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Portrayal of East Asians in American film and theater
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Portrayals of East Asians in American film and theatre has been a subject of controversy. These portrayals have frequently reflected an ethnocentric perception of East Asians rather than realistic and authentic depictions of East Asian cultures, colors, customs, and behaviors.[1][2][3]
Yellowface, a form of theatrical makeup used by European-American performers to represent an East Asian person (similar to the practice of blackface used to represent African-American characters),[1] continues to be used in film and theater.[1][2] In the 21st century alone, Grindhouse (in a trailer parody of the Fu Manchu serials), Balls of Fury, I Now Pronounce You Chuck & Larry, Crank: High Voltage, and Cloud Atlas all feature yellowface or non-East Asian actors as East Asian caricatures.[4]
Early East Asian American film actors
[edit]Sessue Hayakawa
[edit]
The Japanese actor Sessue Hayakawa began appearing in films around 1914.[5] Signed to Paramount Pictures, he had roles in more than 20 silent films including The Wrath of the Gods (1914) and The Typhoon (1914), and was considered to be a Hollywood sex symbol.[5] When Hayakawa's contract with Paramount expired in 1918, the studio still wanted him to star in an upcoming movie, but Hayakawa turned them down in favor of starting his own company.[5] He was at the height of his popularity during that time.[5] His career in the United States suffered a bit due to the advent of talkies, as he had a heavy Japanese accent. He became unemployable during the World War II era due to anti-Japanese prejudice. He experienced a career revival beginning in 1949 in World War II-themed films, and was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor for his performance in The Bridge on the River Kwai.[5]
Anna May Wong
[edit]
Anna May Wong, considered by many to be the first Chinese American movie star,[6] was acting by the age of 14 and in 1922, at age 17, she became the first Chinese-American to break Hollywood's miscegenation rule playing opposite a white romantic lead in The Toll of the Sea. Even though she was internationally known by 1924, her film roles were limited by stereotype and prejudice. Tired of being both typecast and passed over for lead East Asian character roles in favor of European American actresses, Wong left Hollywood in 1928 for Europe.[6] Interviewed by Doris Mackie for Film Weekly in 1933, Wong complained about her Hollywood roles: "I was so tired of the parts I had to play."[7][8] She commented: "There seems little for me in Hollywood, because, rather than real Chinese, producers prefer Hungarians, Mexicans, American Indians for Chinese roles."[9] In 1935, she was considered for the leading role in The Good Earth, which went to German actress Luise Rainer. Wong refused the role of the villainess, a stereotypical Oriental Dragon Lady.
Keye Luke
[edit]Keye Luke was a successful actor, starring as the "Number-One Son" Lee Chan in the popular Charlie Chan films, as well as the original Kato in the 1940s Green Hornet, and Detective James Lee Wong in Phantom of Chinatown (1940), a role previously played by the English actor Boris Karloff.
Philip Ahn
[edit]Korean American actor Philip Ahn, after rejection for speaking English too well, braved death threats after being mistaken for being Japanese. Ahn would go on to have a prolific career.[10]
Some East and South Asian American actors nonetheless attempted to start careers. Merle Oberon, an Anglo-Indian, was able to get starring roles after concocting a phony story about her origins and using skin whitening make-up. There were others pioneering East Asian American actors like Benson Fong (who played the Number Three son in the Charlie Chan films), Victor Sen Yung (who played the Number Two son in the Charlie Chan films), Richard Loo (who also played many Japanese villain roles), Lotus Long (known for her role as Lin Wen opposite Keye Luke in the Phantom of Chinatown), Suzanna Kim, Barbara Jean Wong, Fely Franquelli, Chester Gan, Honorable Wu, Kam Tong, Layne Tom Jr., Maurice Liu, Rudy Robles, Teru Shimada, Willie Fung, Toshia Mori, and Wing Foo, who all began their film careers in the 1930s and 1940s.
With the number of East Asian American actors available, author Robert B. Ito wrote an article that described that job protection for Caucasian actors was one reason Asians were portrayed by Caucasians. "With the relatively small percentage of actors that support themselves by acting, it was only logical that they should try to limit the available talent pool as much as possible. One way of doing this was by placing restrictions on minority actors, which, in the case of Asian actors, meant that they could usually only get roles as houseboys, cooks, laundrymen, and crazed war enemies, with the rare "white hero's loyal sidekick" roles going to the big name actors. When the script called for a larger Asian role, it was almost inevitably given to a white actor."[11]
Recent East Asian American film actors
[edit]The 2018 film Crazy Rich Asians starred Constance Wu, Henry Golding, Michelle Yeoh, Gemma Chan, Lisa Lu, Awkwafina, Harry Shum Jr., Ken Jeong, Sonoya Mizuno, Chris Pang, Jimmy O. Yang, Ronny Chieng, Remy Hii, Nico Santos, Jing Lusi, and Carmen Soo, among others.
The 2022 film Everything Everywhere All at Once starred Michelle Yeoh as main lead, Stephanie Hsu, Ke Huy Quan, Harry Shum Jr., and James Hong as supporting actors.
Non-East Asian actors who have played East Asian roles
[edit]The Welsh American Myrna Loy was the "go-to girl" for any portrayal of Asian characters and was typecast in over a dozen films, while Chinese detective Charlie Chan, who was modeled after Chang Apana, a real-life Chinese Hawaiian detective, was portrayed by several European and European American actors including Warner Oland, Sidney Toler, and Peter Ustinov. Loy also appeared in yellowface alongside Nick Lucas in The Show of Shows.
The list of actors who have donned yellowface to portray East Asians at some point in their career includes Boris Karloff, Peter Lorre, Anthony Quinn, Shirley MacLaine, Katharine Hepburn, Rita Moreno, Rex Harrison, John Wayne, Mickey Rooney, Marlon Brando, Lupe Vélez, Alec Guinness, Tony Randall, John Gielgud, Peter Sellers, Yul Brynner, and many others.
Madame Butterfly
[edit]"Madame Butterfly" was originally a short story written by Philadelphia attorney John Luther Long.[12] It was turned into a one-act play, Madame Butterfly: A Tragedy of Japan, by David Belasco. Giacomo Puccini re-made the play into the Italian opera Madama Butterfly, set in 1904.[13] The 1915 silent film version was directed by Sidney Olcott and starred Mary Pickford.[14]
All the versions of Madame Butterfly tell the story of a young Japanese woman who has converted to Christianity (for which she is disowned by her family) and marries Benjamin Franklin Pinkerton, a white lieutenant in the U.S. Navy. For him, the marriage is a temporary convenience, but Butterfly's conversion is sincere, and she takes her marriage vows seriously.[15] Pinkerton's naval duties eventually call him away from Japan. He leaves Butterfly behind and she soon gives birth to their son. Pinkerton eventually meets and marries a white American woman (the fact he stopped paying the rent on Butterfly's house amounted to a divorce under Japanese law at the time).[15] Pinkerton returns to Japan with his new wife, Kate, to claim his son. Butterfly acquiesces to his request, and then kills herself as Pinkerton rushes into the house, too late to stop her. In the story by Long, Butterfly is on the point of killing herself when the presence of her child reminds her of her Christian conversion, and the story ends with Mr and Mrs Pinkerton arriving at the house the next morning to find it completely empty.
Pre-2010s film
[edit]Americans have been putting Asian characters into films since 1896; however, it was historically common to hire white actors to portray Asian characters. Although some Asian characters are played by Asian actors in early films with an Asian story or setting, most of the main characters are played by white actors, even when the role is written as an Asian character.
Mr. Wu (1913)
[edit]Mr. Wu was originally a stage play, written by Harold Owen and Harry M. Vernon. It was first staged in London in 1913, with Matheson Lang in the lead. He became so popular in the role that he starred in a 1919 film version. Lang continued to play Oriental roles (although not exclusively), and his autobiography was titled Mr. Wu Looks Back (1940). The first U.S. production opened in New York on October 14, 1914. The actor Frank Morgan was in the original Broadway cast, appearing under his original name Frank Wupperman.
Lon Chaney Sr. and Renée Adorée were cast in the 1927 film. Cheekbones and lips were built up with cotton and collodion, the ends of cigar holders were inserted into his nostrils, and the long fingernails were constructed from stripes of painted film stock. Chaney used fishskin to fashion an Oriental cast to his eyes and grey crepe hair was used to create the distinctive Fu-Manchu moustache and goatee.
The Forbidden City (1918)
[edit]The Forbidden City is a 1918 American silent drama film starring Norma Talmadge and Thomas Meighan and directed by Sidney Franklin. A copy of the film is in the Library of Congress and other film archives.The plot centers around an inter-racial romance between a Chinese princess (Norma Talmadge) and an American. When palace officials discover she has fallen pregnant she is sentenced to death. In the latter part of the film Talmadge plays the now adult daughter of the affair, seeking her father in the Philippines.
Broken Blossoms (1919)
[edit]
The film Broken Blossoms is based on a short story, "The Chink and the Child", taken from the book Limehouse Nights by Thomas Burke.[16] It was released in 1919, during a period of strong anti-Chinese feeling in the U.S., a fear known as the Yellow Peril. Griffith changed Burke's original story to promote a message of tolerance. In Burke's story, the Chinese protagonist is a sordid young Shanghai drifter pressed into naval service, who frequents opium dens and whorehouses; in the film, he becomes a Buddhist missionary whose initial goal is to spread the dharma of the Buddha and peace (although he is also shown frequenting opium dens when he is depressed). Even at his lowest point, he still prevents his gambling companions from fighting.
Tea House of the August Moon (1956)
[edit]The original story of this film was from a novel written by Vern Sneider in 1952. The Tea House of the August Moon film was adapted in 1956 from the play version in 1953, written by John Patrick. This American comedy film is directed by Daniel Mann. The plot concerns the concept of the United States military government trying to establish power and influence over Japan, specifically in Okinawa, during wartime. Although the cast does include Japanese actors and actresses for the roles of the Japanese characters in the film, such as Machiko Kyō, Jun Negami, Nijiko Kiyokawa, and Mitsuko Sawamura, the main character, Sakini, is played by a white American actor, Marlon Brando.[17]
Flower Drum Song (1961)
[edit]Flower Drum Song is a 1961 film adaptation of the 1958 Broadway play of the same title. This adaptation tells the story of a Chinese woman emigrating to the U.S. and her subsequent arranged marriage. This movie featured the first majority Asian cast in Hollywood cinema, setting a precedent for the following The Joy Luck Club and Crazy Rich Asians to have a majority Asian casting. It became the first major Hollywood feature film to have a majority Asian cast in a contemporary Asian-American story.
The Joy Luck Club (1993)
[edit]The Joy Luck Club is a 1993 American drama directed by Wayne Wang. The story is based the novel of the same name by Amy Tan. This movie explored the relationship of Chinese immigrant mothers and their first-generation Chinese-American daughters. This movie was only the second in Hollywood cinema to feature an Asian majority casting.
Better Luck Tomorrow (2002)
[edit]Better Luck Tomorrow is a 2002 American crime-drama film directed by Justin Lin. The film is about Asian American overachievers who become bored with their lives and enter a world of petty crime and material excess. Better Luck Tomorrow introduced film audiences to a cast including Parry Shen, Jason Tobin, Sung Kang, Roger Fan and John Cho.
Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle (2004)
[edit]Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle is a 2004 American buddy stoner comedy film directed by Danny Leiner, written by Jon Hurwitz and Hayden Schlossberg, and starring John Cho and Kal Penn. The writers said that they were really sick of seeing teen movies that were one-dimensional and had characters who didn't look like any of their friends, who were a fairly diverse group. This prompted them to write a film that was both smart and funny and cast two guys who looked like their best friends.[18] They had been putting Harold and Kumar, who were Asian American, into all of their screenplays as the main characters, but had difficulty pitching to studios. “Our logic at the time was like nobody else is writing a stoner comedy about an [East] Asian dude and an Indian dude going to get White Castle,” said Hurwitz, though director Danny Leiner remembered, “Before the casting and trying to get the money before Luke [Ryan, the executive producer] came on, we were going to a couple of the studios and one was like, “Look, we really love this movie. Why don’t we do it with a white guy and a black dude?”[19] John Cho mentioned the writers wanted to avoid whitewashing the main leads, so they wrote ethnic specific scenes in the script. Cho recalled, “It had to be rooted in that as a defense mechanism so that they wouldn’t get turned white.”[19][20][21] Schlossberg commented, “There had never been an Asian character without an accent except for [Cho] as the MILF guy. A lot of people read the script and just assumed they might be foreign exchange students, so you really had to emphasize that these guys were born in America. It was a totally different world.”[19]
Kal Penn stated that the reason the movie was green-lit was because there were two junior execs at New Line Cinema who were given this new project and decided to take a chance on it. Penn explained, "The older people around Hollywood, the older people in town were like, ‘We don't know if America is ready for two Asian American men as leads in a comedy.'"[22]
Saving Face (2004)
[edit]Saving Face is a 2004 American romantic comedy-drama film directed by Alice Wu. The film's Wil (Michelle Krusiec) is a lesbian, but she is too afraid to tell her widowed mother Hwei-lan (Joan Chen) or her strict grandparents. She is shocked to discover that her 48-year-old mother is pregnant, and that she is not the only member of her family with romantic secrets. Hwei-lan is kicked out of her parents' house and forced to live with Wil, straining Wil's growing friendship with the out and proud Vivian (Lynn Chen).
