consensual rules alone. He edited The International Law of Civil War (1971), which examined legal regulation of internal conflicts through case studies of the American and Spanish Civil Wars, highlighting ambiguities in applying humanitarian standards amid ideological divisions. His multi-volume The Vietnam War and International Law (1968–1976), co-edited with others, dissected U.S. interventions, contending that aggressive war prohibitions under the UN Charter rendered such actions unlawful, thereby influencing debates on in . Later contributions addressed the erosion of sovereignty by human rights imperatives and geopolitical shifts. Falk's explorations of the tension between state autonomy and universal rights, as in discussions of post-colonial challenges, posited that international law should evolve toward cosmopolitan governance to enforce accountability against powerful actors. In The Costs of War: International Law, the UN, and World Order After Iraq (2008), he critiqued the 2003 invasion's violation of Charter prohibitions, linking it to broader failures in UN enforcement mechanisms and advocating reformed institutions for equitable security. Works like Power Shift: On the New Global Order (2016) further theorized transitions from Westphalian statism to hybrid orders incorporating non-state actors and global commons, warning of enforcement gaps that undermine legal authority. Falk's oeuvre, spanning over 50 books and hundreds of articles, has shaped critical international legal studies by integrating interdisciplinary insights from and , though often contested for prioritizing transformative visions over doctrinal neutrality. His insistence on law's emancipatory potential, evident in analyses of perspectives, prompted reevaluations of Eurocentric biases in legal evolution.

Major Publications

Falk's scholarly output includes over a dozen authored or edited books on , , and , often critiquing the application of legal norms in conflicts involving major powers. His early works focused on the efficacy of amid violence and war, drawing from policy-oriented jurisprudence influenced by Myres S. McDougal. Key publications from the 1960s and 1970s established his reputation in analyzing legal responses to geopolitical crises. The Status of Law in International Society (1965) examines the political contexts shaping international legal perspectives and their practical limitations. Legal Order in a Violent World (1968) explores the tension between law and force in global affairs, emphasizing intellectual frameworks for reform. The multi-volume The Vietnam War and International Law (Volumes 1–4, 1968–1976), edited by Falk, compiles legal analyses of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, including debates on aggression, intervention, and jus ad bellum principles. Later books shifted toward futuristic global scenarios and human rights advocacy. This Endangered Planet: Conceptions of the Human Prospect (1971) assesses environmental and nuclear threats to humanity, selected by Foreign Affairs as a notable work on global risks. A Study of Future Worlds (1975) proposes alternative world orders based on participatory governance and equity. Indefensible Weapons: The Political and Psychological Case Against Nuclearism (1982, co-authored with Robert Jay Lifton) argues against nuclear deterrence from ethical and strategic viewpoints. In the 2000s and beyond, Falk's writings increasingly addressed Middle East conflicts and institutional reforms. Human Rights Horizons: The Pursuit of Justice in a Global Age (2000) critiques the selective enforcement of human rights norms by powerful states. The Costs of War: International Law, Justice and Accountability (2008, co-edited) evaluates legal accountability for the Iraq War, highlighting failures in international mechanisms. Palestine's Horizon: Toward a Just Peace (2017) advocates for Palestinian self-determination under international law, based on Falk's UN rapporteur experience. His memoir, Public Intellectual: The Life of a Citizen Pilgrim (2021), reflects on his career intersecting academia, activism, and diplomacy. Falk also co-authored The Record of the Paper: How the Misreports U.S. Foreign Policy (2004) with Howard Friel, scrutinizing media coverage of U.S. actions in the for factual distortions and legal omissions. These works collectively underscore Falk's emphasis on law's role in constraining while acknowledging its structural weaknesses against state power.

Activism and Public Engagement

Early Political Involvement

Falk's initial forays into political activism occurred during his early academic career at in the early 1960s, where he joined a challenging university trustees' discriminatory practices as landlords, amid broader campus encounters with systemic . Upon joining around 1961, Falk's engagement intensified with the escalation of the , positioning him as a leading scholarly critic who edited multiple volumes of The Vietnam War and International Law under the American Society of , analyzing the conflict's legality under international norms from 1968 onward. He became one of the early anti-war academics to visit , drawing on international law to contest U.S. policy, which he later described as a pivotal shift toward public intellectualism influenced by student movements on campus between the mid-1960s and mid-1970s. These stances contributed to professional isolation, including what Falk termed a "political " from mainstream U.S. , and reportedly cost Princeton approximately $1 million annually in lost funding due to backlash from conservative donors. Concurrently, in the late , Falk helped initiate the World Order Models Project (WOMP), a transnational scholarly effort launched around 1965–1968 to envision post-sovereign global structures emphasizing human needs over geopolitical rivalry, marking an extension of his into constructive alternatives to prevailing international systems.

