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The Bahārna (Arabic: بُحارنة, lit.'Buharnah', or Arabic: اِلبحارنه, lit.'il baharneh'),[1] are an ethnoreligious group of Shia Muslim Arabs indigenous to the historical region of Bahrain.[2][3] Regarded by some scholars as the original inhabitants of Eastern Arabia,[4] most Bahraini citizens are Baharna. They inhabited the region before the arrival of the Banu Utbah, which the Bahraini royal family descends from, in the 18th century.[5]

Key Information

Outside the modern country of Bahrain, Baharna populations are found throughout Eastern Arabia (Bahrain, Qatif, and al-Ahsa). There are also significant populations in Kuwait,[1] United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman, Iraq (specifically Najaf and Karbala), as well as Khoramshahr and Hormozgan province in Iran.[6][7][8]

Origin

[edit]

The origin of the Baharna is debated[4] and there are different theories regarding their origins. Several Western scholars believe the Baharna originate from Bahrain's ancient pre-Islamic population which consisted of partially-Christianized Arabs,[9][10] Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists,[9][11][12] Persian Zoroastrians, and a small number of Jews.[4] According to one historian, Arab settlements in Bahrain may have begun around 300 B.C. and control of the island was maintained by the Rab'iah tribe that eventually converted to Islam in 630 A.D.[13]

Local anecdotal evidence suggests that the Baharna's ancestry is diverse, as some word variants spoken in the dialects of the native people of the villages of Bani Jamra and A'ali are only used in places as far as Yemen and Oman, indicating southern Arabian ancestry.[14]

Most Baharna families and clans claim descent from the Rab’ia tribe. However, the direct relation is often contested, where some trace ancestry to the Banu Abdul Qays,[15]: 5  who were mostly Nestorian Christians (Church of the East) before the seventh century,[16][17][18][19][20] others trace their ancestry to the Anizah tribe (a cousin tribe of the Abd Al-Qays). Some among them also claim ancestry to Bakr Bin Wail.[15]: 5  Nonetheless, other families trace their heritage to the other influential tribal conglomeration of northern pre-Islamic Arabia, the Banu Mudar, through the Bani Tamim tribe who ruled Bahrain during the early Islamic era. Illustrating the tribal mosaic of the Baharna, many other clans trace their heritage to Al-Azd, from Yemen.[21]

The Bahrani Arabic dialect exhibits Akkadian, Aramaic and Syriac features.[22][23] The sedentary people of pre-Islamic Bahrain were Aramaic speakers and to some degree Middle Persian (Pahlavi) speakers, while Syriac functioned as a liturgical language.[11] The Bahrani dialect might have borrowed the Akkadian, Aramaic and Syriac features from Mesopotamian Arabic,[24] with influences from an older Persian dialect.[25]

According to Robert Bertram Serjeant, the Baharna may be the last of the "descendants of converts from the original population of Christians (Aramaeans), Jews and ancient Iranians (referred to by Arabs at the time as Majus) inhabiting the island and cultivated coastal provinces of Eastern Arabia at the time of the Arab conquest".[9][26]

These claims are also supported by archaeological finds as archaeologists uncovered Parthian (247 BC – 224 AD) related artefacts were also found in Shah-khoura,[27] a Christian church in Samaheej (mid-4th and mid-8th centuries).[28]

Genetics

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Proportions of predicted Y-DNA haplogroups observed in the four governorates of Bahrain (Study of 2020)

A 2024 genomic study sequenced whole genomes from four individuals who lived in Bahrain during the Tylos period (circa 300 BCE – 600 CE). The results revealed that ancient Bahrainis possessed a composite genetic profile, primarily derived from ancient populations of the Near East. Their ancestry was best modelled as a mixture of ancient Anatolian, Levantine, and Iranian/Caucasian sources, reflecting Bahrain’s historical position as a crossroads of regional populations. Subtle genetic variation among the four individuals indicated internal diversity even before the Islamic era—one individual showed stronger Levantine affinities, while others were genetically closer to groups from Iran and the Caucasus. Comparisons with modern populations showed that these ancient Bahrainis shared closer genetic affinities with present-day peoples of Iraq and the Levant than with those of the central Arabian Peninsula.[29]

Complementing this, a Y-chromosome study of 562 Bahraini males found that haplogroup J2—often associated with populations of Iran, the Caucasus, and Mesopotamia—was the most prevalent lineage in Bahrain, accounting for 26.7% of all samples. This was followed by haplogroup J1 (22.9%), E1b1b (17.4%), and R1a (8.0%). Sub-regional analysis revealed that J2 was the dominant haplogroup in all governorates, with its highest concentration in the Northern Governorate (85 out of 254 samples). These results align with the genetic continuity observed between ancient and modern Bahrainis, especially among the Baharnah and Ajam, whose Y-lineages show strong affinities to populations of the northern Arabian Gulf and southwestern Iran rather than the central Arabian Peninsula.[30]

Subgroups

[edit]

Some Baharna and Ajams likely intermixed giving many Bahrainis claim to Iranian descent,[31]: 53  Furthermore, a significant portion of the Baharna, along with many Emiratis, can trace part of their ancestry to Persian roots, often through a grandmother from two or three generations ago during the pre-oil era. This connection might position them as a distinct intermediate or mixed ethnic group.[31]: 43 

Some families seem to also show affinity of J2, including Al-Alawi,[32][33] Al-Musawi,[32][33] Al-Qassab,[32][33] etc...[33] Similarly to ancient and present general populations in northern and capital governates.[29][30] Additionally, some subgroups of Baharnah have had recurring migrations between Bahrain and Khouzestan,[8][34] most notably the Al-Karuni family,[8] whom have had to re-migrate after the Persian harassment campaign against the Arabs of Mohammerah intensified,[8] they speak a variant of Mesopotamian Arabic,[35] some of them were politically active in the ranks of the Arab national movement that was working to restore Arab rule,[8] some of them are shown by some samples to have an affinity to the J2 Haplogroup (belonging to the J-BY44557 branch).[33] The other local Baharnah actually refer to them as "Muhammaris" (the Arabic variant of Khoramshahris), in reference to their migration.[citation needed] Some also attribute their ancestry to a man name Karun/Qaroon.[citation needed]

Etymology

[edit]

The term Bahrani serves to distinguish the Bahrana from other Kuwaiti or Bahraini ethnic groups, such as the ethnic Bahraini-Iranians who fall under the term Ajam, as well as from the Sunni Arabs in Bahrain who are known as Al Arab ("Arabs"), such as Bani Utbah.[36] In the United Arab Emirates, the Baharna make up 5% of Emiratis and are generally descended from Baharna coming around 100–200 years ago.[37]

In Arabic, bahrayn is the dual form of bahr ("sea"), so al-Bahrayn means "the Two Seas". However, which two seas were originally intended remains in dispute.[38] The term appears five times in the Qur'an, but does not refer to the modern island—originally known to the Arabs as "Awal".

Today, Bahrain's "two seas" are instead generally taken to be the bay east and west of the island,[39] the seas north and south of the island,[citation needed] or the salt and fresh water present above and below the ground.[40] In addition to wells, there are places in the sea north of Bahrain where fresh water bubbles up in the middle of the salt water, noted by visitors since antiquity.[41]

An alternate theory offered by al-Ahsa was that the two seas were the Persian Gulf and a peaceful lake on the mainland Near Al-Ahsa, known as Al-Asfar Lake; still another provided by Ismail ibn Hammad al-Jawhari is that the more formal name Bahri (lit. "belonging to the sea") would have been misunderstood and so was opted against.[40]

Language

[edit]

Pre-Arabization

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Prior to Arabic, it is likely that the Baharnah spoke Syriac Aramaic, preceded by Akkadian.[22][23]

Bahrani Arabic

[edit]

The Bahrani Arabic dialect, which is a bit different from Bahraini Gulf Dialect and other Gulf Arabic dialects, is one of the dialects of the Arabic language, spoken by the people of the Kingdom of Bahrain in rural areas, as well as by the inhabitants of Qatif Governorate in eastern Saudi Arabia.[42]

The Bahrani dialect is spoken in two forms: the traditional old form (known as Halayliyya) and the modern form used today. Its vocabulary is divided into several sub-varieties, including:

  • The general Bahrani dialect, which is widespread in most villages and areas of Bahrain and is closely related to the Iraqi dialect.[42]
  • The dialect of Sitra Island residents ("ستراوي, satrawi"), used only in Sitra and its surroundings, differing slightly from the main Bahrani dialect.[42]
  • The dialect of A’ali and Buri residents, which is a middle form between the general dialect and that of Sitra, characterized by heavier pronunciation.[42]
  • The dialect of Manama and Ras Rumman residents, known for its calm tone and closest resemblance to the Qatif dialect.[42]
  • The dialect of Diraz residents.[42]

Notes on the Bahrani dialect:

