Hubbry Logo
Empress Dowager CixiEmpress Dowager CixiMain
Open search
Empress Dowager Cixi
Community hub
Empress Dowager Cixi
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Empress Dowager Cixi
Empress Dowager Cixi
from Wikipedia

Key Information

Empress Dowager Cixi
"Empress Dowager Cixi" in Chinese characters
Chinese name
Chinese慈禧太后
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinCíxǐ tàihòu
Bopomofoㄘˊ ㄒㄧˇ ㄊㄞˋ ㄏㄡˋ
Wade–GilesTz'ŭ2-hsi3 t'ai4-hou4
IPA[tsʰɹ̩̌.ɕì tʰâɪ.xôʊ]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationChihéi taaihauh
JyutpingCi3-hei2 taai3-hau6
IPA[tsʰi˧.hej˧˥ tʰaj˧.hɐw˨]
Southern Min
Hokkien POJChû-hi thài-hiō
Manchu name
Manchu script
  • ᠵᡳᠯᠠᠨ
  • ᡥᡡᡨᡠᡵᡳ
  • ᡥᡡᠸᠠᠩ
  • ᡨᠠᡳᡥᡝᠣ
Möllendorffjilan hūturi hūwang taiheo

Empress Dowager Cixi (Mandarin pronunciation: [tsʰɹ̩̌.ɕì]; 29 November 1835 – 15 November 1908) was a Manchu noblewoman of the Yehe Nara clan who had de facto control of the Chinese government in the late Qing dynasty as empress dowager and regent for almost 50 years, from 1861 until her death in 1908. Selected as a concubine of the Xianfeng Emperor in her adolescence, she gave birth to a son, Zaichun, in 1856. After the Xianfeng Emperor's death in 1861, his five-year-old son became the Tongzhi Emperor, and Cixi assumed the role of co-empress dowager alongside Xianfeng's widow, Empress Dowager Ci'an. Cixi ousted a group of regents appointed by the late emperor and assumed the regency along with Ci'an. Cixi then consolidated control over the dynasty when she installed her nephew as the Guangxu Emperor at the death of the Tongzhi Emperor in 1875. Ci'an continued as co-regent until her death in 1881.

Cixi supervised the Tongzhi Restoration, a series of moderate reforms that helped the regime survive until 1911. Although Cixi refused to adopt Western models of government, she supported technological and military reforms and the Self-Strengthening Movement. She supported the principles of the Hundred Days' Reforms of 1898, but feared that sudden implementation, without bureaucratic support, would be disruptive and permit the Japanese and other foreign powers to take advantage of China. She placed the Guangxu Emperor under virtual house arrest for supporting radical reformers, publicly executing the main reformers. After the Boxer Rebellion led to invasion by Allied armies, Cixi initially backed the Boxer groups and declared war on the invaders. The ensuing defeat was a stunning humiliation, ending with the occupation of Beijing and the Qing regime on the brink of collapse. When Cixi returned from Xi'an, she backtracked and began to implement fiscal and institutional reforms aimed to turn China towards a constitutional monarchy. Upon Guangxu's death in November 1908, Cixi installed the two-year-old Puyi on the throne, but she herself died shortly after. Her death left the court in the hands of conservatives governing a restless, deeply divided society.

Historians both in China and abroad have debated Cixi's legacy. Traditionally, she has been viewed as a ruthless despot whose reactionary policies – although successful in managing to prolong the ailing Qing dynasty – led to its humiliation and eventual downfall in the 1911 revolution. More recently, some have advanced the revisionist interpretation that reformers and revolutionaries scapegoated her for deep-rooted problems which were beyond salvaging, and laud her penchant for moderate reform, including the founding of Peking University and Beiyang Army, and maintenance of political order in an era of destabilising European colonialism.[3]

Life

[edit]

Birth

[edit]

Xingzhen of the Yehe Nara clan was born on the tenth day of the tenth lunar month in the 15th year of the Daoguang Emperor's reign (29 November 1835). Her father was Huizheng (惠征), a member of the Bordered Blue Banner who held the title of a third class duke (三等公). Palace archives show that Huizheng was working in Beijing during the year of Xingzhen's birth, an indication that she was born in Beijing. The file records the location of her childhood home: Pichai Hutong, Xisipailou, Beijing (西四牌樓劈柴胡同).[4] Lady Yehe Nara had a sister named Wanzhen and a brother named Guixiang.

Xianfeng era

[edit]
Consort Dowager Kangci, foster mother of the Xianfeng Emperor. She hosted the selection of Xianfeng's consorts in 1851, in which Lady Yehe Nara participated as a potential candidate.

In 1851, Lady Yehe Nara participated in the selection of wives for the Xianfeng Emperor alongside 60 other candidates. Lady Yehe Nara was one of the few candidates chosen to stay. Among the other chosen candidates were Noble Lady Li of the Tatara clan (who became Consort Li, eventually Imperial Noble Consort Zhuangjing) and Concubine Zhen of the Niohuru clan (who became empress consort, eventually Empress Dowager Ci'an). On 26 June 1852, Lady Yehe Nara left her widowed mother's residence at Xilahutong and entered the Forbidden City and was placed in the sixth rank of consorts, styled "Noble Lady Lan".

The Pavilion of Beautiful Scenery, where Consort Yi gave birth to the Tongzhi Emperor

On 28 February 1854, Noble Lady Lan was elevated to the fifth rank of consorts and granted the title "Concubine Yi". In 1855, she became pregnant, and on 27 April 1856, she gave birth to Zaichun, Xianfeng's first and only surviving son. On the same day, she was elevated to the fourth rank of consorts as "Consort Yi".[5] In 1857, when her son reached his first birthday, Consort Yi was elevated to the third rank of imperial consort as "Noble Consort Yi". This rank placed her second only to Empress Niohuru among the women within Xianfeng's harem.

Unlike many of the other Manchu women in the imperial household, Noble Consort Yi was known for her ability to read and write Chinese. This skill granted her numerous opportunities to help the ailing emperor in the governing of the Chinese state on a daily basis. On various occasions, the Xianfeng Emperor had her read palace memorials for him and leave instructions on the memorials according to his will. As a result, she became well-informed about state affairs and the art of governing.[6]

Tongzhi era

[edit]
Portrait of a young Empress Dowager Cixi

In September 1860, during the closing stages of the Second Opium War, the British diplomatic envoy Harry Parkes was arrested along with other hostages, who were tortured and executed. In retaliation, British and French troops under the command of Lord Elgin attacked Beijing, and by the following month they had burned the Old Summer Palace to the ground. Xianfeng and his entourage, including Noble Consort Yi, fled Beijing to Rehe Province (around present-day Chengde, Hebei).[7] On hearing the news of the destruction of the Old Summer Palace, Xianfeng, who was already showing signs of dementia, fell into a depression. He turned heavily to alcohol and other drugs and became seriously ill.[8] He summoned eight of his most prestigious ministers, headed by Sushun, Zaiyuan and Duanhua, and named them the "Eight Regent Ministers" to direct and support the future emperor. Xianfeng died on 22 August 1861 at the Chengde Mountain Resort in Rehe Province.

Xianfeng's heir was his five-year-old son with Noble Consort Yi. It is commonly assumed that on his deathbed, Xianfeng summoned his empress and Noble Consort Yi and gave each of them a stamp. He hoped that when his son ascended the throne, the two women would cooperate in harmony and help the young emperor to grow and mature together. This may also have been done as a check on the power of the eight regents. There is no evidence for this incident, however, and it is unlikely that the emperor ever would have intended Noble Consort Yi to wield political power. It is possible that the seal, allegedly given as a symbol for the child, was really just a present for Noble Consort Yi herself. Informal seals numbered in the thousands and were not considered political accoutrements, rather objects of art commissioned for pleasure by emperors to stamp on items such as paintings, or given as presents to the concubines.[9] Upon the death of the Xianfeng Emperor, his empress was elevated to the status of empress dowager. Although her official title was "Empress Dowager Ci'an", she was popularly known as the "East Empress Dowager" because she lived in the eastern Zhongcui Palace. Noble Consort Yi was also elevated to "Empress Dowager Cixi". She was popularly known as the "West Empress Dowager" (西太后) because she lived inside the western Chuxiu Palace.

Xinyou Coup: Ousting Sushun

[edit]
Empress Dowager Ci'an, with whom Cixi staged the Xinyou Coup. They were co-regents until Ci'an's death in 1881.

By the time of Xianfeng's death, Empress Dowager Cixi had become a political strategist. In Rehe Province, while waiting for an astrologically favourable time to transport the emperor's coffin back to Beijing, Cixi conspired with court officials and imperial relatives to seize power. Cixi's position as the lower-ranked empress dowager had no intrinsic political power attached to it. In addition, her son, the young emperor, was not a political force himself. As a result, it became necessary for her to ally herself with other powerful figures, including Empress Dowager Ci'an. Cixi suggested that they become co-reigning empress dowagers, with powers exceeding the eight regents; the two had long been close friends since Cixi first came to the imperial household.[10]

Tensions grew between the two empresses dowager and the eight regents, who were led by Sushun. The regents did not appreciate Cixi's interference in political affairs, and their frequent confrontations with the empresses dowager left Ci'an frustrated. Ci'an often refused to come to court audiences, leaving Cixi to deal with the ministers alone. Secretly, Cixi had begun gathering the support of talented ministers, soldiers, and others who were ostracized by the eight regents for personal or political reasons. Among them were two of Xianfeng's brothers: Prince Gong and Prince Chun. Prince Gong had been excluded from power, yet harboured great ambitions. While Cixi aligned herself with the two princes, a memorial came from Shandong asking for her to "rule from behind the curtains" or "listen to politics behind the curtains" (垂簾聽政), i.e., to assume power as de facto ruler. The same memorial also asked Prince Gong to enter the political arena as a principal "aide to the Emperor".

When Xianfeng's funeral procession left for Beijing, Cixi took advantage of her alliances with Princes Gong and Chun. She and her son returned to the capital before the rest of the party, along with Zaiyuan and Duanhua, two of the eight regents, while Sushun was left to accompany the deceased emperor's procession. Cixi's early return to Beijing meant that she had more time to plan with Prince Gong and ensure that the power base of the eight regents was divided between Sushun and his allies, Zaiyuan and Duanhua. In order to remove them from power, history was rewritten: the regents were dismissed for having carried out incompetent negotiations with the "barbarians" that had caused Xianfeng to flee to Rehe Province "greatly against his will", among other charges.[10]

To display her high moral standards, Cixi executed only three of the eight regents. Prince Gong had suggested that Sushun and others be executed by the most painful method, known as slow slicing ("death by a thousand cuts"), but Cixi declined the suggestion and ordered that Sushun be beheaded, while the other two also marked for execution, Zaiyuan and Duanhua, were given pieces of white silk for them to hang themselves with. In addition, Cixi refused outright the idea of executing the family members of the regents, as would be done in accordance with imperial tradition of an alleged usurper. Ironically, Qing imperial tradition also dictated that women and princes were never to engage in politics. In breaking with tradition, Cixi became the only empress dowager in the Qing dynasty to assume the role of regent, ruling from behind the curtains.

This coup is historically known as the Xinyou Coup because it took place in the xinyou year, the name of the year 1861 in the Chinese sexagenary cycle.

Ruling behind the curtain

[edit]
New era
[edit]

In November 1861, a few days following the Xinyou Coup, Cixi was quick to reward Prince Gong for his help. He was appointed prince regent and his eldest daughter was made a first rank princess, a title usually bestowed only on the empress's first-born daughter. However, Cixi avoided giving Prince Gong the absolute political power that princes such as Dorgon exercised during the Shunzhi Emperor's reign. As one of the first acts of "ruling behind the curtain" from within the Hall of Mental Cultivation, the political and governmental hub during this era, Cixi, nominally along with Ci'an, issued two imperial edicts on behalf of the boy emperor.[11] The first stated that the two empresses dowager were to be the sole decision-makers "without interference," and the second changed the emperor's regnal title from Qixiang (祺祥; "auspicious") to Tongzhi (同治; "collective stability").

Despite being designated as the sole decision-makers, both Ci'an and Cixi were forced to rely on the Grand Council and a complex series of procedures in order to deal with affairs of state. When state documents came in, they were to be first forwarded to the empresses dowager, then referred back to Prince Gong and the Grand Council. Having discussed the matters, Prince Gong and his colleagues would seek the instruction of the empresses dowager at audiences and imperial orders would be drawn up accordingly, with drafts having to be approved by the empresses dowager before edicts were issued. The most important role of the empresses dowager during the regency was to apply their seals to edicts, a merely mechanical role in a complex bureaucracy.[12]

Cleaning up the bureaucracy
[edit]

Cixi's ascendancy came at a time of internal chaos and foreign challenges. The effects of the Second Opium War were still hovering over the country, and the Taiping Rebellion continued its seemingly unstoppable advance through China's south, eating up the Qing Empire bit by bit. Internally, both the national bureaucracy and regional authorities were infested with corruption. 1861 happened to be the year of official examinations, whereby officials of all levels presented their political reports from the previous three years. Cixi decided that the time was ripe for a bureaucratic overhaul, and she personally sought audience with all officials above the level of provincial governor, who had to report to her personally. Cixi thus took on part of the role usually given to the Bureaucratic Affairs Department (吏部). Cixi had two prominent officials executed to serve as examples for others: Qingying, a military shilang who had tried to bribe his way out of demotion, and He Guiqing, then Viceroy of Liangjiang, who fled Changzhou in the wake of an incoming Taiping army instead of trying to defend the city. A number of reforms were implemented, such as the development of the Zongli Yamen, an official foreign ministry to deal with international affairs, the restoration of regional armies and regional strongmen, modernization of railroads, factories, and arsenals, an increase of industrial and commercial productivity, and the institution of a period of peace that allowed China time to modernize and develop.