2010s in film
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2019) |
Gook (2017)
[edit]Gook tells the story of Asian Americans during the 1992 Los Angeles riots. It was released in 2017 with its director Justin Chon, David So, Sang Chon, Curtiss Cook Jr. and Ben Munoz.
Ghost in the Shell (2017)
[edit]Ghost in the Shell is a 2017 American adaptation of the Japanese manga Ghost in the Shell by Masamune Shirow. It was directed by Rupert Sanders and featured Scarlett Johansson as the main character. This movie was set in the future and revolved around a story of a cyborg discovering her past. This film was controversial due to the fact that the casting featured a Caucasian with the movie being accused of racism and whitewashing in film. After the controversy erupted, it was reported that Paramount Pictures examined the possibility of using CGI to make Scarlett Johansson appear "more Asian".[23]
Crazy Rich Asians (2018)
[edit]Crazy Rich Asians is a 2018 film adaptation of the book by the same name by Kevin Kwan. Despite being a critical and commercial success, the film received controversy over the casting of mixed race actors and non-Chinese actors in ethnically Chinese roles, as well as portraying the characters speaking British English and American English instead of Singaporean English.[24][25][26] The film was also criticized for its lack of diversity, with critics stating that the movie did not properly depict the variety of ethnic groups in Singapore.[27][28][29] Lead actress Constance Wu responded to criticisms, stating that the film would not represent every Asian American given that the majority of characters depicted in the movie were ethnically Chinese and extremely wealthy.[30] Time magazine also noted that the film was the "first modern story with an all-Asian cast and an Asian-American lead" since the release of the 1993 film The Joy Luck Club.[31]
Searching (2018)
[edit]Searching (film) is a 2018 American screenlife mystery thriller film directed by Aneesh Chaganty, written by Chaganty and Sev Ohanian and produced by Timur Bekmambetov. It is the first mainstream Hollywood thriller headlined by an Asian American actor, John Cho.[32]
To All the Boys I've Loved Before (2018)
[edit]To All the Boys I've Loved Before is a 2018 Netflix Original movie based on the book by the same name by Jenny Han. The film stars Lana Condor and Noah Centineo and has been credited along with Crazy Rich Asians as helping to garner more representation for Asian Americans in film.[33] Of the film, Han stated that she had to turn down initial offers to adapt the book, as some of the studios wanted a white actress to play the main character of Lara Jean.[34] Ironically, none of the film adaptation of the romantic comedy's five male love interests were of Asian descent, despite changing the ethnicity of at least one love interest from the book, which was seen as a perpetuation of the emasculation of Asian men in Hollywood media.[35]
The Farewell (2019)
[edit]The Farewell is a 2019 American comedy-drama film written and directed by Lulu Wang, based on a story called What You Don't Know that was initially shared by Wang on This American Life in April 2016.[36][37] Based on Wang's life experiences, the film stars Awkwafina as Billi Wang, a Chinese American who upon learning her grandmother has only a short time left to live, is pressured by her family to not tell her while they schedule family gathering before she dies.[38] The film received critical acclaim; the film was nominated for two awards at the 77th Golden Globe Awards including Best Foreign Language Film and Awkwafina winning for Best Actress – Musical or Comedy, making her the first person of Asian descent to win a Golden Globe Award in any lead actress film category.[39]
2020s in film
[edit]The Half of It (2020)
[edit]The Half of It is a 2020 Netflix original movie written and directed by Alice Wu. The Cyrano de Bergerac spin-off is about Ellie Chu, a shy, introverted student helps the school jock woo a girl whom, secretly, they both want.[40] They find themselves connecting and learn about the nature of love.
Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings (2021)
[edit]Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings is a 2021 superhero film based on the Marvel Comics character Shang-Chi, produced by Marvel Studios and set in the Marvel Cinematic Universe. Starring Simu Liu as Shang-Chi and Tony Leung as Wenwu, the film is Marvel's first superhero movie tentpole franchise with an Asian protagonist. A film based on Shang-Chi was planned in 2006, but development did not begin in earnest until December 2018, following the success of Crazy Rich Asians.[41][42] The film modernizes the problematic elements of Shang-Chi and the Mandarin's comic book origins, which depicted negative stereotypes of East Asians.[43][44] According to producer Kevin Feige, Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings features a cast that is "98% Asian" and is "much more than a kung fu movie."[45]
Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022)
[edit]Everything Everywhere All at Once is a 2022 film directed by Daniel Kwan and Daniel Scheinert (a.k.a. The Daniels), and produced by A24. Starring Michelle Yeoh, Stephanie Hsu, Ke Huy Quan, James Hong, Harry Shum Jr., among other actors, it is an absurdist action-comedy film where an aging Chinese-American immigrant must save the world by exploring other universes and reliving the lives she could have led.
Pre-2010s television
[edit]Vanishing Son (1995)
[edit]Vanishing Son is an American action series starring Russell Wong. Prior to the series, there were 4 television films. It is of one the earliest television shows portraying an Asian American male character as the romantic lead.[46][47]
2010s television
[edit]Selfie (2014)
[edit]Selfie is an American romantic comedy sitcom starring Karen Gillan and John Cho. The show is loosely based on Pygmalion and My Fair Lady. Cho was featured as the first romantic comedy Asian American male lead.[48] He was cast as Henry Higgs on March 13, 2014.[49]
Warner Brothers Television initially intended to cast Henry Higgs as a white Englishman who was several generations older modeling after the original character. The casting process was very extensive. The creator, Emily Kapnek said, "We looked at tons of different actors, and really once we kind of opened our minds and said let’s get off of what we think Henry is supposed to be and just talk about who is, we just need a brilliant actor—and John [Cho]’s name came up." She also mentioned that the ABC network was the first to suggest color-blind casting.[50][51] Julie Anne Robinson, one of the directors and executive producers who later worked on Bridgerton, revealed in 2021 interviews that she advocated casting Cho and had to persuade "top to bottom of everybody in that chain" that he was the perfect choice for the role, which took a long time to consider. Robinson fought for Cho and won, saying, "That's what I'm most proud of about that whole pilot."[52][53][54]
Fresh Off the Boat (2015–2020)
[edit]Fresh Off the Boat is an American sitcom created by Nahnatchka Khan, a loose adaptation of author Eddie Huang's Fresh off the Boat. This show followed the life of an Asian-American family in the early 1990s. It is the first Asian-American sitcom to be featured prime-time in America. It was released in February 2015 and has been renewed several times, ending with a two-part finale on February 21, 2020.
Dr. Ken (2015–2017)
[edit]Dr. Ken is an American sitcom created by actor and writer Ken Jeong. This show followed the story of an Asian-American doctor and his family. This show aired between October 2, 2015, and March 31, 2017.
Kim's Convenience (2016–2021)
[edit]Kim's Convenience is a Canadian TV series adapted from Ins Choi's 2011 play of the same name. This show revolves around the life of a family and their family-run convenience store located in Toronto. It debuted in October 2016 and has since been renewed for a fourth season. This show has been globally brought to attention with Netflix securing rights to broadcast it outside of Canada.
Warrior (2019–2023)
[edit]Warrior is an American action-drama television series executive-produced by Shannon Lee and Justin Lin,[55][56] based on an original concept and treatment by Lee's father Bruce Lee.[57][58][59] The show follows a martial arts prodigy and his involvement in the Tong Wars of 1870s San Francisco. Bruce Lee developed the show in 1971, but had trouble pitching it to Warner Bros. and Paramount.[60] The show premiered on Cinemax on April 5, 2019, and was subsequently renewed for two more seasons.[61]
Interior Chinatown (2024)
[edit]Interior Chinatown is an action-comedy drama series based on the same book by Charles Yu. Starring Jimmy O. Yang, Ronny Chieng, and Chloe Bennet.[62]
Classic Hollywood cinema
[edit]Dr. Fu Manchu
[edit]In 1929, the character Dr. Fu Manchu made his American film debut in The Mysterious Dr. Fu Manchu played by the Swedish-American actor Warner Oland. Oland repeated the role in 1930s The Return of Dr. Fu Manchu and 1931's Daughter of the Dragon. Oland appeared in character in the 1931 musical Paramount on Parade, where the Devil Doctor was seen to murder both Philo Vance and Sherlock Holmes.

In 1932, Boris Karloff took over the character in the film The Mask of Fu Manchu.[63] The film's tone has long been considered racist and offensive,[64][65] but that only added to its cult status alongside its humor and Grand Guignol sets and torture sequences. The film was suppressed for many years, but has since received critical re-evaluation and been released on DVD uncut.
Charlie Chan
[edit]In a series of films in the 1930s and 1940s, Chinese-Hawaiian-American detective Charlie Chan was played by white actors Warner Oland, Sidney Toler and Roland Winters. The Swedish-born Oland, unlike his two successors in the Chan role, actually looked somewhat Chinese, and according to his contemporaries, he did not use special makeup in the role. He also played East Asians in other films, including Shanghai Express, The Painted Veil, and Werewolf of London (decades later, Afro-European American TV actor Khigh Dhiegh, though of African and European descent, was generally cast as an East Asian because of his appearance, and he was often included on lists of East Asian actors).
The Good Earth
[edit]
The Good Earth (1937) is a film about Chinese farmers who struggle to survive.[66] It was adapted by Talbot Jennings, Tess Slesinger, and Claudine West from the play by Donald Davis and Owen Davis, which was itself based on the 1931 novel The Good Earth by Nobel Prize-winning author Pearl S. Buck. The film was directed by Sidney Franklin, Victor Fleming (uncredited) and Gustav Machatý (uncredited).
The film's budget was $2.8 million, relatively expensive for the time, and took three years to make. Although Pearl Buck intended the film to be cast with all Chinese or Chinese-American actors, the studio opted to use established American stars, tapping Europeans Paul Muni and Luise Rainer for the lead roles. Both had won Oscars the previous year: Rainer for her role in The Great Ziegfeld and Muni for the lead in The Story of Louis Pasteur. When questioned about his choice of the actors, producer Irving Thalberg responded by saying, "I'm in the business of creating illusions."[67]
Anna May Wong had been considered a top contender for the role of O-Lan, the Chinese heroine of the novel. However, because Paul Muni was a white man, the Hays Code's anti-miscegenation rules required the actress who played his wife to be a white woman. So, MGM gave the role of O-Lan to a European actress and offered Wong the role of Lotus, the story's villain. Wong refused to be the only Chinese-American, playing the only negative character, stating: "I won't play the part. If you let me play O-Lan, I'll be very glad. But you're asking me—with Chinese blood—to do the only unsympathetic role in the picture featuring an all-American cast portraying Chinese characters."[68] MGM's refusal to consider Wong for this most high-profile of Chinese characters in U.S. film is remembered today as "one of the most notorious cases of casting discrimination in the 1930s".[69]
The Good Earth was nominated for five Academy Awards including Best Picture, Best Direction (Sidney Franklin), Best Cinematography (Karl Freund), and Best Film Editing (Basil Wrangell). In addition to the Best Actress award (Luise Rainer), the film won for Best Cinematography.[70] The year The Good Earth came out, Wong appeared on the cover of Look magazine's second issue, which labeled her "The World's Most Beautiful Chinese Girl."[71] Stereotyped in America as a dragon lady, the cover photo had her holding a dagger.[72][73]
Breakfast at Tiffany's
[edit]
The 1961 film Breakfast at Tiffany's has been criticized for its portrayal of the character Mr. Yunioshi, Holly's bucktoothed, stereotyped Japanese neighbor. Mickey Rooney wore makeup to change his features to a caricatured approximation of a Japanese person. In the 45th-anniversary-edition DVD release, producer Richard Shepherd repeatedly apologizes, saying, "If we could just change Mickey Rooney, I'd be thrilled with the movie".[74] Director Blake Edwards stated, "Looking back, I wish I had never done it ... and I would give anything to be able to recast it, but it's there, and onward and upward".[74] In a 2008 interview about the film, 87-year-old Rooney said he was heartbroken about the criticism and that he had never received any complaints about his portrayal of the character.[75]
Sixteen Candles
[edit]The 1984 American film Sixteen Candles has been criticized for the character of Long Duk Dong. This Asian character became an "Asian American stereotype for a new generation".[76] Long Duk Dong displayed a variety of stereotypes in the film such being socially awkward and difficult to understand, and the "lecherous but sexually inept loser".[76] The idea of Asians being more feminine and therefore "weaker" is further exemplified through Long Duk Dong's romantic relationship with one of the characters in the film. He assumes the more feminine role while the American girl becomes the more masculine of two in the relationship.