  • The letter k (ك) is changed to sh (ش) in feminine words — a feature known as shanshana.
    • Example: Yā l-mas‘ada jātsh ḥamātsh (“Oh happy one, your mother-in-law came”).
  • The letter dh/the (ذ) is pronounced as d (د).
    • Example: hādhāk → hadāk (“that one”).
  • The letter ẓ (ظ) is pronounced as ḍ (ض).
    • Example: bi-ḥifẓ Allāh → bi-ḥfaḍ Allāh (“with God’s protection”).
  • The letter qāf (ق) is pronounced as the Egyptian g (ج) / Persian g (گ) or the hard g sound (as in “go”).
    • Example: qāl → jāl or gal (“he said”).
  • The letter qāf (ق) is also sometimes softened to j (ج).
    • Example: ṣadīq → ṣadīj (“friend”).
  • The letter th (ث) is changed to f (ف).
    • Example: thalātha → falāfa (“three”).
  • The addition of the -n (ن) sound to some words in the second-person form.
    • Example: ’inti → ’intīn (“you [feminine]”), ’antum → ’intūn (“you [plural]”).[42]

Only Bahrani Arabic has a different pronoun for female "I" (MSA: أنا, romanizedana), and like other gulf dialects it includes the “ga” (گ) and “ch” (چ) sounds, below are some examples of that:

Bahrani Arabic Bahraini Gulf Arabic English Translation
هاده ويشو, hadah waysho هاذي شنو, hathy sheno what is this?
انه امبا فلاف سندويچات, anah omba falaf sandawichat آنه ابي ثلاث سندويچات, aneh aby thalath sandawechat I want three sandwiches
حگ ویه/ویش, hag wayh/waysh حگ شنو, hag shino For what?
اني تعبانه, ani ta'abanah (feminine)

انه تعبان, anah ta'aban (masculine)

آنه تعبانه, āneh ta'abanah (feminine)

آنه تعبان, āneh ta'abān (feminine)

I am tired

Culture

[edit]

Proverbs

[edit]

The Baharnah have various local proverbs,[43] for example:

Bahrani Arabic English Translation Context
حتى المتوت نعمة الله, hata el-matot nemat allah[43] Even the “matut” is a blessing from God It highlights the idea of appreciating any blessing, especially in times of scarcity. The “matut” being the Anchovy fish used in the making of Maheyawa,[44] likely referencing the culture brought in by the Achums.
يوم خلص الشي جت العجوز تمشي, youm khalas elshy jat al ajooz temshy[43] When the thing finished, the granny (old woman) came walking It's often used to comment on someone's tardiness or ineffectiveness.
مد رجولك على قد لحافك, med 'rjolok ala gad lehafuk[43] Stretch your legs only as far as your blanket allows. This proverb advises living within one's means and not overreaching. It's a metaphor for being practical and understanding one's limits.
البيت بيت أبونا والقوم حاربونا, el-bait bait abuna, wa el-qoom harabona[43] The house is our father's house, and the tribe/people fought us Used to express feelings of injustice or frustration when one is deprived of something that they feel rightfully belongs to them.

Cuisine

[edit]

These are some of the most common dishes among the Baharnah:

Clothes

[edit]
The Bahraini thobe al-nashl is one of the traditional women’s garments in Bahrain and the Arabian Gulf, distinguished by its elegance and luxurious embroidery.
  • Thob-el-nashal (Arabic: ثوب النشل): The "Nashl" dress, mainly popular in Eastern Arabia,[47] and especially in Bahrain,[47][48][49] became renowned along the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula as one of the traditional women's garments. Women wore it during major occasions and took pride in it in Gulf countries such as Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, the UAE, and the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia.[48] It is said that the Nashl garment derives its name from the word manshal, referring to the brightly colored fabric that covered the howdah—the carriage used to transport the bride from one place to another.[48][49] The Nashl dress can be beautifully colored in vibrant hues such as red, blue, purple, and green, but black stands out with its unique allure among all other colors. The Nashl dress is typically embroidered with a variety of golden patterns that enhance its brilliance and beauty. It is handcrafted by women and artisans from the villages of the region using needles and thread, after purchasing the special fabrics from traditional markets.[48] Now this is mostly worn as a traditional Bahraini dress, although Bahrani women wore it before the 1979 revolution on special occasions.[citation needed]

History

[edit]

Pre-Islam

[edit]

In pre-Islamic times, the region of Bahrain was part of the Persian Empire.[50] Its population included Christians, particularly tribal partially-Christianized Arabs,[51][52][53] who were of diverse origins and spoke different old Arabian vernaculars,[51] a Persian clergy (Magians) who used Syriac as a language of liturgy and writing more generally,[50][51] a mobile Persian-speaking population,[51][54][55][note 1] who were possibly predominately Zoroastrian,[54] traders and administrators with strong ties to Persia, with whom which they maintained close contact with,[51] a small amount of Jews,[56][50] pagan Arabs,[50] and a sedentary, non-tribal community of Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists,[54][51][55] The major tribes of pre-Islamic Bahrain included Abd al-Qais, Tamīm, and Bakr ibn Wāil. The Persian governor was Al-Mundhir ibn Sāwa ibn Zayd Manāt ibn Tamīm,[50] who acted on behalf on the Persians.[50]

Islam emerges (628–631 CE)

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Rashidun Caliphate (632–661 CE)

[edit]

Umayyad dynasty (661–750)

[edit]

Abbassid dynasty (768 CE to 865 CE)

[edit]

Sahib az-Zanj (865 CE to 884 CE)

[edit]

The Carmathians

[edit]

10th to 13th century

[edit]

After that, the Uyunids took control from the Qarmatians.[57]

Bahrain was ruled by the Uyunid Emirate led by Banu Abd al-Qays tribe, from 1076 until it was overthrown by the Usfurids in 1238.[57]

During the 12th to 13th century (1253–1392), Eastern Arabia was ruled by the Usfurids.[citation needed]

Around this time, Bahrain became a hub for intellectuals for hundreds of years stretching from the early days of Islam in the 6th century to the 18th century. Philosophers of Bahrain were highly esteemed, such as the 13th century mystic, Sheikh Maitham Al Bahrani (died in 1299).[citation needed]

13th–4th century

[edit]

The Jarwanid dynasty ruled Eastern Arabian from 1310 to 1417.[citation needed]

Simultaneously, the Jarwanid dynasty ruled locally until 1417, followed by the Jabrids rule between 1417 and 1424.[citation needed]

15th century

[edit]

The Safavid dynasty controlled Bahrain (between 1501~1736),[citation needed] perhaps serving more of a protectorate as the locals were already on the Shia faith.[citation needed]

In 1521 a force led by António Correia captured Bahrain, defeating the Jabrid King, Muqrin ibn Zamil.[58]

Later, local rules continued under Lahsa Eyalet (1560–1670),[citation needed] and continued after the fall of the Safavid Empire with Bani Khalid Emirate (1669–)...[citation needed]

16th century

[edit]

The Safavid dynasty, which established Shia Islam as the state religion in Persia (modern-day Iran) in the 16th century, had a further influence on the Shia communities of Bahrain. Bahrain's close proximity to Persia, along with political and religious ties, made it easier for Shia Islam to further spread in the region. Persian influence, particularly in trade and religious exchanges, reinforced the practice of Twelver Shia Islam among the Baharnah.[citation needed]

The Baharna, being predominantly Shia, generally aligned with the Safavids.[citation needed] However, the region experienced ongoing political and sectarian tensions between the Safavids and their rivals, such as the Ottomans and various Sunni Arab tribes.[citation needed] During the later part of Safavid rule, some Baharna families left Bahrain and sought refuge in Khuzestan, particularly when political instability and conflicts with neighbouring Sunni tribes increased. This phase of migration happened in the 17th century.

After the Safavid Empire fell in the early 18th century, Bahrain became vulnerable to invasions and shifts in power. The Omani invasion of Bahrain in 1717 destabilized the region, causing internal strife and pressure on the Shia Baharna population.[citation needed] The uncertainty and insecurity in Bahrain led some Baharna to migrate to Khuzestan, where they found refuge among local Arab tribes, such as the Muhammarah. This migration was more sporadic but occurred during the early 18th century.[citation needed]

17th century

[edit]

After the fall of the Safavid dynasty, Bahrain went through a period of anarchy, dismay, and self-rule in villages which made the country vulnerable to foreign invasions. Utub forces often attacked the island during this phase, which made the spiritual leader of Bahrain, Sheikh Mohammed ibn Abdullah Al Majed, use the Huwala to combat the Utubs' attacks. These attacks continued throughout the early 18th century until the Utubs launched a full-scale invasion of the island and established a government loyal to the Imam of Oman.[59]

The Utubs were defeated and expelled by the Huwala forces loyal to Bahrain's spiritual leader who established a government headed by Sheikh Jabara Al-Holi (also known as Jubayr al-Holi). The Persian Afsharids led by former Safavid general Nader Shah invaded the island in 1737 and deposed Sheikh Jabara. Persian rule continued for 46 more years, with brief interruptions, until 1783, when the Al Khalifa family, who were Sunni Arabs from the Najd region (modern-day Saudi Arabia), took control of Bahrain after defeating Nader Shah.[60]

The rule of Bani Khalid Emirate ended officially in 1796...[citation needed]

This shift in power led to increased sectarian tensions, as the predominantly Sunni Al Khalifa rulers imposed their authority over the Shia Baharna population. Many Baharna felt marginalized and oppressed under the new rule.