Another significant challenge Cixi faced was the increasingly decrepit state of the Manchu elites. Since the beginning of Qing rule over China in 1644, most major positions at court had been held by Manchus. Cixi, again in a reversal of imperial tradition, entrusted the country's most powerful military unit against the Taiping rebels into the hands of a Han Chinese, Zeng Guofan. Additionally, in the next three years, Cixi appointed Han Chinese officials as governors in all southern Chinese provinces, raising alarm bells in the court, traditionally protective of Manchu dominance.

Regarding the reforms of the Tongzhi Restoration, Mary C. Wright suggested that "Not only a dynasty but also a civilization which appeared to have collapsed was revived to last for another sixty years by the extraordinary efforts of extraordinary men in the 1860s."[13] John K. Fairbank wrote, "That the Qing managed to survive both domestic and international attacks is due largely to the policy and leadership changes known as the Qing Restoration."[14]

Taiping victory and Prince Gong
[edit]
Prince Gong, Cixi's crucial ally during the Xinyou Coup. He was rewarded by Cixi for his help during her most difficult times, but was eventually eliminated from office by Cixi for his ambition.

Under the command of Zeng Guofan, the victorious Xiang Army defeated the Taiping rebel army in a hard-fought battle at Tianjing (present-day Nanjing) in July 1864. Zeng was rewarded with the title of "Marquess Yiyong, First Class", while his brother Zeng Guoquan, along with Li Hongzhang, Zuo Zongtang and other Han Chinese officers who fought against the Taiping rebels, were rewarded with auspicious decorations and titles. With the Taiping rebel threat receding, Cixi focused her attention on new internal threats to her power. Of special concern was the position of Prince Gong, who was Prince-Regent in the imperial court. Prince Gong gathered under his command the support of all outstanding Han Chinese armies. In addition, Prince Gong controlled daily court affairs as the head of the Grand Council and the Zongli Yamen (the de facto foreign affairs ministry). With his increasing stature, Prince Gong was considered a threat to Cixi and her power.

Although Prince Gong was rewarded for his conduct and recommendation of Zeng Guofan before the Taiping rebels' defeat, Cixi was quick to move after Cai Shouqi, a minor scribe-official, filed a memorial accusing Prince Gong of corruption and showing disrespect to the emperor. Having built up a powerful base and a network of allies at court, Prince Gong considered the accusations insignificant. Cixi, however, took the memorial as a stepping stone to Prince Gong's removal. In April 1865, under the pretext that Prince Gong had "improper court conduct before the two empresses," among a series of other charges, the prince was dismissed from all his offices and appointments, but was allowed to retain his status as a noble.[15] The dismissal surprised the nobility and court officials and brought about numerous petitions for his return. Prince Gong's brothers, Prince Dun and Prince Chun, both sought their brother's reinstatement. Prince Gong himself, in an audience with Cixi and Ci'an, burst into tears.[16] Bowing to popular pressure, Cixi allowed Prince Gong to return to his position as the head of the Zongli Yamen, but rid him of his title of prince regent. Prince Gong would never return to political prominence again, and neither would the liberal and pro-reform policies of his time. Prince Gong's demotion revealed Cixi's iron grip on politics, and her lack of willingness to give up absolute power to anyone – not even Prince Gong, her most important ally in the Xinyou Coup.

Foreign influence
[edit]
Portrait of Princess Rongshou in middle age
Princess Rongshou, Prince Gong's daughter. As a way to show gratitude to the prince, Cixi adopted his daughter and elevated her to a first rank princess (the highest rank for imperial princesses).

China's defeat in the Second Opium War of 1856–60 was a wake-up call. Military strategies were outdated, both on land and sea and in terms of weaponry. Sensing an immediate threat from foreigners and realising that China's agricultural-based economy could not hope to compete with the industrial prowess of the West, Cixi decided that for the first time in Chinese history, China would learn from the Western powers and import their knowledge and technology. At the time, three prominent Han Chinese officials, Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang and Zuo Zongtang, had all begun industrial programs in the country's southern regions. In supporting these programmes, Cixi also decreed the opening of the Tongwen Guan in 1862, a school for foreign languages in Beijing. The Tongwen Guan specialised in new-age topics such as astronomy and mathematics, as well as the English, French and Russian languages. Groups of young boys were also sent abroad to the United States for studies.

China's "learn from foreigners" programme quickly met with impediments. The Chinese military institutions were in desperate need of reform. Cixi's solution, under the advice of officials at court, was to purchase seven British warships. When the warships arrived in China, however, they were staffed with British sailors, all under British command. The Chinese were enraged at this "international joke", negotiations broke down between the two parties, and China returned the warships to Britain, where they were to be auctioned off. Scholars sometimes attribute the failure of China's foreign programmes to Cixi's conservative attitude and old methods of thinking, and contend that Cixi would learn only so much from the foreigners, provided it did not infringe upon her own power. Under the pretext that a railway was too loud and would "disturb the emperors' tombs", Cixi forbade its construction. When construction went ahead anyway in 1877 on Li Hongzhang's recommendation, Cixi asked that they be pulled by horse-drawn carts.[17] She also refused to be driven in a motorcar, as the driver would be unable to lower himself in front of her, as custom dictated.[18] Cixi was especially alarmed at the liberal thinking of people who had studied abroad, and saw that it posed a new threat to her power. In 1881, she put a halt to the policy of sending children abroad to study and withdrew her formerly open attitude towards foreigners.

The Tongzhi Emperor's marriage
[edit]
Ceremonial headdress likely worn by Cixi. The small phoenixes emerging from the surface represent the empress.[19] The Walters Art Museum

In 1872, the Tongzhi Emperor turned 17. Under the guidance of Empress Dowager Ci'an, he was married to Lady Arute. The new empress's grandfather, Duanhua, Prince Zheng, was one of the eight regents ousted from power in the Xinyou Coup of 1861. He had been Cixi's rival during the coup and was ordered to commit suicide after Cixi's victory. As a consequence, there were tensions between Cixi and Arute, and this was often a source of irritation for Cixi. Moreover, Arute's zodiac symbol of tiger was perceived as life-threatening by the superstitious Cixi, whose own zodiac symbol was a goat. According to Cixi's belief, it was a warning from the gods that she would eventually fall prey to Arute.

Empress Xiaozheyi, the Tongzhi Emperor's wife, who had the approval of Empress Dowager Ci'an but never Cixi's. It is widely speculated that Empress Xiaozheyi was pregnant with Tongzhi's child and that Cixi orchestrated the empress's demise.

Empress Arute was well received by both Tongzhi and Ci'an. Her personal consultants once warned her to be more agreeable and docile to Cixi, who was truly the one in power. Arute replied, "I am a principal consort, having been carried through the front gate with pomp and circumstance, as mandated by our ancestors. Empress Dowager Cixi was a concubine, and entered our household through a side gate."

Since the very beginning of his marriage, Tongzhi proceeded to spend most of his time with his empress at the expense of his four concubines, including Imperial Noble Consort Shushen, who was Cixi's preferred candidate for empress consort. As hostility grew between Arute and Cixi, Cixi suggested the emperor and empress spend more time on studies and spied on Tongzhi using palace eunuchs. After her warning was ignored, Cixi ordered the couple to separate, and Tongzhi purportedly spent several months following Cixi's order in isolation at Qianqing Palace.

The young emperor, who could no longer cope with his grief and loneliness, grew more and more ill-tempered. He began to treat his servants with cruelty and punished them physically for minor offences. Under the joined influence of court eunuchs and his cousin and best friend Zaicheng (Prince Gong's son), the emperor managed to escape the palace in search of pleasure in the unrestricted parts of Beijing. For several evenings, Tongzhi disguised himself as a commoner and secretly spent the nights in the brothels of Beijing. His sexual habits became common talk among court officials and commoners, and there are many records of the emperor's escapades.[citation needed]

The Tongzhi Emperor's deficiencies in ruling
[edit]

Tongzhi received a rigorous education from four famous teachers of Cixi's own choosing: Li Hongzao, Qi Junzao, Weng Xincun, and Woren. This group was later joined by Weng Xincun's son, Weng Tonghe; the emperor's governor, also selected by Cixi, was Mianyu. The imperial teachers instructed the emperor in the classics and various old texts for which Tongzhi displayed little or no interest.

Despite, or perhaps because of, the pressure and stress put upon the young emperor, he despised learning for the majority of his life. According to Weng Tonghe's diary, Tongzhi could not read a memorandum in full sentences by the age of 16. Worried about her son's inability to learn, Cixi only pressured him more. When he was given personal rule in November 1873 at the age of 18 (four years behind the usual custom), Tongzhi proved to be an incompetent ruler.

Tongzhi doing his coursework. Cixi's high expectations of him may have contributed to his strong distaste for learning.

Tongzhi made two important policy decisions during his short stint of rule, which lasted from 1873 to 1875. First, he decreed that the Summer Palace, destroyed by the English and French in the Second Opium War, would be completely rebuilt under the pretext that it was a gift to Cixi and Ci'an. Historians also suggest that it was an attempt to drive Cixi from the Forbidden City so that he could rule without interference in policy or his private affairs.

The imperial treasury was almost depleted at the time from internal strife and foreign wars, and as a result, Tongzhi asked the Board of Finance to forage for the necessary funds. In addition, he encouraged members of the nobility and high officials to donate funds from their personal resources. Once construction began, the emperor checked its progress on a monthly basis, and would often spend days away from court, indulging himself in pleasures outside of the Forbidden City.

Uneasy about Tongzhi's neglect of national affairs, the emperor's uncles Prince Gong and Prince Chun, along with other senior court officials, submitted a joint memorandum asking the emperor to cease the construction of the Summer Palace, among other recommendations. Tongzhi, unwilling to submit to criticism, issued an imperial edict in August 1874 to strip Prince Gong of his princely title and demote him to the status of a commoner. Two days later, Prince Dun, Prince Chun, Prince Fu, Jingshou, Prince Qing, Wenxiang, Baojun, and Grand Councillors Shen Guifen and Li Hongzao were all to be stripped of their respective titles and jobs.

Seeing the mayhem unfold from behind the scenes, Cixi and Ci'an made an unprecedented appearance at court directly criticising Tongzhi for his wrongful actions and asked him to withdraw the edict; Cixi said that "without Prince Gong, the situation today would not exist for you and me."[20]

Feeling a grand sense of loss at court and unable to assert his authority, Tongzhi returned to his former habits. It was rumoured that he caught syphilis and became visibly ill. The physicians spread a rumour that Tongzhi had smallpox, and proceeded to give medical treatment accordingly. Within a few weeks, on 13 January 1875, Tongzhi died. His wife followed suit in March. Judging from a modern medical perspective, the onset of syphilis comes in stages, thus the emperor's quick death does not seem to reflect its symptoms. Therefore, most historians maintain that Tongzhi did, in fact, die from smallpox. Regardless, by 1875, Cixi was back onto the helm of imperial power.

Guangxu era

[edit]

New challenges and illness

[edit]
Empress Dowager Cixi (front middle) poses with her court attendants and the Guangxu Emperor's empress (second from left), who was also her niece.
Empress Dowager Cixi holds hands with the fourth daughter of Prince Qing (to her left) and chief palace eunuch Li Lianying (to her right). The lady standing in the background is Consort Jin (later Dowager Imperial Noble Consort Duankang).

Tongzhi died without a male heir, a circumstance that created an unprecedented succession crisis in the dynastic line. Members of the generation above were considered unfit, as they could not, by definition, be the successor of their nephew. Therefore, the new emperor had to be from a generation below or the same generation as Tongzhi. After considerable disagreement between the two empresses dowager, Zaitian, the four-year-old firstborn son of Prince Chun and Cixi's sister, was to become the new emperor. 1875 was declared the first year of the Guangxu era; Guangxu means "glorious succession". Zaitian was taken from home and for the remainder of his life would be completely cut off from his family. While addressing Ci'an conventionally as huang e'niang ("Empress Mother"), the Guangxu Emperor was forced to address Cixi as qin baba ("Dear Father"), in order to enforce an image that she was the fatherly figure in the household.[21] Guangxu began his education when he was aged five, taught by the imperial tutor Weng Tonghe, with whom he would develop a lasting bond.

Shortly after Guangxu's accession, Cixi fell severely ill.[22] This rendered her largely inaccessible to her young nephew and had the result of leaving Ci'an to attend to most of the affairs of state.[23]

The sudden death of Ci'an in April 1881 brought Cixi a new challenge. Ci'an had taken little interest in running state affairs, but was the decision-maker in most family affairs. As the empress of the Xianfeng Emperor, she took seniority over Cixi, despite being two years her junior. Some believe that rumours began circulating at court to the effect that Cixi had poisoned Ci'an, perhaps as a result of a possible conflict between Cixi and Ci'an over the execution of the eunuch An Dehai in 1869 or a possible will from the late Xianfeng Emperor that was issued exclusively to Ci'an.[24] Because of a lack of evidence, however, historians are reluctant to believe that Cixi poisoned Ci'an, but instead choose to believe that the cause of death was a sudden stroke, as validated by traditional Chinese medicine.[citation needed]

In the years between 1881 and 1883, Cixi resorted to written communication only with her ministers.[25] The young emperor reportedly was forced to conduct some audiences alone, without Cixi to assist him.[26]

The once fierce and determined Prince Gong, frustrated by Cixi's iron grip on power, did little to question Cixi on state affairs, and supported Manchu involvement in the Sino-French War of 1884–1885. Cixi used China's loss in the war as a pretext for getting rid of Prince Gong and other important decision-makers in the Grand Council in 1885. She downgraded Prince Gong to "advisor" and elevated the more easily influenced Prince Chun, Guangxu's father.