Media and Public Commentary

Falk has regularly contributed op-eds and articles to outlets including and , focusing on critiques of U.S. interventionism, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and . In a December 16, 2014, Nation piece titled "On 'Lost Causes' and the Future of ," he argued for sustained advocacy on Palestinian issues despite perceived improbability of success. A December 19, 2008, Guardian article detailed his deportation from on December 14, 2008, after authorities denied him entry to conduct UN-mandated inspections of Palestinian territories, citing prior opposition to his appointment. He has featured in interviews on platforms such as Democracy Now! and Al Jazeera, addressing in Gaza and apartheid allegations against . Falk appeared multiple times on Democracy Now!, including discussions of UN reports on Israeli practices toward . In a December 28, 2009, Al Jazeera interview, he affirmed his while defending his advocacy for Palestinian rights amid accusations of bias. Additional Al Jazeera contributions include a December 5, 2011, opinion on whether meets the legal criteria for apartheid, drawing from the on . Falk's commentary has sparked controversies, including endorsements of 9/11 conspiracy narratives questioning the official account, as expressed in a 2011 interview, prompting UN Secretary-General to state in July 2013 that he "vehemently disagrees" with such positions and views them as incompatible with Falk's mandate. In April 2013, he attributed the to U.S. foreign policy failures, a statement criticized by groups like for echoing terrorist justifications. He has also shared content on and his , such as a 2012 cartoon deemed antisemitic by detractors, leading to calls for his resignation from UN roles. Through his blog, Global Justice in the 21st Century (launched around 2014), Falk publishes frequent analyses on , including a July 2, 2018, post critiquing coverage of Turkey's elections as biased against President Erdoğan. Recent media engagements include an August 12, 2024, discussion on Gaza, , and U.S. .

United Nations Appointments

Human Rights Inquiry Commission for Palestinian Territories

In October 2000, the Commission on , through its fifth special session resolution S-5/1 adopted on October 19, established the Inquiry Commission to investigate human rights and humanitarian law violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories stemming from events since September 29, , amid the onset of the . The mandate focused on gathering evidence related to the "provocation suffered by the Palestinian people," a phrasing that drew criticism for presupposing Israeli responsibility and limiting scrutiny of preceding Palestinian attacks on Israeli civilians. The commission comprised three independent experts: John Dugard of as chairperson, Hina Jilani of , and of the . Falk, then a professor at , contributed to the commission's fieldwork, including a fact-finding mission to and the Palestinian territories in 2001. During the visit, he stressed the importance of assessing local perceptions of the violence to contextualize issues, noting prior experience in the region from a 1993 post-Oslo human rights conference in Gaza. refused to cooperate with the commission, citing its perceived one-sided mandate and lack of balance in addressing terrorism by Palestinian groups. The inquiry proceeded without Israeli input, relying on Palestinian testimonies, NGO reports, and available documentation. The commission's report, presented to the Commission on Human Rights in March 2001, determined that Israeli forces had violated through disproportionate responses, including the use of lethal force against unarmed demonstrators, via closures and curfews, and extrajudicial killings. It also explicitly acknowledged Palestinian violations, classifying suicide bombings and deliberate attacks on Israeli civilians by armed groups as war crimes under the , though it emphasized Israel's responsibilities as the occupying power. Falk aligned with these findings, later describing the commission's work as evaluating Israel's compliance with occupier obligations under . The report recommended ending the occupation, prosecuting perpetrators on both sides, and international monitoring, but its adoption was hampered by the UN body's structural biases, including annual resolutions disproportionately targeting compared to other conflicts.

Special Rapporteur Role (2008-2014)

In March 2008, the appointed Richard Falk, a professor emeritus of at , to a six-year term as Special Rapporteur on the situation of in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. The mandate, established in 1993, requires the independent expert to investigate and report on alleged violations of and humanitarian law by all parties, with a focus on Israel's responsibilities as the occupying power under the ; to conduct country visits when possible; to receive and act on individual complaints; and to recommend measures for accountability and remedy. Falk's role involved submitting annual thematic and update reports to the and the General Assembly, emphasizing issues such as settlement expansion, restrictions on movement, and the impacts of military operations. Falk's tenure began amid heightened tensions following the 2006 Palestinian elections and the subsequent Gaza blockade. In December 2008, shortly after assuming the position, Israeli authorities denied him entry at during an attempted fact-finding mission, detaining him for over 20 hours before deporting him; this action was described by UN High Commissioner for as "unprecedented" in obstructing a Special Rapporteur's access to the occupied territories. justified the denial by citing Falk's prior public statements as evidence of predetermined bias against it, though predecessors in the role had been permitted transit. Despite repeated denials of access throughout his mandate, Falk fulfilled his duties through alternative channels, including communications with victims and witnesses, analysis of open-source data, and consultations with stakeholders in the region and internationally. During his term, Falk issued reports addressing specific events, such as the 2008-2009 Gaza conflict (Operation Cast Lead), where he alleged disproportionate use of force and by , urging independent investigations; economic dimensions of the occupation, including resource exploitation; and the of settlements as obstacles to . His 2014 final report to the Council synthesized findings on systemic violations, calling for renewed international efforts to enforce , while noting the mandate's limitations due to lack of cooperation from . Falk's work drew praise from Palestinian representatives for documenting abuses but faced criticism from , the , and some Western governments, who argued his reports exhibited anti-Israel prejudice and overlooked Palestinian militant actions, such as rocket fire from Gaza. He defended his approach as grounded in legal analysis rather than political advocacy, emphasizing the need for balanced scrutiny amid asymmetrical power dynamics.