Theater
[edit]Yellowface in theatre has been called "the practice of white actors donning overdone face paint and costumes that serves as a caricatured representation of traditional Asian garb."[77] Founded in 2011, the Asian American Performers Action Coalition (AAPAC) works in an effort to "expand the perception of Asian American performers in order to increase their access to and representation on New York City's stages." This group works to address and discuss yellowface controversies and occurrences.[78][non-primary source needed]
Miss Saigon
[edit]Miss Saigon, a musical with music by Claude-Michel Schönberg, lyrics by Alain Boublil and Richard Maltby Jr. and book by Boublil and Schönberg, is a modern adaptation of Giacomo Puccini's opera Madama Butterfly. Miss Saigon tells the story of a doomed romance involving a Vietnamese woman and an American soldier set in the time of the Vietnam War.[79]
When Miss Saigon premiered at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, London, on September 20, 1989, Welsh actor Jonathan Pryce wore heavy prosthetic eyelids and skin-darkening cream in playing The Engineer, a mixed-race French-Vietnamese pimp.[80]
Once the London West End production came to Broadway in 1990, Pryce was slated to reprise his role as The Engineer, causing a major rift in American theater circles and sparking public outcry. Tony Award-winning playwright David Henry Hwang wrote a letter to the Actors' Equity Association protesting this portrayal of a Eurasian character being played by a White actor.[81]
Despite these protests, Pryce performed the Engineer to great acclaim and Miss Saigon became one of Broadway's longest-running hits.[82]
The Mikado
[edit]The Mikado, a comic operetta with music by Arthur Sullivan and libretto by W. S. Gilbert, premiered in 1885 in London and still performed frequently in the English-speaking world and beyond.[83][84] In setting the opera in a fictionalized 19th-century Japan, Gilbert used the veneer of Far Eastern exoticism to soften the impact of his pointed satire of British institutions and politics.[84][85]
Numerous 21st-century U.S. productions of The Mikado have been criticized for the use of yellowface in their casting: New York (2004 and 2015), Los Angeles (2007 and 2009), Boston (2007), Austin (2011), Denver (2013), and Seattle (2014)[86] The press noted that the Seattle Gilbert & Sullivan Society cast the 10 principal roles and the chorus with white actors, with the exception of two Latino actors.[86]
In 2015, the New York Gilbert and Sullivan Players cancelled a production of The Mikado that was set to feature their repertory company of mostly White actors, due to complaints from the East Asian-American community.[87] The company redesigned its production in collaboration with an advisory group of East Asian-American theater professionals and debuted the new concept in 2016,[88] receiving a warm review in The New York Times.[89] After Lamplighters Music Theatre of San Francisco planned a 2016 production, objections by the East Asian-American community prompted them to re-set the operetta in Renaissance-era Milan, replacing all references to Japan with Milan.[90] Reviewers felt that the change resolved the issue.[91][92]
The King and I
[edit]
The King and I is a musical by Richard Rodgers (composer) and Oscar von Hammerstein II (lyricist). Based on the 1944 novel Anna and the King of Siam by Margaret Landon, the story illustrates the clash of Eastern and Western cultures by relaying the experiences of Anna (based on Anna Leonowens), a British schoolteacher hired as part of King Mongkut of Siam's drive to modernize his country. The relationship between the King and Anna is marked by conflict and constant bickering throughout the musical, as well as by a love that neither can confess.
The 2015 Dallas Summer Musicals' production of the musical caused controversy in the casting of a European-American actor as King Mongkut. In an open letter to Dallas Summer Musicals, the AAPAC criticized the choice, saying "the casting of a white King dramaturgically undermines a story about a clash between Western and Eastern cultures"; moreover, "Asian impersonation denies Asians our own subjecthood. It situates all the power within a Caucasian-centric world view."[93]
Asian representation in American animated films
[edit]Bugs Bunny Nips the Nips (1944)
[edit]Bugs Bunny Nips the Nips is an 8-minute animated short directed by Friz Freleng and produced through Warner Bros. Cartoons as part of the Merrie Melodies cartoon series. It portrays Japanese stereotypes of the Japanese Emperor and military, a sumo wrestler, and a geisha through Bugs Bunny and his interactions with a Japanese soldier on an island.[94]
Siamese cats in Lady and the Tramp (1955)
[edit]Lady and the Tramp is an animated musical film directed by Clyde Geronimi Wilfred Jackson. Voice actors include Peggy Lee, Barbara Luddy, Larry Roberts, Bill Thompson, Bill Baucon, Steve Freberg, Verna Felton, Alan Reed, George Givot, Dallas McKennon, and Lee Millar. Although this animation is about dogs, the portrayal of the Siamese cats with buck-teeth and slanted eyes was criticized by many who believed that it was a racist representation of stereotypical Asians. The exaggerated accents were also mocking of the Thai language.[95]
Mulan (1998)
[edit]The animated film Mulan was produced by the Walt Disney Feature Animation for Walt Disney Pictures in 1998. It is based on an old traditional Chinese folktale about a young girl, Hua Mulan, who disguises as a man to take her father's spot in the army. It boasted international popularity and distribution. This film was so successful that in 2004 Mulan II, its sequel, was produced. However, this is not the first or only animation to adapt Mulan's story. In 1998, United American Video Entertainment produced an animation called The Secret of Mulan, that uses six-legged caterpillars to represent the characters in a friendlier way for young children.[96][97]
Bao (2018)
[edit]Bao is one of Pixar's animated shorts produced in 2018 and directed by Domee Shi. It portrays the importance of family and culture in a Chinese Canadian community. The plot concerns a story about a Chinese Canadian mother who creates a baby dumpling that comes to life to help her cope with the loneliness and grief in missing her son who has grown up.[98]
Other examples in Western media
[edit]
A prominent example of the whitewashing of Asian roles is the 1970s TV series Kung Fu, in which the leading character—a Chinese monk and martial arts master who fled China after having accidentally slain the emperor's nephew—is portrayed by European-American actor David Carradine. The film Dragon: The Bruce Lee Story describes to some extent the struggles that ensued when Hollywood moguls attempted to cast Bruce Lee in the starring role of Caine but were overruled. American actress Emma Stone played a half-Asian character in the film Aloha. In the film Cloud Atlas every major male character in the Korean story line was played by a non-Asian actor made up in yellowface makeup.[99]
Michael Derrick Hudson, an American poet, used a Chinese female pen name.
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b c Winfrey, Yayoi Lena (November 19, 2012). "Yellowface: Asians on White Screens". IMDiversity.
- ^ a b Kashiwabara, Amy, Vanishing Son: The Appearance, Disappearance, and Assimilation of the Asian-American Man in American Mainstream Media, UC Berkeley Media Resources Center, archived from the original on September 22, 2018
- ^ Chin, Frank; Chan, Jeffery (1972). "Racist Love" (PDF). In Richard Kostelanetz (ed.). Seeing Through Shuck. New York: Ballantine Books. p. 65.
- ^ "The Practice of Yellow Face", by Vickie Rozel, TheatreWorks Silicon Valley in the Works
- ^ a b c d e www.goldsea.com Sessue Hayakawa: The Legend
- ^ a b Chan, Anthony B. Perpetually Cool: The Many Lives of Anna May Wong (1905–1961). Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8108-4789-2 pp. xi, 42.
- ^ Leong, Karen J. The China Mystique: Pearl S. Buck, Anna May Wong, Mayling Soong, and the Transformation of American Orientalism. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005. ISBN 0-520-24422-2. pp. 83, 187.
- ^ Wollstein, Hans J. "Anna May Wong." Vixens, Floozies, and Molls: 28 Actresses of late 1920s and 1930s Hollywood. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, 1999. ISBN 0-7864-0565-1. p. 252.
- ^ Parish, James and William Leonard. "Anna May Wong." Hollywood Players: The Thirties. New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House Publishers, 1976, pp. 532–538. ISBN 0-87000-365-8.
- ^ "Philip Ahn | Actor". IMDb. Retrieved February 10, 2025.
- ^ www.brightlightsflim.com Archived July 22, 2012, at archive.today A Certain Slant
- ^ "Analysis of John Luther Long's 'Madame Butterfly'". logos-verlag.de.
- ^ Woodward, Benjamin. "Madama Butterfly, Puccini's masterpiece transcends its age". The Japan Times.
- ^ Madame Butterfly (1915) at IMDb
- ^ a b "Puccini opera is 'racist'". News24. February 14, 2007.
- ^ www.tcm.com Spotlight: Broken Blossoms
- ^ Lee, Joann (2001). "Asian American Actors in Film, Television and Theater, An Ethnographic Case Study". Race, Gender & Class. 8 (4): 176–184. ISSN 1082-8354. JSTOR 41675001.
- ^ "SPLICEDwire | John Cho & Kal Penn interview for "Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle" (2004)". splicedwire.com. Retrieved September 5, 2022.
- ^ a b c Saito, Stephen (August 17, 2014). "The "Harold and Kumar" Scene You Will Never See and 5 Other Highlights from the 10th Anniversary". The Moveable Fest. Retrieved September 5, 2022.
- ^ Friedlander, Whitney (July 15, 2022). "John Cho Has Entered His DILF Era". Vanity Fair. Retrieved September 5, 2022.
- ^ YAAAS TV (November 17, 2021). Cowboy Bebop Interview | John Cho, Mustafa Shakir, Daniella Pineda. Event occurs at 0:37.
- ^ "Kal Penn Shares His Theory About Why Fans Still Crave Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle". E! Online. March 24, 2022. Retrieved September 5, 2022.
- ^ Sampson, Mike (April 15, 2016). "Ghost in the Shell Ran Tests to Make White Actors Look Asian". ScreenCrush.
- ^ Lui, John (April 26, 2017). "Colourism mars Crazy Rich Asians main casting". The Straits Times. Archived from the original on April 26, 2018. Retrieved February 5, 2018.
- ^ Han, Kirsten (August 20, 2018). "Crazy Rich Asians is not us, say Singaporeans". Stuff New Zealand. Retrieved September 10, 2018.
- ^ Agency (May 4, 2018). "'Crazy Rich Asians' criticised for being too Chinese, not Singlish enough". Star2. Archived from the original on June 20, 2018. Retrieved August 20, 2018.
- ^ Banyan (September 1, 2018). "For a different take on "Crazy Rich Asians", cross the Pacific". The Economist. Archived from the original on September 5, 2018. Retrieved September 8, 2018.
- ^ Ives, Mike (August 16, 2018). "For Some Viewers, 'Crazy Rich Asians' Is Not Asian Enough". The New York Times. Archived from the original on September 4, 2018. Retrieved September 10, 2018.
- ^ Yap, Audrey Cleo (August 19, 2018). "'Crazy Rich Asians' Doesn't Represent All Asians Everywhere, and That's Fine (Column)". Variety. Retrieved September 12, 2018.
- ^ Ives, Mike (August 16, 2018). "For Some Viewers, 'Crazy Rich Asians' Is Not Asian Enough". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 21, 2019.
- ^ Ho, Karen (August 15, 2018). "Crazy Rich Asians Is Going to Change Hollywood. It's About Time". Time. pp. 40–46. Archived from the original on September 2, 2018. Retrieved August 25, 2018. (physically published in August 27, 2018 issue; digitally published on August 15)
- ^ Loughrey, Clarisse (August 27, 2018). "John Cho interview: How he became a cheerleader for cinema's newest genre". the Independent. Retrieved October 6, 2018.
- ^ Hassan, Aisha (August 23, 2018). "A golden age of Asian American rom-coms is dawning". Quartzy. Retrieved June 11, 2019.
- ^ "Why 'To All The Boys I've Loved Before' Author Jenny Han Had to Fight for an Asian American Star". People. Retrieved June 11, 2019.
- ^ Nguyen, Hanh (August 18, 2018). "'To All the Boys I've Loved Before' Author Jenny Han Addresses Criticism for Not Including an Asian Male Love Interest". IndieWire. Retrieved December 27, 2021.
- ^ "What You Don't Know". This American Life. April 22, 2016. Retrieved November 8, 2019.
- ^ Kohn, Eric (July 18, 2019). "'The Farewell': Lulu Wang Made the Year's Most Exciting Hit By Refusing to Whitewash It". IndieWire. Retrieved November 8, 2019.
- ^ "10 Directors to Watch: Lulu Wang Shows Another Side of Awkwafina in 'The Farewell'". January 4, 2019.
- ^ Gonzalez, Sandra (January 5, 2020). "Awkwafina makes Golden Globes history". CNN.
- ^ The Half of It, retrieved December 14, 2021
- ^ "Marvel to Make Movies Based on Comic Books". September 6, 2005.
- ^ "Marvel Developing Shang-Chi Movie with 'Wonder Woman 1984' Writer". December 3, 2018.
- ^ "'Shang-Chi' Marvel's First Asian Film Superhero Franchise; Dave Callaham Scripting, Search on for Director of Asian Descent". December 3, 2018.
- ^ "How 'Shang-Chi' Could be Marvel's Next 'Black Panther'". December 4, 2018.
- ^ "Marvel Studios' Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings Features Cast That is "98 Percent" Asian".
