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Killing of Joseph Smith
Killing of Joseph Smith
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Killing of Joseph Smith
Part of a series on anti-Mormon violence in the U.S.
DateJune 27, 1844; 181 years ago (1844-06-27)
Location
Caused by(see below)
Resulted inDeaths of Joseph and Hyrum Smith
Parties
Anti-Mormon mob

Joseph Smith, the founder and leader of the Latter Day Saint movement, and his brother, Hyrum Smith, were killed by a mob in Carthage, Illinois, United States, on June 27, 1844, while awaiting trial in the town jail on charges of treason.

As a result of the 1838 Mormon War and a state executive order by Missouri Governor Lilburn Boggs, a large group of Mormons, including Smith and his brother, had to flee Missouri. In 1839, the group settled in Commerce, Illinois, where Smith soon became mayor and which he renamed Nauvoo.

In 1844, a group of ex-Mormons who opposed polygamy and who had recently been excommunicated from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints established the Nauvoo Expositor newspaper. On June 7, 1844, the newspaper published its first (and only) issue, which criticized Smith and other church leaders, reporting that Smith was practicing polygamy, marrying the wives of other men, teaching a "plurality of Gods", and alleging that he intended to set himself up as a theocratic king. After a vote of the Nauvoo City Council, Smith, as mayor, ordered the Expositor's printing press destroyed.[1]

The destruction of the press led to broader public outrage in the communities surrounding the city. The Smith brothers and other members of the Nauvoo City Council were charged by the State of Illinois with inciting a riot. Joseph Smith was apprehended, but freed by the Nauvoo municipal court. Smith declared martial law and called for the Nauvoo Legion to help keep the peace. After failing and briefly fleeing Illinois, Smith received a personal statement from the governor of Illinois, Thomas Ford, who "pledged his faith and the faith of the state (Illinois) to protect him while he underwent a legal and fair trial",[2] convincing Smith and Hyrum to return to Illinois and face trial voluntarily.[3] When the brothers arrived at the county seat of Carthage to surrender to authorities, they were charged with treason against Illinois for declaring martial law.

The Smith brothers were detained at Carthage Jail awaiting trial when an armed mob of 150–200 men stormed the building, their faces painted black with wet gunpowder. Hyrum was killed almost immediately when he was shot in the face, shouting as he fell, "I am a dead man!"[4] After emptying his pistol towards the attackers, Joseph tried to escape from a second-story window, but was shot several times and fell to the ground, where he was again shot by the mob.

Five men were indicted for the killings, but all were acquitted at a jury trial. At the time of his death, Smith was also running for president of the United States,[5] making him the first U.S. presidential candidate to be assassinated. Smith's death marked a turning point for the Latter Day Saint movement.

Background

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Daguerreotype allegedly of Joseph Smith, c. 1844

In 1830, Joseph Smith, aged 24, published the Book of Mormon, which he described as an English translation of ancient golden plates he received from an angel. The same year he organized the Church of Christ, calling it a restoration of the early Christian Church. Members of the church were later called "Latter Day Saints" or "Mormons". Smith and his followers sought to assemble together in a theocratic community under Smith's leadership, or "Zion", first in Kirtland, Ohio, and later in Independence, Missouri.[6]

In 1833, a mob of settlers attacked a Mormon newspaper's printing office, destroyed the press, and tarred and feathered two Mormon leaders. Mormons were violently driven from Jackson county.[7][8] After losing the 1838 Mormon War, Smith was jailed and his followers were forced out of Missouri.

After Smith escaped custody, he fled to Illinois, where he founded a new settlement that he named Nauvoo,[9] then traveling on to Washington, D.C., to meet with President Martin Van Buren, seeking intervention and compensation for lost property. Van Buren said he could do nothing to help. Smith returned to Illinois and vowed to join the Whig Party. Most of his supporters switched with him to the Whig party, adding political tensions to the social suspicions in which Smith's followers were held by the local populace.[10]

Polygamy divides Smith's followers

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Despite public denials of polygamy, Joseph Smith had a practice of secretly being sealed to his female followers. As early as 1838, Smith had faced accusations of polygamy. On April 18, anti-polygamists William Law, Wilson Law, Jane Law, and Robert Foster were excommunicated. On May 10, a prospectus announcing the Expositor was circulated.

On May 23, a grand jury from the Hancock County Circuit Court issued a criminal indictment against Smith on the charges of perjury based on the statements of Joseph Jackson and Robert Foster. A second indictment, for "fornication and adultery", was issued based on the statements of William and Wilson Law who swore Smith had been living with Maria Lawrence "in an open state of adultery" since the prior October 12.[11]

Destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor

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The Nauvoo Expositor building in Nauvoo, Illinois.

In 1844, in the city of Nauvoo, Illinois, where Smith was mayor, several anti-polygamist Mormons, recently excommunicated from Smith's church, joined to publish a newspaper called the Nauvoo Expositor. It put out its first and only issue on June 7, 1844.[12]: v6, p. 430  Based on sworn statements, the Expositor alleged that Smith practiced polygamy, marrying at least eight other men's wives, and he had tried to marry the wives of some of the Expositor's publishers.

In response to public outrage generated by the Expositor, the Nauvoo City Council passed an ordinance declaring the newspaper a public nuisance which had been designed to promote violence against Smith and his followers. They reached this decision after some discussion, including citation of William Blackstone's legal canon, which defined a libelous press as a public nuisance. According to the Council's minutes, Smith said he "would rather die tomorrow and have the thing smashed, than live and have it go on, for it was exciting the spirit of mobocracy among the people, and bringing death and destruction upon us."[13]

Under the council's new ordinance, Smith, as Nauvoo's mayor, in conjunction with the council, ordered the city marshal to destroy the Expositor and its printing press on June 10, 1844. By the city marshal's account, the destruction of the press type was carried out orderly and peaceably. However, Charles A. Foster, a co-publisher of the Expositor, reported on June 12 that not only was the printing press destroyed, but that "several hundred minions ... injured the building very materially".[14]

Smith's critics said that the action of destroying the press violated freedom of the press. Some sought legal charges against Smith for the destruction of the press, including charges of treason and inciting a riot. Violent threats were made against Smith and the Latter Day Saints. On June 12, Thomas C. Sharp, editor of the Warsaw Signal in Warsaw, Illinois, a newspaper hostile to the church, editorialized:[15]

War and extermination is inevitable! Citizens ARISE, ONE and ALL!!!—Can you stand by, and suffer such INFERNAL DEVILS! To ROB men of their property and RIGHTS, without avenging them. We have no time for comment, every man will make his own. LET IT BE MADE WITH POWDER AND BALL!!!

Arrest attempt and martial law

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Lt. General Joseph Smith's last public address was to the Nauvoo Legion.

Warrants from outside Nauvoo were brought in against Smith for the charge of riot. On June 12, Smith was arrested by David Bettinger, constable of Carthage. Bettinger sought to convey Smith to the Hancock County Court that issued the warrant, Smith was freed when the charges were dismissed in Nauvoo municipal court on a writ of habeas corpus.[16] Smith declared martial law on June 18[17] and called out the Nauvoo Legion, an organized city militia of about 5,000 men,[18] to protect Nauvoo from outside violence.[17]

In response to the crisis, Illinois governor Thomas Ford traveled to Hancock County, and on June 21 he arrived at the county seat in Carthage. On June 22, Ford wrote to Smith and the Nauvoo City Council, proposing a trial by a non-Mormon jury in Carthage and guaranteeing Smith's safety. Smith fled the jurisdiction to avoid arrest, crossing the Mississippi River into the Iowa Territory. On June 23, a posse under Ford's command entered Nauvoo to execute an arrest warrant, but they were unable to locate Smith.