18th century

[edit]

According to historical and British archival sources, large-scale Bahrani migrations began in the mid-18th century, coinciding with internal conflicts, the decline of the agricultural economy, and regional instability following the rise of new powers in eastern Arabia. The 1732 Omani invasion of Bahrain was one of the earliest events that triggered the displacement of many Baharnah families toward nearby coastal regions, particularly al-Aḥsāʾ, Basra, and the Arab-speaking ports of southern Iran, such as Bushehr, Lengeh, and Khorramshahr (Muhammarah),[61] where they settled and integrated with local Arab tribes like Banu Kaab and Banu Kanaan.[62]

By the late 18th century, further groups of Baharnah had settled in Kuwait, where their skills as shipbuilders, carpenters, and merchants became highly valued during the port’s commercial expansion. Danish explorer Carsten Niebuhr recorded the presence of Bahrani families on Failaka Island as early as 1765, noting that most inhabitants originated from Bahrain and worked in the pearl-diving trade.[62]

The Baharnah community traditionally consisted of three main occupational groups: farmers, who tended Bahrain’s date groves and migrated mainly to fertile areas like al-Aḥsāʾ and Basra; craftsmen, many of whom moved to Kuwait and southern Iran; and merchants, who maintained active trade routes linking Bahrain to ports across the Persian Gulf. Despite centuries of displacement, the Baharnah preserved their linguistic, cultural, and religious identity, forming one of the oldest continuous Shia communities in the Gulf region.[62]

19th century

[edit]

Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, successive waves of Baharnah continued to migrate across the northern Gulf, forming extended family networks that maintained strong ties to their homeland. Many prominent Kuwaiti and Gulf families trace their ancestry to Bahrani origins—among them families known for traditional crafts and trades such as al-Qallāf, al-Khayyāṭ, al-Ustād, al-Fardan, al-Metrouk, al-Sammāk, and al-Jazzāf—whose names still appear in both Bahrain and Kuwait today.[62]

Throughout the 19th century, Bahrain continued to experience internal conflicts, especially between the ruling Al Khalifa family and the Baharna population. Disputes over land, taxation, and sectarian discrimination pushed more Baharna to seek better conditions elsewhere.[citation needed] During this period, additional Baharna families migrated to Khuzestan, where they joined the earlier waves of migrants. By this time, they had established strong ties with local Arab tribes, including the House of Ghannam and the Al Hilalat.[citation needed]

1920s reforms

[edit]

Before the British intervention in 1923, the Baharnah had staged an uprising in 1922 to protest against the mistreatment and discrimination they faced. Al-Tajir (1987) recounts the events leading to the uprising, noting that a delegation of Baharnah, accompanied by prominent Sunni figures, sought an audience with the ruler. During this meeting, the Baharnah presented eight demands, which included ending their ill-treatment, abolishing additional taxes imposed exclusively on them, and putting a stop to forced labor ("sukhra").[15]: 11 

The delay in addressing these basic demands caused unrest, leading to broader instability as other groups in Bahrain clashed over various issues. In 1923, the British intervened, reorganizing the state’s affairs. These reforms created both winners and losers, with the Shia Baharnah considered relative beneficiaries, as they were no longer subjected to official discrimination.[15]: 11 

However, certain influential factions within the ruling elite perceived themselves as having lost privileges and rejected the 1923 reforms. The adversarial response to these changes is evident in the actions of Sir Charles Belgrave, the British Advisor to Bahrain’s Government from 1926 to 1957, who monitored these groups. Some members of the ruling family faced imprisonment or were barred from receiving funds from the Privy Purse.[15]: 11-12 

These groups and individuals, particularly those within the ruling family, harbored deep resentment toward the new administration and the policies introduced by Major Daly, the British Political Agent in 1923, and later upheld by Sir Charles Belgrave. With Britain’s influence waning in Bahrain by the early 1960s, especially after Belgrave's departure in 1957, some of those opposed to the 1923 changes began reasserting their influence, which grew significantly in recent years.[15]: 12 

The introduction of modern education and the discovery of oil in 1932 catalyzed nationalist movements in the 1930s and 1950s, with the Baharnah Shia actively participating alongside other key groups in Bahrain’s society.[15]: 12 

According to Al-Salman (forthcoming), a group of prominent Baharnah figures were at the forefront of Bahrain’s national movement in the 1930s, advocating for political and judicial reforms. Following the discovery and commercial production of oil in 1932, eight notable Baharnah leaders collaborated with other segments of society to push for meaningful reforms, laying the groundwork for modern democracy in Bahrain.[15]: 12 

In December 1934, these eight dignitaries—Mansoor Al-Arrayedh, Mohsin Al-Tajir, Abd Ali Al-Ulaiwait, Abdul Rasool bin Rajab, Haj Abdul Aziz bin Hujair Al-Bori, Ahmed bin Naser, Hussain Al-Madhoob, and Haj Ali bin Abbas Al-Aali—submitted a petition to Sheikh Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa. They reminded him that the Baharnah’s support had been instrumental in stabilizing the country during his reign as crown prince and ruler. They called for key reforms, including the codification of legal provisions, proportional representation to ensure fair Baharnah representation in municipal and trade councils, and the establishment of schools for the Baharnah.[15]: 12 

Rush (1991) notes that the British Political Agent in Bahrain and the British Political Resident in Bushehr reported that these demands deeply unsettled the political establishment, particularly as the eight leaders had widespread support among the Baharnah population.[15]: 12 

The journey of return for some Baharnah to their homeland of Bahrain began in 1951, following the intensification of Persian harassment campaigns against the ethnic Arabs of Muhammarah. Some of them were politically active within the ranks of the Arab national movement, which aimed to restore Arab rule.[8]

Over the centuries, the Baharnah people increasingly identified with the Shia community, in part due to the social and political dynamics of the region. Shia Islam was often seen as a unifying force against the Sunni rulers or dominant forces in the region, such as the various local ruling families or the Ottoman Empire. As Shia Islam became more integrated into the local identity of the Baharnah, it strengthened the community's sense of unity and distinctiveness within the broader Islamic world.

Notable people

[edit]
  • Abdul Hadi Al-Khawaja, Bahraini political activist.
  • Ramin Bahrani
  • Ayat Al-Qarmizi
  • Nabil Rajab
  • Mahdi Abu Deeb
  • Hassan Mushaima
  • Zainab Al-Khawaja, Bahraini political activist and daughter of Abdul Hadi Al-Khawaja.
  • Mohammed Haddad
  • Mohammed Sayed Adnan
  • Mohammed Al-Maskati
  • Hussain Al-Sabaa
  • Tariq Al-Farsani
  • Jassim Al-Huwaidi
  • Alaa Hubail, Bahraini footballer.
[edit]

See also

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Notes

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Baharna (Arabic: بحارنة) are an of Twelver Shia Muslim indigenous to , regarded as the original inhabitants of the prior to the 18th-century arrival of the Sunni Al Khalifa ruling family. They speak , a Gulf distinct from the Sunni Bahraini variant, and maintain cultural practices rooted in sedentary traditions of pearling, , and fishing that predate modern urbanization. Predominantly residing in Shia villages and parts of , the Baharna constitute the core of Bahrain's native Shia community, distinguishing themselves from Bahrainis of Persian descent through Arab ethnic identity and historical claims to the land. Their religious observances, such as intense and commemorations involving processions and , underscore a deep-seated Twelver Shiism that shapes social cohesion amid ongoing sectarian tensions with the Sunni minority elite. Politically, Baharna have been central to expressions of discontent, including the 2011 uprising, reflecting grievances over representation and resource distribution in a kingdom where Shia form a demographic plurality but hold limited power.

Identity and Origins

Ethnic and Genetic Composition

The Baharna are the indigenous population of , ethnically Arab through processes of that integrated pre-Islamic inhabitants such as Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists, Persian Zoroastrians, Christian , and into an Arabic-speaking Shia Muslim community following the seventh-century Islamic conquests. This group represents the settled native element distinct from later Sunni Arab tribal migrants like the , with historical records indicating their continuity as the core agrarian society of the . Paternal genetic composition, assessed via Y-chromosome of Bahraini males, reveals low overall diversity but structured variation, with J2 predominant at 27.6% nationally and higher (31-34%) in northern and capital regions associated with Baharna concentrations, reflecting indigenous Mesopotamian or Iranian-influenced lineages. In contrast, J1, at 23% overall and elevated (27%) in southern and areas linked to Arab migrant groups, underscores J2's association with Baharna origins. Minor contributions from African (e.g., E1b1a at 8.6%) and South Asian haplogroups indicate additional admixture from trade and historical contacts. Autosomal markers position Bahrain natives, encompassing Baharna, intermediately between Emiratis and southern Iranians, with Alu insertion polymorphisms estimating a major Iranian ancestry component of approximately 69.2% alongside Arabian inputs, consistent with geographic and migratory patterns across the Persian Gulf. Ancient genomes from Tylos-period (ca. 300 BCE–300 CE) Bahrain further illuminate this, modeling ancestry as a cline between ancient Anatolian/Levantine and Iranian/Caucasian sources, with evident genetic continuity to modern Eastern Arabian populations despite subsequent admixtures.