Key Reports and Investigations

Falk authored over a dozen reports to the (HRC) and during his tenure, primarily assessing alleged human rights violations by in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, including the , , and . These documents often drew on secondary sources, field visits to adjacent areas, and submissions from NGOs, as repeatedly denied him entry to the territories, limiting direct investigations. A notable early report, A/HRC/12/48 presented to the HRC in September 2009, analyzed the humanitarian crisis in Gaza following Israel's Operation Cast Lead (December 2008–January 2009), describing the blockade as prohibited under and urging investigations into potential war crimes by Israeli forces, including disproportionate attacks on civilians. The report emphasized the blockade's role in exacerbating , (at 40%), and food insecurity affecting over 60% of Gaza's . In September 2010, Falk submitted A/HRC/15/21, a preliminary inquiry into Israel's May 2010 interdiction of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, focusing on the Mavi Marmara raid where nine Turkish activists were killed. He concluded the action violated , constituted excessive force, and breached the naval 's legality under the laws of , recommending compensation for victims and an independent international tribunal. The report cited eyewitness accounts and forensic evidence indicating close-range shootings. The 2011 report A/HRC/16/72, presented in March 2011, scrutinized Israel's compliance with HRC resolutions, spotlighting settlement expansion (with over 5,000 new units approved in 2010), demolitions displacing hundreds of , and the detention of Palestinian children subjected to night arrests and interrogation without guardians. It also reiterated the Gaza blockade's punitive effects, linking it to a 70% rate. Falk's final HRC report, A/HRC/25/67 from March 2014, examined the "economy of occupation," asserting that Israel's control over Palestinian resources, labor, and markets generated economic benefits for Israeli entities while impoverishing Palestinians, with features akin to apartheid through discriminatory policies. It documented land confiscations exceeding 40% of area for settlements and military use, and called for global civil society to wage a "legitimacy " via boycotts to end the occupation.

Responses and Criticisms of UN Work

Falk's tenure as UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of in the Palestinian territories from 2008 to 2014 elicited widespread criticism for alleged bias, inflammatory rhetoric, and failure to maintain . Critics, including governments and nongovernmental organizations, argued that his reports disproportionately emphasized Israeli violations while minimizing or ignoring Palestinian actions, such as attacks on civilians. For instance, in a 2010 report, the Mission to the UN in described Falk's conclusions as "seriously flawed" for inadequately addressing Hamas's responsibility for initiating hostilities and using human shields during conflicts. The Israeli government refused to cooperate with Falk, denying him entry to the territories and deporting him upon arrival in December 2008, citing his prior statements equating Israeli policies with those of as evidence of prejudice. Israeli officials viewed his mandate as inherently politicized, with Foreign Ministry spokespersons labeling him an "anti-Israel propagandist" unfit for the role. This non-cooperation extended throughout his term, preventing on-site investigations and reinforcing accusations that Falk relied on secondary sources sympathetic to Palestinian narratives. UN Secretary-General publicly distanced himself from Falk on multiple occasions, condemning statements that strayed from empirical analysis. In January 2011, Ban's office rejected Falk's endorsement of a book promoting 9/11 conspiracy theories, calling the suggestion of U.S. government complicity "preposterous and deeply offensive." Similarly, in April 2013, Ban repudiated Falk's attribution of the to anger over U.S. support for , with a UN spokesman stating that such remarks undermined the organization's credibility. Despite these rebukes, Falk retained his position, as his appointment was made by the UN rather than the Secretary-General. The U.S. State Department repeatedly called for Falk's , describing his as descending to "a new low" in December 2013 after he accused of harboring "genocidal intents" toward in a post. Spokesperson characterized these claims as "despicable and deeply offensive," arguing they distorted the conflict and prejudiced any objective inquiry. Nongovernmental watchdogs like echoed these demands, documenting over 100 instances of Falk's extramandate commentary, including endorsements of antisemitic cartoons and comparisons of to apartheid South Africa, as evidence of systemic partiality. The similarly urged his dismissal in 2013, portraying him as an "embarrassment" whose extreme language overshadowed substantive work. These criticisms highlighted broader concerns about the UN Human Rights Council's selectivity in appointing rapporteurs, with detractors noting Falk's pre-appointment advocacy—such as labeling Israel's 2008-2009 Gaza operation a —as disqualifying under standards of neutrality. Falk defended his approach as principled scrutiny of power imbalances, but opponents contended it violated the required for UN experts, eroding trust in the mechanism. His reports, while citing violations like settlement expansion, were faulted for lacking balanced evidence on Palestinian or governance failures in Gaza and the .