Smith surrenders

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After briefly fleeing Illinois, Smith received a personal statement from Governor Ford, who "pledged his faith and the faith of the state (Illinois) to protect him while he underwent a legal and fair trial",[2] convincing Joseph Smith along with Hyrum to return voluntarily.[3] He was reported to have said, "If my life is of no value to my friends it is of none to myself."[12]: v6, p 549  He reluctantly submitted to arrest. He was quoted as saying, "I am going like a lamb to the slaughter; but I am calm as a summer's morning; I have a conscience void of offense towards God, and towards all men. I shall die innocent, and it shall yet be said of me—he was murdered in cold blood."[19] During the trip to Carthage, Smith reportedly recounted a dream in which he and Hyrum escaped a burning ship, walked on water, and arrived at a great heavenly city.[20] On June 25, 1844, Smith and his brother Hyrum, along with the other fifteen Council members and some friends, surrendered to Carthage constable William Bettisworth on the original charge of riot. Upon arrival in Carthage, almost immediately the Smith brothers were charged with treason against the State of Illinois for declaring martial law in Nauvoo, by a warrant founded upon the oaths of A. O. Norton and Augustine Spencer. At a preliminary hearing that afternoon, the Council members were released on $500 bonds, pending later trial. The judge ordered the Smith brothers to be held in jail until they could be tried for treason, which was a capital offense.[21]

Incarceration at Carthage Jail

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An etching of the Carthage Jail, c. 1885

The Smith brothers were detained at Carthage Jail, and were soon joined by Willard Richards, John Taylor and John Solomon Fullmer. Six other associates accompanied the Smiths: John P. Greene, Stephen Markham, Dan Jones, John S. Fullmer, Dr. Southwick, and Lorenzo D. Wasson.[22]

Ford left for Nauvoo not long after Smith was jailed. The anti-Mormon[10] "Carthage Greys", a local militia, were assigned to protect the brothers. Jones, who was present, relayed to Ford several threats against Joseph made by members of the Greys, all of which were dismissed by Ford.[23]

This smuggled gun was used by Smith to shoot Wills, Vorhease, and Gallaher.[24]

On Thursday morning, June 27, church leader Cyrus Wheelock, having obtained a pass from Ford, visited Smith in jail. The day was rainy, and Wheelock used the opportunity to hide a small pepper-box pistol in his bulky overcoat,[25] which had belonged to Taylor.[26] Most visitors were rigidly searched,[27] but the guards forgot to check Wheelock's overcoat,[28] and he was able to smuggle the gun to Smith. Smith took Wheelock's gun and gave Fullmer's gun to his brother Hyrum.

Attack

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The mob shot a bullet hole through the door in Carthage Jail.

Before a trial could be held, a mob of about 200 armed men, their faces painted black with wet gunpowder, stormed Carthage Jail in the late afternoon of June 27, 1844. Early on June 27, Smith authored an order to Nauvoo Legion commander Jonathan Dunham instructing him to bring the Legion to Carthage and stage a jailbreak.[29] In a final letter to his wife, Smith wrote "I just learn[ed] that the Governor is about to disband his troops, all but a guard to protect us ... This is right as I suppose."[30] Smith and the other prisoners were guarded only by six members of the Carthage Grays, led by Sgt. Frank Worrell.[31][32][33][34]

A division of militia began marching away from Carthage, but soon received orders from the Governor to disband.[35] Learning that the Governor had dismissed the troops, a group from Warsaw set out to Carthage to see the Governor. En route, a messenger informed the group that the Governor had gone to Nauvoo and "there is nobody in Carthage [that] you can [depend on]".[36][37] When the group approached the building, jailers became alarmed, but Smith, mistaking the mob for the Nauvoo Legion, told a jailer: "Don't trouble yourself ... they've come to rescue me."[38] Smith did not know that Jonathan Dunham, major general of the Nauvoo Legion, had not dispatched the unit to Carthage to protect him. Allen Joseph Stout later contended that by remaining inactive, Dunham disobeyed an official order written by Smith after he was jailed in Carthage.[39]

Hit by a ball, Smith fell from the second story window.

The Carthage Greys reportedly feigned defense of the jail by firing shots or blanks over the attackers' heads, and some of the Greys even reportedly joined the mob, who rushed up the stairs. The mob first attempted to push the door open to fire into the room, though Smith and the other prisoners pushed back and prevented this. A member of the mob fired a shot through the door. Hyrum was shot in the face, just to the left of his nose, which threw him to the floor. He cried out, "I am a dead man!" and collapsed. He died immediately.[40]

Smith, Taylor, and Richards attempted to defend themselves. Taylor and Richards used a long walking stick in order to deflect the guns as they were thrust inside the room, from behind the door. Smith fired Wheelock's pistol.[41] Three of the six barrels misfired,[42] but the other three shots are believed to have wounded three of the attackers.[43][44]

Taylor was shot four or five times and was severely wounded, but survived. It has been popularly believed that his pocket watch stopped one shot. The watch is displayed in the LDS Church History Museum in Salt Lake City, Utah; the watch was broken and was used to help identify the time of the attack. In 2010, forensic research by J. Lynn Lyon of the University of Utah and Mormon historian Glen M. Leonard suggested that Taylor's watch was not struck by a ball, but rather broke against a window ledge.[45] Columbia University historian Richard Bushman, the author of Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling, also supports this view.

This pocket watch was worn by John Taylor during the killings of Joseph and Hyrum Smith.

Richards, physically the largest of Smith's party, escaped unscathed; Lyon speculates that after the door opened, Smith was in the line of sight and Richards was not targeted.[46]

After using all of the shots in his pistol, Smith made his way towards the window. As he prepared to jump down, Richards reported that he was shot twice in the back and that a third bullet, fired from a musket on the ground outside, hit him in the chest.[12]: v6, p620  Taylor and Richards' accounts both report that as Smith fell from the window, he called out, "Oh Lord, my God!" Some have alleged that the context of this statement was an attempt by Smith to use a Masonic distress signal.[47]

1851 lithograph of Smith's body being mutilated. (Library of Congress)

There are varying accounts of what happened next. Taylor and Richards' accounts state that Smith was dead when he hit the ground. Eyewitness William Daniels wrote in his 1845 account that Smith was still alive when members of the mob propped his body against a nearby well, assembled a makeshift firing squad, and shot him before fleeing. Daniels' account also states that one man tried to decapitate Smith for a bounty but was prevented by divine intervention, an affirmation later denied.[48] Additional reports said that thunder and lightning frightened off the mob.[49] Mob members fled, shouting, "The Mormons are coming," although there was no such force nearby.[50]

After the attack was over, Richards, who was trained as a medical doctor, went back to see if anyone besides himself had survived, and found Taylor lying on the floor. Richards dragged Taylor into the jail cell (they had not been held in the cell, but in the guard's room across the hallway). He dragged Taylor under some of the straw mattress to put pressure on his wounds and slow the bleeding and then went to get help. Both Richards and Taylor survived. Taylor eventually became the third president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). Richards had escaped all harm except for a bullet grazing his ear.

Joseph and Hyrum's younger brother Samuel Harrison Smith had come to visit the same day and, after evading capture from a group of attackers, is said to have been the first Latter Day Saint to arrive and helped attend the bodies back to Nauvoo. He died thirty days later, possibly as a result of injuries sustained avoiding the mob.[51]

Injuries to mob members

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This side of Carthage Jail has the well, c. 1890.

There have been conflicting reports about injuries to members of the mob during the attack, and whether any died. Shortly after the events occurred, Taylor wrote that he heard that two of the attackers died when Smith shot them with his pistol.[12]: v7, p102 

Most accounts seem to agree that at least three attackers were wounded by Smith's gunfire, but there is no other evidence that any of them died as a result. John Wills was shot in the arm, William Vorhease was shot in the shoulder, and William Gallaher was shot in the face.[52][53] Others claimed that a fourth, unnamed man was also wounded.[53] Wills, Vorhease, Gallaher, and a Mr. Allen (possibly the fourth man) were all indicted for the murder of the Smith brothers. Wills, Vorhease, and Gallaher, perhaps conscious that their wounds could prove that they were involved in the mob, fled the county after being indicted and were never brought to trial.[54] Apart from Taylor's report of what he had heard, there is no evidence that Wills, Vorhease, Gallaher, or Allen died from their wounds.[citation needed]

Interment

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Joseph and Hyrum Smith's bodies were returned to Nauvoo the next day. The bodies were cleaned and examined, and death masks were made, preserving their facial features and structures.

A public viewing was held on June 29, 1844, after which empty coffins weighted with sandbags were used at the public burial to prevent theft or mutilation of the bodies. The coffins bearing the actual bodies of the Smith brothers were initially buried under the unfinished Nauvoo House, then disinterred and reburied deep under an out-building on the Smith homestead.

In 1928, Frederick M. Smith, president of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS Church) and grandson of Joseph Smith, feared that rising water from the Mississippi River would destroy the gravesite. He authorized civil engineer William O. Hands to conduct an excavation to find the Smiths' bodies. Hands conducted extensive digging on the Smith homestead and located the bodies, as well as the remains of Joseph's wife, Emma, who was buried in the same place. The remains—which were badly decomposed—were examined and photographed, and then reinterred close by in Nauvoo.