Etymology and Terminology

The term Baharna (Arabic: بحارنة) is the form of Bahrani (بحراني), a gentilic adjective denoting inhabitants of , derived from the for the , al-Bahrayn (البحرين), which translates to "the two seas" as the dual form of bahr (بحر, "sea"). This etymology reflects Bahrain's geography, traditionally interpreted as the saline waters of the juxtaposed with subterranean freshwater springs or aquifers emerging amid the salty surroundings, sustaining ancient settlements. In usage, Baharna specifically designates the indigenous Arab Shia Muslim population of Bahrain's islands and eastern Arabian coastal villages, distinguishing them from Sunni Arab tribal groups such as the Banu Utub who arrived in the and from Persian-origin Shia known as . The Baharna self-identify as Bahrani to emphasize their pre-Islamic and early settled roots, reserving Bahraini for Sunni citizens or broader , reflecting a socio-ethnic boundary rather than mere . This terminology underscores claims of autochthony, with Baharna communities attributing to themselves descent from ancient Bahrain inhabitants predating nomadic incursions, though such genealogies often lack consistent documentation. The term's application extends beyond Bahrain to Shia Arab groups in adjacent eastern Arabian regions like Qatif and al-Ahsa in , and historically to the broader Bahrain province encompassing parts of modern-day and the UAE, where it denoted settled Shia versus Bedouin elements. While Baharna evokes indigenous legitimacy, Sunni narratives sometimes frame it as tied to Persian influences or deny its exclusivity to , highlighting interpretive disputes over ethnic continuity.

Subgroups and Regional Variations

The Baharna lack distinct sub-ethnic divisions comparable to tribal confederations found among other Arabian groups, instead comprising numerous extended families and clans that assert descent from ancient pre-Islamic Arabian lineages, particularly the Banu Abdul Qays, a branch of the Rabi'ah tribe known for its early Christian (Nestorian) adherents in the region before the seventh-century Islamic conquests. These ancestral claims, while widespread among Baharna kinship networks, remain subject to historical contestation due to limited documentary evidence from antiquity and the oral nature of much tribal . Regional variations among Baharna manifest through localized village communities, which preserve distinct social structures tied to historical agricultural settlements in Bahrain's Shia-majority areas, such as the northern villages around and the eastern rural zones. These communities, organized around cultivation and pearling economies until the mid-20th century, exhibit subtle differences in alliances and customary practices, with clans in areas like the Bilad al-Qadim district maintaining stronger ties to Abdul Qays heritage compared to urbanized families. Urban Baharna in , influenced by trade and migration, show greater inter-clan intermarriage, diluting some rural clan distinctions, while eastern villages retain more insular family networks resistant to external admixture.

Demographics and Geography

Population in Bahrain

The Baharna constitute the core of Bahrain's indigenous Shia Arab citizenry, forming the majority within the country's native population. As of , Bahrain's total resident is 1,588,670, including 739,736 Bahraini citizens (46.6%) and 848,934 non-citizens (53.4%). Official censuses do not provide sectarian breakdowns, citing political sensitivities, but independent estimates indicate Shia comprise 60-70% of citizens, with the Baharna encompassing the bulk of this group as settled Arab Shias distinct from smaller Persian-origin () or tribal Shia minorities. A 2017 representative survey of 1,000 Bahrainis found 62% identifying as Shia and 38% as Sunni, yielding an approximate population of 458,000 when applied to the citizen total; broader compilations align with 400,000-500,000 Shias overall, predominantly Baharna. This demographic edge persists despite historical migrations and policies favoring Sunnis, with Baharna density highest in rural Shia villages (e.g., , Bilad al-Qadim) and Manama's older quarters, comprising over 70% of citizens in Shia-stronghold governorates like and Southern. Growth rates among citizens average 1.5-2% annually, driven by births (fertility rate ~2.0 for natives) and limited naturalizations, though influxes dilute native proportions in total counts; fertility slightly exceeds Sunnis due to larger family norms in traditional communities. has concentrated ~60% of Baharna in Greater , fostering socioeconomic disparities, with many in mid-tier trades amid oil-dependent economies.

Historical Settlement Patterns

The Baharna, an ethnoreligious group of Shia Muslim Arabs, trace their origins to ancient Arab tribes such as the ʿAbd al-Qays, who migrated from central Arabia to the archipelago and adjacent eastern Arabian mainland in pre-Islamic times, establishing settlements as early as the 6th century BCE. These early inhabitants, including partially Christianized Arabs, adopted Shiism following the death of Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE, with the ʿAbd al-Qays providing strong support for ʿAli ibn Abi Talib, contributing to the emergence of Shiism in , al-Hasa, and al-Qatif by the mid-7th century. Historically, the Baharna maintained sedentary agricultural communities, primarily as date farmers and cultivators organized into villages across Bahrain and the broader of Bahrain, which encompassed parts of modern-day eastern . Prior to the Al Khalifa conquest in , Shia Baharna settlements included approximately 300 villages and 30 towns, with concentrations in rural areas and historic urban centers rather than nomadic or coastal trading hubs dominated by Sunnis. Under Safavid Iranian rule from to , these patterns persisted, with Baharna communities spanning the islands and linked through migrations to Shia populations in al-Hasa and al-Qatif until the mid-18th century, when political divisions increasingly confined the term "Baharna" to island dwellers.

Modern Distribution and Diaspora

The Baharna population is predominantly concentrated within Bahrain, where they form significant communities in the Capital Governorate (Manama), Muharraq Governorate, and Northern Governorate. Genetic analyses of Y-STR markers from 562 Bahraini males reveal uneven distribution across governorates, with notable Baharna presence in urban centers of the Capital and Northern regions, aligning with their historical indigenous roots. As of 2019, Bahrain's total population exceeded 1.6 million, with Bahraini citizens comprising less than half, among whom the Baharna represent a key Shia Arab subgroup. Small Baharna communities persist outside Bahrain in eastern Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province, including and Al-Ahsa, due to longstanding regional migrations. Limited diaspora formations exist in Gulf states like , often tied to familial or economic networks. A modest has developed in Western countries, including the , , and , primarily consisting of political exiles and professionals following unrest such as the 2011 uprising. These communities maintain cultural and activist ties to Bahrain, as evidenced by protests and vigils abroad supporting Shia figures and causes. Overall, the Baharna remain largely endogamous and rooted in Bahrain, with driven more by political than economic factors.

Language and Linguistics

Bahrani Arabic Dialect

, spoken primarily by the Baharna in Bahrain's Shia villages and some eastern Arabian regions, represents a sedentary variety of distinct from the more Bedouin-influenced Sunni dialects. It exhibits conservative phonological and morphological traits linked to pre-Islamic or early Islamic strata, alongside lexical borrowings reflecting historical Persian contact during periods of regional migration and . Linguistic analyses, such as those by native speaker Abdalla Al-Tajir, provide synchronic descriptions emphasizing its divergence from urban Sunni Bahraini in sound shifts, verb patterns, and vocabulary, supporting theories of Baharna origins tied to ancient Mesopotamian or Levantine influences rather than recent nomadic influxes. Phonologically, Bahrani Arabic features innovations like the shift of Classical Arabic /θ/ to /f/ (e.g., fuum 'garlic' from θawm), alongside typical Gulf realizations such as /q/ as [ɡ] or [ɢ] and /k/ affricating to [tʃ] before front vowels (e.g., chalb 'dog' from kalb). Interdentals often merge with dentals or sibilants, but less so than in Sunni varieties, preserving some emphatic contrasts; for instance, allophonic variations in /dʒ/ versus /j/ distinguish it from Sunni dialects, where Bedouin substrate promotes realizations. These traits, documented in mid-20th-century fieldwork, indicate retention of sedentary features amid modernization pressures. Morphologically, the dialect aligns with patterns but retains archaic forms, such as dual markers in nouns and akin to older Hijazi varieties, and a robust system of broken plurals (e.g., sound feminine plural -āt coexisting with dialectal -ān). stems follow the standard root-and-pattern model, with imperfect prefixes like *yi-/yu- and suffixes for tense/aspect; however, it shows substrate influences in construct states and diminutives, differing from Sunni Bahrain's nomadic simplifications. Syntax employs verbless sentences and relative pronouns similar to , with topic-comment structures prominent in oral narratives. Lexically, Bahrani Arabic incorporates Persian loans (e.g., terms for and administration like bāz̤ār 'market') and Indian elements from trade routes, totaling hundreds of substrates per Al-Tajir's corpus, which outnumber those in Sunni dialects and underscore cultural isolation in Shia enclaves. Clive Holes' studies of pre-oil confirm these communal markers, noting lexical divergence in everyday domains like and , with Baharna favoring sedentary-derived terms over ones. Despite , the dialect persists in rural Shia areas and religious contexts, though with erodes purer forms among youth.