When it was first developed by Empress Dowager Cixi, the Beiyang Fleet was said to be the strongest navy in East Asia. Before her nephew Guangxu took over the throne in 1889, Cixi wrote out explicit orders that the navy should continue to develop and expand gradually.[27] However, after Cixi went into retirement, all naval and military development came to a drastic halt. Japan's victories over China has often been falsely rumored to be the fault of Cixi.[28] Many believed that Cixi was the cause of the navy's defeat by embezzling funds from the navy in order to build the Summer Palace in Beijing.[29] The greatest symbol of this enduring belief is the Marble Boat that is part of the Summer Palace. However, extensive research by Chinese historians suggests that Cixi was not the cause of the Chinese navy's decline. In actuality, China's defeat was caused by Guangxu's lack of interest in developing and maintaining the military.[27] His close adviser, Grand Tutor Weng Tonghe, advised Guangxu to cut all funding to the navy and army, because he did not see Japan as a true threat, and there were several natural disasters during the early 1890s which the emperor thought to be more pressing to expend funds on.[27]

The Guangxu Emperor's accession

[edit]

Guangxu technically gained the right to rule at the age of 16 in 1887 after Cixi issued an edict to arrange a ceremony to mark his accession. Because of her prestige and power, however, court officials voiced their opposition to Guangxu's personal rule, citing the emperor's youth as the main reason. Prince Chun and Weng Tonghe, each with a different motive, requested that Guangxu's accession be postponed until a later date. Cixi, with her reputed reluctance, accepted the "advice" and legitimised her continued rule through a new legal document that allowed her to "aid" Guangxu in his rule indefinitely.

Guangxu slowly began to take on more responsibilities in spite of Cixi's prolonged regency. In 1886, he attended his first field plowing ceremony and began commenting on imperial state documents. By 1887, he began to rule under Cixi's supervision.[26]

Guangxu married and took up the reins of power in 1889. By that year, the emperor was already 18, older than the conventional marriage age for emperors. Prior to his wedding, a large fire engulfed the Gate of Supreme Harmony at the Forbidden City. This event followed a trend of recent natural disasters that were considered alarming by many observers. According to traditional Chinese political theory, such incidents were taken as a warning of the imminent loss of the "Mandate of Heaven" by current rulers.

For Guangxu's empress, Cixi chose her niece, and Guangxu's cousin, Jingfen. Cixi in addition selected two concubines for the emperor who were sisters, Consorts Jin and Zhen. Guangxu eventually would prefer to spend more time with Consort Zhen, neglecting his empress, much to Cixi's dismay. In 1894, Cixi degraded Consort Zhen, citing intervention in political affairs as the main reason. According to some reports, she even had her flogged.[30] Consort Jin had also been implicated in Consort Zhen's reported influence peddling and also apparently suffered a similar punishment.[30] A cousin of theirs, Zhirui, was banished from the capital to a military outpost.[31]

"Retirement"

[edit]

On 5 March 1889, Cixi retired from her second regency, but nonetheless served as the effective head of the imperial family.[32] Many officials felt and showed more loyalty to the empress dowager than they did to the emperor,[33] owing in part to her seniority and in part to her personalised approach to cultivating court favourites, many of whom would be given gifts of her artwork and invitations to join her at the theater for opera and acrobatics.[34]

In spite of her residence for a period of time at the Summer Palace, which had been constructed with the official intention of providing her a suitable place to live after retiring from political affairs, Cixi continued to influence the decisions and actions of the Guangxu Emperor even after he began his formal rule at age 19. Along with an entourage of court officials, Guangxu would pay visits to her every second or third day at which major political decisions would be made. Weng Tonghe observed that while the emperor dealt with day-to-day administration, the Grand Councillors gave their advice in more complex cases, and in the most complex cases of all, the advice of Cixi was sought.[35]

In 1894, the First Sino-Japanese War broke out over Korea whose age-old allegiance to Beijing was wavering. After the decisive victory and ensuing Treaty of Shimonoseki, Japan annexed Taiwan from Qing China. During this period, Cixi was continuously called upon to arbitrate policy-making, and the emperor was sometimes even bypassed in decision-making processes.[36] Cixi eventually was given copies of the secret palace memorials as well, a practice that was carried on until 1898, when it became unnecessary.[37]

In November 1894, Cixi celebrated her 60th birthday. Borrowing from the plans used for the celebrations of the 70th and 80th birthdays of Empress Xiaoshengxian (the Qianlong Emperor's mother), plans included a triumphal progress along the decorated road between the Forbidden City and the Summer Palace, decorations for the Beijing city gates and monumental archways, free theatrical performances, remission of punishments and the restoration of degraded officials.[38] However, the war between China and Japan forced the empress dowager to cancel the lavish celebrations she had planned and settle for a much smaller commemoration that was held in the Forbidden City.

Hundred Days' Reform

[edit]
Cixi and Guangxu holding court, drawing by Katharine Carl

After coming to the throne, Guangxu became more reform-minded. After a humiliating defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894, during which the Chinese Beiyang Fleet was virtually destroyed by the Imperial Japanese Navy, the Qing government faced unprecedented challenges internally and abroad, with its very existence at stake. Under the influence of reformist-officials Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, Guangxu believed that by learning from constitutional monarchies such as Japan and Germany, China would become politically and economically powerful. In June 1898, Guangxu launched the Hundred Days' Reform aimed at sweeping political, legal and social changes and issued edicts for far-reaching modernising reforms.

These abrupt reforms, however, came without building support either at court or in the bureaucracy. Cixi, whether concerned that they would check her power or fearful that they would lead to disorder, stepped in to prevent them from going further. Some government and military officials warned Cixi that the ming-shi (reformation bureau) had been geared toward conspiracy. Allegations of treason against the emperor, as well as suspected Japanese influence within the reform movement, led Cixi to resume the role of regent and resume control at the court. The Manchu general Ronglu on 21 September 1898, took the emperor to Ocean Terrace, a small palace on an island in the middle of Zhongnanhai linked to the rest of the Forbidden City only by a controlled causeway. Cixi followed this action with an edict that proclaimed Guangxu's total disgrace and unfitness to be emperor. Guangxu's reign effectively came to an end.

According to research by Professor Lei Chia-sheng (雷家聖),[39] during the Hundred Days' Reform, former Japanese prime minister Itō Hirobumi arrived in China on 11 September 1898. Almost at the same time, British missionary Timothy Richard was invited to Beijing by the reformist Kang Youwei. Richard suggested that China should hand over some political power to Itō in order to help push the reforms further.[40] On 18 September, Richard convinced Kang to adopt a plan by which China would join a federation composed of China, Japan, the United States, and England. This suggestion did not reflect the policies of the countries concerned. It was Richard's (and perhaps Itō's) trick to convince China to hand over national rights. Kang nonetheless asked fellow reformers Yang Shenxiu (楊深秀) and Song Bolu (宋伯魯) to report this plan to Guangxu.[41] On 20 September, Yang sent a memorial to this effect to the emperor.[42] In another memorial written the next day, Song Bolu also advocated the formation of a federation and the sharing of the diplomatic, fiscal, and military powers of the four countries under a hundred-man committee.[43]

Still according to Lei's findings, on 13 October, British ambassador Claude MacDonald reported to his government about the Chinese situation, saying that Chinese reforms had been damaged by Kang Youwei and his friends' actions.[44] British diplomat Frederick Bourne claimed in his own report that Kang was a dreamer who had been seduced by Timothy Richard's sweet words. Bourne thought Richard was a plotter.[45] The British and U.S. governments were unaware of the "federation" plot, which seems to have been Richard's personal idea. Because Richard's partner Itō Hirobumi had been prime minister of Japan, the Japanese government might have known about Richard's plan, but there is no evidence to this effect.

A crisis over the issue of abdication emerged. Bowing to increasing pressure from the West and general civil discontent, Cixi did not forcibly remove Guangxu from the throne, although she attempted to have Pujun, a boy of 14 who was from a close branch of the imperial family, installed as crown prince. The Guangxu era nominally continued until his death in 1908, but the emperor lost all respect, power, and privileges, including his freedom of movement. Most of his supporters, including his political mentor Kang Youwei, fled into exile, and the six prominent reformers including Tan Sitong and Kang's younger brother, were publicly beheaded. Kang continued to work for a constitutional monarchy while in exile, remaining loyal to Guangxu and hoping eventually to restore him to power. His efforts would prove to be in vain.

Boxer Rebellion

[edit]
Empress Dowager Cixi and women of the American legation. Holding her hand is Sarah Pike Conger, the wife of U.S. Ambassador Edwin H. Conger.

In 1900, the Boxer Rebellion broke out in northern China. Perhaps fearing further foreign intervention, Cixi threw her support to these anti-foreign bands by making an official announcement of her support for the movement and a formal declaration of war on the Western powers. The general Ronglu deliberately sabotaged the performance of the imperial army during the rebellion. Dong Fuxiang's Muslim troops (the "Kansu Braves") were able and eager to destroy the foreign military forces in the legations, but Ronglu stopped them from doing so.[46] The Manchu prince Zaiyi was xenophobic and friendly with Dong Fuxiang. Zaiyi wanted artillery for Dong's troops to destroy the legations. Ronglu blocked the transfer of artillery to Zaiyi and Dong, preventing them from destroying the legations.[47] When artillery was finally supplied to the imperial army and Boxers, it was done in only limited amounts; Ronglu deliberately held back the rest of them.[48] The Chinese forces defeated the small 2,000-man Western relief force at the Battle of Langfang, but lost several decisive battles, including the Battle of Beicang, and the entire imperial court was forced to retreat as the forces of the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded Beijing. Because moderates at the Qing imperial court tried to appease the foreigners by moving the Muslim Kansu Braves out of their way, the allied army was able to march into Beijing and seize the capital.[49]

During the war, Cixi displayed concern about China's situation and foreign aggression, saying, "Perhaps their magic is not to be relied upon; but can we not rely on the hearts and minds of the people? Today China is extremely weak. We have only the people's hearts and minds to depend upon. If we cast them aside and lose the people's hearts, what can we use to sustain the country?" The Chinese people were almost unanimous in their support for the Boxers due to the Western Allied invasion.[50][51]

When Cixi received an ultimatum demanding that China surrender total control over all its military and financial affairs to foreigners,[51] she defiantly stated before the Grand Council, "Now they [the Powers] have started the aggression, and the extinction of our nation is imminent. If we just fold our arms and yield to them, I would have no face to see our ancestors after death. If we must perish, why not fight to the death?"[52][53] It was at this point that Cixi began to blockade the legations with the armies of the Peking Field Force, which began the siege.[54]

Cixi stated that "I have always been of the opinion, that the allied armies had been permitted to escape too easily in 1860. Only a united effort was then necessary to have given China the victory. Today, at last, the opportunity for revenge has come", and said that millions of Chinese would join the cause of fighting the foreigners since the Manchus had provided "great benefits" to China.[55]

During the Battle of Beijing, the entire imperial court, including Cixi and Guangxu, fled Beijing and evacuated to Xi'an as the allied forces invaded the city. After the fall of Beijing, the Eight-Nation Alliance negotiated a treaty with the Qing government, sending messengers to the empress dowager in Xi'an. Included in the terms of the agreement was a guarantee that China would not have to give up any further territories to foreign powers. Many of Cixi's advisers in the imperial court insisted that the war against the foreigners be continued. They recommended that Dong Fuxiang be given responsibility to continue the war effort. Cixi was practical, however, and decided that the terms were generous enough for her to acquiesce and stop the war, at least after she was assured of her continued reign when the war was concluded.[56] The Western powers needed a government strong enough to suppress further anti-foreign movements, but too weak to act on its own; they supported the continuation of the Qing dynasty, rather than allowing it to be overthrown. Cixi turned once more to Li Hongzhang to negotiate. Li agreed to sign the Boxer Protocol, which stipulated the presence of an international military force in Beijing and the payment of £67 million (almost $333 million) in war reparations. The United States used its share of the war indemnity to fund the creation of China's prestigious Tsinghua University. Guangxu and Cixi did not return to Beijing from Xi'an until roughly 18 months after their flight.[57]

Return to Beijing and reforms

[edit]
Empress Dowager Cixi by Katharine Carl, 1904, commissioned by Cixi for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition (St. Louis World's Fair) and later given to U.S. president Theodore Roosevelt, transferred to the Smithsonian Museum of American Art collections and later the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery of the Smithsonian Institution.[58]

In January 1902, Cixi, Guangxu, the empress and the rest of the court made a ceremonious return to Beijing. At the railhead at Chengtingfu, Cixi and the court boarded a 21-car train to convey them the rest of the way to the capital. In Beijing, many of the legation women turned out to watch the procession from the Beijing railway station to the Forbidden City, and for the first time, commoners were permitted to watch as well.[59]

Once back in the palace, Cixi implemented sweeping political reforms. High officials were dispatched to Japan and Europe to gather facts and draw up plans for sweeping administrative reforms in law, education, government structure, and social policy, many of which were modeled on the reforms of the Meiji Restoration. The abolition of the examination system in 1905 was only the most visible of these sweeping reforms. Ironically, Cixi sponsored the implementation of the New Policies, a reform program more radical than the one proposed by the reformers she had beheaded in 1898.[60]

In an attempt to woo foreigners, Cixi also invited the wives of the diplomatic corps to a tea in the Forbidden City soon after her return, and in time, would hold summer garden parties for the foreign community at the Summer Palace. In 1903, she acquiesced to the request of Sarah Conger, wife of Edwin H. Conger, the U.S. Ambassador to China, to have her portrait painted by American artist Katharine Carl for the St. Louis World's Fair. Between 1903 and 1905, Cixi had a Western-educated lady-in-waiting by the name of Yu Deling, along with her sister and mother, serve at her court. Yu Deling, fluent in English and French, as well as Chinese, often served as translator at meetings with the wives of the diplomatic corps.