Responsibility and trial

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After the killings, there was speculation about who was responsible. Ford denied accusations that he knew about the plot to kill Smith beforehand, but later wrote that it was good for Smith's followers to have been driven out of the state and said that their beliefs and actions were too different to have survived in Illinois. He said Smith was "the most successful impostor in modern times,"[55] and that some people "expect more protection from the laws than the laws are able to furnish in the face of popular excitement."[56]

Ultimately, five defendants—Thomas C. Sharp, Mark Aldrich, William N. Grover, Jacob C. Davis and Levi Williams—were tried for the murders of the Smith brothers. All five defendants were acquitted by a jury, which was composed exclusively of non-Mormon members after the defense counsel convinced the judge to dismiss the initial jury, which did include Mormon members.[57] The defense was led by Orville Hickman Browning, later a United States senator and cabinet member.[58]

Consequences in the Latter Day Saint movement

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After the killing of Smith, a succession crisis occurred in the Latter Day Saint movement. Hyrum Smith, the Assistant President of the Church, was intended to succeed Joseph as President of the Church,[59] but because he was killed alongside his brother, the proper succession procedure became unclear.

Initially, the primary contenders to succeed Smith were Sidney Rigdon, Brigham Young, and James Strang. Rigdon was the senior surviving member of the First Presidency, a body that had led the Latter Day Saint movement since 1832. At the time of Smith's death, he was estranged from Smith due to differences in doctrinal beliefs. Young, president of the Quorum of the Twelve, claimed authority was handed by Smith to the Quorum. Strang claimed that Smith designated him as the successor in a letter that was received a week before his death. Later, others came to believe that Smith's son, Joseph Smith III, was the rightful successor under the doctrine of lineal succession.

A schism resulted, with each claimant attracting followers. The majority of Latter Day Saints followed Young; these adherents later emigrated to what became Utah Territory and continued as the LDS Church. Rigdon's followers were known as Rigdonites, some of which later established The Church of Jesus Christ (Bickertonite). Strang's followers established the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Strangite). In the 1860s, those who felt that Smith should have been succeeded by Joseph Smith III established the RLDS Church, which later changed its name to the Community of Christ.

Modernly, Joseph Smith is known to have married women who were already married as well as girls as young as 14.[60] Some accounts say Smith may have had sexual relations with one wife, who later in her life stated that he fathered children by one or two of his wives, however DNA evidence does not support this.[61][62][63][64] Some Mormons, especially those belonging to splinter groups such as the Community of Christ continue to deny that Joseph ever practiced polygamy in any sense.[65] However, in 2014, LDS church spokesman Eric Hawkins said "(The church) publicly asserted Joseph Smith's practice of polygamy over a century and a half ago, especially in debate with other faith groups who traced their origin to Joseph Smith and who asserted that he did not practice plural marriage". Mainstream Mormons on the other hand tend to accept that he practiced polygamy, but emphasize the sealings as a spiritual bonding ritual which was platonic and intended to unify the human race into one family.[66][better source needed]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The killing of Joseph Smith refers to the fatal shooting of Joseph Smith Jr., founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, and his brother Hyrum Smith by an armed mob that stormed Carthage Jail in Hancock County, Illinois, on June 27, 1844. The brothers, aged 38 and 44 respectively, were detained awaiting trial on charges of treason and inciting a riot, arising from Smith's role as mayor of Nauvoo in ordering the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor printing press, which had published criticisms of his religious practices including secret polygamy and perceived theocratic control. Despite guards posted at the jail, around 150 to 200 assailants, some with faces painted to resemble Native Americans, overpowered the defenses around 5 p.m., firing through the door and window; Hyrum was killed first by a shot to the face, while Joseph, armed with a pepperbox pistol, returned fire before being shot multiple times, falling from a second-story window, and receiving further wounds on the ground. Eyewitness accounts from survivors John Taylor and Willard Richards, corroborated by physical evidence such as bullet holes and clothing defects, detail the assault's chaos and the brothers' attempts at self-defense. The event, resulting in no convictions after trials of accused militiamen, intensified sectarian violence and prompted the Saints' exodus from Nauvoo, while Latter-day Saints regard it as martyrdom fulfilling Smith's prophetic forebodings.

Historical Context

Establishment of Nauvoo and Smith's Theocratic Authority

In April 1839, following expulsion from amid violent persecution, purchased land in the sparsely settled village of Commerce, , along the , where he and his followers began resettling as refugees. Renaming the site Nauvoo—derived from Hebrew meaning "beautiful place"—Smith envisioned it as a gathering place for his adherents, who constructed homes, farms, and rudimentary infrastructure on the swampy peninsula despite initial hardships from and poverty. On December 16, 1840, the granted Nauvoo a city charter modeled after those of other municipalities like Springfield and Quincy, but with broad provisions for , including a nine-member city council empowered to enact ordinances, a municipal court with authority to issue writs of , establishment of a university, and organization of a militia known as the . This charter endowed the city with legislative, judicial, and paramilitary capabilities that, while not unprecedented in scope, allowed Nauvoo to function with significant autonomy, including the ability to nullify arrests attempted by state or county officials through rulings that extended influence beyond city limits. Under the , Nauvoo's population expanded rapidly from approximately 100 residents in 1839 to over 12,000 by 1844, exceeding Chicago's contemporaneous count of around 8,000 and making it Illinois's second-largest city. This growth stemmed from influxes of converts from and the , drawn by Smith's religious directives, fostering through mills, docks, and brick-making while straining relations with neighboring non-Mormon communities over and political influence. The , formalized as the city's militia, grew to several thousand uniformed members equipped with arms and drilled in military maneuvers, serving both defensive and ceremonial roles under state oversight but loyal primarily to local leadership. Smith consolidated authority by holding overlapping roles as prophet and president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, mayor of Nauvoo from May 1842, and lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion following his election on February 4, 1841—a rank higher than that of any other U.S. militia officer at the time, confirmed by Illinois Governor Thomas Carlin. As mayor, he also presided as chief justice of the municipal court, wielding powers to appoint officials, enforce ordinances, and adjudicate disputes, which intertwined ecclesiastical doctrine with civil administration and enabled directives on matters from public morality to defense that often superseded county or state jurisdictions. This theocratic structure positioned Smith as de facto ruler of a semi-autonomous enclave, where church councils influenced city policy and the Legion enforced order, cultivating a polity that prioritized religious cohesion over assimilation into broader Illinois society.

Introduction and Secret Practice of Polygamy

Joseph Smith began receiving revelations on the principle of plural marriage as early as the early 1830s, with evidence suggesting he taught select associates about its restoration by 1831, though the practice was not formally implemented until the Nauvoo period. The doctrine was elaborated in a revelation dictated on July 12, 1843, later canonized as Doctrine and Covenants Section 132, which asserted that marriage for eternity, including plurality of wives, was essential for exaltation in the celestial kingdom, framing it as a divine restoration of biblical practices commanded to prophets like Abraham. This revelation emphasized obedience to the principle as a test of faith, warning that rejection would lead to condemnation, yet it was not publicly disclosed during Smith's lifetime due to anticipated opposition. From approximately 1841, Smith conducted plural marriages in strict secrecy, entering into an estimated 30 to 40 such unions, documented by historians through affidavits, journals, and temple records. These included sealings to at least ten women under age twenty, such as fourteen-year-old in May 1843, and polyandrous arrangements with already-married women, like , who was wed to another Mormon man at the time of her sealing to Smith in 1841. The ceremonies were performed privately, often without the knowledge or consent of Smith's legal wife, Emma, and participants were instructed to deny the practice publicly to avoid scandal and legal repercussions. This covert approach stemmed from Smith's awareness of societal norms and prior biblical condemnations of , positioning plural marriage as a higher law accessible only to the faithful inner circle. The secret implementation fostered internal divisions within the Mormon community, as rumors and partial disclosures led to accusations of moral corruption and hypocrisy among dissenters. Prominent leaders like , second counselor in the First Presidency, grew disillusioned upon learning of Smith's plural marriages, viewing them as adulterous violations of both biblical and Mormon ethical standards, which prompted Law's public charges of deception and his eventual in 1844. Such schisms highlighted tensions between the doctrine's purported divine imperative for exaltation and its conflict with monogamous teachings in earlier church statements, like the 1835 , exacerbating fractures that undermined unity in Nauvoo.