- ^ "Interview: Lewis Tan Talks DEADPOOL 2 and INTO THE BADLANDS". ScreenAnarchy. April 27, 2018. Retrieved November 9, 2023.
- ^ Chow, Kat (February 5, 2015). "A Brief, Weird History Of Squashed Asian-American TV Shows". NPR.
- ^ Haruch, Steve (September 28, 2014). "In 'Selfie', John Cho Gets An Unlikely Shot As A Romantic Lead". NPR.
- ^ March 13, Stephanie Robbins Updated; EDT, 2014 at 05:45 PM. "John Cho cast as lead in ABC comedy pilot 'Selfie'". EW.com. Retrieved January 11, 2022.
{{cite web}}:|first1=has generic name (help)CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ "Star Trek's John Cho breaks barriers as romantic lead: 'I would call this revolutionary'". thestar.com. July 16, 2014. Retrieved August 13, 2021.
- ^ Haithman, Diane (July 15, 2014). "TCA: 'Suburgatory' Stars Could Be Taking A Shot In 'Selfie'". Deadline. Retrieved January 29, 2022.
- ^ Romero, Ariana. "One Super Steamy Grey's Anatomy Episode Has A Secret Bridgerton Connection. The Woman Behind It Explains". www.refinery29.com. Retrieved March 25, 2022.
- ^ Saux, Lori; Saux, Stephen (March 4, 2021). "46. Coming Down The Mountain: Our Interview with Julie Anne Robinson". If We Knew Then (Podcast). Event occurs at 14:06. Retrieved March 25, 2022.
{{cite podcast}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ [2021] Selfie (& Bridgerton) executive producer Julie Anne Robinson had to fight to cast John Cho, March 25, 2022, retrieved March 26, 2022
- ^ Cecchini, Mike (August 22, 2018). "Warrior: First Teaser for Bruce Lee Inspired TV Series". Denofgeek.
- ^ Li, Shirley (February 8, 2019). "Justin Lin talks bringing Bruce Lee's passion project to life in Warrior first look photos". Entertainment Weekly. Retrieved March 9, 2019.
- ^ Andreeva, Nellie (June 7, 2017). "Bruce Lee-Inspired Tong Wars Drama 'Warrior' From Justin Lin & 'Banshee' Co-Creator Gets Cinemax Series Order".
- ^ Andreeva, Nellie (August 30, 2016). "Bruce Lee-Inspired Crime Drama 'Warrior' From Justin Lin & 'Banshee' Co-Creator Gets Cinemax Pilot Order".
- ^ Andreeva, Nellie (May 21, 2015). "Cinemax Developing Bruce Lee-Inspired Crime Drama 'Warrior' From Justin Lin".
- ^ "From The Pierre Berton Show December 8, 1971 (comments near end of part 2 and early in part 3)
- ^ Andreeva, Nellie (April 24, 2019). "'Warrior' Renewed For Season 2 By Cinemax". Deadline.
- ^ Hwang Lynch, Grace (November 18, 2024). "Charles Yu on Bringing 'Interior Chinatown' to the Screen". CAAM Home. Retrieved February 5, 2025.
- ^ The Mask of Fu Manchu at IMDb
- ^ Gregory William Mank, Hollywood Cauldron: 13 Horror Films from the Genres's Golden Age. McFarland, 2001 (pp. 53-89); ISBN 0-7864-1112-0
- ^ Christopher Frayling, quoted in "Fu Manchu", in Newman, Kim (ed.), The BFI Companion to Horror. London, Cassell,1996, pp. 131-32; ISBN 0-304-33216-X
- ^ www.asian-studies.org What's So Bad About "The Good Earth" by Charles W. Hayford.
- ^ Peter Ho Davies (August 25, 2016). The Fortunes. Hodder & Stoughton. p. 140. ISBN 978-1-4447-1056-4.
- ^ www.asiaarts.ucla.edu Archived August 1, 2009, at the Wayback Machine Profile of Anna May Wong: Remembering The Silent Star by Kenneth Quan
- ^ Lucy Fischer; Marcia Landy (2004). Stars: The Film Reader. Psychology Press. p. 189. ISBN 978-0-415-27892-8.
- ^ tcm.com Spotlight: The Good Earth
- ^ Corliss, Richard. Anna May Wong Did It Right, Time magazine, January 29, 2005, accessed May 22, 2018
- ^ Corliss, Richard (January 29, 2005). "Anna May Wong Did It Right". TIME. Retrieved February 10, 2025.
- ^ Jay, Alex (November 26, 2015). "Chinese American Eyes: Anna May Wong in Look Magazine". Chinese American Eyes. Retrieved February 10, 2025.
- ^ a b Breakfast at Tiffany's: The Making of a Classic
- ^ Calvert, Bruce (September 9, 2008). "Sacramento Bee: Racism in reel life". sacbee.com. Archived from the original on November 21, 2008. Retrieved November 2, 2008.
- ^ a b Chow, Kat (February 6, 2015). "What's So 'Cringeworthy' About Long Duk Dong in 'Sixteen Candles'?". NPR. Retrieved May 22, 2019.
- ^ "Dallas Summer Musicals' The King and I Casting Causes Controversy". BroadwayWorld. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "AAPAC". AAPAC. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "The Heat Is On: Touring Production of Miss Saigon Met With Protests at Minnesota's Ordway Theater". Playbill. October 8, 2013. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "'A Certain Slant': A Brief History of Hollywood Yellowface". Bright Lights Film Journal. Archived from the original on May 3, 2014. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ Cauterucci, Christina (January 30, 2014). "'Yellow Face' at Theatre J explores Asian representation in the theater world". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ Hwang, David Henry. "David Henry Hwang: racial casting has evolved – and so have my opinions". The Guardian. London. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ Kenrick, John. "The Gilbert & Sullivan Story: Part III" Archived January 5, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Musicals101.com, accessed November 11, 2016
- ^ a b Steinberg, Neil. "Updated Mikado promises to be as rousing as ever". Chicago Sun-Times, December 6, 2010
- ^ "Mikado Genesis", Lyric Opera San Diego
- ^ a b "Stereotypes in The Mikado Stir Controversy in Seattle". NBC News. July 17, 2014. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "Following Outcry from the Asian Community, The Mikado (With Caucasian Actors) Canceled". Playbill. September 18, 2015. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "New York Gilbert & Sullivan Players Reveals Concepts for Reimagined The Mikado; Kelvin Moon Loh Joins Creative Team!". BroadwayWorld. October 6, 2016.
- ^ Fonseca-Wollheim, Corinna da. "Is The Mikado Too Politically Incorrect to Be Fixed? Maybe Not.", December 30, 2016, The New York Times
- ^ Tran, Diep. "Building a Better Mikado, Minus the Yellowface", American Theatre, April 20, 2016
- ^ Kosman, Joshua (August 8, 2016). "Lamplighters' transplanted Mikado retains its charm". San Francisco Chronicle.
- ^ Hurwitt, Sam (August 8, 2016). "Review: Guilt-free Mikado unveiled by Lamplighters". The Mercury News.
- ^ "Dallas Summer Musicals' THE KING AND I Casting Causes Controversy". BroadwayWorld.com. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
- ^ "Bugs Bunny Nips the Nips(1944) | UC Berkeley Library". lib.berkeley.edu. Retrieved May 28, 2020.
- ^ "Lady and the Tramp (Walt Disney Pictures, 1955) | UC Berkeley Library". lib.berkeley.edu. Retrieved May 28, 2020.
- ^ Sharma, Manisha (2016). "Chapter Seven: Disney and the Ethnic Other: A Semiotic Analysis of American Identity". Counterpoints. 477: 95–107. ISSN 1058-1634. JSTOR 45157189.
- ^ Dong, Lan (2011). Mulan's Legend and Legacy in China and the United States. Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-59213-970-5. JSTOR j.ctt14btd0g.
- ^ "Here's the Tasty Recipe for the Bao From Pixar's Charming New Short Bao". Time. Retrieved May 28, 2020.
- ^ Brooks, Xan (October 26, 2012). "Cloud Atlas under fire for casting white actors in 'yellowface' makeup". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved June 12, 2019.
Further reading
[edit]- Hodges, Graham Russell (2004). Anna May Wong: From Laundryman's Daughter to Hollywood Legend. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
- Hamamoto, Darrell; Liu, Sandra, eds. (2000). Countervisions: Asian American Film Criticism. Asian American History and Culture. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA: Temple University Press. ISBN 9781439908785. OCLC 43287149.
- Pham, Vincent N.; Ono, Kent A. (2009). Asian Americans and the Media. Media and Minorities. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Polity. ISBN 9780745642734. OCLC 236321398.
- Marchetti, Gina (1993). Romance and the "Yellow Peril" Race, Sex, and Discursive Strategies in Hollywood Fiction. Berkeley: University of California Press.
- Ito, Robert B. "A Certain Slant: A Brief History of Hollywood Yellowface". Bright Lights Film Journal. Archived from the original on May 3, 2014. Retrieved May 2, 2014.
- Metzger, Sean. "Charles Parsloe's Chinese Fetish: An Example of Yellowface Performance in Nineteenth-Century American Melodrama." Theatre Journal 56, no. 4 (2004): 627–651. JSTOR 25069532
- Moon, Krystyn R. (2006). Yellowface: Creating the Chinese in American Popular Music and Performance, 1850s–1920s. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.
- Paul, John Steven (Spring 2001). "Misreading the Chinese Character: Images of the Chinese in Euroamerican Drama to 1925 (review)". Asian Theatre Journal. 18 (1). University of Hawai'i Press: 117–119. doi:10.1353/atj.2001.0006. S2CID 162327661.
- Prasso, Sheridan (2005). The Asian Mystique: dragon ladies, geisha girls, & our fantasies of the exotic orient.
- Wang, Yiman (2005). "The Art of Screen Passing: Anna May Wong's Yellow Yellowface Performance in the Art Deco Era". In Catherine Russell (ed.). Camera Obscura 60: New Women of the Silent Screen: China, Japan, Hollywood. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. pp. 159–191. ISBN 978-0-8223-6624-9.
- Young, Cynthia Ann. "AfroAsian Encounters: Culture, History, Politics (review)." Journal of Asian American Studies 10, no. 3 (2007): 316–318. doi:10.1353/jaas.2007.0033.