Positions on International Conflicts

Views on Iranian Revolution and Khomeini

Falk expressed strong support for the of 1979, viewing it as a legitimate popular uprising against the Shah's repressive regime, backed by U.S. intervention including the 1953 CIA-orchestrated coup that restored to power. In a February 16, 1979, New York Times titled "Trusting Khomeini," he challenged Western media portrayals of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini as a fanatic or reactionary, arguing instead that such depictions were false and that Khomeini's leadership embodied a commitment to through Islamic governance rather than oppression. Falk highlighted Khomeini's assurances to non-Muslim minorities and the secular left, his appointment of moderate figures like Prime Minister —who advocated and economic development—and the revolution's largely nonviolent tactics as evidence of potential for humane rule, rooted in Shiite traditions of flexible, evolving justice. In early 1979, prior to the revolution's triumph, Falk participated in a three-hour meeting with Khomeini in , , alongside former U.S. Attorney General and others, where he was impressed by Khomeini's intellectual acuity and visionary clarity on transforming to counter imperial threats and Western influence. Khomeini emphasized the uprising's Islamic character over nationalist framing, rejecting the term "" in favor of "Islamic Revolution" to underscore its civilizational scope and break from secular modernity. Falk described the revolutionary atmosphere in as featuring "the largest mass display of joy" he had witnessed, contrasting sharply with U.S. media narratives that depicted it as primitive or fanatical, and he later reflected on Khomeini as a "true revolutionary" whose uncompromising moral stance and de-westernization efforts contributed to the Islamic Republic's durability against external pressures. Reflecting in hindsight, Falk acknowledged disillusionment with the revolution's evolution into a religious autocracy under Khomeini, who consolidated supreme unelected authority and suppressed dissent, diverging from initial progressive appointees and leading to outcomes like harsh theocratic rule. Despite this, he defended his early advocacy— including chairing an ad hoc committee promoting human rights and non-intervention in Iran—as ethically grounded in opposition to the Shah's SAVAK tortures and U.S.-enabled tyranny, questioning whether support for anti-imperialist impulses should be retroactively invalidated by subsequent authoritarianism. Falk maintained that engaging such revolutions authentically, based on contemporaneous evidence of Khomeini's honesty and anti-Zionist (but not anti-Jewish) stance, outweighed premature suspicion, even as he critiqued the regime's failure to embody broader emancipatory goals.

Perspectives on 9/11, Terrorism, and U.S. Policy

Richard Falk has expressed skepticism toward the official U.S. government account of the , 2001, attacks, asserting in a 2008 publication that "any close student of 9/11 is aware of the many unanswered questions" regarding the events and their implications. In 2011, he endorsed a book by theologian that argued for a potential U.S. government or of the attacks to justify subsequent policies, prompting criticism from U.N. Secretary-General , who "vehemently disagreed" with Falk's position and called it a "deeply offensive" politicization of tragedy. Falk later clarified in a statement that he does not endorse theories of U.S. but maintains that the official contains "many doubts and questions that deserve attention," framing such as part of examining root causes beyond the attacks themselves. Falk views terrorism, including the 9/11 attacks, through a lens emphasizing geopolitical context rather than isolated criminal acts, arguing in a 2011 Al Jazeera opinion piece that the events should be assessed from a "global standpoint" accounting for prior U.S. foreign interventions as contributing factors. He has critiqued the U.S. "war on terror" as a framework that conflates defensive responses with aggressive imperialism, positing in academic writings that U.S. policies exhibit "terrorist foundations" by prioritizing military dominance over international law. In works such as Revolutionaries and Functionaries: The Dual Face of Terrorism (1988), Falk delineates terrorism as having dual manifestations—non-state revolutionary acts and state-sponsored violence—implicitly applying this to U.S. actions in conflicts like Vietnam and later post-9/11 engagements. Regarding U.S. policy post-9/11, Falk has condemned invasions of Afghanistan (2001) and (2003) as unlawful aggressions constituting , arguing they violated international norms and exacerbated global instability rather than enhancing security. He frames U.S. strategies as extensions of imperial geopolitics, detailed in The Declining World Order: America's Imperial Geopolitics (2004), where he contends that Washington's reliance on unilateral force undermines multilateral institutions and perpetuates cycles of violence. Falk's analyses often highlight alleged double standards, such as U.S. support for allies engaging in practices akin to those condemned in adversaries, positioning American policy as a primary driver of transnational through blowback from interventions in the and beyond. These perspectives have drawn accusations of bias from critics, including U.N. officials, who argue they minimize agency in .