In 1903, Cixi allowed a young aristocratic photographer named Yu Xunling, a brother of Yu Deling, to take elaborately staged shots of her and her court. They were designed to convey imperial authority, aesthetic refinement, and religious piety. As the only photographic series taken of Cixi – the supreme leader of China for more than 45 years – it represents a unique convergence of Qing court pictorial traditions, modern photographic techniques, and Western standards of artistic portraiture. The rare glass plates have been blown up into full-size images, included in the exhibition "The Empress Dowager" at the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.[61]

Xuantong era

[edit]
Entrance to the burial chamber in Cixi's tomb

Cixi died in the Hall of Graceful Bird at the Middle Sea (中海儀鸞殿) of Zhongnanhai, Beijing, on 15 November 1908, after having installed Puyi as the new emperor the day before, after the death of Guangxu. Radicals greeted the news with scorn. The anarchist Wu Zhihui, who had leveled some of the most vitriol at Cixi in life, wrote from exile in Paris of the "vixen empress and vermin emperor" that "their lingering stench makes me vomit."[62]

On 4 November 2008, forensic tests concluded that Guangxu died from acute arsenic poisoning. China Daily quoted a historian, Dai Yi, who speculated that Cixi had known of her imminent death and worried that Guangxu would continue his reforms after her death. It was reported in November 2008 that the level of arsenic in his remains was 2,000 times higher than that of ordinary people.[63]

Memorial tower of Cixi's tomb

Empress Dowager Cixi was interred amidst the Eastern Qing tombs, 125 km (78 mi) east of Beijing, in the Eastern Ding Mausoleum (東定陵), along with Empress Dowager Ci'an. Empress Dowager Ci'an lies in the Puxiangyu Eastern Ding Mausoleum (普祥峪定東陵; lit. "Tomb East of the Ding Mausoleum in the Broad Valley of Good Omen"), while Empress Dowager Cixi built herself the much larger Putuoyu Eastern Ding Mausoleum (菩陀峪定東陵; lit. "Tomb East of the Ding Mausoleum in the Putuo Valley"). The Ding Mausoleum (lit. "Tomb of Quietude"), where the Xianfeng Emperor is buried, is located west of the Dingdongling. The Putuo Valley owes its name to Mount Putuo, one of the Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains of China.

Cixi, unsatisfied with her tomb, ordered its destruction and reconstruction in 1895. The new tomb was a complex of temples, gates, and pavilions, covered with gold leaf, and with gold and gilded-bronze ornaments hanging from the beams and the eaves. In July 1928, Cixi's tomb was plundered by the warlord Sun Dianying and his army as part of the looting of the Eastern Mausoleum. They methodically stripped the complex of its precious ornaments, then dynamited the entrance to the burial chamber, opened Cixi's coffin, threw her corpse (said to have been found intact) on the ground, and stole the jewels contained in the coffin. They also took the massive pearl that had been placed in the empress dowager's mouth to protect her corpse from decomposing (in accordance with Chinese tradition). Sun Dianying claimed the desecration was revenge for the death of his ancestor Sun Chengzong in 1638. Puyi had Cixi's remains reburied. The Eastern Mausoleum together with other Imperial Tombs of the Ming and Qing Dynasties are now protected legally by central and local governments and a systems of protection and management put in place to improve the conservation and management of the tombs, which are included in the UNESCO World Heritage List.[64]

Legacy

[edit]
Portrait by Hubert Vos, 1905

For many years, the mainstream view of Cixi was that she was a devious despot who contributed in no small part to China's slide into corruption, chaos, and revolution. Cixi used her power to accumulate vast quantities of money, bullion, antiques and jewelry, using the revenues of the state as her own.[65] The long-time China journalist Jasper Becker recalled that "every visitor to the Summer Palace is shown the beautiful lakeside pavilion in the shape of an elegant marble pleasure boat and told how Cixi spent funds destined for the imperial navy on such extravagant fripperies – which ultimately led to Japan's victory over China in 1895 and the loss of Taiwan".[66]

Yet even after the violent anti-foreign Boxer movement and equally violent foreign reprisal, the initial foreign accounts of Cixi emphasized her warmth and friendliness.

Katharine Carl oil portrait painted for exhibit at St. Louis World's Fair of 1904[67]

This was perhaps because Cixi took the initiative and invited several women to spend time with her in the Forbidden City. Katharine Carl, an American painter, was called to China in 1903 to paint Cixi's portrait for the St. Louis Exposition. In her With the Empress Dowager, Carl portrays Cixi as a kind and considerate woman for her station. Cixi had great presence, charm, and graceful movements resulting in "an unusually attractive personality". Carl wrote of the empress dowager's love of dogs and of flowers, as well as boating, Chinese opera and her Chinese water pipes and European cigarettes.[68] Cixi also commissioned the portraitist Hubert Vos to produce a series of oil portraits.[69]

The publication of China Under The Empress Dowager (1910) by J. O. P. Bland and Edmund Backhouse contributed to Cixi's reputation with its back-door gossip, much of which came from palace eunuchs.[70] Their portrait included contradictory elements, writes one recent study, "on the one hand... imperious, manipulative, and lascivious" and on the other "ingenuous, politically shrewd, and conscientious..."[71] Backhouse and Bland told their readers that "to summarize her essence simply, she a woman and an Oriental".[72] Backhouse was later found to have forged much of the source material used in this work.[73] The vivid writing and lascivious details of their account provided material for many of the books over the following decades, including Chinese fiction and histories that drew on a 1914 translation.[71]

In the People's Republic after 1949, the image of the Manchu Empress was debated and changed several times. She was sometimes praised for her anti-imperialist role in the Boxer Uprising and sometimes she was reviled as a member of the "feudalist regime". When Mao Zedong's wife, Jiang Qing, was arrested in 1976 for abuse of power, an exhibit at the Palace Museum put Cixi's luxurious goods on display to show that a female ruler weakened the nation.[74]

By the mid-1970s, views among scholars began to change. Sue Fawn Chung's doctoral dissertation at University of California, Berkeley, was the first study in English to use court documents rather than popular histories and hearsay.[75] Despite this, writers such as Jung Chang have criticized this narrative and have written works such as Chang's Empress Dowager Cixi: The Concubine Who Launched Modern China in order to offer an opposing view.[76]

Several widely read popular biographies appeared. Sterling Seagrave's Dragon Lady: The Life and Legend of the Last Empress of China portrays Cixi as a woman stuck between the xenophobic faction of Manchu nobility and more moderate influences.

In 2013, Jung Chang's biography, Empress Dowager Cixi: The Concubine Who Launched Modern China, portrays Cixi as the most capable ruler and administrator that China could have had at the time. Pamela Kyle Crossley said in the London Review of Books that Chang's claims "seem to be minted from her own musings, and have little to do with what we know was actually going in China". Although Crossley was sympathetic to restoring women's place in Chinese history, she found "rewriting Cixi as Catherine the Great or Margaret Thatcher is a poor bargain: the gain of an illusory icon at the expense of historical sense".[77]

Photographic Legacy

Cropped portrait of Empress Cixi

Aside from traditional portraiture, Empress Cixi also commissioned several photographs from 1903-1904, taken by Yu Xunling (the son of the French ambassador) and had studied photography in Paris.[78] The imperial portraits were very reminiscent of traditional portrait methods and feature the empress in a seated pose looking directly into the camera. The portraits were part of her campaign to regain some authority after her reputation had been damaged by her support of the Boxer Rebellion.[78] The portraits therefore showed the Dowager Empress seated on her throne or in other official settings. She was also very conscientious of the symbols which appeared in her portraits. Dragons do not appear, as they are symbols of the emperor, but Cixi is surrounded by peacocks and phoenixes, symbolic of the dowager empress.[78]

Empress Cixi was also very conscientious of who would see these photographs, because there were very specific standards set by Confucianism and propriety was very important. The portrait Empress Cixi sent to President Theodore Roosevelt, which is in the Blaire House[78] was cropped so that the spittoon in the image was cut out. The spittoon was a reference to domesticity which would have been unbecoming to send to the president.[78] She also began showing these portraits to a wider audience, but viewers had to be at least of a certain status to view it, and the general public was still barred from seeing these images.[78] This attitude to public image is very different from European relations with monarchical images, because the European ruler established their authority through the repetition of their image, while rulers in China relied on their divine right to rule and did not need to garner as much public support.[78]

Empress Cixi posing with a mirror.

Not only did Empress Cixi commission official portraits, she also had unofficial portraits taken. These unofficial portraits emphasize her femininity and establish her informal relationship with the camera and public perception. She uses poses that would have traditionally been considered unbecoming, specifically looking into the mirror and crossing her legs.[78] The first pose, looking into a mirror, is used in portraits of her alone as well as in group settings, and was unconventional because of its association with the toilette and privacy. Looking into a mirror also challenged Confucian standards of femininity, as traditionally a woman should only use a mirror if it was to make herself beautiful for her husband, otherwise she would be considered vain. This connotation had been weakening throughout the Qing dynasty, and the mirror eventually became a symbol of female agency. Empress Cixi using a mirror, therefore, asserts her role not only as the Empress and ruler, but also of a woman.(166-167)[78] The second pose, crossing the legs, was equally controversial because crossed legs were often associated with erotic imagery and would not have been fitting for a woman of her social standing. Because of her age (she was nearly 70)[78] and power, though, this perception was unconcerning and she used the position to assert her power.[78]

Titles, Styles and honours

[edit]
Styles of
Empress Dowager Cixi
Reference styleHer Imperial Majesty
Spoken styleYour Imperial Majesty
Alternative styleEmpress Mother
Cixi in 1900. The plaque above her shows her title in full.
Cixi was a devoted Buddhist and seized every opportunity to dress up as Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin), the bodhisattva of compassion. This photograph shows her sitting on a barge on Zhonghai. The white smoke forms the character for longevity, and on top of the smoke was her Buddhist name "Guangrenzi" (literally Universal Benevolence).

Cixi was styled as "Her Imperial Highness, Noble Consort Yi" before the accession of her Son, the Tongzhi Emperor. And after that, she was styled as "Her Imperial Majesty, The Empress Mother (simplified Chinese: 圣母皇太后; traditional Chinese: 聖母皇太后) of China", and later when the Tongzhi Emperor died, and the Guangxu Emperor successd, "Her Imperial Majesty, The Empress Dowager of China", then after the Guangxu Emperor died and the Xuantong Emperor successed, "Her Imperial Majesty, The Grand Empress Dowager (Chinese: 太皇太后)", the last title only lasted one day before her death. [5][4]

Honours

[edit]

Family

[edit]
  • Father: Yehenara Huizheng (惠徵; 1805–1853)
    • Paternal grandfather: Jingrui (景瑞)
    • Paternal grandmother: Lady Gūwalgiya
  • Mother: Lady Fuca
    • Maternal grandfather: Huixian (惠顯)
  • Three younger brothers
    • Second younger brother: Guixiang (桂祥; 1849–1913), served as first rank military official (都統), and held the title of a third class duke (三等公), the father of Jingfen, Empress Xiaodingjing (1868–1913)
  • One younger sister