External links
[edit]- Hollywood Chinese, a 2007 documentary film about the portrayals of Chinese men and women in Hollywood productions
- "Yellowface: Asians on White Screens", by Yayoi Lena Winfrey, IM Diversity.com
- "A Certain Slant" by Robert B. Ito, Bright Lights Film Journal
- "Monitoring Asians in the American mass media" at Asian American Media Watch
- "Asian Images in Film: Introduction" at TCM
- "Roundtable: The Past and Present of 'Yellowface'", at NPR
- "I am not a Fetish or Model Minority" by CAPE and Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media
Portrayal of East Asians in American film and theater
View on GrokipediaHistorical Foundations
Silent Era and Early Immigration Narratives
![Sessue Hayakawa in silent film era][float-right]Sessue Hayakawa, a Japanese actor who immigrated to the United States in 1913, emerged as one of the earliest East Asian stars in American silent cinema, often portraying romantic leads and charismatic villains that challenged prevailing stereotypes.[9] His breakout role in The Cheat (1915), directed by Cecil B. DeMille, depicted him as a wealthy Burmese ivory trader in a controversial interracial affair with a white woman, drawing massive audiences and establishing him as a matinee idol rivaling white stars of the era.[10] Hayakawa formed his own production company, Haworth Pictures, to gain creative control, producing films like The Dragon Painter (1919) where he played a tormented artist, allowing for more authentic East Asian narratives amid Hollywood's dominance by Caucasian performers.[11] Early silent films frequently reflected anxieties over East Asian immigration, influenced by laws like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, portraying Chinese characters as exotic threats or opium den inhabitants in urban underbellies such as San Francisco's Chinatown.[3] These depictions, often enacted by white actors in yellowface, emphasized "yellow peril" tropes of invasion and moral decay, as seen in pre-1910s shorts staging fictional Chinese laborer arrivals or vice-laden enclaves.[12] However, films like D.W. Griffith's Broken Blossoms (1919) offered a rare sympathetic lens on a Chinese immigrant, Cheng Huan—played by Richard Barthelmess in yellowface as a pacifist Limehouse shopkeeper who shelters an abused white girl—highlighting themes of cross-cultural compassion amid brutality, though critiqued for romanticizing and inauthentically blending Asian cultural elements.[13] ![Lillian Gish and Richard Barthelmess in Broken Blossoms][center]
In theater, early 20th-century American stages mirrored cinematic trends with vaudeville acts and plays featuring East Asian immigrants as laundrymen or cooks in comedic sketches, reinforcing subservient roles tied to real-world labor patterns post-railroad construction booms.[2] Authentic East Asian performers, such as those in touring Chinese opera troupes arriving via Angel Island inspections around 1910, occasionally integrated into Broadway-adjacent productions, but systemic barriers limited them to peripheral parts, contrasting the era's growing but constrained film opportunities for figures like Hayakawa.[14] Overall, silent era portrayals oscillated between villainous exoticism and isolated heroism, shaped by immigration restrictions that capped East Asian populations at under 0.01% of the U.S. total by 1920, fostering narratives of otherness rather than integration.[15]
World War II Propaganda and Post-War Shifts
During World War II, American films frequently depicted Japanese characters as treacherous, fanatical enemies to mobilize public support for the Pacific campaign, often employing exaggerated racial caricatures and yellowface casting to emphasize subhuman traits like cunning and brutality.[16] For instance, Frank Capra's "Why We Fight" documentary series, produced for the U.S. Army Signal Corps between 1942 and 1945, included segments in "The Battle of China" (1944) portraying Japanese invaders as ruthless aggressors against Chinese civilians, while "Know Your Enemy: Japan" (1945) narrated Japanese history as inherently militaristic and expansionist, blending stock footage with inflammatory commentary.[17] Feature films reinforced this, such as "Bataan" (1943), which showed Japanese soldiers as merciless killers overwhelming outnumbered Americans, and "Behind the Rising Sun" (1941), depicting Japanese leaders plotting global domination with sadistic glee, both contributing to heightened suspicion of Japanese Americans that facilitated their internment.[16] In contrast, Chinese characters received more sympathetic treatment as allies resisting invasion, as in "Dragon Seed" (1944), where resilient Chinese peasants, played largely by white actors in yellowface including Katharine Hepburn, heroically defended their homeland.[16] Animated shorts, like Warner Bros.' "Tokio Jokio" (1943), caricatured Japanese as buck-toothed insects or monkeys, amplifying dehumanization through humor.[18] Theater productions were less prolific but aligned with film trends; propaganda plays and USO revues often staged Japanese as villainous foes in skits supporting bond drives, though film dominated visual propaganda due to its reach.[2] Post-war portrayals of Japanese shifted toward ambivalence, influenced by U.S. occupation policies from 1945 to 1952 aimed at democratization and economic reconstruction, reducing overt demonization but retaining stereotypes of cultural otherness.[19] Early examples included "Tokyo Joe" (1949), starring Humphrey Bogart as an American returning to occupied Japan, which portrayed locals as opportunistic yet redeemable under Allied guidance, marking a departure from wartime fanaticism.[17] However, the Korean War (1950–1953) interrupted this softening, reviving anti-Asian enmity by conflating Japanese militarism with communist threats from China and North Korea; films like "The Steel Helmet" (1951) depicted Korean fighters—and by extension East Asians—as ruthless insurgents lacking individual humanity.[2] Chinese portrayals darkened post-1949 with the communist victory, evolving from wartime allies to "red peril" villains in Cold War narratives, as seen in "Battle Hymn" (1957), which framed Korean War-era Asians as ideologically driven antagonists.[6] Theater reflected similar transitions; John Patrick’s "The Teahouse of the August Moon" (Broadway debut 1953), set in post-war Okinawa, humanized locals as quirky but adaptable under American influence, contrasting wartime hostility and prefiguring later "model minority" tropes tied to Japan's economic recovery.[17] These changes stemmed from geopolitical realignments—Japan as a bulwark against communism—rather than cultural reevaluation, perpetuating exoticized or emasculated archetypes amid yellowface persistence.[19][6]Persistent Stereotypes and Tropes
Villainous and Desexualized Archetypes
The villainous archetype of East Asians in American film emerged prominently in the early 20th century, drawing from "Yellow Peril" anxieties that depicted Asians as existential threats to Western civilization through cunning and treachery.[20] This portrayal crystallized in the Fu Manchu character, a Chinese criminal mastermind created by Sax Rohmer in 1913 novels and adapted to film starting with The Mysterious Dr. Fu Manchu in 1929, starring Warner Oland as the insidious doctor seeking revenge via opium and hypnosis.[21] The 1932 film The Mask of Fu Manchu, featuring Boris Karloff in the title role, amplified the trope with scenes of sadistic torture and racial menace, including lines like "Kill the white man and take his woman," reinforcing fears of Asian dominance.[21] Later iterations, such as Christopher Lee's portrayals in five films from 1965 to 1969, perpetuated the evil genius as a global conspirator using advanced technology and hypnosis against Western heroes.[22] For East Asian women, the corresponding villainous stereotype was the "Dragon Lady," a seductive yet deceitful figure embodying danger through allure and manipulation, first popularized in the 1934 comic strip Terry and the Pirates and adapted to films like Daughter of the Dragon (1931), where Anna May Wong played a vengeful operative.[23] In Shanghai Express (1932), Wong's character Shanghai Lily hinted at this archetype's blend of exotic sexuality and moral ambiguity, though often sidelined from lead heroic roles due to Hays Code restrictions on miscegenation.[2] These depictions positioned Asian women as hyper-sexualized threats, contrasting with submissive alternatives but consistently villainous in opposition to white protagonists.[24] Desexualized portrayals, particularly of East Asian men, complemented villainy by rendering them non-threatening in romantic or physical domains, often as effeminate intellectuals or asexual sidekicks lacking erotic agency.[25] Characters like Charlie Chan, originating in 1920s novels and featured in over 40 films from 1931 to 1949 with actors including Warner Oland and Sidney Toler, were depicted as portly, asexual detectives reliant on intellect rather than virility, subverting potential menace through desexualization.[12] This emasculation extended to broader roles, where Asian men were confined to nerdy or subservient figures, as noted in analyses of pre-1960s cinema, limiting romantic pairings and physical assertiveness compared to white counterparts.[26] In theater, similar patterns appeared in Broadway adaptations like Fu Manchu stage plays in the 1920s, emphasizing cerebral villainy over sensual appeal, though film dominated these stereotypes' dissemination.[2]Model Minority and Familial Conformism
The model minority stereotype in American film emerged prominently in the post-1960s era, depicting East Asian characters as intellectually gifted, industrious, and upwardly mobile through academic and professional diligence, often sidelining personal agency or emotional complexity. This portrayal aligns with broader media narratives originating from 1966 New York Times articles contrasting Japanese and Chinese American success against other minorities, framing Asians as exemplars of assimilation via conformity.[27] In cinema, such characters frequently appear as studious sidekicks or overachievers, as seen in films where East Asian roles emphasize STEM proficiency or quiet competence, with a 2021 study of top-grossing films identifying 35% of Asian characters embodying this trope.[28] These depictions, while drawing from empirical realities like East Asians' higher median household incomes ($98,174 in 2022 per U.S. Census data) and college completion rates (54% for ages 25-34), reduce diverse experiences to a monolithic narrative of effortless success.[2] Familial conformism reinforces this archetype by presenting East Asian households as rigidly structured around parental directives, filial obligation, and intergenerational sacrifice for collective advancement. Hollywood films often illustrate this through narratives of strict upbringing—emphasizing deference, educational pressure, and suppression of individualism—rooted in cultural values like Confucian hierarchy but amplified into stereotype. For example, The Joy Luck Club (1993) portrays Chinese immigrant mothers enforcing high-stakes conformity on daughters, highlighting tensions between traditional duty and American autonomy, a dynamic that echoes filial piety themes in earlier works like Disney's Mulan (1998), where family honor drives character arcs.[29] [30] Such representations, critiqued in film analyses for homogenizing family dynamics, nonetheless reflect documented patterns like higher parental involvement in East Asian American education, with surveys showing 70% of Asian parents prioritizing academic excellence over extracurriculars.[31] In American theater, these tropes appear in plays addressing intra-family pressures, though less frequently than in film due to limited production of East Asian-centric works. Contemporary pieces like Chloé Hung's Model Minority (premiered circa 2020s) satirize sheltered Chinese-American teens constrained by church and parental expectations, aspiring to rap but bound by conformist norms, underscoring the trope's extension to performative family roles.[32] Scholarly examinations note that theater's model minority portrayals often critique the psychological toll of familial expectations, such as elevated mental health risks from achievement mandates, with Asian American youth suicide rates 1.5 times the national average per CDC data.[33] Overall, these cinematic and theatrical elements perpetuate a causal link between portrayed familial discipline and socioeconomic outcomes, substantiated by group-level data but critiqued for ignoring variances like poverty among Southeast Asian subgroups (19.7% below poverty line in 2022).[27]Gendered Dynamics: Emasculation and Exoticization
Portrayals of East Asian men in American film have frequently emphasized emasculation, depicting them as asexual, physically diminutive, or lacking romantic agency, a pattern traceable to early 20th-century cinema where initial masculine leads gave way to desexualized villains or subordinates. Sessue Hayakawa, a Japanese actor prominent in the 1910s, initially starred as romantic leads in films like The Cheat (1915), embodying virile charisma that rivaled white counterparts and grossed significantly at the box office, yet his career pivoted post-World War I to roles reinforcing subservience or menace without sexual potency, such as the tyrannical general in The Bridge on the River Kwai (1957).[34] This shift aligned with broader tropes, including the nerdy, bespectacled sidekick exemplified by Long Duk Dong in Sixteen Candles (1984), whose exaggerated accent and social ineptitude served comedic emasculation, appearing in a film that earned over $80 million domestically.[35] Scholarly analyses attribute such representations to historical policies like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which barred family reunification and fostered narratives of bachelor laborers devoid of normative masculinity.[25] In theater, similar dynamics persisted, with East Asian male characters often sidelined as effeminate servants or asexual intellectuals, as seen in Broadway adaptations like The World of Suzie Wong (1958), where the male Asian lead was overshadowed by white romantic dominance. Kung fu films of the 1970s, featuring Bruce Lee in Enter the Dragon (1973), attempted counter-narratives of physical prowess, yet these emphasized martial skill over heterosexual appeal, yielding to emasculated archetypes in mainstream Hollywood revivals.[36] A 2021 USC Annenberg study of top-grossing films from 2007–2019 found Asian men in just 1% of lead roles, predominantly non-threatening or villainous without romantic subplots, perpetuating perceptions of racial desexualization.[37] East Asian women, conversely, faced exoticization, cast as hyperfeminized "lotus blossoms" (submissive, ethereal) or "dragon ladies" (seductive, treacherous), tropes blending allure with otherness to appeal to Western fantasies. Anna May Wong, the first Chinese American star, embodied this in roles like the enigmatic Shanghai Lily in Shanghai Express (1932), a film grossing $2 million, where her character's exotic mystique masked limited agency beyond romantic intrigue with white leads.[38] Such portrayals drew from 19th-century Orientalism, amplified in cinema by films like The Thief of Bagdad (1924), featuring Wong as an alluring slave girl, reinforcing availability to non-Asian suitors.[39] In musical theater, exoticization intensified via productions like Miss Saigon (1989 Broadway debut), portraying Vietnamese women as tragic, sexually devoted figures amid war, with over 4,000 performances amplifying submissive stereotypes. Cultural analyses link these to wartime propaganda, where post-World War II films exoticized women as compliant war brides, as in Sayonara (1957), while scholarly critiques note persistence in modern blockbusters, with a 2021 study identifying disproportionate sexualization of Asian female characters in 20% of top films from 2010–2019.[40][28] These gendered binaries—emasculated men versus fetishized women—stem from exclusionary immigration laws and imperial narratives, empirically correlating with lower interracial pairing rates for Asian men in media versus women, per dating app data analyses from 2014–2020.[41]Casting and Performance Practices