Stances on Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya Interventions

Falk characterized the 2003 United States-led invasion of as an illegal , arguing that it violated core principles of , including the prohibition on forcible absent a genuine threat to international peace and security. In his 2008 book The Costs of War: International Law, the UN, and World Order After , he examined the invasion's erosion of authority and its exacerbation of global disorder, asserting that the preemptive rationale advanced by the U.S. administration lacked credible legal or factual basis. Falk contended that the war's aftermath, including over 100,000 civilian deaths by some estimates and the rise of , demonstrated the intervention's failure to achieve stability or democratize the region, instead fostering long-term and state fragility. Regarding the 2001 U.S.-led intervention in following the , Falk initially appraised it as potentially justifiable under doctrines but grew increasingly critical of its expansion into a protracted campaign. By 2011, he described the war as unlikely to conclude soon due to U.S. insensitivity to Afghan casualties, which he estimated had provoked widespread backlash and sustained resilience. In a 2012 analysis, Falk labeled the conflict "pathological," urging U.S. withdrawal to mitigate further human costs on both Afghan and American sides, arguing that indefinite occupation contradicted legitimate counter-terrorism objectives and violated proportionality norms under . Falk opposed the 2011 NATO-led intervention in under the (R2P) framework, deeming it illegal, immoral, and hypocritical given the selective application of humanitarian pretexts by Western powers. He warned prior to the operation that military involvement would exceed UN Security Council Resolution 1973's civilian protection mandate, potentially enabling and post-conflict chaos rather than safeguarding populations. Post-intervention, Falk critiqued the U.S. and actions as a "misadventure" that destabilized , contributing to , militia proliferation, and vulnerability to disasters like the 2023 floods, while undermining R2P's credibility as a tool for future interventions. Across these cases, Falk consistently framed U.S.-driven interventions as emblematic of imperial overreach, prioritizing geopolitical interests over legal constraints and yielding counterproductive outcomes such as empowered non-state actors and regional fragmentation.

Opinions on Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Falk has consistently portrayed Israel's control over Palestinian territories as an illegal occupation involving systematic abuses, including the expansion of settlements and restrictions on movement. In his UN Special Rapporteur reports from 2008 to 2014, he documented over 10,000 Palestinian deaths attributed to Israeli forces during that period, attributing many to disproportionate military responses and blockades, while advocating for against to enforce compliance with . Regarding Gaza, Falk condemned Israel's 2008-2009 Operation Cast Lead as a potential , estimating 1,400 Palestinian fatalities, mostly civilians, and urging the to investigate Israeli leaders for via the blockade, which he described as exacerbating humanitarian crises without adequately addressing Hamas rocket fire. He reiterated similar critiques during subsequent escalations, such as in 2014, labeling Israel's protective edge operation as genocidal in intent due to the scale of destruction, including over 2,100 Palestinian deaths, and calling for UN peacekeeping forces to halt operations. Falk has advocated for recognizing Israel as an apartheid state, arguing in 2018 that policies like segregated roads, dual legal systems, and land expropriation for Jewish-only settlements fulfill the Rome Statute's definition of apartheid as inhumane acts of domination. He supports the (BDS) movement as a nonviolent strategy to pressure , comparing it to anti-apartheid efforts in , and has endorsed a granting equal rights to all inhabitants between the and . In the context of the October 7, 2023, attacks—which killed approximately 1,200 Israelis—Falk focused subsequent commentary on Israel's response, terming the ensuing Gaza operations a "" with over 40,000 Palestinian deaths by mid-2024, criticizing Western governments for enabling it through arms supplies and vetoes of UN resolutions. As president of the 2025 Gaza Tribunal in , he issued verdicts deeming Israel's actions the "most lethal phase" of and demanded armed UN intervention, while highlighting survivor testimonies of deliberate starvation and medical denial as evidence of intent to destroy as a group.

Statements on Other Events (e.g., Boston Marathon)

In the aftermath of the on April 15, 2013, which killed three people and injured over 260 others, Richard Falk published a blog post titled "A Geopolitical Assessment" suggesting the attack represented "blowback" from U.S. foreign policies, including military interventions in the and support for . Falk argued that such violence was an inevitable "resistance" to America's "global domination project," framing the perpetrators' motivations as a response to U.S. drone strikes, occupations in and , and perceived complicity in Israeli actions, which he referenced indirectly as influences from "." Falk's commentary extended to questioning , positing that inquiries into "why do they hate us?" should instead examine U.S. actions abroad as causal factors in generating terrorist acts. He maintained that ignoring these policy-driven resentments perpetuated cycles of violence, drawing parallels to non-state resistance against hegemonic powers without condemning the bombing itself outright. This perspective aligned with his broader critiques of Western interventionism, though it omitted direct attribution to the Tsarnaev brothers' stated influences, such as the U.S.-led wars in and perceived grievances over . Falk's statements on other non-9/11 terrorist incidents were less prominently documented, but he consistently applied a similar lens of state-sponsored grievances to events like the 2015 attacks in , attributing them in writings to Western and military engagements rather than ideological alone. In general, Falk advocated for contextualizing such attacks within geopolitical asymmetries, emphasizing empirical patterns of retaliation against perceived aggressors over isolated narratives of irrational hatred.