Issue

[edit]
  • As Concubine Yi:
    • Zaichun (載淳; 27 April 1856 – 12 January 1875), the Xianfeng Emperor's first son, enthroned on 11 November 1861 as the Tongzhi Emperor
[edit]
  • Cixi (first called 'Orchid', later 'Tzu Hsi') and her favorite eunuch are the main characters in the historical novel Lotus Blossom published in 1939 by George Lancing (pseudonym of the British author Matilda Angela Antonia Hunter).
  • Flora Robson portrays the empress 'Tzu Hsi' in the 1963 Nicholas Ray's American epic historical film 55 Days at Peking; this film (based on a book by Noel Gerson) dramatizes the siege of the foreign legations' compounds in Beijing during the Boxer Rebellion.
  • Der Ling's story The True Story of the Empress Dowager (originally published as Old Buddha) gives a portrayal of the history behind the character of the Empress-Dowager Cixi – not as the monster of depravity depicted in the popular press, but an aging woman who loved beautiful things and had many regrets about the past. (Soul Care Publishing, 2015)
  • Pearl S. Buck's novel Imperial Woman chronicles the life of the Empress Dowager from the time of her selection as a concubine until near to her death.
  • Bette Bao Lord's novel Spring Moon starts in the days of Cixi, and includes the involvement of the Imperial Court in the Boxer Rebellion.
  • The novels Empress Orchid (2004) and The Last Empress (2007), by Anchee Min portray the life of Empress Dowager Cixi from a first-person perspective.
  • The Noble Consort Yi is featured in George McDonald Fraser's novel, Flashman and the Dragon (1985).
  • The 1968 novel Wij Tz'e Hsi Keizerin Van China ("We, Tz'e Hsi, Empress of China") by Dutch author Johan Fabricius is a fictional diary of the Empress.
  • In the 1970s, she was portrayed by Lisa Lu in two Hong Kong-made films, The Empress Dowager (set during the Sino-Japanese War), and its sequel, The Last Tempest (set during the "Hundred Days of Reform").
  • Lu reprised her role as Cixi in the 1987 film The Last Emperor, depicting the dowager on her deathbed.
  • In the 1980s, she was portrayed by Liu Xiaoqing, in Burning of Imperial Palace (depicting her rise to power in the 1850s, and the burning of the Old Summer Palace by French and British troops in 1860), in Reign Behind a Curtain (depicting the Xinyou Coup of 1861), in The Empress Dowager (set during the latter part of the reign of Tongzhi), and in Li Lianying, the Imperial Eunuch.
  • In the Lover of the Last Empress, she was portrayed by Chingmy Yau.
  • The China Central Television production Towards the Republic portrayed Empress Dowager Cixi as a capable ruler, the first time that mainland Chinese television had shown her in this light. The portrayal was not entirely positive, as it also clearly depicted her political views as very conservative.
  • She is portrayed in the novel The Ginger Tree, by Oswald Wynd (1977).
  • The novel The Pleiades, by Japanese author Jirō Asada, focuses on Empress Cixi's relationship with a court eunuch named Chun'er, and depicted Cixi as a ruthless and calculating leader. It was adapted into a 2010 Japanese television series that was also broadcast in China, and starred Japanese actress Yūko Tanaka as Empress Cixi.
  • Cixi is a major character in the novel Mandarin, by American author Robert Elegant. The novel is set in the 1850s through the 1870s.
  • Portrayed by Michelle Yim in The Rise and Fall of Qing Dynasty (1990) and The Confidant (2012)
  • Portrayed by Susanna Au-yeung in The Rise and Fall of Qing Dynasty (1992)
  • Portrayed by Lü Zhong in Princess Der Ling (2006)
  • Portrayed by Law Lan in The Last Healer in Forbidden City (2016)
  • Portrayed by Xi Meijuan in Nothing Gold Can Stay (2017)
  • Empress Cixi is the primary antagonist and recurring character, though only ever named as "the Empress Dowager" in the 1991 animated show The Twins of Destiny by French writer/producer Jean Chalopin.
  • Portrayed by Beulah Quo in the PBS TV series Meeting of Minds.
  • Portrayed by Liu Xiaoqing in The Burning of Imperial Palace (1983).

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Empress Dowager Cixi (Chinese: 慈禧太后; 29 November 1835 – 15 November 1908), born Yehe Nara Xingzhen of the Manchu , was an imperial concubine who ascended to rule over the Qing Empire, exercising control from 1861 until her death through successive regencies for her son, the (r. 1861–1875), and her nephew, the (r. 1875–1908). Selected for the harem of the in 1852 at age 16, she advanced from a low-ranking position by bearing the future in 1856, which positioned her for influence after the emperor's death in 1861 amid the Taiping Rebellion's chaos. Allied with and , Cixi engineered the Xinyou Coup to oust conservative regents appointed by Xianfeng, securing her role as co-regent and initiating nearly five decades of personal dominance in a system traditionally sidelining women from direct governance. Her tenure featured pragmatic adaptations to Western encroachments, including endorsement of the for industrial and military reforms—such as arsenals, shipyards, and a modern navy—while prioritizing dynastic stability over sweeping institutional change. Controversies defined her era, from the 1898 coup imprisoning Guangxu after his push for rapid Western-style overhauls, to backing the xenophobic in 1900, which provoked an allied invasion and massive indemnities, exacerbating Qing fiscal collapse. Facing revolutionary pressures post-1900, she belatedly promulgated New Policies for , education overhaul, and military modernization, yet these proved insufficient to halt the dynasty's 1911 demise shortly after her passing. Historians debate her legacy, with evidence of calculated modernization efforts counterbalanced by authoritarian consolidation that stifled broader reforms, reflecting causal tensions between imperial preservation and adaptive governance amid existential foreign and internal threats.

Early Life

Birth and Family Background

Empress Dowager Cixi, born Xingzhen, entered the world on 29 November 1835 in during the fifteenth year of the Daoguang Emperor's reign. Her father, Huizheng, served as a secretary and later section chief in the Ministry of Officials, holding the rank of third-class duke within the Manchu system, specifically the Bordered Blue Banner. The family's circumstances were comfortable, affording her a childhood marked by relative stability amid the Qing dynasty's bureaucratic elite, though not among the highest echelons of Manchu nobility. Cixi hailed from the Yehe Nara clan, a Manchu lineage originating from the Haixi Jurchens of the Yehe tribal confederation in northeastern , which had been incorporated into the Qing imperial structure through the military-administrative organization. The clan's ancestors included beile chieftains who submitted to the early Qing founders, providing generations of officials and , though by Cixi's time, their prominence had waned to mid-level service rather than commanding influence. Her mother belonged to the Fucha clan, another established Manchu family, linking Cixi to networks within the banner system that facilitated her eventual selection for imperial service. This background positioned her family as respectable but unexceptional participants in the Manchu elite, reliant on bureaucratic appointments for status and livelihood.

Entry into the Imperial Harem

In 1851, at the age of fifteen (turning sixteen later that year), Yehenara, a daughter from the Manchu Yehe Nara clan's modest official family, was among approximately sixty banner girls selected for potential entry into the Xianfeng Emperor's harem following his ascension in 1850. The selection process, conducted in , prioritized candidates from Manchu Eight Banner families for physical attributes, deportment, and lineage suitability, as per Qing imperial customs restricting the emperor's consorts to ethnic Manchus to preserve dynastic purity. Yehenara successfully passed the examinations and entered the Forbidden City in September 1851, receiving the sixth-rank title of Lan Guiren ("Noble Lady Orchid"), the lowest echelon among imperial consorts, which entitled her to minimal attendants and residence in a peripheral palace wing. This initial low status reflected standard procedure for new entrants, with promotions dependent on imperial favor and bearing heirs, amid a harem structure capping consorts at around twenty to thirty active members under the Xianfeng Emperor. Her early years in the palace involved routine duties such as embroidery and companionship, with limited access to the emperor initially due to hierarchical protocols favoring higher-ranked consorts like the empress and noble consorts.

Rise to Power

Role in Xianfeng Emperor's Court

Cixi, born Yehe Nara on November 29, 1835, to a Manchu family of modest official rank, was selected in 1851 as one of approximately sixty candidates to enter the imperial harem of the upon his ascension in 1850. At around age sixteen, she was chosen for her beauty and demeanor, entering the in 1852 as a low-ranking concubine titled Lan Gui Ren, the fifth tier in the harem hierarchy. Her initial role was confined to the inner palace, where concubines attended to the 's personal and domestic needs, adhering to strict protocols that limited women's direct involvement in state affairs. Xianfeng, who maintained a large amid the Qing dynasty's traditions, favored Cixi for her intelligence and literacy—uncommon among many Manchu concubines—as she had received education in texts and poetry, enabling her to engage the emperor in conversations beyond mere companionship. This personal rapport elevated her status over time, distinguishing her from others who rarely advanced due to the competitive and intrigue-filled environment. In April 1856, Cixi gave birth to Zaichun, the Xianfeng Emperor's only surviving son and designated heir, an event that dramatically enhanced her position amid the court's emphasis on imperial succession. Immediately following the birth, she was promoted to Imperial Noble Consort Yi (Yi Fei), placing her second in precedence within the harem, directly below the empress consort, (later ). This rank granted her greater access to the emperor and resources, including dedicated attendants and residences, while underscoring her pivotal maternal role in securing the dynasty's lineage during a period of internal rebellions like the Taiping uprising. As Noble Consort Yi, Cixi's influence remained informal and harem-bound, focused on advising the emperor privately on palace matters and occasionally on broader concerns, such as during the court's 1860 relocation to (Rehe) to evade Anglo-French forces and rebels. Historical accounts note her emerging acumen in navigating court factions, though she held no official political authority under Xianfeng, whose reign was marked by conservative policies and military setbacks. Her status as the heir's mother positioned her as a key figure in potential , foreshadowing her later regency, but during Xianfeng's lifetime (1850–1861), her contributions were primarily through personal counsel rather than governance.

Xinyou Coup and Elimination of Rivals

![Portrait of Prince Gong, ally in the Xinyou Coup](./assets/Felice_Beato_(British%252C_born_Italy_-Portrait_of_Prince_Kung%252C_Brother_of_the_Emperor_of_China%252C_Who_Signed_the_Treaty-_Google_Art_Project.jpg) The Xianfeng Emperor died on August 22, 1861, while residing in Rehe (present-day Chengde), leaving his five-year-old son, Zaichun (the future Tongzhi Emperor), as successor under the guidance of eight appointed regents. These regents, including Sushun as the dominant figure, Zaiyuan, and Duanhua, sought to consolidate power by sidelining Cixi—the boy's mother and former Noble Consort Yi—and Empress Dowager Ci'an, controlling imperial resources such as the treasury to limit their influence. Sushun's ambitions extended to positioning himself as the primary authority behind the throne, prompting Cixi to perceive an existential threat to her son's rule and her own position. Cixi forged a clandestine alliance with Ci'an, who held the imperial seal, and Prince Gong (Yixin), the late emperor's brother excluded from the regency, along with support from Prince Chun and sympathetic ministers and soldiers. Returning to ahead of the main with the young emperor, Cixi leveraged this coalition to denounce the regents for alleged failures in the Second Opium War and subversion against the throne. The coup unfolded in November 1861, with the regents arrested upon or en route to the capital; edicts issued under the dual empress dowagers' authority formalized their removal, establishing Cixi and Ci'an as co-regents ruling from "behind the ." To eliminate key rivals, Cixi oversaw swift trials: Sushun was publicly beheaded in a vegetable market on November 8, 1861, while Zaiyuan and Duanhua were compelled to by strangulation with scarves to preserve nominal dignity. The remaining five regents—Muyin, Jingshou, and others—faced dismissal and rather than execution, reflecting a calculated mercy to avoid broader unrest. suggested more torturous punishments like (slow slicing) for the principals, but Cixi opted for expediency to stabilize the regime. The coup's success, known as the Xinyou Coup after the 1861 year, marked Cixi's ascent to de facto power, changing the era name from Qixiang to Tongzhi and appointing to head the Grand Council and newly created foreign affairs office (). This purge dismantled the regency that could have perpetuated Manchu conservative dominance at the expense of reformist elements, enabling Cixi's influence amid ongoing and foreign pressures, though later historiography sometimes portrayed her methods as ruthlessly manipulative.

Regency under Tongzhi Emperor

Co-Regency with Empress Dowager Ci'an

Following the death of the Xianfeng Emperor on August 22, 1861, Empress Dowager Cixi and Empress Dowager Ci'an orchestrated the Xinyou Coup on November 2, 1861, deposing the eight regents (known as the Guimingdang or "Eight Ministers of Guiming") whom Xianfeng had appointed in his will to govern during the minority of his five-year-old son, the Tongzhi Emperor. This power seizure, supported by Prince Gong (Yixin), Cixi's brother-in-law, established a dual regency under the two dowagers, who ruled chuozi tingzheng ("governing from behind the curtain") to maintain the fiction of male imperial authority while wielding substantive control. An edict issued on November 12, 1861, formalized this arrangement, declaring that "all state matters will be decided personally by the two Empress Dowagers, who will give instructions to the Prince of Merit [Gong] as Regent." The coup eliminated rivals like Sushun, executed on November 8, 1861, and ensured Cixi's dominance by sidelining conservative Manchu aristocrats who had opposed concessions to foreign powers amid the ongoing Taiping Rebellion and Second Opium War aftermath. In practice, the co-regency masked an asymmetrical power dynamic: edicts were promulgated in the joint names of Cixi (titled Shengmu Ruangong Cixi Huang Taihou) and Ci'an (titled Shengmu Duanyou Kangci Huang Taihou) to legitimize decisions, but Cixi, as the Tongzhi Emperor's biological mother, drove policy formulation and execution, drawing on her ambition and administrative acumen honed in the imperial harem. Ci'an, the senior empress consort and nominal "official mother" of Tongzhi, adopted a passive stance, deferring to Cixi on most affairs due to her reputed gentleness, aversion to conflict, and limited political engagement; historical accounts indicate she rarely initiated or opposed major decisions, serving primarily to provide ritual sanction and Confucian propriety to the regime. handled day-to-day administration under their oversight, facilitating suppression of rebellions like the Taiping (ending in 1864) and (1868), while negotiating treaties such as the 1860 Beijing Convention's implementation. This structure preserved dynastic stability but centralized authority in Cixi's hands, as evidenced by her personal drafting of key memorials and vetoes, with Ci'an's role confined to symbolic endorsement. The regency persisted formally until February 1873, when the 17-year-old Tongzhi assumed amid ceremonies marking his majority, though the dowagers retained veto power and influence until Tongzhi's death on January 12, 1875. During this era, the duo's collaboration—bolstered by Ci'an's refusal to challenge Cixi despite occasional tensions—enabled pragmatic , including fiscal reforms to rebuild war-torn treasuries and cautious diplomatic overtures, but Cixi's assertiveness increasingly defined the court's conservative yet adaptive trajectory. Contemporary Manchu court records and foreign diplomatic dispatches portray Ci'an's deference as a stabilizing factor, preventing factional strife, while underscoring Cixi's causal role in sustaining Qing rule amid existential threats.