Prior Conflicts with Non-Mormons in Illinois

Following the expulsion of approximately 10,000–12,000 Latter-day Saints from during the winter of 1838–1839, driven by the involving militia clashes, raids, and Governor Lilburn Boggs's Extermination Order of October 27, 1838, which authorized the removal or extermination of , the group resettled in Commerce, , renaming it Nauvoo in April 1839. The Missouri conflicts stemmed from Mormon paramilitary organization via the Danites—a short-lived group formed in June 1838 for defense but accused of retaliatory raids and oaths of secrecy—and political frictions, including Mormon bloc voting that threatened local Democratic majorities and opposition to . These events fostered enduring non-Mormon suspicions in of Mormon militancy and disloyalty, as many refugees arrived destitute and reliant on local amid reports of unresolved Missouri grievances. In Nauvoo, rapid Mormon population growth to over 10,000 by 1842, fueled by land purchases that inflated prices and economic competition with neighboring farmers, exacerbated tensions with Hancock County residents. The Illinois legislature granted Nauvoo a city charter on February 3, 1841, conferring extraordinary autonomy, including habeas corpus powers and authority to form the Nauvoo Legion, a city militia that grew to about 2,000–3,000 armed men under Joseph Smith's command as lieutenant general—a rank higher than the state governor's. Non-Mormons viewed the Legion as a private army enabling theocratic control and potential aggression, especially given its drills and Smith's dual civil-religious authority, which locals contrasted with standard state militia limits. Reports of Mormon thefts, such as horse stealing from non-Mormon farms, and vigilante responses further strained relations, with accusations that Mormon enforcers protected offenders via the city's courts. Mormon bloc voting intensified political resentments, as the unified Saints—numbering thousands in Hancock County—swung elections by aligning with whichever party offered concessions, such as the support for Whig candidates to secure the Nauvoo . This practice, directed by church leaders including Smith, allowed to dominate local offices and influence state races, prompting non-Mormons to form an Anti-Mormon Party in 1842 explicitly opposing Latter-day Saint political leverage. A pivotal escalation occurred on , , when former Missouri Governor was shot and severely wounded in , in an assassination attempt attributed by some to Mormon retribution for his extermination order. , a Nauvoo Legion bodyguard associated with Smith, was arrested as the prime suspect, and Missouri authorities sought Smith's twice in –1843, alleging he ordered the attack; Smith denied involvement, no direct evidence linked him, and Illinois courts rejected extradition via . The incident, amplified by ex-Mormon John C. Bennett's accusations, reinforced perceptions among non-Mormons of Mormon vengeance and secret oaths akin to the defunct Danites, eroding fragile coexistence despite Nauvoo's economic contributions.

Precipitating Incidents

Publication and Content of the Nauvoo Expositor

The Nauvoo Expositor was established by a group of dissident former members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, led by William Law, a former counselor in the church's First Presidency, along with his brother Wilson Law, Charles Ivins, Francis M. Higbee, Chauncey L. Higbee, Robert D. Foster, and Charles A. Foster. These individuals had been excommunicated in April and May 1844 for publicly opposing Joseph Smith's introduction of plural marriage, a doctrine practiced secretly by Smith and select church leaders despite public denials. The newspaper's prospectus announced its intent to advocate "the unconditional repeal of all acts, laws, or edicts, which interfere with the free operations of the press," positioning it as a reformist voice against perceived abuses within Nauvoo. The single issue, published on June 7, 1844, prominently featured affidavits and declarations accusing Smith of instituting a "" through , claiming he taught and practiced it under the guise of divine revelation while coercing compliance via threats and spiritual manipulation. Specific allegations included Smith's proposal of to married women and the sealing of to older men, with the Expositor reproducing sworn statements from women like Sarah M. Pratt and others detailing propositions and secret ceremonies. These claims highlighted the clandestine nature of the practice, contrasting sharply with Smith's public stance against "spiritual wifery" in church publications. Beyond , the Expositor criticized Smith's consolidation of political and religious power in Nauvoo, alleging theocratic overreach through the Nauvoo City Charter, the militia, and the Municipal Court, which the publishers argued subverted republican principles by shielding church leaders from external legal accountability. It further exposed the , a secret body organized by Smith in March 1844, as plotting to establish a monarchical "Kingdom of God" on earth with Smith as its prophet-king, aiming to supplant existing governments through a theocratic . The publication warned of doctrines promoting and deification of humans, drawing from Smith's King Follett Discourse, and called for reform to restore constitutional liberties. Approximately 500 to 800 copies of the issue were printed and distributed primarily in Nauvoo, with some mailed to subscribers outside the city, prompting immediate public debate. While the content included personal invectives that could be construed as libelous under 1840s —targeting individuals with unproven accusations of —historical legal analysis contends it did not meet the threshold for , as it advocated political reform rather than to or overthrow of government, lacking the direct calls to arms required for such charges.

Destruction of the Expositor Press

On June 10, 1844, the Nauvoo City Council convened an emergency session under Mayor , who also served as the city's chief executive and of the . The council debated the content of the , concluding that its publications constituted libelous falsehoods and a threatening the peace and morals of the . Council members, including and John Taylor, argued that the paper's accusations against city leaders mirrored prior instances where nuisances like unlicensed grog shops had been abated under municipal authority, citing precedents for summary destruction of offensive presses without judicial warrant in cases of immediate harm. The resolution passed with one dissenting vote from Alderman Sylvester H. Earl, authorizing Smith to order the abatement of the nuisance. Smith promptly issued the order to City Marshal John Hogan, who assembled a posse of approximately 100 men, including members, to execute the demolition that evening. The group entered the Expositor office, removed the to the street, scattered and smashed the type, and burned all remaining copies and associated papers in a public bonfire. Smith later defended the action in correspondence as a necessary measure to prevent further dissemination of what he described as incendiary falsehoods that could incite , emphasizing that the council's ordinance against libel empowered such abatement to safeguard public order. However, the destruction lacked prior , relying instead on the council's extrajudicial determination of status, which aligned with some 19th-century municipal practices but deviated from stricter free press protections emerging in American . The immediate repercussions amplified regional tensions. The Warsaw Signal, edited by Thomas C. Sharp, published an editorial on June 12 decrying the event as an "unparalleled outrage" and a violation of constitutional rights, urging citizens to organize militias for retaliation and framing it as the culmination of Mormon encroachments on liberty. Governor Thomas Ford, upon receiving reports, condemned the destruction in communications to Smith, asserting it was illegal that exceeded municipal powers and demanding the arrest of those responsible to uphold state law and prevent . Ford's assessment, echoed in his later historical writings, highlighted the action's role in eroding public confidence in Nauvoo's and precipitating broader calls for intervention, though he acknowledged the Expositor's provocative content while prioritizing over summary abatement. Following the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor printing press on June 10, 1844, by order of the Nauvoo city council, warrants were issued on June 12, 1844, by a Hancock County charging , his brother , and several city council members—including John Taylor, , and others—with the crime of riot under law. The charges stemmed directly from the council's resolution declaring the press a and authorizing its abatement, which critics argued constituted unlawful destruction of property and incitement to disorder. When constables attempted to serve these warrants, Smith and the accused were briefly detained but released after the Nauvoo Municipal Court, exercising its jurisdiction, examined the case on June 12 and quashed the writs, ruling that the actions fell under the city's charter-granted police powers. This judicial maneuver intensified state-level scrutiny, as it appeared to prioritize local authority over county process, prompting accusations of obstructing . On June 18, 1844, amid threats of mob violence and further arrest attempts, Smith proclaimed in Nauvoo and mobilized the —a city militia granted quasi-sovereign status under the 1840 Nauvoo charter—to resist state writs, an act interpreted as levying war against Illinois authority. Treason warrants followed, issued by state officials including a June 24 writ from the Warsaw precinct charging Smith and Hyrum with treason against the state for this mobilization, a capital offense under Illinois statutes defining treason as "levying war against the state or adhering to its enemies." Governor Thomas Ford, alarmed by reports of armed standoffs and fearing broader civil unrest akin to the 1838 Mormon , mobilized approximately 400-500 state militia volunteers from neighboring counties on June 18 and dispatched letters on June 22 demanding Smith's submission to to avert bloodshed. Ford's correspondence emphasized that failure to arrest on the and charges would undermine state sovereignty and invite , positioning the warrants as essential to restoring order amid polarized factions in Hancock County. These escalating state indictments, combining misdemeanor with felony , marked a pivotal legal confrontation, framing Smith's actions as defiance of civil authority rather than mere municipal governance.