Influences and Preservation Efforts

The Bahrani Arabic dialect has retained substrate influences from pre-Islamic languages prevalent in , including , Syriac, and Akkadian, which contributed to its phonological and lexical distinctiveness as a sedentary variety separate from nomadic Gulf dialects. These ancient Semitic tongues, spoken by indigenous populations under successive Mesopotamian and Persian administrations, manifest in unique phonetic shifts—such as the retention of emphatic consonants—and vocabulary related to , seafaring, and daily life, reflecting Bahrain's historical role as a trading hub. Significant lexical borrowing from Persian occurred during periods of Sassanid control (circa 224–651 CE) and ongoing cultural exchanges, introducing terms for administrative, architectural, and culinary concepts; examples include words for fruits, tools, and social customs adapted into everyday Bahrani usage. Later admixtures from , including Achomi Iranian dialects via migration and trade, further enriched the lexicon, particularly in domains like and . Modern influences from English, stemming from British colonial presence (1861–1971) and , appear in technical and commercial vocabulary, though these are more prominent in urban Sunni dialects than traditional Baharna speech. Preservation efforts for Bahrani Arabic have accelerated since the 1980s through academic documentation and digital initiatives, countering pressures from standard in and media, as well as English in expatriate-heavy sectors. Sociolinguist Clive Holes' monographs, beginning with analyses in the 1980s, systematically cataloged phonological innovations (e.g., merger of /q/ and /g/ sounds) and syntactic features, providing foundational corpora for comparative Gulf . In 2022, the Bahrain Corpus was developed as a 1.5-million-word multi-genre resource encompassing transcribed speech, , and in Bahrani varieties, aimed at enabling and safeguarding against dialect leveling. Cultural organizations in Bahrain, such as folklore societies established post-1971 , promote retention via recordings and broadcasts featuring Baharna narratives, while mobile applications like the 2022 Bahraini Slang Dictionary digitize idiomatic expressions for younger users amid . Government policies since the encourage Arabic-medium instruction in Shia-majority villages, though implementation varies, with challenges from oil-era migration diluting pure forms; these efforts prioritize empirical transcription over ideological standardization to maintain causal links to historical substrates.

Religion and Beliefs

Shia Islamic Practices

The Baharna adhere to Twelver , with a historical predominance of the school, which emphasizes direct reliance on narrations from the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams over by contemporary jurists. This doctrinal orientation fosters a conservative, text-based approach to ritual observance, distinguishing Bahraini Shia from Usuli-majority communities elsewhere. Core practices include the five daily prayers performed in congregation at mosques and ma'tams (husseiniyyas), alongside observance of fasting and pilgrimage to when feasible. Distinctive communal rituals center on mourning the martyrdom of Imam Husayn ibn Ali at in 680 CE, observed annually during , especially on , the 10th day. These include gatherings in ma'tams for recitations (rawda khwani) of events, poetic lamentations (nawha), and rhythmic chest-beating (latmiyyat or sina zani) accompanied by dirges to evoke empathy with the sufferers. Public processions (mawakib) feature participants clad in black, carrying standards and ta'ziya replicas, marching through villages and streets while chanting elegies. On the nights leading to , Sham-e Ghariban ceremonies simulate the grief-stricken camp after the battle, with candlelit vigils and intensified mourning. While traditional with chains (zanjir zani) occurs in some groups, many Baharna opt for blood donation drives as a symbolic act of sacrifice and service, aligning with calls from religious leaders to avoid . Devotion extends to visiting shrines of local saints and Imams' descendants, though access has faced periodic restrictions. influence reinforces fidelity to established hadith-derived customs, minimizing innovation in rituals and promoting quietist clerical roles focused on rather than political .

Pre-Islamic Religious Heritage

The pre-Islamic religious heritage of the Baharna, descendants of Bahrain's indigenous sedentary population, originated in the polytheistic traditions of the civilization, which dominated the region from approximately 3000 BCE to the 6th century BCE. Dilmunites worshipped a pantheon led by Inzak, the chief deity linked to fertility, date palms, and maritime prosperity, alongside a consort goddess such as Meskilak or Panipa; these figures appear in seals, inscriptions, and temple dedications reflecting Mesopotamian synergies. Temples, including the multi-phase Barbar complex, hosted rituals centered on water deities like (Sumerian god of and creation), aimed at invoking agricultural abundance and trade success amid the society's reliance on and Gulf commerce. Archaeological evidence from burial mounds—over 170,000 tumuli documented across Bahrain—reveals beliefs in an afterlife, with interments including pottery, tools, jewelry, and food offerings stratified by social hierarchy, underscoring a cosmology where the dead required provisions for eternity. These practices blended local agrarian and mercantile concerns with broader Near Eastern motifs, as Dilmun served as a mythological paradise in Sumerian texts like the Epic of Gilgamesh. From the period (circa 300 BCE–300 CE) onward, under Hellenistic and then Sassanid Persian influence, incorporated Greek, Persian, and lingering Mesopotamian elements, though remained more administrative than deeply rooted among locals. By the 4th–5th centuries CE, Nestorian Christianity emerged dominant among the - and Persian-speaking sedentary communities ancestral to the Baharna, with churches, crosses, and Syriac liturgy evidencing organized bishoprics and monastic life. Excavations at sites like Samahij have uncovered 4th-century Christian structures, including possible palaces or monasteries, confirming pre-Islamic Christian enclaves that persisted until the 7th-century Islamic conquests prompted mass conversions. This Christian phase, intertwined with trade networks, marked the immediate prelude to for Bahrain's settled inhabitants, leaving traces in oral traditions and archaeological continuity.

Role in Broader Shia Networks

The Baharna, adhering to since at least the 7th century, have historically participated in broader Shia scholarly networks centered in and , contributing to doctrinal debates such as the 18th-century shift from literalism to Usuli rationalism. A prominent figure, Yusuf al-Bahrani (1695–1772), born in , advanced Usuli jurisprudence through works like Lu'lu'at al-Bahrayn, emphasizing and influencing seminaries in and ; his scholarship bridged local Bahraini traditions with Mesopotamian and Persian centers, fostering emulation of qualified mujtahids beyond insular interpretations. In medieval periods, Bahrain functioned as a peripheral yet active node in Twelver intellectual circuits, with scholars exchanging texts and migrating to Abbasid-era hubs in southern amid Qarmatian challenges; this integration persisted under Safavid influence from the , when Persian Twelver orthodoxy reinforced Baharna practices through clerical exchanges and ritual standardization. Contemporary Baharna networks emphasize to marja'iyya authorities, predominantly Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in —whose quietist stance appeals to a majority avoiding Iranian politicization—though a minority align with 's more activist velayat-e faqih model, as seen in figures like Sheikh Isa Qassim, who trained in before returning to lead Bahrain's clerical establishment. Transnational ties manifest in pilgrimages to and , funding for Iraqi shrines, and occasional hawza enrollment in , but empirical assessments indicate limited Iranian penetration due to cultural Arab-Persian distinctions and Sistani's dominance among Gulf Shia.

Culture and Society

Traditional Customs and Social Structure

The Baharna, as the indigenous settled Arab population of Bahrain's villages, traditionally organize their society around extended patrilineal kinship groups rather than large nomadic tribes, reflecting their historical roles in agriculture, fishing, and pearl diving. Kinship ties define individual identity, social status, and obligations, with loyalty to the family unit superseding broader affiliations; descent through the male line governs inheritance, residence, and alliance formation. These groups, often termed fakhdh or ʿashīra, function within village communities, fostering endogamous practices to preserve religious and cultural cohesion among Twelver Shia adherents. Social hierarchy within Baharna communities traditionally elevates religious scholars (ulama) and descendants of the Prophet (sayyids), who hold advisory roles in dispute resolution and communal decisions, though economic factors like land ownership also influence prestige. Traditional customs prioritize communal solidarity and familial honor (sharaf), manifested in practices of (diyafa), where guests receive elaborate meals and regardless of circumstance, reinforcing social bonds in compact village settings. for elders is codified, with greetings directed first to the senior family member and deferred to them in household matters; this extends to roles, where men historically served as primary providers and representatives, while women managed domestic spheres, child-rearing, and occasional economic contributions like date processing. Life-cycle rituals, including birth celebrations with recitations from the and mourning periods of 40 days, underscore collective participation, often involving almsgiving (sadaqa) to the needy. Marriage customs in Baharna villages emphasize family-mediated alliances to strengthen kinship networks, typically beginning with parental or elder-arranged proposals (khuṭba) and formal engagement contracts specifying a bride-price (mahr), which the bride may retain or use for household establishment. Pre-wedding rituals include separate gender-segregated festivities: a henna night (laylat al-henna) for women, featuring intricate designs symbolizing fertility and protection, and male gatherings with poetry recitals and feasts; the ceremony culminates in a religious nikah contract under Shia jurisprudence, followed by up to three days of communal celebrations with traditional dances like the ʿardha and abundant halal meals. Polygyny is permissible under Islamic law for men able to provide equitably, though rare in practice due to economic constraints; divorce (ṭalāq or khulʿ) requires familial mediation to mitigate social stigma. These customs, rooted in pre-modern village economies, persist variably amid urbanization, serving to maintain endogamy and Shia communal identity.