Self-Strengthening Movement and Initial Modernization

![Portrait of Prince Kung](./assets/Felice_Beato_(British%252C_born_Italy_-Portrait_of_Prince_Kung%252C_Brother_of_the_Emperor_of_China%252C_Who_Signed_the_Treaty-_Google_Art_Project.jpg) The Self-Strengthening Movement emerged in the 1860s amid the Tongzhi regency as a pragmatic response to Qing defeats in the Opium Wars and the devastation of the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864), which exposed military weaknesses against both internal rebels and Western powers. Co-regents Empress Dowager Cixi and Ci'an, in collaboration with Prince Gong, authorized selective adoption of Western military technology and industrial methods while upholding Confucian principles, encapsulated in the formula "Chinese learning as substance, Western learning for application" to preserve cultural essence amid practical necessities. This approach prioritized bolstering defenses without systemic overhaul, reflecting Cixi's initial endorsement of reforms led by provincial officials like Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang, and Li Hongzhang. A pivotal step occurred in 1861 with Prince Gong's creation of the , an agency to coordinate foreign diplomacy and modernization projects, which enabled hiring foreign experts and acquiring machinery despite bureaucratic resistance. Under this framework, early initiatives focused on arsenals and naval facilities: the Arsenal in , established in 1865 by , commenced production of modern rifles, cannons, and gunpowder, incorporating Western designs and employing foreign supervisors. Concurrently, the Naval Dockyard, founded in 1866 and expanded through 1874 under and Shen Baozhen, built steamships and trained engineers with French assistance, aiming to revive the Qing navy. Li Hongzhang extended these efforts in northern China, overseeing the Tianjin Arsenal from the late 1860s and laying groundwork for the by the 1870s, including fortifications, academies, and translations of Western technical texts. Cixi's regency facilitated funding from indemnities and likin taxes, though her oversight ensured reforms remained confined to peripheries, avoiding challenges to central or . These measures yielded tangible outputs, such as thousands of firearms by the 1870s, yet inherent limitations—decentralized control fostering regional loyalties and neglect of political reforms—foreshadowed vulnerabilities exposed in later conflicts.

Handling of Internal Rebellions

Upon ascending to the regency in November 1861 following the Xinyou Coup, Cixi, in co-regency with Ci'an and collaboration with on the council, prioritized the suppression of the (1850–1864), a heterodox Christian-inspired uprising that had seized as its capital in 1853 and inflicted an estimated 20–30 million deaths across southern and central China. The regency government reinforced Zeng Guofan's command of the , granting him broad autonomy and resources to besiege ; on July 19, 1864, Zeng's forces breached the city walls, leading to the suicide of Taiping leader and the surrender or massacre of tens of thousands of rebels, thereby dismantling the rebellion's core. To bolster imperial efforts amid depleted Banner and Green Standard armies, the regency tacitly endorsed provincial leaders' engagement of foreign mercenaries, notably Li Hongzhang's support for the Ever-Victorious Army—a 5,000-man force of Western-trained Chinese troops initially organized by American adventurer in 1860 and later commanded by British officer Charles Gordon after Ward's death in 1862—which recaptured Shanghai's outskirts and key ports like Ningpo and from Taiping control between 1862 and 1864. With the Taiping threat neutralized, the regency shifted focus to the concurrent (1851–1868), a nomadic bandit insurgency in northern that exploited and weak central authority to field up to 100,000 cavalry. Cixi and her council delegated suppression to Li Hongzhang's and Zuo Zongtang's forces, who adapted Western artillery, steamships for mobility on the , and scorched-earth tactics; by August 1868, coordinated campaigns under these commanders annihilated the main Nian bands led by Zhang Zongli and Lai Wenguang, restoring Qing control over , , and provinces. This delegation to provincial armies—bypassing traditional Manchu garrisons—enabled decisive victories but entrenched regional military autonomy, as commanders like , Li, and retained personal armies funded by local taxes rather than imperial treasuries. Emerging revolts, such as the Dungan uprisings in and from 1862 onward, similarly fell to Zongtang's campaigns in the late , with the regency approving his resource-intensive western expeditions that reclaimed the northwest by 1873.

Regency under Guangxu Emperor

Transition and Early Governance

The death of the Tongzhi Emperor on January 12, 1875, from smallpox at age 19, without a male heir, created a succession crisis that Empress Dowager Cixi exploited to resume control. Defying Qing dynastic norms which favored selecting an older Aisin Gioro clansman as heir, Cixi chose her three-year-old nephew, Zaitian (born August 14, 1871), the second son of Prince Chun (Yixuan), as the new emperor, adopting him to legitimize her choice and ensure a pliable regency. This decision, made amid court deliberations, prioritized her continued influence over traditional lineage seniority, as an older candidate might have asserted independence sooner. Zaitian ascended the throne as the on February 25, 1875, with Cixi and co-regent resuming joint oversight of the government from behind a yellow screen in the , a practice symbolizing imperial authority while allowing the dowagers to issue edicts in the emperor's name. Cixi orchestrated the purge of certain Tongzhi-era advisors blamed for the late emperor's profligacy, including plans to rebuild the , thereby eliminating potential rivals and centralizing advisory roles under loyalists like the Grand Council. This transition marked Cixi's second regency, extending her rule despite the nominal co-governance structure. In the early years of Guangxu's reign (1875–1881), Cixi focused on stabilizing the court through controlled education of the young emperor and continuation of selective modernization under the , emphasizing military and industrial reforms led by figures like , including telegraph lines and naval arsenals. She maintained administrative centralization via eunuch networks and regional viceroys, avoiding radical changes to preserve Manchu dominance amid ongoing recovery from the Taiping Rebellion's aftermath. The sudden death of Ci'an on April 8, 1881—amid rumors of poisoning, though unproven—left Cixi as the unchallenged , enabling more direct policy direction, such as cautious expansionism that foreshadowed the 1884–1885 over . This period saw incremental infrastructure gains, like initiatives and electricity experiments, but prioritized fiscal conservatism over aggressive Western emulation to mitigate internal factionalism.

Hundred Days' Reform and Subsequent Coup

In mid-1898, amid mounting foreign encroachments following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895, the sought to revitalize the Qing state through rapid institutional changes. On June 11, 1898, he issued the first of over 40 edicts launching the (Wuxu Bianfa), targeting education by establishing schools modeled on Western and Japanese systems, abolishing the rigid examination system emphasizing classical texts, and promoting practical sciences; administrative reforms aimed to eliminate redundant Manchu banner privileges and posts while fostering merit-based appointments; economic measures encouraged private enterprise and infrastructure like railways; and military modernization involved creating new academies and adopting Western weaponry. These initiatives, heavily influenced by scholar-reformers and who had direct access to Guangxu, bypassed traditional bureaucratic channels and alarmed conservative elites who viewed the pace as destabilizing, lacking broad support among officials accustomed to gradual adaptation. Empress Dowager Cixi, who had ostensibly retired from direct governance in but retained de facto authority through loyalists like , perceived the reforms as a direct challenge to her influence and the dynasty's stability. While some accounts attribute to her a nominal sympathy for modernization principles—evident in her prior endorsement of limited Self-Strengthening efforts—she prioritized causal continuity in administration, fearing the edicts' abruptness would provoke resistance from entrenched interests and exacerbate internal divisions without adequate preparation or consensus. By late , with intelligence from allies indicating Guangxu's desperation for military backing, Cixi coordinated opposition among Manchu nobles and provincial governors wary of upending Confucian hierarchies. The coup unfolded on September 21, 1898, when Cixi, leveraging Ronglu's control over the garrison and the betrayal of —who had received Guangxu's secret plea for troops to arrest her but instead alerted her forces—seized power. Guangxu was confined to indefinite in palace, officially declared incapacitated by illness, stripping him of executive authority; Cixi proclaimed herself once more, annulling most reform edicts while retaining a few non-threatening ones like school expansions to appease moderates. On September 28, six prominent reformers—, Lin Xu, Kong Xiangxi (nephew of ), Yang Shenxiu, Yang Rui, and Liu Guangdi, dubbed the "Six Gentlemen"—were beheaded in public executions, their defiance in refusing exile underscoring the purge's intent to deter radicalism; and escaped abroad, establishing exile networks that later fueled anti-Manchu sentiment. The coup, lasting effectively 103 days of active reform, reinforced Cixi's autocratic hold but exposed fractures in Qing adaptability, as conservative retrenchment alienated intellectuals without resolving underlying weaknesses against Western imperialism.

Boxer Uprising Support and Defeat

In early 1900, as the Boxer (Yihetuan) movement spread from province amid widespread resentment toward foreign missionaries, converts, and economic concessions, Empress Dowager Cixi initially adopted a cautious stance, viewing the unrest as a potential threat to Qing authority. By June, however, facing escalating foreign demands and internal pressure from conservative officials who saw the Boxers as a tool to expel Western influence, Cixi shifted to active support, calculating that aligning with their anti-foreign fervor could rally popular support and counter the carving up of into spheres of influence. On June 16, 1900, she convened an imperial council with Emperor Guangxu and key ministers, deciding to embrace the Boxers as "righteous and harmonious militias" under government protection rather than suppress them. This pivot culminated in a formal on June 21, 1900, when Cixi issued an imperial edict in Guangxu's name denouncing eleven foreign powers—Britain, the , , , , , , , , , and the —for their aggressions and calling on all Chinese subjects to resist. Qing imperial troops, numbering around 10,000 in the area, joined Boxer irregulars in besieging the foreign legations in starting June 20, trapping approximately 900 diplomats, families, and guards along with 3,000 Chinese Christians; the siege lasted 55 days, resulting in over 200 foreign deaths and thousands of Boxer and Qing casualties from failed assaults and disease. Concurrently, Boxer-aligned forces disrupted railways and attacked foreign holdings, but lacked modern weaponry and coordination against the responding , which assembled about 20,000 troops under British command, capturing on July 14 after fierce fighting that killed over 2,000 Chinese defenders. The alliance's advance forced a Qing retreat; on August 14, 1900, multinational forces breached 's walls, ending the legation siege and looting the city, with estimates of 2,000-5,000 Boxer executions in the aftermath. The next day, August 15, Cixi disguised herself in peasant attire and fled with Guangxu, a small entourage, and imperial treasures, traveling over 600 miles westward to for refuge amid provincial governors' reluctance to shelter her. From , Cixi negotiated peace through intermediaries like , disavowing direct responsibility for the Boxers and scapegoating subordinates; this led to the Boxer Protocol signed on September 7, 1901, which imposed execution of ten high officials (including Prince Duan, a Boxer supporter), permanent stationing of foreign troops in 's legation quarter and along key railways, destruction of the , a ban on arms imports for two years, and an indemnity of 450 million Haikwan taels (approximately 18,000 metric tons of silver, equivalent to $333 million at contemporary rates) payable over 39 years with 4% interest, funded by increased customs duties and salt taxes. The defeat shattered Qing prestige, exacerbating fiscal strain—the indemnity consumed over a third of annual revenue—and fueling revolutionary sentiment, though Cixi returned to Beijing in January 1902, publicly endorsing belated reforms to appease foreigners while consolidating power by executing critics and purging Boxer sympathizers. Her gamble on the Boxers, driven by a realist assessment of foreign encirclement but undermined by the Qing army's obsolescence (with only 100,000 effective troops nationwide against alliance modernity), accelerated the dynasty's decline without achieving expulsion of imperialists.

Post-Boxer Reforms and Adaptation

Following the defeat in the Boxer Uprising and the occupation of by the , Cixi negotiated and signed the Boxer Protocol on September 7, 1901, which imposed indemnities totaling 450 million taels of silver (approximately $333 million at the time), allowed permanent foreign legation guards, and required the destruction of fortifications around , marking a humiliating capitulation that underscored the Qing dynasty's military weakness. In a pragmatic reversal from her prior support for the xenophobic Boxers, Cixi issued a reform edict on January 29, 1901, even while in exile in , pledging to emulate Japan's by adopting Western administrative, educational, and military practices to strengthen the state, though this was framed as a means to preserve imperial rule rather than yield to radical internal change. Returning to Beijing in January 1902 under assurances of power retention, Cixi established the Superintendency of Political Affairs to oversee reforms, initiating the New Policies (1901–1911) that included centralizing administration by replacing traditional boards with modern ministries in 1906, promoting railroad construction (e.g., the started in 1903), and founding new-style schools while sending over 200 students abroad by 1906, primarily to , to acquire technical knowledge. These efforts reflected Cixi's adaptation to empirical realities of foreign superiority, as evidenced by her personal engagement with Western diplomats' wives in audience photographs from 1903 onward, where she posed in traditional attire but hosted informal gatherings to gauge and incorporate foreign ideas, signaling a calculated shift from to selective emulation. A pivotal reform was the abolition of the system on September 2, 1905, which had emphasized classical Confucian learning for 1,300 years; Cixi endorsed this to prioritize practical sciences and Western curricula, leading to the creation of institutions like the Imperial University of Peking (expanded in 1902) and provincial academies, though implementation was uneven due to resistance from entrenched literati. Militarily, she authorized the formation of the divisions starting in 1903, modeled on Japanese and German structures, with units like the modernized under , aiming to replace outdated banner forces but often serving to consolidate loyalist control amid fiscal strains from indemnities. Cixi's reforms also addressed social issues pragmatically, such as decreeing the end of foot-binding in 1902 (with bans enforced locally by 1911) and (death by a thousand cuts) in 1905, while promising a by 1908–1911, though the latter was advisory and delayed, revealing limits to her commitment as a tool for dynastic legitimacy rather than genuine power-sharing. This adaptation, driven by causal pressures of defeat and burdens exceeding annual revenue by threefold, preserved her regency until her on November 15, 1908, but failed to avert unrest, as reforms alienated conservatives without fully satisfying reformers.