Attempts to Evade Capture

Proclamation of Martial Law in Nauvoo

On June 18, 1844, , in his dual roles as of Nauvoo and lieutenant general of the , issued a from the directing the city marshal to convene the Legion's officers and place the city under amid reports of organized mobs and vigilante threats targeting Mormon settlements. The document invoked Smith's military command over the Legion—a chartered of approximately 3,000 to 5,000 men equipped with arms and artillery—to muster forces, fortify Nauvoo against anticipated incursions, and enforce strict defensive measures within , framing the action as necessary protection against "an armed force" reportedly advancing from surrounding counties. This ordered residents to prepare , position sentinels, and resist any unauthorized entry, effectively suspending normal civil processes in favor of Legion oversight, despite no confirmed invasion at the time and concurrent public appeals from Smith for peaceful resolution of disputes. Governor Thomas Ford later described the move as an illegal usurpation, noting in his account that Smith assembled the Legion under arms without state authorization, which escalated perceptions of Mormon defiance and contributed to treason charges under Illinois law for levying war against the state. Ford's contemporaneous reports to the legislature highlighted how such unilateral fortification signaled insurrectionary intent, alienating non-Mormon moderates who might otherwise have sympathized with Mormon grievances and reinforcing the narrative of Nauvoo as a fortified theocratic enclave resistant to external authority. The proclamation's emphasis on armed readiness, while rooted in credible rumors of anti-Mormon mobilization documented in local correspondence, thus represented a provocative escalation that prioritized defensive autonomy over deference to pending state intervention.

Initial Resistance and Hiding

Following the issuance of arrest warrants on June 12, 1844, for treason and riot stemming from the Nauvoo city council's order to destroy the Nauvoo Expositor press, initially resisted submission to civil authorities by fleeing Nauvoo. On the evening of June 22, Smith, accompanied by his brother Hyrum and associates including and John Taylor, crossed the into around 2 a.m., seeking temporary concealment to evade immediate capture. They lodged initially with William Jordan before moving to the home of Smith's uncle, John Smith, in the settlement of , where they remained in hiding for several days. While concealed in , Smith communicated with Governor Thomas Ford via letters dated June 22–23, affirming a willingness to comply with legal processes but conditioning it on assurances of protection for Nauvoo residents against mob violence, thereby prioritizing community and personal safety over prompt surrender. These correspondences reflected Smith's strategic reluctance to submit without safeguards, as he also dispatched envoys to seek legal counsel in and contemplated a westward exodus to escape ongoing threats entirely. Smith's return to Nauvoo on June 25 was precipitated by urgent reports of escalating mob activities and direct threats to his family and followers, including pleas from his Emma, who dispatched messengers to urge his reentry to prevent further endangerment of the Mormon populace. This decision underscored his initial preference for evasion amid perceived risks from anti-Mormon hostilities, though it ultimately led to negotiations for formal surrender.

Negotiations and Surrender to State Authorities

On June 23, 1844, Joseph and , facing escalating legal pressures including a state warrant for stemming from the declaration of in Nauvoo, wrote to Governor Thomas Ford offering to submit to on condition of protection from mob violence and assurance of a fair trial. This followed the exhaustion of remedies in the Nauvoo Municipal Court, which had previously discharged them on riot charges related to the destruction of the press but lacked jurisdiction over the treason accusation, a state-level offense. Ford, who had arrived in Nauvoo on June 24 with a militia force to quell hostilities, responded by guaranteeing their safety under state custody, emphasizing that his troops would prevent interference from local antagonists. The terms of surrender centered on these assurances: the Smiths would yield voluntarily to state authorities, forgo further resistance via the , and be transported securely, with Ford pledging to enforce legal processes amid widespread anti-Mormon sentiment in Hancock County. On June 25, 1844, Joseph and surrendered to Ford's militia in Nauvoo, where warrants were served for ; , initially hesitant, joined after confirming the governor's commitments. The group, including associates John Taylor and facing related riot charges from the Expositor incident, was then escorted under armed state guard to approximately 20 miles away, with Ford's forces positioned to deter attacks during the journey. Taylor and submitted similarly, relying on the same protective stipulations to avoid extralegal reprisals.

Incarceration at Carthage Jail

Jail Conditions and Inmate Arrangements

Carthage Jail, constructed in 1839 as a modest two-story stone structure in Hancock County, Illinois, functioned mainly as a debtor's prison for confining individuals on civil debts and minor criminal matters rather than as a fortified facility for serious offenders. The building featured basic cells on the ground floor and less secure rooms upstairs, with no heavy iron bars or extensive perimeter defenses, rendering it vulnerable to determined intruders. Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, John Taylor, and Willard Richards were incarcerated there starting June 25, 1844, following their surrender to authorities on charges stemming from the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor press. Initially placed in the lower-level cells, the group was relocated on June 26 to a larger upstairs bedroom in the southeast corner, which offered minimal security beyond a wooden door and lacked locks or bars sufficient to repel an armed assault. The prisoners remained confined primarily due to the treason charge—a capital offense under Illinois law for declaring martial law in Nauvoo—despite examinations on lesser riot-related accusations that might have allowed temporary release or bail for others. Security relied on a small contingent of fewer than ten guards from the Carthage Greys , many harboring anti-Mormon sentiments and providing inconsistent oversight. Accounts describe lax enforcement, including guards permitting or joining in alcohol consumption; on afternoon, the prisoners supplied funds for wine, which a guard procured, contributing to a relaxed atmosphere amid rising external tensions. Overheard conversations outside the jail revealed brewing hostility, with the unsecured upper room exposing inmates to potential mob incursions without effective barriers or reinforcements.

Security Measures and Perceived Threats

Governor Thomas Ford mobilized approximately 1,200 state members as a to secure the area amid rising tensions, but the arrangement reflected underlying divisions, with some units harboring anti-Mormon animosities. Ford assigned the Carthage Greys, a local company commanded by Captain Robert F. Smith and known for prior disruptive conduct toward Mormon interests, to directly guard the jail housing and other prisoners. This unit exhibited overt hostility, including threats and mocking behavior toward the inmates during their watch. Smith and his associates sought additional safeguards, including requests to transfer protective duties to the —a Nauvoo-based under Smith's command that had previously defended against mobs—but state authorities, including Ford, denied such measures, insisting on reliance solely on local and state forces already in place. Ford disbanded other companies except the Carthage Greys before departing for Nauvoo with more reliable troops, further isolating the prisoners from Nauvoo-aligned protection. These denials stemmed from concerns over perceived Mormon military overreach, though they left the jail vulnerable to local prejudices. Perceived threats escalated with eyewitness reports of mob plotting; for instance, Dan Jones, present at the jail, conveyed forewarnings of plots based on overheard conversations among antagonists. On June 27, 1844, the guard detail dwindled to just seven men from the Carthage Greys, with the rest of the unit encamped a quarter-mile away, minimizing active defense and exposing causal weaknesses in the protective chain amid intelligence of gathering hostilities. This reduction occurred despite ongoing reports of threats, as some guards were dismissed or reassigned earlier that day.

The Mob Attack

Formation and Approach of the Mob

The mob assembled on June 27, 1844, drew primarily from local anti-Mormon militias in , including the Warsaw Rifles under Williams and members of the Carthage Greys, fueled by widespread resentment over the Nauvoo Legion's actions and the prior destruction of the press. Thomas C. Sharp, editor of the Signal, had published vehement editorials denouncing as a despot and urging armed resistance, contributing to the volatile atmosphere that prompted the ad-hoc gathering. That afternoon, the contingent—initially mustered for a supposed march to Nauvoo—diverted approximately six miles from toward , swelling the ranks with additional recruits from surrounding areas to an estimated force of 100 to 200 men organized in military fashion rather than as a disorganized rabble. Participants, motivated by perceptions of Mormon political dominance and threats to non-Mormon interests, armed themselves with muskets, pistols, and knives drawn from stores. Many in the group blackened their faces with wet to obscure identities, mimicking disguises associated with raiders. Advancing from the west in the late afternoon, the mob divided to encircle the jail from the rear and sides, bypassing the small contingent of guards—who offered token resistance or stood aside—before breaching the structure around 5:00 p.m.