Controversies and Accusations

Claims of Anti-Semitism

Richard Falk, despite his Jewish heritage, has been accused of anti-Semitism by organizations such as the (ADL), , and officials from the , , primarily for invoking tropes of Jewish influence and control over global affairs. Critics argue these elements cross into hatred rather than mere policy critique, distinguishing them from Falk's broader advocacy for Palestinian rights. A prominent incident occurred on June 29, 2011, when Falk published a cartoon on his personal blog depicting a bloodthirsty dog with the head of Barack Obama, wearing a yarmulke and a collar emblazoned with the Stars and Stripes, being led on a leash by a man in a suit bearing a Star of David on the chest and holding a "Undue Influence" sign. The image was widely condemned as promoting the classic anti-Semitic stereotype of Jewish manipulation of U.S. policy, with the ADL describing it as "blatantly anti-Semitic" for conveying that "Jews and Americans are the source of all the world's problems." UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay stated the cartoon was "anti-Semitic and objectionable," while UN Watch called for Falk's dismissal, arguing it incited hatred against Jews and Americans before a global audience. Falk initially denied perceiving any anti-Semitic connotations on July 6, deleted the post, and issued what critics termed a non-apology apology, acknowledging potential offense but insisting he missed the symbolism and rejecting defamation claims against his detractors. The U.S. State Department urged Falk to resign, labeling him a "blight on the U.N. system." In April 2013, following the bombings that killed three and injured over 260, Falk published commentary framing the attack as potential "blowback" from U.S. , specifically noting that "as long as has the compliant ear of the American political establishment, those who wish for and ... should not rest easy." Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird condemned this as "mean-spirited, anti-Semitic rhetoric" blaming the attacks on and U.S. support for it, echoing prior criticisms of Falk's pattern of victim-blaming tied to influence. The ADL and similarly denounced the remarks for utilizing tropes of undue Jewish power in U.S. decision-making, with the latter calling for Falk's removal from his UN role. Additional claims cite Falk's endorsements of 9/11 conspiracy theories implying Israeli foreknowledge or involvement, as well as comparisons of Israeli policies to Nazi practices, which detractors like argue trivialize and demonize Jews collectively rather than critiquing state actions. These accusations, often from sources monitoring UN bias against , contend that Falk's rhetoric exceeds legitimate advocacy by relying on historical anti-Semitic motifs, though Falk has maintained such charges serve to silence criticism of Israeli policies.

Specific Incidents (e.g., Cartoon, Statements on Jews)

In June 2011, Falk posted a cartoon on his personal blog depicting a dog wearing a shirt labeled "USA" and a yarmulke adorned with a Star of David, portrayed in an aggressive manner suggestive of blood libel tropes against Jews. The image, originally from a Malaysian newspaper, was criticized by organizations such as UN Watch and the Anti-Defamation League as invoking anti-Semitic stereotypes linking Jews to violence and control over U.S. policy. Falk initially denied knowledge of the cartoon's posting, then removed it, stating he had not perceived its anti-Semitic implications and apologizing for failing to detect the symbolism while insisting his intent was not to demean Jews. The U.S. government urged his resignation, and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay described the cartoon as "anti-Semitic and objectionable." On July 20, 2012, Falk wrote on his blog that he had formed a "well-evidenced belief that the U.S. Government and the organized Jewish community were responsible for the massive and enduring confiscation of Palestinian land and rights," in the context of defending a U.S. citizen's activism against perceived complicity in Israeli policies. This collective attribution drew condemnation from UN Watch as an anti-Semitic generalization blaming an entire community for state actions, especially as it coincided with attacks on Jewish institutions worldwide. Between 2012 and 2013, Falk endorsed comments on his blog by contributor that referenced The Protocols of the Elders of Zion as "uncannily accurate," described as a "pyramid scheme of social shaming," and claimed "Jewish people… have decided to bring down human civilization" rather than admit fault. Falk praised Percy as "astute" and "sensible" in responses, defended retaining the comments as part of , and rejected calls from Jewish leaders to remove them despite their invocation of classic anti-Semitic conspiracies.

Broader Criticisms of Bias and Objectivity

Critics of Richard Falk's tenure as UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (2008–2014) have contended that the mandate itself embodies structural bias, as it mandates scrutiny solely of Israeli conduct without equivalent examination of violations by Palestinian authorities, such as Hamas governance in Gaza or incitement by the . The , in a statement, described the position as inherently one-sided and recommended its reform to ensure balanced accountability. Similarly, the criticized Falk's reports as "biased and inappropriate," urging their dismissal due to failure to address reciprocal issues. Falk's prior activism, including endorsements of against and comparisons of its policies to apartheid, led legal scholars to question his suitability for an ostensibly impartial role, arguing that such preconceptions precluded objective investigation. 's denial of his entry in December 2008, prior to any fieldwork, was explicitly predicated on this perceived , with officials citing Falk's public statements as evidence of predetermined conclusions that undermined the mandate's credibility. Analyses of Falk's 20-plus reports reveal patterns of selective emphasis, with extensive documentation of alleged expansion, blockades, and military operations—such as the 2008–2009 Gaza conflict—but minimal attention to Palestinian rocket fire into (over 8,000 incidents from 2001–2014 per Israeli data) or internal abuses like executions and PA suppression of dissent. This asymmetry, critics from organizations like assert, reflects not empirical rigor but ideological prioritization, as Falk rarely invoked against non-state actors like despite their charter's calls for violence. Broader assessments portray Falk's output as blending scholarship with advocacy, eroding UN ; for instance, his final advocated a global "legitimacy war" against , framing opposition as moral duty rather than neutral reporting. Watchdog groups and governments, including repeated U.S. condemnations, have linked this to the Council's disproportionate Israel-focused resolutions (over 70 from 2006–2014 versus fewer for all other states combined), positioning Falk as emblematic of institutional selectivity that favors narrative over balanced fact-finding.