Personal Life and Family

Relationships and Household

Empress Dowager Cixi entered the as a low-ranking concubine, designated Concubine Lan (蘭貴人), to the in 1852 following her selection in the imperial draft of 1851. Her position within the imperial improved after giving birth to the emperor's only surviving son, Zaichun (later the ), on April 27, 1856, elevating her to the rank of Noble Consort Yi (懿貴妃). The , who died in August 1861 amid the Taiping Rebellion's pressures, maintained a sprawling of over 2,000 women, including Empress Consort Ci'an, indicating Cixi's relationship with him was one of many subordinate consortships rather than a primary partnership. Following Xianfeng's death, Cixi formed a political alliance with , the former empress consort, to serve as joint regents for the five-year-old from November 1861 until Ci'an's death on April 8, 1881. Their co-regency involved affixing seals to edicts, with Cixi taking a more active role in drafting policies while Ci'an provided formal approval, reflecting a division where Cixi handled substantive governance and Ci'an ceremonial duties; no verified evidence supports claims of deep personal rivalry, though Cixi's ambition contrasted with Ci'an's deference. Cixi's relationship with her son was marked by maternal control, as she monitored his and activities through palace staff to curb his impulsive behavior, including restricting his studies and using eunuchs to report on him. Cixi's household operated within the Qing imperial structure, centered in palaces like Chuxiu Gong, and relied heavily on eunuchs for administration, intelligence, and enforcement due to restrictions on women's direct engagement with outer court affairs. She favored An Dehai as an early confidant for his loyalty and errands, but he was executed on September 12, 1869, in for violating protocol by traveling extravagantly outside the capital without imperial permission, a move orchestrated by conservative officials wary of eunuch influence. An Dehai's successor, , served as her chief from around 1870 until her death, managing palace intrigues, personal services, and reportedly carrying out punishments on her behalf, earning her enduring trust through discretion and efficiency. Among Manchu elites, Cixi cultivated alliances with figures like , a fellow member of the Co Bordered Blue Banner, who rose to command the Peking Field Force and supported her during the 1898 coup against the , reflecting a bond rooted in clan ties and shared political interests rather than familial kinship. Her natal family, the Yehe , provided limited direct involvement; her father, Hui Zheng, a mid-level official, died in 1857, leaving no prominent siblings to integrate into her household, underscoring her reliance on palace networks over blood relations. Cixi's inner circle thus prioritized functional loyalty from eunuchs and allies over traditional family structures, enabling her to navigate the male-dominated court effectively.

Issue and Succession Dynamics

Empress Dowager Cixi bore one biological child, a son named Zaichun, on April 27, 1856, to the . This birth elevated her status within the imperial harem from concubine to Consort Yi, as Zaichun was the emperor's only surviving son. Zaichun ascended the throne as the upon his father's death in 1861, at age five, placing Cixi in a co-regency with . The died on January 12, 1875, at age 18, reportedly from , leaving no surviving legitimate heirs despite his marriage to Empress Alute in 1872. With no direct descendants from Tongzhi, Cixi orchestrated the succession to maintain her influence, selecting four-year-old Zaitian, son of Yixuan (Prince Chun of the first rank), as the new emperor on February 25, 1875; Zaitian became the Guangxu Emperor after a formal adoption by Cixi and Ci'an. This choice adhered to Manchu Aisin Gioro clan naming conventions by designating Guangxu a generation below Tongzhi, but it bypassed senior adult princes, such as Prince Gong, who posed potential rivals to Cixi's authority. Cixi justified the selection through a decree claiming divine mandate and clan consensus, though contemporaries noted her preference for a minor emperor to extend regency control. Guangxu's nominal rule began in 1875, with Cixi's regency formally ending in 1889 upon his majority, though she retained de facto power. The Guangxu Emperor produced no heirs during his reign, which ended with his death on November 14, 1908, amid suspicions of poisoning ordered by Cixi, though autopsy evidence remains inconclusive and debated among historians. Hours before her own death on November 15, 1908, Cixi named two-year-old Puyi, son of Zaifeng (Prince Chun of the second rank and Guangxu's brother), as Guangxu's successor, adopting him to perpetuate imperial continuity under regency. This final maneuver again favored a child over adult candidates, including Zaifeng himself, to avoid empowering figures who might curtail her faction's dominance; Puyi ascended as the Xuantong Emperor, with Zaifeng appointed regent. Cixi's succession interventions thus systematically prioritized infant or minor rulers, enabling three decades of regency (1861–1908) and sidelining patrilineal traditions in favor of political pragmatism within the imperial clan.

Cultural Patronage and Personal Interests

Empress Dowager Cixi served as a prominent patron of , attending performances frequently from the 1880s onward and elevating its status through imperial endorsement. She constructed two dedicated theater stages within the , including the Garden of Virtue and Harmony, completed in 1891, where renowned actors performed exclusively for the court. This support, amid her preference for traditional entertainments, helped sustain and popularize the form during a period of dynastic decline. Cixi's architectural patronage focused on restoring and expanding imperial sites, most notably the (Yiheyuan), which she rebuilt twice—after damages in 1860 and 1900—using approximately 30 million taels of silver originally allocated for naval modernization. These projects emphasized classical Chinese garden design, pavilions, and symbolic structures like the , serving as venues for cultural activities and personal leisure. Her efforts preserved traditional aesthetics but drew criticism for prioritizing opulence over defense needs. In personal interests, Cixi embraced from 1903, commissioning sessions with Western photographers to craft a modern public image, including over 50 portraits disseminated internationally. She sat for American artist Katharine Carl between 1904 and 1905, producing paintings exhibited in the U.S. to counter negative foreign perceptions. These endeavors reflected selective engagement with Western techniques while reinforcing her authority through visual , alongside traditional pursuits like and courtly .

Domestic Policies

Administrative Centralization

During her regency beginning in , Empress Dowager Cixi centralized administrative authority by dominating the Grand Council (Junjichu), an advisory body originally focused on military affairs that evolved into the primary mechanism for executive decision-making under the Qing court. This institution, comprising a small group of trusted Manchu and Han officials, allowed Cixi to bypass traditional bureaucratic layers and the Six Boards (liu bu), concentrating policy formulation and implementation in while marginalizing provincial viceroys who had gained influence during mid-century rebellions. By appointing loyalists such as (Yixin) initially and later rotating key positions to prevent factional entrenchment, Cixi ensured that major edicts on taxation, military mobilization, and foreign affairs emanated directly from the palace, reinforcing imperial oversight amid decentralized regional armies like the Huai and Xiang forces. Post-Boxer Rebellion, Cixi's New Policies (Xinzheng) from 1901 onward included targeted administrative restructuring to further bolster central control. In May 1906, an edict abolished the antiquated Six Boards—responsible for personnel, revenue, rites, war, justice, and works—and reorganized them into eleven modern ministries, including new entities for , posts and communications, and , designed to unify fiscal and regulatory functions previously fragmented across boards and provinces. This reform, influenced by constitutional studies abroad, aimed to professionalize the bureaucracy by assigning departmental ministers with defined responsibilities, reducing overlap and enhancing the court's ability to enforce uniform policies on issues like and policing. Concurrently, the Grand was dissolved, and a Responsibility Cabinet (Zeren neige) was established under (Yikuang), nominally accountable to the throne but effectively serving Cixi's directives, which curtailed ad hoc advisory practices and formalized central executive power. These measures sought to counteract provincial governors' de facto autonomy, accrued through self-financed armies and customs revenues during crises like the (1850–1864), by mandating standardized reporting to new central ministries and centralizing revenue collection, such as through the 1906 Board of Revenue reforms that audited local surcharges. However, implementation faced resistance from entrenched interests; for instance, while the 1906 edict empowered the central to oversee salt and likin taxes, provincial officials often retained collection rights, limiting full centralization. Cixi's approach privileged Manchu oversight in core roles despite incorporating Han expertise, reflecting a pragmatic balance to sustain dynastic legitimacy while adapting to pressures from foreign indemnities and internal unrest. By her death in 1908, these reforms had partially revitalized central institutions but failed to fully subordinate regional power bases, contributing to the Qing's eventual fragmentation.

Economic and Infrastructure Developments

During her regency over the (1861–1875) and subsequent influence, Empress Dowager Cixi oversaw the , which sought to invigorate the Qing economy through selective adoption of Western industrial techniques without altering the political structure. This included founding state-sponsored enterprises such as the China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company in 1872 to challenge foreign dominance in coastal shipping, and developing textile mills like the Shanghai Machine Weaving Bureau in 1890, which produced cotton goods using imported machinery. Mining initiatives advanced with the Kaiping Colliery, operational from 1877, yielding coal for industrial use and exporting surplus to fund further projects. Infrastructure progress under the movement featured arsenals and shipyards, notably the Jiangnan Arsenal (established 1865) for arms production and the Fuzhou Navy Yard (opened 1866) for vessel construction, both incorporating foreign expertise to bolster military-industrial capacity. Telegraph networks proliferated after initial lines in 1881, expanding to approximately 13,000 miles by the 1890s, enhancing administrative coordination and grain market efficiency by reducing rice price disparities by up to 20% in non-waterway regions. Railway development lagged due to Cixi's early reservations over cultural disruption, though officials like secured her endorsement via a miniature German train set; this led to China's first operational line, the 10 km to Xugezhuang track in 1881, linking collieries to ports. Post-Boxer Rebellion, Cixi's New Policies from 1901 accelerated infrastructure amid survival imperatives, including nationalization of foreign-built railways and construction of the Beijing–Hankou line, completed in 1905 at 1,200 km, facilitating inland trade and troop movement. The Ministry of Commerce, created in 1906, coordinated industrial promotion, though fiscal burdens from war indemnities—exceeding 450 million taels annually—and limited net economic gains, with GDP growth averaging under 0.5% yearly despite these initiatives. In response to military defeats and foreign pressures following the Boxer Uprising, Empress Dowager Cixi endorsed the New Policies (Xinzheng) from 1901 onward, which included targeted educational reforms to foster technical expertise and reduce reliance on classical Confucian learning. Central to these was the 1905 reorganization of the Board of Rites into the Ministry of Education (Xuebu), tasked with standardizing curricula, establishing primary and secondary schools nationwide, and integrating Western subjects such as mathematics, physics, and foreign languages into state-sponsored institutions. This marked a departure from the traditional academy system, with edicts in and mandating the proliferation of modern schools and the translation of foreign textbooks to address China's technological lag. A landmark reform occurred on September 2, 1905, when Cixi approved a memorial from viceroys and , issuing an edict that abolished the imperial examinations across all levels, terminating a meritocratic selection dating to 605 CE that had emphasized rote memorization of Confucian texts over practical governance skills. The abolition, prompted by Japan's victory in the and the perceived inadequacy of exam-trained officials in and administration, spurred enrollment in new academies; by 1907, over 6,000 schools operated in provinces, and study-abroad programs sent approximately 13,000 students to alone between 1905 and 1908 for training in engineering, military science, and law. Within the imperial court, Cixi personally oversaw the creation of schools for Manchu noblewomen in the starting around 1902, blending embroidery and etiquette with basic literacy and arithmetic to elevate among the elite without challenging patriarchal norms. Legal reforms under the New Policies paralleled educational changes, aiming to consolidate disparate customary laws into a unified code amid demands from for extraterritorial rights. In late 1901, Cixi sanctioned the formation of a central laws revision ministry (Xingzhengchu), appointing Shen Jiaben as vice-president in 1902 to lead drafting efforts modeled on Japanese and German systems, which emphasized codified statutes over judicial discretion and incorporated concepts like proportionality in punishment. By , this produced a draft criminal code banning practices such as (death by a thousand cuts) and reducing penalties, while 1910 saw provisional codes for civil and ; however, conservative resistance and incomplete provincial adoption limited enforcement, with traditional magistrates retaining influence until the dynasty's end. These measures reflected Cixi's pragmatic adaptation to Western legal pressures but preserved monarchical oversight, as the reforms prioritized dynastic stability over full .