Sequence of the Assault and Shootings

On June 27, 1844, shortly after 5:00 p.m., an armed mob of 150 to 200 men, many with faces painted black to disguise their identities, approached Carthage Jail and fired initial shots at the door of the second-floor room where Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, John Taylor, and Willard Richards were located. The mob then forced the door open amid a volley of gunfire; Hyrum Smith was struck first, receiving fatal wounds to the left side of his nose and upper back, causing him to collapse while exclaiming, "I am a dead man!" Taylor, attempting to defend the entrance with a cane, was wounded in the initial barrage. Joseph Smith responded by firing a smuggled six-shooter —provided earlier by visitor Wheelock—discharging three to four rounds that wounded two or three assailants, while directing Taylor to " them off as well as you can." He then moved toward the open window in an attempt to escape, but was shot several times, including while partially hanging from the sill, before falling to the ground outside where additional shots were fired into his body; his final utterance was "O Lord my God!" The attackers discharged over 40 bullets in total during the assault, with Hyrum Smith receiving multiple postmortem wounds inside the room and Joseph Smith similarly shot after falling. Willard Richards escaped injury entirely, while Taylor sustained four bullet wounds—to his left hand or wrist, right thigh or hip, left knee or leg, and another site—but survived by crawling under a mattress. These details are corroborated by the eyewitness affidavits of Taylor and Richards, the only survivors present.

Injuries to Mob Members and Defenders

During the assault on Carthage Jail on June 27, 1844, Hyrum Smith sustained six gunshot wounds: a musket ball entered the left side of his nose and exited under the chin after passing through the door panel; another struck his lower back, deflecting off his watch without exiting; a graze wound on his breastbone; a wound below the left knee; one to the back of the right thigh; and a possible throat wound potentially from friendly fire by his brother Joseph's pistol. Joseph Smith received five wounds, including shots to the right upper thigh, right lower abdomen, right breast, right shoulder near the neck, and under the heart, with ballistics indicating three to four musket balls of 0.69 caliber from the door and outside sources. John Taylor suffered four flesh wounds from musket balls: to the left thigh, below the left knee, left forearm, and left hip where flesh was torn away. Willard Richards sustained a single graze to his left earlobe. Eyewitness accounts, including John Taylor's, indicate discharged three barrels from a six-shooter (likely .31 or .36 caliber), wounding three mob members in the upper arms and face; Taylor initially reported two subsequent deaths among them, though no fatalities are independently verified in physical or . Ballistic of trajectories and sizes at the site suggests the shots did not cause mortal injuries to attackers and raises the possibility of intra-defender fire, such as Hyrum's throat aligning with the 's proximity and caliber. No other mob casualties were documented in contemporaneous reports or autopsies.

Immediate Aftermath

Recovery and Examination of Bodies

Following the mob's assault on , 1844, the bodies of and his brother Hyrum were recovered from , with Hyrum's remaining in the upper room where he was shot and Joseph's retrieved from outside after falling from the window. A , led by local physician Thomas L. Barnes, convened promptly at the jail to examine the remains, determining that both men died from multiple gunshot wounds inflicted by assailants, including shots to the chest and face; this finding explicitly refuted circulating rumors that Joseph had committed , as no evidence of self-inflicted close-range powder burns or corresponding ballistics was observed on his body. The bodies were then placed in pine boxes and transported approximately 20 miles to Nauvoo, Illinois, arriving late on June 28 via two open wagons under guard to deter further mob interference. In Nauvoo, the remains were washed, dressed in clean clothing, and subjected to detailed examination by family and associates, revealing Hyrum's facial gunshot entry wound with a downward trajectory that fractured his skull, consistent with a close-quarters shot to the nose and mouth area. Joseph's body showed multiple bullet entry points, including to the chest and back, with facial trauma likely from the fall or impacts during the assault, though later forensic analysis of exhumed remains confirmed no skull fractures indicative of severe blunt force beyond ballistic damage. On June 29, molds were taken of both faces while the bodies were positioned upright, producing death masks that preserved facial features for posterity, including visible damage on Hyrum's mask near the nose. Demands from Nauvoo residents for public viewing of the bodies were denied by and church leaders, citing risks of desecration or mob retaliation amid heightened tensions, leading instead to a closed preparation for temporary interment. This handling prioritized preservation over spectacle, with the masks later serving as key artifacts for verifying identities in 20th-century exhumations.

Initial Reports and Eyewitness Accounts

John Taylor, one of two survivors in the jail cell, provided an immediate affidavit detailing the mob's assault around 5:00 p.m. on June 27, 1844, recounting Hyrum Smith's fatal shot through the door, Joseph's defensive use of a smuggled to fire at intruders, subsequent gunfire wounding Taylor severely in the thigh and chest, and Joseph's fall from the window followed by finishing shots from below. Taylor emphasized a sense of divine protection amid the chaos, later interpreting the events as prophetic martyrdom in fulfillment of Joseph's forewarnings, though his account reflects the perspective of a committed Latter-day . , the other unscathed witness, corroborated the sequence in his and a hasty dispatch, noting Joseph's exclamation "My leg is broken" after initial shots and his own evasion of harm, which he attributed to providence; Richards framed the killings as by 150-200 painted mobbers without legal provocation. Non-Mormon reports from local and residents contrasted sharply, portraying ' possession and discharge of firearms as aggressive resistance that incited the mob's response, thus rationalizing the deaths as reprisal for prior Mormon militancy, including the destruction of the press and perceived threats from the . For instance, William R. Hamilton, a Carthage Greys guardsman outside the jail, described hearing gunfire from within before the mob breached the door, suggesting initiated violence and that the attackers acted in retaliation rather than premeditated murder. These accounts, drawn from antagonists amid heightened regional tensions, often downplayed mob organization while highlighting Joseph Smith's armed defiance, diverging from survivor narratives that stressed unresisted invasion and self-defense. Richards' urgent telegraph to Nauvoo at 8:05 p.m.—"Joseph and Hyrum are dead; but not by the Carthage Greys"—triggered widespread alarm and rumors of militia betrayal among Saints, amplifying fears of further violence. Thomas Ford, who had assured the prisoners' earlier that day, issued prompt disavowals of state complicity in initial communications, expressing shock and pledging investigation, though critics noted his prior dispersal of guards as enabling the breach. Early reports, such as in the Signal and Telegraph on July 4-5, echoed local justifications of retaliation while confirming the basic facts of , underscoring how partisan lenses—Mormon emphasis on sacred versus non-Mormon stress on provocation—shaped divergent immediate interpretations.

Interment of the Victims

Following the arrival of Joseph and Hyrum Smith's bodies in Nauvoo on June 28, 1844, church leaders organized a public viewing and decoy funeral on June 29 to mislead potential grave robbers and hostile mobs amid ongoing threats. Thousands of mourners filed past two sand-filled coffins containing blood-stained clothing from the martyrs, displayed in the Mansion House, while the actual remains—prepared with taken shortly after death—were concealed to prevent . The bodies were secretly interred that evening in the unfinished basement of the Nauvoo House, a church-owned structure under construction, chosen for its obscurity and to evade interference from anti-Mormon elements who had expressed intentions to mutilate the corpses. Months later, fearing exposure or flooding, the remains were disinterred and reburied in unmarked graves beneath an outbuilding on the Smith family homestead near Nauvoo. In January 1928, , grandson of , oversaw the exhumation of the remains from the homestead site to verify identities and provide a more secure resting place. Forensic examination confirmed the skeletons matched historical accounts, including bullet wounds consistent with autopsy reports (five in Joseph's torso and head, multiple in Hyrum's face and chest) and comparisons to the original cast in 1844. The remains were then reinterred in the in Nauvoo, where marked graves now stand.