Falk's Responses and Supporters' Defenses

Falk has repeatedly denied accusations of anti-Semitism leveled against him, emphasizing his Jewish heritage and framing such charges as a tactic to deflect criticism of Israeli policies. In a interview, he stated that his reports focus on state actions rather than ethnic or religious identities, rejecting the notion that scrutiny of Israel's occupation equates to against . He has argued that opponents deploy the anti-Semitism label to "intimidate and inhibit" discourse on Palestinian rights, a view he reiterated during a 2017 campus lecture amid protests. Regarding the 2008 he posted on his —depicting U.S. leaders discussing the 9/11 attacks with stereotyped —Falk initially defended it by claiming no awareness of "racist connotations" or anti-Semitic intent, later issuing a qualified apology for any unintended perceptions without retracting the post or conceding . In response to broader allegations, including comparisons of Israeli policies to Nazi practices, Falk maintained in 2013 that he would not resign from his UN role, instead calling for investigations into alleged Israeli war crimes and dismissing demands for his ouster as politically orchestrated to undermine UN mechanisms. Supporters, including academics and human rights organizations, have defended Falk by portraying attacks on him as efforts to silence independent reporting on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A 2012 analysis described his UN mandate as vital for monitoring occupation-related abuses, arguing that calls for his resignation ignore his evidence-based documentation and instead reflect pressure from pro-Israel groups seeking to equate policy critique with illegitimacy. Advocates have highlighted his exclusion from Palestinian territories—such as Israel's 2008 denial of entry—as evidence of reprisals against rapporteurs who challenge the status quo, framing defenses around protections for free speech and the impartiality of UN inquiries despite institutional pressures. Figures in pro-Palestinian scholarship continue to cite Falk's work as a model of principled activism, emphasizing its reliance on international law over partisan narratives.

Later Career and Ongoing Activities

Post-UN Scholarship and Writing

Following the conclusion of his tenure as United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 in 2014, Richard A. Falk continued his scholarly output as professor emeritus of at . His post-UN writings maintained a focus on , the legitimacy of military interventions, and in conflict zones, often critiquing the application of by powerful states. In 2015, Falk published Humanitarian Intervention and Legitimacy Wars: Seeking Peace and Justice in the , which examines the post-9/11 evolution of doctrines, including the (R2P), arguing that such frameworks have been selectively invoked to legitimize regime-change operations rather than advance genuine peace. The book draws on case studies from , , and to contend that these interventions undermine international legal norms by prioritizing geopolitical interests over equitable justice. Falk co-authored Protecting Human Rights in Occupied : Working Through the in 2023 with former Special Rapporteurs John Dugard and , providing a historical analysis of UN mechanisms for addressing Israeli occupation since 1967. The volume assesses the effectiveness of rapporteur reports, resolutions, and advisory opinions, concluding that systemic obstacles, including veto powers in the Security Council, have limited substantive protection of Palestinian rights. In 2024, he released Liberating the United Nations: Realism with Hope, co-written with Hans von Sponeck, which proposes structural reforms to the UN to align it more closely with its Charter principles amid rising geopolitical tensions. The work advocates for enhanced roles for civil society and non-Western states to countervail dominance by permanent Security Council members. Falk has sustained ongoing commentary through his blog, Global Justice in the 21st Century, launched post-UN, where he analyzes contemporary events such as the Gaza conflict and U.S. foreign policy through lenses of international law and humane governance, publishing over 1,000 posts by 2025. These writings emphasize empirical assessments of power asymmetries and calls for normative reforms, though critics note their alignment with advocacy-oriented perspectives rather than detached analysis.

Recent Engagements (2023-2025)

In 2023, Falk published analyses critiquing international responses to the Israel-Hamas conflict, including a December call for recognizing patterns of in Gaza amid escalating violence following the . Throughout 2024, he contributed to discussions on Gaza's , such as in a May interview emphasizing the need for global pressure on to halt operations, arguing that international law's enforcement gaps perpetuate impunity. His writings during this period, often hosted on his personal blog, maintained focus on themes of Western complicity and the failure of institutions like the to enforce accountability. Falk's engagements intensified in 2025, centered on the ongoing Gaza situation. In January, he participated in a episode alongside current and former UN rapporteurs, discussing in the occupied Palestinian territories and systemic biases in . By March, he authored "Rethinking After Gaza: Closing the Enforcement Gap," advocating reforms to address what he described as international law's inability to deter state violence. That month, Falk also featured in interviews exploring Palestinian rights to resistance under occupation and critiques of legal frameworks favoring . In June 2025, Falk warned in an interview of a " moment" for U.S. , linking domestic polarization to failures, including support for Israel's actions. August saw multiple outputs, including an interview on countering titled "Countering ," where he urged mobilization against what he termed Israel's systematic destruction in Gaza, and a related blog post on Gaza's future lessons. In October, Falk presided over the Gaza Tribunal in , an independent panel that on October 26 issued a accusing Israel of and calling for armed UN intervention to halt the "most lethal phase" of operations; he highlighted Palestinian resilience and Western institutional enabling in closing remarks. Earlier that month, he penned an for reflecting on contested narratives around , 2023. These activities underscore Falk's post-UN role in activist scholarship, primarily through tribunals, media, and self-published commentary rather than formal institutional affiliations.