Breakthrough East Asian American Performers
Sessue Hayakawa (1886–1973) pioneered East Asian male leads in American cinema during the silent era after immigrating from Japan in 1913. He starred in dozens of films as romantic heroes and villains, achieving fame comparable to Charlie Chaplin and producing his own company, Haworth Pictures, which released hits like The Cheat (1915). Despite anti-miscegenation laws limiting interracial romances, Hayakawa's box-office success challenged stereotypes of East Asians as asexual or subservient.[42] Anna May Wong (1905–1961), the first Chinese American film star born in Los Angeles, debuted uncredited in 1919 and secured a lead in the early Technicolor production The Toll of the Sea (1922) at age 17. Over her four-decade career spanning more than 60 films, she portrayed complex characters amid typecasting, rejecting roles that demeaned her heritage and seeking opportunities in Europe.[43] Wong's elegance and activism against Hollywood's discriminatory practices, including the Hays Code's interracial restrictions, paved the way for future performers, earning her the first Asian American star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame in 1960.[44] In the sound era, Keye Luke (1904–1991), raised in Seattle after birth in China, became a prolific character actor with over 150 credits starting in 1934. As Lee Chan, "Number One Son" in the Charlie Chan series (1935–1949), he subverted Fu Manchu tropes by depicting an educated, heroic Asian American youth.[45] Luke's versatility extended to voicing Master Po in Kung Fu (1972–1975) and founding membership in the Screen Actors Guild, advocating for Asian American representation.[46] Philip Ahn (1905–1978), born in California to Korean immigrants, amassed over 180 roles from 1935 onward, often portraying Japanese antagonists during World War II to support the Allied effort, as authentic Japanese actors were unavailable. His breakthrough in sympathetic leads included Daughter of Shanghai (1937) opposite Anna May Wong, and later as Master Kan in Kung Fu, influencing perceptions of Eastern philosophy in American media.[47] Theater breakthroughs lagged film due to limited venues, but the 1965 founding of East West Players by Japanese and Chinese American actors like Mako Iwamatsu and James Hong created space for authentic East Asian American performances. Mako (1933–2006), a Nisei interned during World War II, won the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor in 1966 for The Sand Pebbles while directing EWP productions that countered Hollywood stereotypes.[48] These efforts fostered generations of performers, though mainstream theater integration remained sporadic until later decades.Yellowface and Non-Asian Casting Controversies
Yellowface denotes the application of theatrical makeup, prosthetics, and attire by non-Asian performers, predominantly white actors, to depict East Asian characters, paralleling historical blackface practices but targeted at Asian features such as slanted eyes and yellowed skin tones.[1] This convention emerged in American theater by at least 1767, as seen in productions like An Orphan of China, where white actors assumed Asian roles amid scant East Asian presence in the U.S. due to restrictive immigration policies.[1] In early Hollywood, yellowface persisted despite the availability of East Asian performers like Sessue Hayakawa, serving as a mechanism to reserve starring opportunities for white talent and align with audience preferences shaped by exclusionary laws, including the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act that curtailed East Asian immigration and limited domestic actor pools.[49] [50] A seminal film instance occurred in D.W. Griffith's 1919 silent drama Broken Blossoms, where white actor Richard Barthelmess portrayed the pacifist Chinese immigrant Cheng Huan via yellowface, employing eye-slanting tape and facial prosthetics to alter his appearance.[51] Though the film presented a sympathetic narrative of interracial affection between Cheng and the abused Lillian Gish character—contrasting typical villainous Asian tropes of the era—the casting underscored industry reluctance to feature authentic East Asian leads, even as critics at the time lauded Barthelmess's restrained performance.[52] Similarly, in the 1937 adaptation of The Good Earth, German-American actress Luise Rainer embodied the resilient Chinese peasant O-Lan, securing the Academy Award for Best Actress, while established East Asian star Anna May Wong was confined to a minor role as a courtesan due to studio fears of violating Hays Code prohibitions on interracial romance had Wong played the lead opposite Paul Muni's Wang Lung.[53] [54] By the mid-20th century, yellowface extended to comedic caricatures, as in the 1961 film Breakfast at Tiffany's, where Mickey Rooney, a white American, donned buckteeth, taped eyes, and a thick accent to play the irritable Japanese landlord Mr. Yunioshi, a role expanded from Truman Capote's novella for slapstick effect and drawing box-office success despite contemporaneous East Asian actors.[55] Post-release critiques have highlighted the portrayal's reliance on outdated stereotypes, though period reviews focused on its humor without widespread objection, reflecting era-specific norms.[1] In American theater, yellowface similarly dominated, with white performers in 19th-century spectacles portraying East Asians as despotic villains or exotic figures, perpetuating exclusion by design to favor established ensembles over emerging Asian American talent.[4] A notable controversy arose in 1989 with the Broadway premiere of Miss Saigon, where British actor Jonathan Pryce, a white performer, originated the Eurasian pimp Engineer using partial prosthetic makeup; this sparked protests from Actors' Equity Association members, who initially blocked Pryce's U.S. transfer citing discrimination against Asian actors, though the union relented amid producer pressure and public debate over artistic merit versus representational equity.[56] Playwright David Henry Hwang's 2007 work Yellow Face satirized such incidents, drawing from his own experiences challenging non-Asian casting in Face Value (1990), which was shelved after Pryce's Miss Saigon uproar, illustrating tensions between historical precedents and demands for authentic representation.[56] These disputes underscore a shift from normalized practice—driven by demographic realities and commercial imperatives—to contemporary scrutiny, where non-Asian casting in East Asian roles often invites accusations of cultural erasure, though defenders argue for color-blind artistry when skills align irrespective of ethnicity.[4]Evolution in Film by Era
Pre-1960s Cinema
In pre-1960s American cinema, East Asian characters were frequently depicted through exoticized or menacing stereotypes, with authentic East Asian performers limited to peripheral roles amid widespread yellowface practices. Sessue Hayakawa, a Japanese actor who immigrated to the United States in 1913, emerged as a leading man in silent films, starring in approximately 60 productions between 1914 and 1924, including roles as romantic leads and antagonists in films like The Cheat (1915), where he portrayed a wealthy Burmese ivory dealer exerting sexual dominance.[57] His box-office success rivaled that of Charlie Chaplin, grossing millions for studios like Paramount, yet anti-Asian immigration laws such as the 1917 Asiatic Barred Zone Act curtailed opportunities for East Asian actors by reinforcing perceptions of otherness.[58] Hayakawa's career declined in the 1920s as Hollywood shifted toward narratives emphasizing white heroism, confining subsequent East Asian portrayals to servants or villains. Anna May Wong, born in Los Angeles in 1905 to Chinese immigrant parents, became the first Chinese-American actress to gain prominence, debuting in The Red Lantern (1919) and starring in early Technicolor feature The Toll of the Sea (1922) as a self-sacrificing Lotus Flower figure.[44] Despite her talent, Wong was systematically denied leading roles in romantic narratives due to the Motion Picture Production Code's miscegenation clause, which prohibited interracial kissing scenes, forcing her into "dragon lady" archetypes—seductive, treacherous women—as seen in Shanghai Express (1932) opposite Marlene Dietrich.[59] She auditioned for the lead in The Good Earth (1937) but was offered only a concubine role, which she rejected, highlighting Hollywood's preference for white actors in Asian leads; the film instead cast Paul Muni (of Polish-Jewish descent) as farmer Wang Lung and Luise Rainer (Austrian) as O-Lan, both in yellowface makeup, earning Rainer an Academy Award for Best Actress.[60][61] Yellowface casting epitomized the era's inauthenticity, as in D.W. Griffith's Broken Blossoms (1919), where white actor Richard Barthelmess, using eyelid prosthetics and makeup to simulate Chinese features, played the gentle immigrant Cheng Huan sheltering Lillian Gish's abused character, blending sympathy with racial caricature under titles like "Yellow Man."[62] Villainous tropes dominated through Sax Rohmer's Fu Manchu adaptations, with Warner Oland (Swedish) as the hypnotic Chinese criminal mastermind in The Mysterious Dr. Fu Manchu (1929), emphasizing eugenic fears of Asian intellectual superiority, and Boris Karloff in The Mask of Fu Manchu (1932), portraying sadistic torture and incestuous undertones to amplify the "Yellow Peril" threat.[63][64] These representations, rooted in 19th-century Orientalism and exacerbated by events like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, perpetuated desexualized or hypersexualized East Asians as perpetual foreigners, with East Asian men often emasculated or demonic and women exoticized as submissive or scheming.[65] By the 1940s and 1950s, post-World War II films continued marginalizing East Asians, with roles like houseboys or comic relief in productions such as The King and I (1956), where Rita Moreno's Thai character reinforced subservient dynamics, though authentic performers like Keye Luke appeared in bit parts as detectives' sons in Charlie Chan series, all played by non-Asians in yellowface.[66] Exclusionary casting reflected broader industry biases, where studios prioritized marketable white stars, limiting East Asian agency and contributing to audience perceptions of East Asians as inscrutable outsiders rather than integrated Americans.[15]1960s-1990s Transitional Period
The 1960s marked a tentative shift in American film portrayals of East Asians, exemplified by Flower Drum Song (1961), a Rodgers and Hammerstein musical adaptation that featured an all-Asian American cast in principal roles, including Miyoshi Umeki and Nancy Kwan as romantic leads, though it perpetuated stereotypes of emasculated males and hyper-feminized females confined to exotic, intra-community romance.[67] This production grossed over $10 million domestically and represented a rare departure from yellowface practices dominant in earlier decades, yet its narrative reinforced insularity and cultural assimilation tropes without broader integration into mainstream stories.[67] Concurrently, the decade saw limited roles for East Asians in supporting capacities, often as stoic or villainous figures in war films or spy thrillers, reflecting lingering post-war suspicions rather than nuanced character development. By the 1970s, martial arts cinema introduced more dynamic depictions through Hong Kong imports and co-productions starring Bruce Lee, whose Enter the Dragon (1973) portrayed East Asian men as physically formidable and heroic, earning $90 million at the box office (equivalent to over $500 million in 2023 dollars) and elevating kung fu as a genre staple in Hollywood.[68] However, American productions like the television series Kung Fu (1972–1975), starring white actor David Carradine in the lead role of Kwai Chang Caine—a character of mixed Chinese heritage—continued yellowface traditions, with East Asian actors like Keye Luke relegated to minor parts, underscoring persistent casting biases that prioritized white leads for "exotic" narratives.[67] The 1980s and early 1990s showed mixed progress: stereotypical "nerdy" or lecherous sidekicks persisted, as in Gedde Watanabe's Long Duk Dong in Sixteen Candles (1984), which drew criticism for mocking accents and social awkwardness, while films like The Joy Luck Club (1993) advanced intergenerational family stories with an ensemble of East Asian American actresses including Ming-Na Wen and Tamlyn Tomita, grossing $33 million and earning critical acclaim for authentic cultural exploration.[69] In American theater, the period fostered the rise of Asian American ensembles protesting yellowface and demanding authentic representation, beginning with the founding of East West Players in 1965 by Mako Iwamatsu and others to provide roles for Asian actors amid Hollywood's dominance.[70] This led to provocative works like Frank Chin's The Chickencoop Chinaman (1972), the first play by an Asian American to receive a full Obie Award, which critiqued internalized stereotypes and assimilation pressures through raw, vernacular dialogue challenging the "model minority" facade.[71] David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly (1988) achieved Broadway success, running for 777 performances and winning a Tony Award, by subverting Orientalist tropes through a story of gender deception and cultural misunderstanding, starring B.D. Wong as Song Liling.[71] Yet controversies persisted, as in Miss Saigon (1989), where white British actor Jonathan Pryce played the Eurasian pimp Engineer using eye prosthetics and makeup, sparking protests from Asian American groups like the Society of Asian Arts for perpetuating non-Asian casting in lead roles despite available talent.[72] These developments highlighted a transition toward self-representation but revealed ongoing institutional resistance, with East Asian roles often tokenized or confined to ethnic-specific venues rather than mainstream integration.2000s-2010s Expansion
The 2000s marked a tentative expansion in East Asian portrayals through independent American films that began challenging entrenched stereotypes, such as the low-budget Better Luck Tomorrow (2002), which featured an all-Asian American teenage ensemble involved in crime and featured Justin Lin as director, grossing over $3.8 million on a $1 million budget despite limited distribution. This film represented an early push toward depicting Asian American youth as complex protagonists rather than sidekicks or villains, though it received mixed critical reception for its amoral tone. Similarly, Saving Face (2004), directed by Alice Wu, portrayed a Chinese American lesbian navigating family expectations, earning praise for authentic cultural dynamics but achieving modest box office of under $300,000, highlighting the niche market for such narratives.[73] These indie efforts contrasted with mainstream Hollywood's continued reliance on action-oriented roles for East Asian actors like Jackie Chan in Rush Hour 2 (2001, $347 million worldwide) and Rush Hour 3 (2007, $258 million), where portrayals emphasized comedic physicality and buddy dynamics with non-Asian leads, perpetuating desexualized or emasculated tropes.[7] By the 2010s, global box office dynamics spurred incremental mainstream inclusion, as studios targeted Asian markets; for instance, The Karate Kid remake (2010) starred Jaden Smith alongside Jackie Chan as mentor Mr. Han, earning $359 million globally and reviving kung fu tropes in a family-friendly context.[74] However, quantitative analyses of top-grossing films from 2007-2019 revealed persistent underrepresentation, with Asian/Pacific Islander characters appearing as speaking roles in only 28.3% of the 1,000 highest-earning U.S. films, often confined to stereotypes like the "nerd" or "kung fu master."[7] Comedic portrayals frequently reduced East Asians to punchlines, with nearly half of Asian roles in 2010-2019 films serving as humor sources, as in Ken Jeong's eccentric gangster in The Hangover (2009, $467 million worldwide).[28] Female characters faced disproportionate sexualization, exemplified by Memoirs of a Geisha (2005), where Chinese actresses Ziyi Zhang and Gong Li played Japanese roles, drawing criticism for exoticization amid $162 million in earnings.[75] Toward the decade's end, breakthroughs like Crazy Rich Asians (2018) signaled potential acceleration, boasting an ensemble East Asian cast led by Constance Wu and Henry Golding, generating $239 million worldwide on a $30 million budget and depicting affluent Singaporean Chinese families with romantic and familial tensions.[76] This success, alongside indie successes like The Big Sick (2017, though mixed Asian leads, $56 million), reflected growing audience demand but remained outliers; scholarly reviews note that even these films often prioritized market appeal over deep cultural nuance, with portrayals still filtered through American perspectives on assimilation and exotic wealth.[73] Overall, the era's expansion was uneven, bolstered by digital distribution enabling indie voices yet constrained by Hollywood's risk-averse casting favoring familiar tropes over empirical diversity in East Asian American experiences.[77]2020s Developments and Market Realities