Investigations into the Mob

Governor Thomas Ford ordered an inquiry into the mob shortly after the June 27, 1844, killings, appointing special agent Murray McConnell in September 1844 to collect affidavits and testimonies from eyewitnesses, including in Nauvoo. The investigation identified key figures such as Levi Williams, Thomas Sharp, and Mark Aldrich as potential leaders or participants, with Ford publicly offering rewards for their arrest on September 27, 1844. Sheriff Minor R. Deming estimated the mob at 200 to 300 men, many disguised with , but the probe struggled to compile comprehensive identifications due to the rapid dispersal of assailants across state lines into . A Hancock County , convened amid post-election tensions in August 1844, reviewed evidence and issued indictments in early October against nine individuals for conspiracy to murder Joseph and , narrowing to five primary accused—Levi Williams, Thomas Sharp, Mark Aldrich, Jacob C. Davis, and —for direct involvement in the killings. Despite affidavits implicating militia units like the Warsaw company under Williams, broader conspiratorial networks remained unestablished, as key purported ringleaders evaded capture and negotiations with authorities yielded limited extraditions. Evidentiary obstacles compounded these difficulties, including widespread witness intimidation and non-cooperation; John Taylor, a survivor, advised Latter-day Saints against testifying due to perceived bias among state officials and jurors. Suspects frequently proffered alibis supported by community vouching, while physical traces such as bullet casings and door fragments from the jail offered forensic insights but lacked chain-of-custody documentation to link definitively to individuals. Conflicting eyewitness recollections, such as varying descriptions of mob composition and leadership, further hindered attribution, leaving gaps in proving coordinated intent beyond the immediate assault.

Indictments and Court Proceedings

In October 1844, a Hancock County indicted nine men on charges of conspiracy to murder and in connection with the assault: Levi Williams, Thomas C. Sharp, Mark Aldrich, Jacob C. Davis, William N. Grover, Joseph Agnew, Robert F. Smith, Darld Sharp, and Allen J. Grover. Four of the defendants—Agnew, R. F. Smith, D. Sharp, and A. J. Grover—fled the jurisdiction and evaded arrest, leaving five to face . The trial proceedings for Levi Williams, Thomas C. Sharp, Mark Aldrich, Jacob C. Davis, and opened on May 21, 1845, in the Hancock Circuit Court at before Judge Richard M. Young. Citing potential prejudice in standard processes amid lingering community tensions, the defense successfully petitioned for a modification, appointing elisors to impanel the instead of relying on commissioners potentially influenced by residual Mormon or anti-Mormon factions. Witness testimonies during the trial described the mob participants as having disguised themselves by blackening their faces with a mixture of and water to conceal identities while approaching the jail. Multiple accounts emphasized an absence of documented or explicit orders from the indicted leaders directing the lethal assault, with prosecution witnesses like John Peyton unable to establish direct commands or coordination linking the defendants to the shooters' immediate actions. Defense counsel, including attorneys from Jo Daviess County, cross-examined witnesses to highlight inconsistencies and sought to mitigate culpability by referencing Joseph Smith's earlier actions, such as ordering the extralegal destruction of the printing press on June 10, 1844, and subsequently declaring in Nauvoo, which they portrayed as provocations escalating regional hostilities. The proceedings reflected broader Illinois anti-Mormon biases, as local sentiments—evident in witness reluctance and jury composition—systematically favored narratives downplaying accountability for non-Mormon actors amid widespread resentment toward Smith's political and religious influence. The trial of five men indicted for the murders of Joseph and concluded with acquittals for all defendants on May 30, 1845, following a two-hour jury deliberation in the . The defendants—Levi Williams, Thomas C. Sharp, Mark Aldrich, Jacob C. Davis, and —faced charges of conspiracy and murder related to leading or participating in the mob that stormed on June 27, 1844. Prosecutor Josiah Lamborn conceded the unreliability of key eyewitness testimonies from William M. Daniels, David Brackenbury, and J. W. Graham, which were effectively impeached by defense attorneys through revealing inconsistencies and potential biases. No sufficiently tied the defendants to the fatal shootings, leading the to return not guilty verdicts despite accounts of the mob's organized assault. These acquittals exemplified the limitations of frontier justice in , where local jury sympathies toward anti-Mormon sentiments and evidentiary challenges undermined prosecutions of mob actions. Governor Thomas Ford observed that the trial's failure effectively terminated the administration of in Hancock County, as community divisions prevented impartial enforcement. The absence of convictions, even amid documented eyewitness reports of the violence, indicated systemic tolerance for against perceived communal threats, eroding formal legal accountability and arguably facilitating subsequent extralegal conflicts in the region.

Controversies and Viewpoints

Mormon Interpretations of the Killing

In the official Latter-day Saint interpretation, the killing of and his brother Hyrum on , 1844, constituted a martyrdom that sealed their testimonies with their , akin to ancient prophets and apostles. 135, published shortly after the event by John Taylor, declares: ", the Prophet and Seer of the Lord, has done more, save only, for the salvation of men in this world, than any other man that ever lived in it," emphasizing that their deaths authenticated the truth of the and Smith's prophetic mission. This section portrays the event not as a mere but as a divine fulfillment, with Taylor asserting that "their innocent , on the banner of heaven, will atone for the awful crime" of their murderers, thereby advancing the cause of truth. Smith himself had prophesied elements of his demise, foreseeing in 1843 that he would die in a manner comparable to biblical figures, invoking the imagery of :7 where the Messiah goes "as a sheep to the slaughter." He expressed premonitions of betrayal and violent death during sermons and private reflections that year, stating he anticipated sealing his testimony through suffering, much like Peter, Paul, and other apostles who faced execution for their witness. These utterances were later cited in church teachings as evidence of divine foreknowledge, reinforcing the view that the Carthage events completed Smith's earthly mission as foreordained, with his final words reportedly including a call to amid the assault. Latter-day Saint doctrine emphasizes non-resistance and meekness, as in teachings to "love your enemies" and submit to persecution, yet the presence of firearms at Carthage Jail and Smith's use of a pepperbox pistol to fire at assailants introduced interpretive tension. Church defenders, including modern apologists, maintain that such self-defense against an armed mob did not undermine the martyrdom, as the primary act was passive submission to arrest and trial, aligning with Smith's self-description as going "like a lamb to the slaughter" in innocence rather than cowardice. Official narratives prioritize the spiritual sealing of testimony over tactical details, viewing any resistance as a human response in extremis that preserved lives momentarily without contradicting prophetic submission. Regarding —a taught by Smith and elaborated later wherein certain unrepented sins required the shedding of the sinner's for full —internal discussions occasionally probed its relevance, though mainstream interpretations rejected applicability to the ' deaths. Smith had referenced "sins unto " in 1843 contexts, implying limits to Christ's for willful covenant-breaking, but church records and subsequent leaders framed his killing as unjust of the innocent, not self-inflicted . While some early sermons speculated on 's boundaries for , no authoritative Latter-day Saint source applies it to or Hyrum, who were upheld as faithful martyrs whose testified against their killers, preserving doctrinal purity in the face of fringe extrapolations.

Anti-Mormon Justifications and Claims

Supporters of the Nauvoo Expositor, a short-lived newspaper published on June 7, 1844, by dissident former including , argued that Joseph Smith's practices constituted moral and political tyranny warranting collective resistance. The single issue accused Smith of secretly promoting "spiritual wifery," a form of involving multiple wives under doctrines of , while publicly denying it to maintain appearances and evade legal repercussions. They claimed this system exploited vulnerable women through spiritual , portraying it as disguised as divine , and linked it to broader abuses of over personal lives. Critics further contended that Smith's theocratic control in Nauvoo, enabled by the city's expansive 1840 charter, allowed him to amass unchecked power as , lieutenant general of the , and head of a municipal court that nullified state writs and protected Mormon interests against non-Mormon complaints. The Expositor editorialized that this structure fostered a "monarchical" government where Smith's council enforced loyalty oaths and suppressed opposition, equating it to papal despotism revived in America. Following the Nauvoo City Council's order on June 10, , to destroy the Expositor's and scatter its type—actions Smith approved as —opponents framed this as flagrant press suppression, justifying extralegal measures to dismantle what they saw as an emerging Mormon threatening republican liberties. Non-Mormon locals and editors, notably in the Warsaw Signal under Thomas C. Sharp, amplified these grievances by depicting Smith as a self-aggrandizing despot whose recent presidential candidacy and calls for a millennial signaled ambitions for national domination. Editorials in the Signal from early 1844 onward decried Mormon "usurpations," including economic manipulations and militia deployments that intimidated settlers, portraying the Carthage events not as but as spontaneous backlash against provoked unrest. Persistent rumors of societies—secret bands allegedly bound by oaths to avenge persecutors and eliminate internal threats—reinforced claims of Mormon conspiracies, with critics citing affidavits from ex-members like Joseph H. Jackson alleging vows of blind obedience and vigilante enforcement under Smith's direction. These narratives positioned the mob's assault on June 27, 1844, as a preemptive strike against an armed, oath-bound faction poised to impose religious absolutism by force.