Cuisine and Daily Life

The Baharna traditionally consume a diet centered on rice-based dishes, , and meats flavored with spices like , , , and , reflecting 's coastal location and historical trade influences. Machboos, a layered preparation of spiced rice with fish, chicken, or lamb, serves as a primary staple, often prepared for family gatherings and featuring spice blend. , a slow-cooked of ground and , provides sustenance during communal meals, particularly valued for its simplicity and digestibility. Dates and , such as hammour fish, complement these, with the midday meal functioning as the day's largest, typically consisting of rice paired with protein sources. Desserts like muhammar—sweetened cooked with , dates, and —or halwa, a dense agar-based confection with nuts, mark special occasions and daily indulgences, underscoring the role of sweets in social bonding. Beverages include strong served with dates as a ritual, and herbal infusions like mint tea, consumed post-meal to aid digestion. Eating occurs with the right hand only, per Islamic norms, and food is shared from communal platters on floor mats, promoting equality and restraint against waste. Daily life among the Baharna emphasizes structures, where multiple generations reside together, fostering interdependence and child-rearing within kin networks; children often remain at home until . Routines align with Islamic cycles, dividing the day into segments punctuated by salat, with work and rest adapted accordingly, especially during when fasting from dawn to dusk limits daytime activity to six hours. Hospitality dictates frequent home visits and meal-sharing with neighbors, reinforcing community ties in village settings historically tied to pearling and , though modernization has introduced urban shifts while preserving these cores. Gender roles traditionally separate public labor for men from domestic management for women, with meals prepared collectively to sustain familial harmony.

Attire and Material Culture

The traditional attire of Baharna women features the thobe al-nashl, an ornate overgarment made from sheer silk fabric heavily embroidered with gold or silver metallic threads, sequins, and intricate floral or geometric motifs, typically worn over an underdress for weddings, religious ceremonies, and other festive occasions. This garment reflects influences from Gulf maritime trade, incorporating luxurious materials like imported silk and local embroidery techniques passed down through female artisans. Baharna men traditionally don the thobe, a long, loose-fitting ankle-length tunic in white cotton or linen, often paired with a headscarf (ghutra or shemagh) secured by an agal, suited to the region's hot climate and daily activities such as farming or pearling. In material culture, Baharna craftsmanship emphasizes pearl-based jewelry, stemming from their historical role in Bahrain's pearling industry, where divers harvested natural pearls integrated into gold settings for necklaces, earrings, and bridal sets using 21-karat Bahraini gold. Other artifacts include embroidered textiles and household items crafted from palm fronds, such as baskets and mats, produced via weaving techniques that utilize local date palm fibers for durability in coastal and agricultural settings. Metalworking traditions among Baharna artisans involve forging brass, copper, and iron into utensils, lamps, and decorative pieces for domestic use, preserving pre-oil-era skills amid modernization. These elements underscore a material heritage tied to subsistence economies, with ongoing revival efforts through workshops to maintain authenticity against imported alternatives.

Proverbs, Folklore, and Oral Traditions

The Baharna preserve their through oral traditions that emphasize familial histories, migrations, and communal resilience, often transmitted across generations in village gatherings and settings. These narratives frequently recount relocations within Bahrain's northern and central villages, such as those involving clans like Bani Jamra, highlighting the settled origins of the Baharna and their adaptation to historical upheavals like taxation impositions. Such stories, shared during periods of isolation like the , serve to reinforce ethnic continuity and counter narratives of external dominance. Folklore among the Baharna includes folk poems, wedding songs, and children's rhymes rooted in northern villages like Diraz and Barbar, performed in the Baharna dialect to evoke communal bonds and daily life. Tales of prophets, such as Nabi Saleh associated with ancient shrines, blend religious motifs with local geography, portraying moral lessons on divine justice and environmental harmony. Sea creature myths, like 'Bu Draya'—a Persian-influenced entity symbolizing maritime perils—reflect the Baharna's historical reliance on and pearl diving, embedding cautionary wisdom about the Gulf's dangers. Documentation efforts, including transcriptions in dialect rather than standard , aim to capture these elements' authenticity amid modernization. Proverbs in the Baharna dialect distill social observations and ethical guidance, often drawing from agrarian and maritime experiences. Common expressions include "riding and kicking or a beggar who chooses" (equivalent to "beggars can't be choosers"), underscoring acceptance of limited options, and "he's like a Samandega," likening stinginess to a folklore figure of greed. Another, "a monkey in his mother's eye is a gazelle," illustrates perceptual bias in familial affection, paralleling broader Arabic idioms on subjective judgment. These sayings, embedded in everyday discourse, reinforce values of pragmatism and humility while preserving dialectal nuances against linguistic assimilation.

Historical Development

Pre-Islamic Era

The region encompassing modern , ancestral homeland of the Baharna sedentary population, was a cradle of early civilizations, most prominently the culture, which emerged around 3000 BCE and peaked during the Early period (c. 2200–1600 BCE). functioned as a strategic maritime entrepôt linking Sumerian with the Indus Valley, facilitating trade in goods such as , pearls, and textiles, as attested by cuneiform inscriptions from referencing as a source of imports. Archaeological excavations at reveal sophisticated urban settlements, temples dedicated to deities like (associated with fresh water), and distinctive stamp seals depicting ships and mythical creatures, underscoring a society reliant on agriculture via falaj irrigation systems and maritime commerce. Dilmun's influence waned after c. 600 BCE amid environmental shifts and external pressures, transitioning into the Kassite and then Achaemenid Persian eras, where the archipelago served as a provincial outpost under satrapal administration. By the following the Great's campaigns (c. 323 BCE), the area was redesignated by Greek geographers such as , who described it as a prosperous pearl-diving hub with a mixed engaging in date cultivation and . Religious practices diversified, incorporating Zoroastrian elements from Persian rule alongside indigenous cults, evidenced by fire altars and burial mounds numbering over 100,000 across the northern island, dating primarily to 2200–1600 BCE but indicating long-term continuity in funerary customs. In the centuries immediately preceding (c. 1st–6th centuries CE), the sedentary communities—distinct from nomadic Arab tribes—inhabited oases and coastal settlements, speaking primarily with influences from (Pahlavi), as linguistic remnants suggest interactions with Aramean traders and Persian administrators. Syriac emerged as a liturgical among early Christian Nestorian converts, with bishoprics established by the 4th century CE, reflecting Bahrain's role in Sassanid trade networks extending to and . These groups, characterized by settled and craftsmanship rather than , represent the ethnic substrate hypothesized by some historians as ancestral to the Baharna, though genetic and archaeological data indicate a composite Semitic heritage blending indigenous Dilmunites with later migrants, without exclusive ties to Arabian tribal lineages.

Early Islamic Conquests and Consolidation (7th-8th Centuries)

The historical region of , encompassing the and adjacent eastern Arabian coasts under Sassanid Persian , experienced initial Islamic outreach in 628 CE when tribal leaders like Munzir ibn Sawa al-Abd al-Qaysi submitted to Prophet Muhammad, marking one of the earliest peripheral conversions beyond the Hijaz. This allegiance faltered after Muhammad's death in 632 CE amid the , prompting Caliph to appoint Al-Ala' al-Hadrami as commander of a 4,000-strong force in mid-633 CE to reclaim the territory from apostate tribes and Persian-backed garrisons. Al-Ala's campaign routed rebels at key sites like Dawmat al-Jandal and subdued Sassanid outposts, culminating in the of the islands by late 633 CE after naval engagements against Darin holdouts; treaties imposed on non-Muslims while permitting dhimmis to retain agricultural lands, facilitating gradual integration without mass displacement. Local populations—comprising semi-sedentary Arab cultivators (precursors to the Baharna), Nestorian of Abd al-Qaysi stock, Aramean settlers, and Persian administrators—predominantly converted to over the following generation, driven by incentives like exemption from and social emulation, though pockets of persisted into the Umayyad era. Under Caliph (r. 634–644 CE), was organized as a fiscal yielding land taxes estimated at 200,000 dirhams annually, with administrative oversight from evolving into Basra-based governance; military garrisons at Hajar (near modern Al-Ahsa) enforced order and supported further expeditions eastward. The Umayyad period (661–750 CE) deepened consolidation through Arab tribal influxes, Quranic dissemination, and infrastructural projects like irrigation enhancements, embedding Islamic legal norms (e.g., rulings on pearl diving shares) while the settled Baharna-like communities adapted pre-Islamic agrarian practices to sharia-compliant frameworks, setting the stage for later sectarian divergences during Ali's (656–661 CE).