In the 2020s, portrayals of East Asian characters in American films saw an expansion in supporting and ensemble roles, with Asian characters comprising 15.9% of speaking roles in the top-grossing films of 2022, up from 3.4% in 2007, driven partly by audience demand for diverse content following successes like Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings (2021), which grossed $432 million worldwide despite pandemic constraints.[78] However, lead roles remained scarce, with East Asians and Asian Americans holding only 2.3% of protagonist positions in theatrical releases that year, reflecting studios' prioritization of proven commercial formulas over expanded representation.[79] Critical acclaim for films like Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022), which secured seven Academy Awards including Best Picture, highlighted potential for nuanced East Asian-led narratives centered on multiverse-spanning family dynamics and immigrant experiences, yet its $143 million global box office underscored variable financial returns compared to broader-market blockbusters.[80] Market realities constrained further progress, as Asian Americans, despite representing a growing viewership demographic, allocated significantly less disposable income to film and television consumption relative to other groups, limiting the perceived profitability of East Asian-centric projects amid rising production costs.[81] Hollywood's domestic output faced intensifying competition from China's burgeoning film industry, which captured 20% of global box office share from 2020 to 2024 through locally resonant East Asian stories, prompting U.S. studios to recalibrate investments away from unproven ethnic-specific appeals toward universally marketable franchises.[82] Empirical data from diversity audits indicated that while diverse casts correlated with higher median returns in some analyses, the scarcity of East Asian directors (under 5% in top releases) perpetuated formulaic portrayals, often emphasizing tech-savvy or familial archetypes over broader cultural variances.[83] In theater, developments mirrored film's tentative gains, with institutions like East West Players, marking its 60th year in 2025, prioritizing authentic East Asian American narratives in productions addressing intergenerational trauma and identity, though Broadway integrations remained episodic rather than systemic.[84] Market pressures, including post-pandemic venue recoveries and streaming's dominance, favored revivals of established works over innovative East Asian scripts, resulting in portrayals that, while less reliant on outdated stereotypes, still grappled with limited funding for non-commercial ethnic-specific plays.[85] Overall, these trends revealed a disconnect between advocacy-driven inclusion metrics and profit-oriented decision-making, where empirical underperformance of certain Asian-led ventures reinforced cautious casting amid global entertainment fragmentation.Distinct Portrayals in Theater
Operatic and Musical Adaptations
Early American productions of The Mikado, the 1885 Gilbert and Sullivan comic opera set in a fantastical Japan, frequently employed yellowface, with non-Asian performers in exaggerated makeup and costumes portraying Japanese characters like Ko-Ko and Nanki-Poo.[86] Broadway revivals, such as the 1987 mounting at the August Wilson Theatre, featured predominantly white casts in these roles, perpetuating orientalist stereotypes of effeminate, bureaucratic, and whimsical East Asians.[87] Similarly, Giacomo Puccini's Madama Butterfly (1904), depicting a tragic Japanese geisha's devotion to an American naval officer, saw U.S. opera companies like the San Francisco Opera and Knoxville Opera use white sopranos in yellowface makeup for Cio-Cio-San through much of the 20th century and into recent decades, reinforcing tropes of East Asian women as submissive and self-sacrificing.[88][89] In contrast, Rodgers and Hammerstein's Flower Drum Song (1958 Broadway premiere) marked a shift toward authentic casting in musical theater, with an all-Asian or Asian American principal cast—including Miyoshi Umeki as Mei Li, Pat Suzuki as Linda Low, and Keye Luke as Wang Chi-Yang—portraying Chinese immigrants in San Francisco's Chinatown navigating generational clashes and arranged marriages.[90] The production, directed by Gene Kelly, emphasized vibrant ensemble numbers and romantic comedy but drew criticism for its sanitized, assimilationist view of Chinese American life, omitting harsher realities like discrimination faced by immigrants.[86] Claude-Michel Schönberg and Alain Boublil's Miss Saigon (1989 London premiere, 1991 Broadway transfer), a Vietnam War-era musical adapting Madama Butterfly motifs to a Vietnamese bar girl (Kim) and American GI romance, sparked controversy over casting Jonathan Pryce—a white British actor—as the Eurasian pimp Engineer, using makeup to alter his features despite protests from Asian American actors like B.D. Wong and David Henry Hwang, who argued it demeaned East and Southeast Asian representations.[91] The production retained Pryce after producer Cameron Mackintosh threatened cancellation, but featured Lea Salonga, a Filipina performer, in the lead as Kim, highlighting her vocal prowess in numbers like "I'd Give My Life for You" while critiquing the show's reinforcement of desperate, exoticized Asian femininity amid wartime chaos.[92] Stephen Sondheim and John Weidman's Pacific Overtures (1976 Broadway), styled as a Kabuki-inspired retelling of Japan's 1853 forced opening to Western trade, utilized an all-Asian American male cast—sourced largely from the East West Players theater company—for roles like the Reciter and Kayama, blending Japanese theatrical forms with satirical commentary on cultural collision and modernization.[93] This approach avoided yellowface and emphasized stylized, non-realistic portrayals, though subsequent revivals sometimes incorporated mixed-gender or non-Asian elements, diverging from Sondheim's preference for East Asian performers to maintain authenticity.[94] These works collectively illustrate a trajectory from orientalist spectacle to contested authenticity in American stage adaptations, often prioritizing dramatic convention over demographic realism until advocacy groups like the Oriental Actors of America pushed for change post-1968.[72]Modern Stage Productions and Revivals
In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, American theater witnessed a shift toward greater involvement of East Asian American artists in stage productions, driven by dedicated companies such as East West Players, the nation's oldest continuously producing Asian American theater organization, which marked its 60th anniversary in 2024 with seasons emphasizing authentic narratives from AAPI communities.[84] These efforts contrasted with earlier eras by prioritizing works authored and performed by individuals of East Asian descent, often addressing identity, immigration, and cultural clashes without relying on exoticized stereotypes, though commercial revivals of older musicals sometimes retained thematic elements of cultural exoticism to appeal to broader audiences.[86] Revivals of mid-20th-century musicals exemplified this evolution, with updates aimed at contemporary sensibilities. Rodgers and Hammerstein's Flower Drum Song, originally premiered in 1958, received a revised Broadway production in 2002 featuring a new book by David Henry Hwang that relocated the story to incorporate post-1960s immigration waves and updated character motivations, starring Lea Salonga as Mei-li and running for 180 performances from October 17, 2002, to March 16, 2003.[95][96] The revival emphasized intergenerational conflicts within Chinese American families in San Francisco but faced mixed reception for not fully escaping the original's romanticized depictions of assimilation, closing prematurely due to insufficient box office returns amid a competitive season.[97] David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly, which premiered in 1988 and drew from real events involving a French diplomat's affair with a Chinese opera performer who was a male spy, saw a significant Broadway revival in 2017 directed by Julie Taymor and starring Clive Owen as the diplomat, with Hwang's revisions heightening explicit examinations of Western misconceptions about East Asian gender roles and espionage.[98][99] The production, running for 90 performances, portrayed East Asian characters through a lens of subversion rather than subservience, reflecting Hwang's intent to dismantle orientalist fantasies, though critics noted its didactic tone sometimes overshadowed dramatic tension.[100] Newer original works further diversified portrayals. Hwang's Soft Power (2016), co-created with composer Jeanine Tesori, blended musical theater with political satire, featuring a Chinese American playwright navigating U.S.-China tensions and anti-Asian violence through dream sequences that parody American exceptionalism; a 2024 production at Signature Theatre in Arlington, Virginia, highlighted East Asian performers in lead roles critiquing both domestic racism and global power dynamics.[101][102] Similarly, Stephen Sondheim's Pacific Overtures (1976), depicting Japan's 19th-century encounter with Western imperialism, received a 2024 revival at East West Players, employing all-Asian casts and kabuki-inspired staging to underscore themes of cultural disruption without the yellowface common in earlier interpretations.[93] These productions and revivals indicate a pattern where East Asian characters are increasingly depicted as agents in multifaceted narratives—often penned by Asian American writers—rather than foils for Western protagonists, supported by data from theater databases showing rising numbers of AAPI-led shows since the 1990s, though empirical underrepresentation persists, with Asian American actors comprising less than 5% of Broadway roles in non-ethnic-specific seasons per equity reports.[103] Commercial viability remains tied to familiar tropes in revivals, as evidenced by shorter runs for experimental works versus established titles, reflecting market incentives over purely artistic innovation.[86]Animated Representations
Wartime Cartoons and Mid-Century Tropes
During World War II, following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, American animation studios produced numerous propaganda shorts that portrayed Japanese people through dehumanizing stereotypes, including exaggerated buck teeth, slanted eyes, and sneaky or animalistic behaviors, to rally public support for the war effort and depict the enemy as inherently treacherous. These depictions were part of a broader U.S. government-backed media campaign that emphasized Japanese militarism's brutality, such as the Bataan Death March in 1942 where over 75,000 Filipino and American prisoners suffered high casualties under Japanese captivity, framing the caricatures as motivational tools amid existential threats rather than isolated prejudice.[18] Specific examples include Warner Bros.' Tokio Jokio (1943), a Looney Tunes short directed by Norman McCabe that mocked Japanese society through footage purportedly "captured" from enemy propaganda, featuring soldiers as incompetent and effeminate with heavy accents and physical distortions.[104] Similarly, Bugs Bunny Nips the Nips (1944), also from Looney Tunes, showed Bugs Bunny outwitting stereotyped Japanese troops on a Pacific island, using slurs and visual cues like rising sun headbands and saber-rattling poses to emphasize villainy.[105] Disney contributed with Commando Duck (1944), where Donald Duck battles a Japanese soldier portrayed as a diminutive, bumbling figure hiding in swamps, reinforcing tropes of cowardice despite the studio's own wartime contracts producing over 1,200 propaganda pieces.[18] Paramount's Scrap the Japs (1942) featured Popeye scrapping Japanese scrap metal in a factory setting, with enemies depicted as scrap-like vermin to promote war bond drives and resource conservation. These shorts, often screened in theaters before features, reached millions and were later censored or withdrawn post-war due to their inflammatory content, though they reflected contemporaneous Allied intelligence reports of Japanese war crimes, including the 1937 Nanjing Massacre that killed up to 300,000 civilians. In the mid-20th century, from the late 1940s through the 1960s, overt wartime vitriol subsided with Japan's 1945 defeat and U.S. occupation, but East Asian tropes lingered in American animation as comedic or villainous archetypes, often drawing from pre-war "Yellow Peril" fears amplified by imperial expansionism rather than fabricating threats from whole cloth.[6] Disney's Lady and the Tramp (1955) exemplified this with the Siamese cats Si and Am, voiced with exaggerated accents and depicted scheming with elongated features and chopstick props, serving as mischievous antagonists in a domestic comedy. Such portrayals persisted in limited roles, like generic "Oriental" magicians or spies in theatrical shorts from studios like MGM and UPA, where characters embodied inscrutability or exoticism without the propaganda intensity, influenced by Cold War anxieties over communism in Asia, including the Korean War (1950–1953) where U.S. forces faced Chinese and North Korean troops.[6] By the 1960s, network television syndication of these cartoons faced growing scrutiny, leading to edits; for instance, Warner Bros. removed episodes with Japanese caricatures from rebroadcasts, signaling a shift driven by civil rights-era sensitivities rather than economic failure, as mid-century animated features grossed steadily—Lady and the Tramp earned $93.6 million at release—indicating audience tolerance for diluted tropes. This evolution prioritized narrative utility over historical accuracy, perpetuating visual shorthand rooted in empirical conflicts like Japan's 1931 invasion of Manchuria, which displaced millions and set precedents for militarized expansion.[6]Contemporary Animated Features