Empirical Assessments of Causality and Legality

Joseph Smith's role as mayor of Nauvoo involved ordering the destruction of the printing press on June 10, 1844, following a city council vote deeming its content a amid revelations of plural marriage practices. This action, while claimed legal under Nauvoo's expansive charter granting nuisance abatement powers akin to other cities, violated principles of press by suppressing dissent without judicial process, directly provoking warrants for on June 12 against Smith and council members. Subsequent resistance to these warrants, including Smith's mobilization of the militia and issuance of a writ, intensified state intervention under Governor Thomas Ford. On June 18, 1844, Smith declared as lieutenant general of the to repel perceived threats, an act that under Revised Statutes constituted by levying war against the state through armed defiance of executive authority. warrants followed on June 24, non-bailable and compelling Smith's confinement in alongside , where they awaited trial amid heightened local animosities from Mormon bloc voting, land monopolization, and theocratic governance structures. These escalatory decisions—press suppression and militia defiance—formed the primary causal chain, systematically undermining Smith's adherence to and fostering perceptions of , though they stemmed from defensive responses to internal and external pressures rather than unprovoked aggression. The mob's storming of on June 27, 1844, bypassing pending treason and riot trials, constituted extrajudicial murder under , with assailants firing through doors and windows to kill the unarmed prisoners despite guard presence. Indictments against suspected mob members, including Levi Williams and Thomas Sharp, proceeded in May 1845, but acquittals by a Hancock County jury reflected empirical regional sympathy rooted in unresolved economic frictions (e.g., Mormon debt collections) and religious clashes over secrecy, not legal exoneration. While Smith's overreaches eroded his legitimacy, the mob's nullified judicial recourse, rendering the killings unlawful regardless of provocation. Histories alleging grand conspiracies—such as orchestration by Governor Ford, Masons, or internal Mormon actors—lack primary evidentiary support, relying on circumstantial inferences contradicted by testimonies and Ford's documented efforts to disperse militias. Causal realism attributes the event to localized backlash against Smith's verifiable failures in balancing theocratic ambitions with civil norms, rather than external plots; narratives sanitizing his agency by emphasizing alone omit this chain, while anti-Mormon accounts overstate inevitability without quantifying escalatory decisions. Empirical data from court records and contemporary affidavits prioritize these internal dynamics over unsubstantiated theories.

Long-Term Consequences

Succession Crisis in the Latter Day Saint Movement

Following Joseph Smith's death on June 27, 1844, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints faced an immediate leadership vacuum, as Smith had not publicly designated a successor despite privately conferring priesthood keys and authority on the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles earlier that year. Sidney Rigdon, Smith's First Counselor in the First Presidency, returned to Nauvoo on August 3 and asserted himself as the church's "guardian" for the remainder of Smith's generation, convening a meeting on August 6 to press his claim without reference to prophetic authority. Brigham Young, president of the Quorum of the Twelve, countered on August 7 by emphasizing that Smith had transferred all keys of the kingdom—including sealing powers and administrative authority—to the Twelve as a body during a February 1844 meeting in Nauvoo, positioning the quorum as the rightful collective guardian of the church. On August 8, 1844, a of approximately 5,000 to 10,000 Nauvoo Saints convened, where Rigdon spoke first for over two hours, reiterating his guardian role but declining to claim the prophetic mantle. Young then addressed the crowd, reportedly appearing and sounding transformed to resemble Smith in voice and manner to many witnesses, which swayed the assembly; a subsequent vote overwhelmingly sustained Young and the Twelve to lead the church, with only a minority supporting Rigdon. James J. Strang, a recent convert and attorney, emerged as a rival claimant shortly after, producing a letter purportedly from Smith dated June 18, 1844, appointing Strang as successor and directing him to specific buried plates for translation; Strang's faction gained traction by rejecting and emphasizing a more scriptural , but it failed to consolidate broad support. The crisis precipitated factional splits, with the majority—estimated at over 10,000 members from Nauvoo's peak population of around 12,000—aligning with Young and the Twelve, who upheld and later formalized doctrines like plural marriage that Smith had introduced privately. In contrast, Rigdon's group dwindled to a few hundred before dissolving, while Strang's followers peaked at several thousand but fragmented after his assassination, reflecting empirical retention patterns where Young's organizational control and doctrinal continuity preserved the largest adherent base. Succession pressures accelerated centralization of authority in the Twelve, sidelining individualistic claims and enabling pragmatic governance amid external threats, though this shifted the movement toward a more hierarchical structure diverging from Smith's charismatic model.

Impact on Mormon Migration and Persecution Narrative

The assassination of on June 27, 1844, intensified existing tensions in , where anti-Mormon sentiment had already been fueled by the destruction of the press and Smith's declaration of , leading to heightened violence and threats against the Latter Day Saints community. In the ensuing two years, mob attacks, property seizures, and legal pressures escalated, prompting church leaders under to accelerate plans for westward relocation that had been discussed prior to Smith's death but became urgent following the killing. This catalyzed a mass exodus beginning February 4, 1846, when Young led approximately 1,600 Saints across the frozen into amid subzero temperatures, marking the start of the Mormon Pioneer Trek. The evacuation of Nauvoo continued through the spring and summer of 1846, with an estimated 15,000 to 16,000 church members departing the city by September, abandoning homes, farms, and businesses valued at millions in contemporary dollars due to forced sales or destruction. Temporary settlements were established at Winter Quarters (modern-day ) along the , where over 2,000 Saints perished from disease and exposure during the harsh winter of 1846–1847, underscoring the human cost of the migration. The vanguard company, comprising 148 pioneers, reached the on July 24, 1847, establishing a permanent base in what became , with subsequent wagon trains bringing thousands more over the next decade, transforming a scattered group into a cohesive, self-sustaining society isolated from U.S. eastern influences. This forced relocation reinforced a central within the of perpetual persecution as divinely ordained, portraying the Saints as modern enduring trials for their faith, which [Brigham Young](/page/Brigham Young) invoked to unify followers and justify communal insularity and theocratic governance in . Despite Smith's prior provocations—such as theocratic political maneuvers and plural marriage practices that alienated neighbors—the post-assassination rhetoric emphasized external aggression as the primary cause of displacement, embedding a victimhood framework that sustained group cohesion amid hardships. Empirical church growth data illustrates resilience: membership stood at over 26,000 in 1844 under Smith's leadership, and by the early Utah period, the core faction under Young had coalesced into an enduring capable of territorial expansion and institutional development.

Broader Historical Legacy and Debates

The killing of on June 27, 1844, has enduring significance in scholarly examinations of American religious history, particularly as a flashpoint for tensions between emerging religious movements and republican governance structures. Historians debate its role in exposing the fragility of , where state authorities in proved unable or unwilling to safeguard a minority against localized , prompting questions about the adequacy of constitutional protections for religious practice amid political fragmentation. This event underscored early limits on religious liberty, as Smith's Nauvoo —with its autonomous charter, militia ( numbering over 4,000 by 1844), and Smith's self-appointment as —challenged state sovereignty and fueled perceptions of dual allegiance, complicating appeals for federal intervention. Modern critiques the hagiographic framing within Latter Day Saint traditions, which emphasize Smith's as unprovoked martyrdom akin to early Christian persecutions, often downplaying his consolidation of temporal power. Scholars, drawing on primary documents like Nauvoo city council records and Smith's 1844 presidential platform, argue that such portrayals overlook his authoritarian measures, including the 1844 destruction of the press under city ordinance and declarations of , which alienated non-Mormon neighbors and invited legal backlash. These actions, while rooted in Smith's messianic self-conception as a restorer of ancient theocratic orders, reflect a causal realism where religious ambition intersected with institutional overreach, rather than mere victimhood. Empirically, the episode exemplifies 19th-century nativism's confrontation with charismatic leadership, not reducible to irrational bigotry but driven by tangible threats: Mormon bloc voting (Nauvoo held sway over Hancock County elections), economic competition in western , and Smith's doctrinal expansions like plural marriage, which by involved up to 30 wives. Non-LDS academic analyses, less prone to institutional , highlight this as a microcosm of causal dynamics in frontier America, where unchecked prophetic authority met entrenched Protestant , influencing later precedents on church-state separation without federal overrides for minority faiths. Debates persist on whether Smith's killing accelerated Mormon exceptionalism or merely crystallized preexisting republican wariness of theocratic enclaves.

References

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