Medieval Challenges and Revolts (9th-15th Centuries)

The , an Ismaili Shia sect, seized control of al-Bahrayn (encompassing modern and eastern Arabia) in 899 CE through revolts against Abbasid authority, establishing a semi-autonomous state centered in al-Ahsa under leaders like . Their militant doctrines led to disruptive raids, including the 930 CE and seizure of (returned in 951 CE), which strained trade routes and provoked Abbasid counteroffensives, imposing economic and security challenges on the settled agricultural communities, including the proto-Baharna populations adhering to emerging . Doctrinal divergences between Ismaili Qarmatians and Twelver-leaning locals likely fueled underlying tensions, culminating in the late 11th-century overthrow of Qarmatian rule by the Uyunid dynasty, an Arab tribe from Banu , who captured key strongholds like al-Hasa in 1077–1078 CE with tacit Abbasid support. The Uyunids' era (1076–1253 CE) was defined by chronic instability, marked by internal revolts, incursions, and succession disputes that disrupted Baharna agrarian life and prompted localized resistance, as evidenced by earlier Shia-led uprisings like the 1058 CE revolt on by Abd al-Qays tribesmen Abul-Bahlul al-'Awwam and Abu'l-Walid Muslim against lingering Qarmatian influence. Subsequent dynastic shifts exacerbated challenges: the Usfurids ousted the Uyunids in 1253 CE, yielding to the Twelver Shia Jarwanids (c. 1320–1400 CE), who ruled as Hormuz vassals and elevated Twelver scholars to judgeships and administrative roles, fostering religious continuity for Baharna communities amid vassalage pressures. The , another Twelver-affiliated dynasty, consolidated power from c. 1400 CE, actively disseminating Twelver rites across eastern Arabia but contending with intertribal conflicts and external threats, including Mongol aftershocks and Hormuz rivalries, which intermittently burdened local Shia populations through taxation and military levies until the dynasty's decline by the early .

Ottoman and Portuguese Influences (16th-18th Centuries)

The seized control of in 1521 under the command of António Correia, defeating the ruling Jabrid dynasty and establishing a fortified presence to dominate Gulf trade routes and pearl fisheries central to the local economy. Administration was delegated to Sunni Muslim governors (walis), imposing a sectarian overlay on the Shia-majority Baharna population, whose agricultural and pearling livelihoods were subordinated to tribute extraction and maritime monopolies. This governance structure, combining Christian overlordship with Sunni intermediaries, fostered resentment and sporadic resistance among the Baharna, who viewed it as an alien disruption of their established Twelver Shia communities and communal autonomy. Ottoman expansion into during the , including naval forays against holdings, introduced indirect pressures on through regional rivalries and alliances with Sunni coastal powers like those in . While the Ottomans did not occupy the islands, their competition with bolstered Sunni networks that occasionally challenged Shia local dominance, exacerbating internal divisions amid the Baharna's efforts to preserve religious practices under foreign influences. fortifications, enlarged in 1559, symbolized this era's militarized control, prioritizing export-oriented pearling over indigenous subsistence, which strained Baharna social structures reliant on date palm cultivation and village-based Shia clerical authority. By the late , accumulating local discontent facilitated the Safavid Empire's intervention; in 1602, Shah Abbas I dispatched forces under Imam-Quli Khan, who, with Baharna collaboration, expelled the after an 80-year occupation marked by economic exploitation and cultural . The Safavid reconquest, aligning with , temporarily alleviated Portuguese-era pressures, allowing Baharna religious life—including clerical networks and rituals—to flourish under Persian patronage, though Ottoman peripheral threats persisted via proxy Sunni tribes in the . Into the , Safavid decline invited Omani incursions from , yet Ottoman influence waned as focus shifted to mainland holdings, leaving the Baharna to navigate Persian-Shia synergies against lingering sectarian undercurrents from prior Sunni-mediated rules. This period solidified Baharna resilience, with oral histories preserving narratives of resistance against both Catholic and Sunni imperial intrusions, preserving communal identity amid trade disruptions that halved local pearling revenues under foreign monopolies.

Modern Era under Al Khalifa Rule (19th Century Onward)

The Al Khalifa dynasty, originating from the Sunni Utub tribe of , solidified control over following their 1783 conquest from Persian-backed forces, establishing a hierarchical rule over the indigenous Shia Baharna majority in the . Early rulers, including Sheikh Ahmad bin Muhammad Al Khalifa (r. 1783–1796) and subsequent successors, encouraged Sunni Arab migration from the mainland to bolster their demographic base and administrative support, while portraying the Baharna as having persistent Persian affiliations to delegitimize their indigenous claims. This policy exacerbated sectarian divides, with the Sunni elite dominating governance, military, and land ownership, leaving the Baharna in subordinate roles within the pearling and trade economy that defined Bahrain's prosperity until the early . British intervention further entrenched Al Khalifa authority through a series of treaties beginning in , which curbed and regional threats, culminating in the 1861 agreement that formalized as a and recognized the dynasty's sovereignty. Under this arrangement, rulers like Sheikh Muhammad bin Khalifa (r. 1849–1868) exercised unchecked power, often through land confiscations from Baharna owners, which were redistributed to loyalists and migrants, fostering economic marginalization and resentment among the Shia . Such practices, documented in historical accounts as systematic dispossession, reinforced a sectarian hierarchy, where Baharna labored as pearl divers and farmers under heavy taxation and limited , while Sunni tribes received preferential treatment. Succeeding Sheikh (r. 1869–1932) brought relative stability via British-backed administration, yet underlying tensions persisted, with Baharna grievances over land rights and judicial bias fueling sporadic unrest into the early 20th century. Administrative reforms initiated in the under British influence, including efforts to centralize taxation and curb arbitrary seizures, aimed to mitigate abuses against the native population by Al Khalifa kin and allies, though implementation was uneven and did not fully dismantle entrenched privileges. These measures reflected external pressure to modernize rather than indigenous demands, maintaining the dynasty's dominance amid growing economic shifts from pearling decline.

20th Century Nationalism and Independence

In the early 20th century, the discovery of oil in 1932 transformed Bahrain's economy, drawing Baharna into the workforce at the Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO) and fueling initial labor unrest. Baharna workers, forming a significant portion of the Shia labor force, participated in strikes such as the 1938 walkout demanding better wages and conditions, which highlighted grievances against British oversight and Al Khalifa privileges. These actions reflected broader nationalist stirrings influenced by regional Arab movements, though they were suppressed by British-led security forces. The 1950s marked a peak in organized , with the formation of the High Executive Committee (al-Hay'a al-Tanfidhiyya) in by intellectuals, merchants, and religious leaders from both Shia and Sunni communities, including Baharna . This body demanded an elected , , and reduced British influence, mobilizing thousands in protests across Shia villages and Manama. Baharna Shia played a key role in these efforts, driven by economic disparities and calls for , but the movement faced brutal crackdowns in 1956, with over 600 arrests and exiles imposed by British and ruling forces. Subsequent unrest, including the 1965 uprising triggered by job losses to immigrants, further underscored Shia involvement in anti-colonial agitation. As British withdrawal from the Gulf loomed after the 1968 announcement, Bahrain's path to emphasized diplomatic negotiations over popular revolt. A 1970 United Nations mission confirmed Bahraini aspirations for sovereignty via public consultations, leading to formal on August 15, 1971, without direct Iranian claims. While elite Al Khalifa figures led treaty talks, underlying pressure from prior nationalist movements, including those with Baharna participation, contributed to the momentum for self-rule. Post-independence, the 1973 constitution established a with Shia representation, including Baharna religious figures, though it was dissolved in 1975 amid renewed tensions.

Political Role and Controversies

Interactions with Ruling Elites

The Al Khalifa family's conquest of in 1783 established Sunni tribal dominance over the indigenous Shia Baharna, who comprised the settled agricultural and mercantile population, resulting in widespread land expropriations and imposition of labor systems akin to on Baharna communities. These measures, justified by the rulers as securing loyalty from Persian-influenced locals, entrenched economic disparities, with Baharna properties redistributed to Al Khalifa allies and tribal migrants. British colonial oversight from the 1860s onward mediated interactions, intervening against Al Khalifa excesses to stabilize pearling and trade interests; for instance, in the , disturbances between Baharna and enforcers prompted reforms curbing arbitrary taxation and violence. The 1934 Baharna petition, signed by merchants and notables, demanded equitable Shia judicial administration and reduced customs duties, reflecting negotiated accommodations amid British pressure, though concessions were partial and grievances persisted. Post-World War II political liberalization allowed limited Baharna engagement, exemplified by Shia religious figures' presence in the 1973 Constituent Assembly, which drafted Bahrain's inaugural under . However, systemic barriers to elite access fueled unrest; the 1994-1999 , driven by Shia opposition including Baharna, protested job discrimination and naturalization policies favoring Sunnis, culminating in partial reforms under Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa's 2001 accession. The 2011 uprising, predominantly involving Baharna in Shia-majority villages, escalated demands for and elite power-sharing, met with security crackdowns and GCC intervention, underscoring enduring tensions over representation despite electoral frameworks introduced in 2002. Pro-regime narratives attribute conflicts to external agitation, while opposition accounts, drawn from affected communities, emphasize indigenous socioeconomic exclusion; empirical data on Shia underrepresentation in —estimated at under 20% despite comprising 60-70% of citizens—supports claims of structural barriers.