In the 2000s and 2010s, American animated studios began incorporating East Asian-inspired settings and characters into feature films, often blending cultural elements with adventure narratives, though portrayals frequently emphasized martial arts prowess, familial duty, and technological ingenuity as defining traits. DreamWorks' Kung Fu Panda (2008), directed by John Stevenson and Mark Osborne, centers on Po, a panda voiced by Jack Black, who trains in ancient Chinese martial arts under Master Shifu, reflecting a Western interpretation of Taoist philosophy and wuxia traditions through anthropomorphic animals; critics have analyzed it as perpetuating an "Orientalist" lens by framing Chinese culture primarily as a source of mystical combat wisdom, with mise-en-scène drawing on iconic landmarks like the Jade Palace while simplifying historical contexts.[106] The film's sequels, released in 2011, 2016, and 2024, extended this motif, grossing over $1.9 billion collectively worldwide, indicating commercial appeal but also audience reception of East Asians—or their proxies—as embodiments of disciplined, hierarchical societies.[106] Disney's Big Hero 6 (2014), inspired by Marvel comics and directed by Don Hall and Chris Williams, features Hiro Hamada, a Japanese-American robotics prodigy in a futuristic San Fransokyo, portraying East Asian heritage through inventive genius and subtle nods to Japanese aesthetics like origami and hot springs; however, supporting characters like the aunt Cass exhibit model-minority tropes of hospitality and academic pressure, while the narrative de-emphasizes explicit cultural conflict in favor of superhero teamwork.[107] The film earned $658 million globally and an Academy Award for Best Animated Feature, yet some analyses highlight its reliance on stereotypes of Asians as tech-oriented sidekicks or brainy protagonists, potentially reinforcing perceptions detached from broader socioeconomic realities.[107][108] Pixar's Turning Red (2022), directed by Domee Shi, depicts Mei Lee, a Chinese-Canadian teenager in 2002 Toronto, whose puberty triggers a transformation into a red panda inherited from her ancestral line, intertwining personal coming-of-age with Chinese folklore and immigrant family expectations; the portrayal includes a strict "tiger mother" figure in Ming Lee and cultural rituals like ancestral worship, which some view as authentically capturing generational tensions, though others critique it for leaning into stereotypes of overbearing parenting and studious conformity.[109] Chinese audiences responded positively, with reception driven by emotional resonance over cultural specifics, per a 2023 study of viewer behaviors.[110] Similarly, DreamWorks' Abominable (2019), directed by Jill Culton, follows Yi, a Chinese violinist in Shanghai caring for a yeti, emphasizing urban modernity and familial bonds with Asian leads voiced by Asian actors like Chloe Bennet and Albert Tsai, marking a rarity in studio animation for centering contemporary East Asian youth without heavy reliance on exoticism.[111] These features represent a shift toward East Asian protagonists in lead roles, with increased involvement of Asian-American creators—such as Shi's direction—yet portrayals often prioritize universal themes like self-discovery over nuanced historical or social contexts, occasionally invoking tropes of exotic heritage or parental control that echo earlier patterns while achieving broader market success.[112] A 2024 study of Disney's 63 animated features from 1937 to 2023 found that while racial diversity in character traits improved post-2000, East Asian depictions still clustered around intellectual and dutiful archetypes, with limited variation in physical or behavioral portrayals compared to white leads.[113]Major Controversies
Whitewashing and Casting Backlash
Whitewashing in the portrayal of East Asian characters involves casting non-East Asian actors, typically white performers, in roles conceived for individuals of East Asian descent, frequently accompanied by makeup or prosthetics to simulate Asian features—a practice termed yellowface. This has elicited backlash particularly in modern contexts, driven by advocacy for authentic representation amid perceptions of opportunity denial for East Asian actors.[26] In American theater, the 1990 Broadway transfer of Miss Saigon sparked a major controversy when white British actor Jonathan Pryce was selected for the role of the Eurasian Engineer, using eye prostheses and bronzing cream to approximate Asian traits. Actors' Equity Association initially blocked Pryce's visa on August 1, 1990, deeming the casting "an affront to the Asian community" and insensitive given the abundance of qualified Asian-American performers. Producer Cameron Mackintosh responded by threatening to shutter the production and bar American actors from his London theaters, prompting Equity to reverse its decision on August 8, 1990, after internal dissent and negotiations. The episode highlighted tensions between artistic choice and equity principles, with critics arguing it perpetuated exclusionary norms despite Pryce's acclaimed West End performance.[91][56][114] In film, historical instances like Mickey Rooney's yellowface depiction of the Japanese neighbor Mr. Yunioshi in Breakfast at Tiffany's (1961)—featuring taped eyes, buck teeth prosthetics, and a caricatured accent—garnered limited contemporary criticism but faced retroactive condemnation for reinforcing stereotypes, with director Blake Edwards later expressing regret over the choice. More recent examples include Aloha (2015), where Emma Stone portrayed Allison Ng, a character described as one-quarter Hawaiian and one-quarter Chinese; the decision drew widespread accusations of whitewashing Hawaii's demographics, leading Stone to concede in July 2015 that it had "opened her eyes" to the issue's implications. Similarly, Scarlett Johansson's casting as the Japanese Major Motoko Kusanagi in Ghost in the Shell (2017) ignited petitions exceeding 15,000 signatures and protests, with detractors labeling it emblematic of Hollywood's pattern of supplanting Asian leads with bankable white stars; the film's original anime director, Mamoru Oshii, countered in March 2017 that such complaints lacked basis, citing the character's ambiguous origins in the source material. These cases underscore persistent debates over casting driven by commercial imperatives versus demands for ethnic fidelity, though empirical data on box office impacts remains mixed, as high-profile white actors often correlate with broader audience draw.[115][116][117][118][119]Stereotype Perpetuation vs. Empirical Realities
Portrayals of East Asian men in American films frequently emphasize emasculation, incompetence, or nerdiness, as seen in roles where they serve as comic relief or sidekicks lacking romantic or heroic agency.[28] [120] East Asian women, conversely, are often depicted as exotic "dragon ladies" embodying seductive menace or submissive "China dolls," reinforcing gendered tropes of hyper-femininity or villainy.[120] [3] These patterns extend to theater, where historical practices like yellowface in productions such as The King and I (1951 Broadway debut) caricatured East Asians as inscrutable foreigners or servants, sidelining authentic representation.[121] Empirical data on East Asian Americans, however, reveals socioeconomic outcomes that partially align with yet oversimplify the "model minority" archetype often invoked in critiques of these portrayals. As of 2021, 54% of Asian Americans aged 25 and older held a bachelor's degree or higher, surpassing the national average of 37.7%, with East Asian subgroups like Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Americans showing even higher rates driven by cultural emphases on education and selective immigration patterns favoring skilled workers.[122] Median household income for Asian Americans reached $101,418 in 2022, compared to $74,580 nationally, correlating with low poverty rates of 10% versus 11.5% overall, though intra-group disparities exist (e.g., higher poverty among Southeast Asians).[123] Crime statistics further undercut villainous or threatening stereotypes: Asian Americans exhibit incarceration rates of 1.0 per 100,000 in 2019, far below the national 3.7, with immigrants from East Asian countries demonstrating offending rates 50-70% lower than U.S.-born citizens due to factors like family cohesion and opportunity costs of deportation.[124] [125] Critics, including academic analyses, label the model minority frame a "myth" for allegedly masking discrimination and mental health strains, such as elevated youth suicide ideation linked to academic pressure (rates 1.5-2 times higher among Asian American adolescents per CDC data from 2021).[126] [127] Yet this overlooks causal contributors to group-level success, including higher average visuospatial intelligence scores (e.g., East Asians averaging 105-110 IQ on standardized tests per meta-analyses) and Confucian-influenced family structures prioritizing delayed gratification over immediate consumption.[122] Media perpetuation thus distorts by fixating on outliers—e.g., asexual nerds ignoring leadership roles—or exoticizing without acknowledging these empirically grounded patterns, while underrepresenting East Asians in creative fields despite their overrepresentation in STEM (27% of U.S. tech workforce in 2023). In theater, revivals like Flower Drum Song (2002 Broadway) have attempted nuance but still grapple with tropes of filial piety as comedic rigidity rather than adaptive strategy.[121] Such discrepancies fuel controversy, as portrayals prioritize narrative convenience over data-driven complexity, potentially reinforcing perpetual foreigner perceptions despite assimilation metrics like 80% English proficiency among second-generation East Asians.[126]Underrepresentation Claims and Economic Incentives
Asian characters with speaking roles in top-grossing Hollywood films increased from approximately 3% in 2007 to 16% in 2022, reflecting a marked rise driven partly by audience demand for diverse content.[128] [129] Nonetheless, claims of underrepresentation persist, particularly for lead roles, where Asian actors comprised only 2.3% of protagonists and 6.5% of all roles in theatrical releases during 2022, compared to Asian Americans constituting about 6% of the U.S. population (with East Asians forming the largest subgroup at roughly 4%).[79] [130] These figures, drawn from inclusion reports by institutions like UCLA and USC Annenberg, are often cited by advocacy organizations to argue systemic exclusion, though such studies emanate from academic environments prone to emphasizing disparities over proportional market dynamics.[131] Economic incentives in the film industry prioritize profitability, with studios allocating lead roles to actors perceived to maximize broad domestic and international appeal, given that white-led films historically dominate box office returns due to the U.S. demographic majority (about 60% non-Hispanic white).[81] East Asian-led productions, while underrepresented, have demonstrated viability when tapping universal themes or genre conventions; for instance, Crazy Rich Asians (2018) grossed $239 million worldwide on a $30 million budget, and Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings (2021) earned $432 million globally, signaling that underrepresentation stems less from inherent unprofitability and more from risk-averse decision-making amid high production costs (often exceeding $100 million for blockbusters).[79] Similarly, Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022), an East Asian-led multiverse film, achieved $143 million worldwide despite its modest $25 million budget, outperforming expectations and contributing to a post-2018 uptick in such projects.[132] Causal factors include the industry's reliance on familiar formulas for return on investment, where East Asian narratives risk narrower appeal outside niche or diaspora audiences unless hybridized with Western elements, as evidenced by the relative scarcity of purely East Asian-centric stories succeeding without crossover stars or IP leverage.[133] Global markets like China, representing a key revenue stream (up to 20-30% of major releases' totals), impose co-production quotas favoring local talent, further incentivizing Hollywood to limit East Asian leads in U.S.-centric films to avoid regulatory hurdles.[134] Underrepresentation claims, while highlighting real gaps in leads, overlook how market-driven selection—rather than ideological exclusion—aligns with empirical box office patterns, where diverse successes correlate with rising representation only when profitability thresholds are met.[81]Broader Impact and Analysis
Influence on Public Perceptions
Early portrayals in American film, such as the Fu Manchu adaptations including The Mask of Fu Manchu (1932) starring Boris Karloff as the titular villain, embodied the "Yellow Peril" archetype of the scheming East Asian threat, amplifying pre-existing anxieties over East Asian immigration and imperial ambitions during the interwar period.[135] [136] These cinematic depictions, drawing from Sax Rohmer's novels serialized from 1913, correlated with heightened public support for restrictive policies like the Immigration Act of 1924, which limited Asian entries based on national origins quotas reflecting perceived cultural incompatibility.[137] Theater productions, such as adaptations of Fu Manchu stories on stage in the 1920s, similarly propagated these images to broader audiences, embedding notions of East Asians as inherently duplicitous in collective consciousness.[138] Mid-20th-century representations shifted toward emasculated or subservient roles for East Asian men and exoticized hyper-femininity for women, fostering perceptions of East Asians as perpetual foreigners unfit for mainstream assimilation or romantic partnerships. Psychological research, including Susan Fiske's stereotype content model, demonstrates how such media tropes contribute to viewing East Asians as competent yet socially distant, correlating with implicit biases in social judgments.[37] A 2021 analysis of top-grossing films from 2010–2019 found nearly half of Asian characters served comedic or stereotypical functions, potentially reinforcing these attitudes through repeated exposure.[28] In theater, works like The King and I (1951), with its portrayal of Siamese royalty as charming but backward, perpetuated exotic othering, influencing audience views of East Asian modernity as derivative of Western intervention.[139] Contemporary studies link persistent media stereotypes to measurable prejudice, with negative portrayals exacerbating in-group/out-group dynamics and discriminatory behaviors toward East Asians.[140] For example, a 2023 Pew Research Center survey revealed 61% of Asian adults experienced discrimination, often tied to "foreign" stereotypes amplified by historical and ongoing media narratives rather than empirical threats.[141] However, causal impacts remain debated, as economic success and intergroup contact mitigate some biases, suggesting media influence interacts with real-world data rather than unilaterally dictating perceptions.[142] Positive shifts in recent films, emphasizing nuanced East Asian agency, show potential to erode entrenched views, though underrepresentation limits broader corrective effects.[143]Reception Metrics: Box Office and Awards Data
Films with significant East Asian leads or portrayals have occasionally achieved substantial box office returns, particularly in recent decades, though such successes remain outliers amid broader underrepresentation in high-grossing Hollywood output. Crazy Rich Asians (2018), featuring a predominantly Singaporean-Chinese cast, grossed $239 million worldwide against a $30 million budget, marking one of the highest returns for a romantic comedy with East Asian protagonists in over a decade.[144] Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings (2021), Marvel Studios' first superhero film centered on a Chinese lead, earned $432 million globally on an estimated $150-200 million budget, setting records for Labor Day openings despite pandemic-era constraints. Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022), with Chinese-American leads, generated $143 million worldwide on a modest $25 million budget, becoming A24's top-grossing film and demonstrating profitability for multiverse narratives incorporating East Asian family dynamics.[80] Earlier examples include Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000), a U.S.-distributed wuxia film with Chinese stars, which amassed $214 million worldwide.[145]| Film | Release Year | Worldwide Gross | Budget |
|---|---|---|---|
| Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings | 2021 | $432 million | $150-200 million |
| Crazy Rich Asians | 2018 | $239 million | $30 million[144] |
| Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon | 2000 | $214 million | $10 million[145] |
| Everything Everywhere All at Once | 2022 | $143 million | $25 million[80] |