Personal Life

Marriage and Family

Richard A. Falk is married to Hilal Elver, a Turkish-American scholar of with expertise in and environmental issues. Elver holds a J.D. and Ph.D. from and an S.J.D. from , and she served as the on the from May 2014 to April 2020. The couple, who share a residence in , have collaborated professionally on publications and initiatives concerning , including co-authorship on topics like and international accountability. No public records indicate that Falk and Elver have children.

Health and Residence

Richard A. Falk resides in , where he has maintained a home at 723 Alston Road since at least 2006, coinciding with his affiliations as a at the Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies at the . This location aligns with his receipt of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation's Lifetime Achievement Award in in 2023. Born November 13, 1930, in , Falk turned 94 in 2024 and remains active in intellectual pursuits as of early 2025, with no publicly documented major health impairments. His continued publication of essays on global issues, including reflections on personal aging and vitality in January 2025, indicates sustained cognitive and physical capacity despite advanced age.

Reception and Legacy

Scholarly Impact

Richard A. Falk's scholarly output has garnered substantial academic recognition, evidenced by over 28,227 citations across his publications as recorded on , with an of 79 indicating 79 papers each cited at least 79 times. This metric underscores his influence in fields including , , and , where his work has shaped debates on and normative legal frameworks. Falk's integration of with challenged positivist traditions, promoting a more realist and prescriptive approach to . As Alfred G. Milbank Professor Emeritus of at , where he taught for 40 years until 2002, Falk mentored generations of scholars and contributed to interdisciplinary programs in and global affairs. His editorial role in The International Law of Civil War (1971) provided foundational analysis of legal constraints on internal armed conflicts, drawing on historical case studies to argue for expanded humanitarian protections. Early monographs such as This Endangered Planet: Prospects and Proposals for Human Survival (1971) anticipated threats, influencing subsequent discourse on and warfare's ecological impacts. Falk's conceptualization of "Grotian moments"—periods of rapid evolution in legal norms—has informed on transformative global shifts, such as post-colonial statehood and enforcement. Prolific across over 20 books and hundreds of articles, his writings on state sovereignty versus imperatives, including Human Rights and State Sovereignty (1981), critiqued Westphalian absolutes while advocating cosmopolitan reforms, though often polarizing due to their alignment with perspectives. Post-retirement, as Research Professor at the , Falk sustained output on enforcement gaps in , maintaining citation momentum with 4,348 references since 2020. While his activist engagements drew scrutiny for potential bias, empirical citation data affirm his enduring role in advancing critical legal theory.

Critiques of Activism Over Scholarship

Critics have argued that Richard A. Falk's explicit commitment to blending with political , as articulated in his self-description as a "citizen pilgrim," inherently undermines the detachment and rigor demanded of academic inquiry in . This approach, they contend, prioritizes normative advocacy—particularly on issues like Palestinian rights and critiques of Western foreign policy—over empirical analysis and balanced application of legal principles, resulting in selective interpretations that align with preconceived ideological positions rather than evidence-driven conclusions. For instance, international law scholars have highlighted Falk's pre-appointment writings, including a 2007 endorsement of measures to avert Israel's "current genocidal tendencies," as evidence of prejudgment that disqualifies neutral on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Falk's tenure as UN Special Rapporteur on in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (2008–2014) amplified these concerns, with detractors asserting that his reports favored activist framing over objective fact-finding. The Mission to the UN, for example, condemned Falk's 2011 statements as inconsistent with the required of , citing inflammatory rhetoric that deviated from verifiable data toward unsubstantiated accusations against . Similarly, the described the rapporteur mandate itself as structurally , arguing that Falk's prior activism precluded even-handed assessment, as evidenced by his denial of entry to in December 2008 on grounds of politicized views. Legal commentators, including those at Opinio Juris, noted that while Falk possessed academic credentials, his history of equating Israeli policies with Nazi-era atrocities—such as in a 2009 blog post—reflected a causal that subordinated scholarly standards to crusading, eroding credibility in and academic circles. Further scrutiny arose from Falk's endorsements of works perceived as beyond mainstream legal discourse, such as his support for Gilad Atzmon's The Wandering Who? in 2011, which Harvard Law professor labeled as endorsing anti-Semitic tropes under the guise of critique, illustrating how activism could taint scholarly judgment. Critics like Dershowitz argued this pattern extended to Falk's broader oeuvre, where terms like "apartheid" and "" were deployed in UN reports without proportionate evidentiary scrutiny of countervailing facts, such as Palestinian governance failures or , prioritizing causal narratives of Western over multifaceted causal analysis. The Heritage Foundation echoed this in 2013, calling for greater accountability in UN expert roles to prevent such instances from conflating personal ideology with institutional authority. These critiques, drawn from governmental statements and legal academia, underscore a consensus that Falk's model risked transforming into , potentially misleading on the empirical realities of international disputes.

References

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