Sectarian Dynamics and Conflicts

The sectarian dynamics in Bahrain stem from the Sunni Al Khalifa family's rule over a Shia-majority population, predominantly the indigenous Baharna, since their conquest of the islands in 1783. This demographic imbalance— with Shia comprising an estimated 53-70% of citizens—has fueled tensions over political representation, resource allocation, and security roles, where Shia are largely excluded from key positions in the military and intelligence apparatus. Government policies, including the naturalization of Sunni expatriates to alter electoral demographics and gerrymandering that dilutes Shia voting power in Shia-dense villages, have exacerbated perceptions of systemic bias against Baharna communities. Historical conflicts often arose from economic grievances framed along sectarian lines, such as the 1930s labor activism where British authorities employed divide-and-rule tactics to separate Shia and Sunni reformers, preventing unified demands for elected councils as petitioned in 1938. The 1954 formation of the cross-sectarian National Union Committee sought ary elections but was banned in 1956 amid crackdowns. More overtly sectarian unrest emerged in the 1994-1999 uprising, driven by Shia demands to reinstate the dissolved , which ended with promises of reform under the 2001 National Action Charter—reforms later criticized as insufficient by opposition groups. The 2011 uprising represented a peak in these dynamics, initially featuring cross-sectarian protests for democratic reforms but evolving into predominantly Shia-led demonstrations after government invocations of sectarian threats and foreign (Iranian) interference, leading to a violent crackdown with Saudi intervention. Post-uprising, over 30 Shia mosques were demolished, and Shia opposition societies like Al-Wefaq were dissolved in 2016 on charges of inciting violence, further entrenching divides. Surveys indicate Shia perceive higher in and welfare, while both sects share concerns over national stability but diverge sharply on regional threats like Iranian influence, with Sunnis viewing it as existential and Shia dismissing such ties. Causal factors include the Al Khalifa's reliance on Sunni tribal loyalties and external Gulf alliances to counterbalance the Shia majority, fostering a security-first approach that prioritizes loyalty over merit and perpetuates mutual distrust. While Shia narratives emphasize indigenous Baharna marginalization in and jobs, the counters that protests mask sectarian bids for power, supported by empirical spikes in violence during processions and opposition rhetoric invoking historical Shia grievances. This interplay has polarized , reducing cross-sectarian cooperation evident in earlier movements and risking self-fulfilling sectarian escalation amid regional Sunni-Shia rivalries.

Claims of Discrimination and Empirical Evidence

Baharna and other Shia Bahrainis have long claimed systemic by the Sunni Al Khalifa ruling family, particularly in , , and socioeconomic opportunities, dating back to the and persisting under modern governance. These assertions, voiced by Shia activists and opposition groups, include underrepresentation in high-level government positions and despite Shia citizens comprising an estimated 55-70% of the citizenry according to NGO assessments. organizations report barriers to Shia advancement in sensitive roles, attributing this to deliberate sectarian favoritism toward Sunnis, including recruitment of foreign Sunni personnel for police and military units. Empirical evidence remains constrained by the government's refusal to release official sectarian breakdowns in or socioeconomic , which Bahrain officials argue avoids exacerbating divisions and insist hiring follows meritocratic principles. Nonetheless, Department reports document persistently higher rates and lower socioeconomic mobility among Shia communities compared to Sunnis, based on activist testimonies and observed disparities in roles. NGOs like Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain cite qualitative patterns, such as Shia applicants facing exclusion from security apparatus promotions, with estimates indicating Shia personnel constitute only 20-30% of forces despite demographic majorities. These claims gained prominence during the 2011 protests, where demonstrators decried economic marginalization and gerrymandered electoral districts diluting Shia voting power. Critics of discrimination narratives, including government-aligned sources, contend that socioeconomic gaps stem from factors like lower in Shia villages and policies favoring loyal Sunnis, rather than intentional bias, though independent verification is limited by data opacity. Reports from advocacy groups like ADHRB, while detailing institutional patterns, rely heavily on anecdotal cases and lack large-scale quantitative studies, potentially reflecting oppositional perspectives amid Bahrain's polarized . International monitors, such as the U.S. State Department, continue to note unresolved sectarian tensions fueling unrest, with Shia detainees often alleging and unfair trials linked to participation. Overall, while claims of are substantiated by recurring patterns in documentation, the absence of granular, government-verified metrics hinders definitive causal attribution beyond qualitative correlations.

Perspectives on Indigeneity and Tribal Narratives

The Baharna, comprising the majority of Bahrain's Shia population, assert indigeneity rooted in continuous settlement predating the 18th-century arrival of Sunni tribes from , such as the Al Khalifa ruling family. Historical evidence links their origins to pre-Islamic inhabitants of the , including Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists and partially Christianized associated with the ancient civilization, which flourished from around 2200 BCE and featured advanced trade networks documented in Mesopotamian texts. Genetic studies indicate low diversity in paternal lineages among Bahrainis, consistent with long-term isolation of indigenous groups before broader migrations, though admixture with Persian and other elements occurred over millennia. Tribal narratives diverge sharply between Baharna and Bedouin-descended groups. Baharna communities, primarily sedentary pearl divers, farmers, and fishermen, historically lacked the nomadic qabila (tribal confederation) structures central to identity, instead organizing around village and shared Shia clerical lineages rather than patrilineal clans. This non-tribal ethos traces to early Islamic-era groups like the Banu , a Yamani tribe that controlled from the 4th century CE and adopted , preserving a distinct cultural continuity amid later conquests. In contrast, Sunni tribal lore, propagated by ruling elites, prioritizes Utubi conquest narratives from , framing as a tribal prize subdued by superior martial traditions, which implicitly marginalizes Baharna claims by subsuming all under a unified "" banner. Contemporary perspectives politicize these origins amid sectarian tensions. Shia opposition narratives, including those from exiled groups like the Shiraziyun in the , amplify Baharna indigeneity to depict the Al Khalifa as settler-colonizers, drawing on empirical records of post-1783 land confiscations and sukhra (forced labor) imposed on Baharna villages to challenge monarchical legitimacy. Bahraini government , as in official publications, counters by emphasizing pan-Arab tribal migrations and shared Islamic heritage, downplaying pre-Islamic substrates to foster national cohesion and discredit nativist discourses as divisive. Scholarly analyses, such as those framing Bahrain's cleavages through settler-indigenous lenses, substantiate Baharna nativism via archival evidence of demographic majorities (60-70% Shia pre-20th-century inflows) but caution against ahistorical exaggerations, noting of the islands by the CE integrated diverse groups into a proto-Bahrani identity. These competing views reflect causal dynamics where indigeneity bolsters Shia demands for representation, while tribal supremacy narratives sustain Sunni control, with empirical validation favoring Baharna precedence based on settlement continuity over migratory conquests.

Notable Figures

Historical Leaders and Scholars

Sheikh Maitham ibn Ali al-Bahrani (died c. 1280), a Twelver Shia theologian born in , contributed significantly to and jurisprudence during the 13th century, authoring works that affirmed doctrines such as , the of prophets and imams, and the of . His writings, including commentaries on , positioned him as part of a Bahraini school of thought alongside contemporaries like Kamal al-Din Ibn Sa'adah al-Bahrani, emphasizing rationalist approaches to amid regional intellectual centers in Hilla and . Abu al-Hasan Ali ibn al-Hasan al-Bahrani, another 13th-century Shia scholar from , specialized in transmission, , and , studying under figures like Ibn Sa'adah and contributing to the compilation of Twelver traditions during a period of relative Shia scholarly autonomy in . These exemplified the Baharna's role in sustaining Twelver intellectual traditions, often traveling to scholarly hubs while maintaining ties to Bahrain's settled Shia communities, which faced intermittent political pressures from Abbasid and local dynasties. In the , al-Bahrani (1695–1772), born to a Baharna family in , emerged as a leading jurist, advocating reliance on over rationalist and authoring influential texts like Lu'lu'at al-Bahrayn that critiqued Usuli methodologies, shaping 18th-century Shia debates before his migration to . Such figures, primarily religious scholars rather than secular , provided communal leadership for the Baharna, guiding theological and ritual practices amid foreign incursions and tribal governance shifts.

Contemporary Contributors

Taqi Mohammed Al Baharna has served as Bahrain's inaugural ambassador to , appointed in the late , where he represented national interests at the and contributed to diplomatic relations in the region. He also held roles such as chairman of the permanent delegation to the and participated in the National Commission to follow up on the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry recommendations, focusing on reconciliation and reform implementation. Additionally, Al Baharna is recognized as a and businessman, authoring works in and economics while leading trading enterprises in . Sadiq Mohammed Al-Baharna chaired the Jafferi Endowments for decades, overseeing Shia religious and charitable affairs, and played a key role in trade and economic activities that supported Bahrain's commercial development. His patriotic efforts were publicly commended by King in 2019 and again upon his passing in 2022, highlighting contributions to endowments, commerce, and national unity. In the realm of opposition and activism, figures like Hassan Mushaima, a Shia Arab leader and secretary-general of the Haq Movement, have advocated for political reforms since the 1970s, including during the uprising, though his efforts led to a life sentence in on charges related to and . Mushaima's work emphasizes democratic participation and human rights, drawing international attention from organizations like , which has documented his health deterioration in prison.

References

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