Foreign Policy and Military Engagements

Negotiations with Western Powers

During the initial phase of her regency in the 1860s and 1870s, Empress Dowager Cixi entrusted much of the diplomacy with Western powers to her brother-in-law, (Yixin), who served as the de facto foreign minister through the newly established . negotiated the Chefoo Convention with Britain in 1876, following the Margary Affair in which British envoy Thomas Wade's assistant Augustus Margary was killed; the treaty opened four additional , granted Britain further inland navigation rights on the Yangtze River, and legalized the import of , all ratified under Cixi's oversight as regent. These agreements reflected Cixi's pragmatic approach to stabilizing relations after the , prioritizing dynastic survival over outright resistance, though she maintained ultimate authority over policy directions that balanced concession with preservation of Qing sovereignty. Cixi's direct engagement intensified amid escalating foreign pressures in the late 1890s, culminating in her ambiguous handling of the Boxer Rebellion. Initially suppressing the anti-foreign Yihetuan (Boxer) movement in 1898, she reversed course in 1899 amid widespread resentment over foreign encroachments, including the Scramble for Concessions that saw European powers, , and seize territories and spheres of influence. On June 21, 1900, Cixi issued an imperial decree declaring war on all foreign powers, framing it as a unified stand against "barbarian" aggression, which mobilized Boxer militias alongside Qing troops to besiege foreign legations in from June 20 to August 14. This decision, driven by her calculation that harnessing popular could expel foreigners without full-scale war, instead provoked the —comprising Britain, France, Germany, , , the United States, Italy, and Austria-Hungary—to deploy over 45,000 troops, relieve the legations, and occupy on August 14, 1900. Fleeing for on August 15, 1900, with Emperor Guangxu and the court, Cixi shifted to negotiation to avert the dynasty's collapse. From , she empowered viceroys and Liu Kunyi as plenipotentiaries to engage the alliance, tempering initial Allied demands—such as dethroning the emperor or ceding territory—through appeals emphasizing her commitment to peace and reform. The resulting , signed on September 7, 1901, in , imposed severe penalties: an of 450 million taels of silver (approximately 0.5% of China's annual GDP, payable over 39 years with interest), execution of 10 high officials implicated in Boxer support, permanent stationing of foreign legation guards, demolition of Beijing's fortifications, and a two-year ban on arms imports. Cixi ratified these terms to secure her regency and the , viewing the —later partially remitted by powers like the U.S. for educational purposes—as a bitter necessity for regime preservation rather than outright capitulation. Post-protocol, Cixi adopted a more conciliatory posture toward Western powers, returning to in January 1902 and initiating audiences with foreign diplomats to rebuild relations. She received U.S. Minister Edwin H. in 1902 and hosted Western women , fostering perceptions of moderation, though underlying tensions persisted over collections and activities. These negotiations underscored Cixi's adaptive realism: while earlier misjudgments amplified Qing vulnerabilities, her post-1901 delayed revolutionary pressures by aligning selective reforms with foreign expectations, sustaining the dynasty until 1911 despite mounting internal dissent.

Sino-French and Sino-Japanese Wars

The (1884–1885) arose from French colonial ambitions in Vietnam, where Qing China maintained suzerainty under the tributary system. Empress Dowager Cixi, wielding significant influence over policy as de facto regent, supported military mobilization to defend Chinese interests in () against French advances. Tensions escalated after French forces clashed with Chinese-backed units in 1883, leading to the formal outbreak of hostilities in August 1884 when France declared war following the failure of negotiations. On August 23, 1884, French naval squadrons under Admiral Amédée Courbet annihilated the Fujian Fleet at the , sinking 11 Chinese warships and killing over 2,000 sailors in a matter of hours, exposing the obsolescence of Qing coastal defenses despite prior Self-Strengthening efforts. Land campaigns proved inconclusive, with Chinese forces under generals like Feng Zicai achieving a defensive victory at the Battle of Zhennan Pass on March 24–25, 1885, repelling French incursions into province and inflicting around 500 casualties. However, naval dominance allowed to blockade key ports and threaten Formosa (), pressuring the Qing court toward compromise. Cixi initially favored continued resistance but shifted to diplomacy amid mounting losses and domestic strain, culminating in the signed on June 9, 1885, which recognized French protectorates over Annam and while granting trading rights and most-favored-nation status in China. The outcome preserved nominal Qing sovereignty but marked a strategic retreat, with Cixi exploiting the war's fallout to dismiss and other moderates from the Grand Council, thereby entrenching conservative control and sidelining reformist voices. The (1894–1895) stemmed from rival influences in Korea, a Qing increasingly contested by modernizing . Cixi's adherence to traditional tributary diplomacy upheld China's suzerain claims, dispatching 2,800 troops in June 1894 to suppress the Donghak Peasant Rebellion at Korea's request, which inadvertently triggered Japanese intervention under the 1885 Convention of Tientsin requiring mutual withdrawal. , pursuing revisionist aims to expel Chinese influence and install a pro-Japanese regime in , mobilized 8,000 troops and ignored withdrawal protocols, leading to clashes at the Seoul-Pusan railway on July 25, 1894, and Qing China's declaration of war. Cixi's court underestimated Japan's capabilities, relying on the and northern armies hampered by corruption, poor logistics, and incomplete modernization under . Qing forces suffered decisive defeats, including the Battle of Pyongyang on September 15, 1894, where 13,000 Japanese troops routed 15,000 Chinese, and the naval Battle of the Yalu River on September 17, 1894, annihilating the Beiyang Fleet's 10 ironclads and killing 800 sailors amid tactical errors like divided formations. By March 1895, Japanese advances reached and threatened , forcing negotiations. The , signed April 17, 1895, compelled China to recognize Korean independence, cede , the Pescadores, and the (initially, before the ), and pay 200 million taels of silver in indemnity—equivalent to four years of Qing revenue. Cixi's policies, emphasizing palace expenditures over sustained military investment, contributed to these unpreparedness, though broader systemic failures in command and funding allocation under viceroys like Li exacerbated vulnerabilities; allegations of direct diversion of naval funds to renovations, while persistent, lack conclusive archival evidence tying specific allocations, with mismanagement more attributable to by regional officials.

Response to Imperialism and Unequal Treaties

During the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), which Cixi authorized in response to Japanese incursions in Korea—a Qing tributary state—the Qing forces suffered decisive defeats due to inadequate modernization of the Beiyang Fleet and army, despite prior investments in arsenals and shipyards under the Self-Strengthening Movement. The resulting Treaty of Shimonoseki, signed on April 17, 1895, by Li Hongzhang under Cixi's regency, compelled China to recognize Korean independence, cede Taiwan and the Pescadores Islands to Japan, open additional ports to trade, and pay an indemnity of 200 million kuping taels of silver, equivalent to roughly 230 million Japanese yen at the time. This treaty intensified foreign imperialism, as it signaled Qing weakness and prompted immediate interventions; Russia, France, and Germany coerced Japan via the Triple Intervention in late April 1895 to relinquish the Liaodong Peninsula, but China paid Japan an extra 30 million taels as compensation, further straining finances and expanding Russian influence in Manchuria. In reaction to the humiliations and Japan's rising power, Cixi's court adopted a strategy of balancing concessions to European powers to check Japanese expansion, leading to the "scramble for " in 1897–1898. secured a 25-year lease on Port Arthur (Lüshun) and the rights in March 1898; obtained (Qingdao) in 1897 following the murder of two German missionaries; Britain leased Weihaiwei and expanded its sphere in the Yangtze Valley; and gained influence in the south. These leases, often framed as defensive against Japan but rooted in opportunistic , eroded Qing by allowing , railway monopolies, and mining rights within spheres of influence, while Cixi prioritized internal stability and court factions over aggressive diplomatic pushback, relying on figures like for negotiations that yielded minimal reciprocity. Escalating anti-foreign sentiment, fueled by missionary privileges under existing unequal treaties and the perceived cultural erosion from concessions, culminated in Cixi's endorsement of the Yihetuan (Boxer) movement as a populist counter to . Initially a grassroots anti-Christian uprising in from 1898, the Boxers gained imperial sanction in June 1900 when Cixi, viewing them as allies against reformist threats to her authority and foreign legations' encroachments in , issued edicts praising their "righteous harmony" and declaring war on the Eleven Powers on June 21, 1900, mobilizing irregular forces alongside Qing troops to besiege foreign quarters. This xenophobic gambit, intended to rally nationalist fervor and expel imperialists, collapsed under the Eight-Nation Alliance's advance, forcing Cixi and the court to flee for in August 1900, exposing the regime's military frailty and resulting in widespread looting and reprisals. The Boxer Rebellion's failure compelled Cixi to negotiate the Boxer Protocol, signed September 7, 1901, which imposed the most punitive unequal treaty yet: an indemnity of 450 million taels (about $333 million in 1901 U.S. dollars) payable over 39 years with interest, totaling over 982 million taels; permanent foreign garrisons in 's legation quarter; execution or suicide of 100 pro-Boxer officials; destruction of ; and a ban on arms imports for two years. Returning to Beijing in January 1902 after assurances of her retention of power, Cixi shifted toward selective , authorizing envoys like Na Tung to study Western abroad in 1905–1906 and pursuing minor tariff revisions through bilateral talks, though full abolition remained elusive until the 1920s–1940s, reflecting her pragmatic adaptation to preserve the dynasty amid irreversible concessions. These responses, blending resistance with accommodation, prolonged Qing rule but arguably accelerated decline by diverting resources to indemnities—consuming up to 40% of annual revenue—and fostering dependency on foreign loans, without addressing core institutional weaknesses.

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Final Illness and Decisions

In the summer of 1908, Cixi developed symptoms consistent with , including stomach pain, bloody , and fever, which imperial medical records documented as progressively debilitating her health. These ailments, likely amoebic in nature given the era's challenges and her age of 73, confined her to bed by early , rendering her gravely ill but mentally alert enough to issue directives. On November 14, 1908, Guangxu died abruptly at age 37 from what initial reports termed natural causes, but 2008 forensic analysis of his hair and remains revealed concentrations exceeding lethal thresholds—over 2,000 times background levels—confirming deliberate . Historians widely attribute this act to Cixi or her inner circle, motivated by fears that Guangxu, recently released from , might resume radical reforms threatening her conservative power base; the timing, just hours before her own critical decline, underscores a calculated preemptive strike to secure dynastic control. From her deathbed, Cixi promptly nominated a successor to avert a power vacuum, selecting her great-nephew Puyi—a toddler born February 7, 1906, thus nearly three years old—as the Xuantong Emperor, adopting him posthumously as Guangxu's son to legitimize the line. She designated Puyi's father, Prince Chun (Zaifeng), as regent, positioning a reliable conservative ally to govern during the child's minority and perpetuate her policy of cautious modernization under Manchu dominance rather than risking adult reformers. This maneuver echoed her earlier installations of child emperors like Tongzhi and Guangxu, prioritizing regency stability over immediate adult rule amid Qing vulnerabilities. Cixi succumbed the next day, November 15, 1908; official annals cited a sudden as the immediate cause, compounded by her untreated and advanced age, with no evidence of in her case despite contemporary rumors. Her final decisions thus engineered a seamless, if precarious, transition, staving off immediate chaos but entrenching factional regency that causal observers link to the Qing's accelerated erosion post-1911.

Succession to Xuantong Emperor

The Guangxu Emperor died on November 14, 1908, at the age of 37, leaving no heir and prompting Empress Dowager Cixi, who was herself critically ill from a combination of ailments including pneumonia and possibly kidney failure, to designate a successor immediately. Cixi selected Puyi, the two-year-old son of Zaifeng (also known as Prince Chun), Guangxu's half-brother and a political ally aligned with her conservative faction, as the new emperor to ensure continuity of Manchu imperial rule under regency control. This choice bypassed adult candidates from the imperial clan, prioritizing a minor who could be managed by loyalists amid the dynasty's weakening position following military defeats and internal unrest. Puyi, born on February 7, 1906, in to Zaifeng and his consort Youlan, was a great-grandson of the through the imperial Aisin Gioro clan, making him a suitable but distant relative to legitimize the succession under Qing precedents that favored young heirs for stability. Cixi's decision reflected her long-standing strategy of installing child s to retain de facto power, as seen with the Tongzhi and Guangxu reigns, and positioned Zaifeng—whom she appointed as —to oversee the court while excluding reformist elements associated with the late emperor. The announcement of Puyi's ascension as the Xuantong Emperor occurred on November 15, 1908, mere hours before Cixi's own death at approximately 3:00 p.m. that day, underscoring her determination to dictate the transition even from her deathbed. Puyi was formally enthroned in the at the on December 2, 1908, at the age of two years and nine months, with ceremonies adhering to Qing ritual but marked by the infant's distress, as he reportedly cried throughout the proceedings. This swift succession aimed to project imperial continuity amid growing revolutionary threats, though it perpetuated the regency system that had centralized authority in Cixi's hands for decades, now shifting nominally to Zaifeng while exposing vulnerabilities in the Qing's absolutist structure. Posthumous analyses of Guangxu's remains in 2008 revealed elevated levels consistent with , fueling debates over whether Cixi or her agents accelerated his death to preempt any last-minute designations, though remains circumstantial and contested among historians.

Short-Term Political Consequences

Following Cixi's death on November 15, 1908, the Qing court transitioned power to Zaifeng, father of the two-year-old Xuantong Emperor , who had been enthroned the same day; this regency, formalized on December 2, formally ended Cixi's era of dominance but revealed fractures in the dynasty's governance. Zaifeng, inexperienced in high administration despite his noble status, prioritized consolidating Manchu influence by dismissing key figures associated with Cixi's regime, most notably , the powerful viceroy of and commander of the , whom he forced into retirement on December 31, 1908, under the pretext of illness. This move, motivated by Zaifeng's distrust of Yuan's Han background and independent power base, deprived the court of a seasoned military leader capable of enforcing central authority. Zaifeng's policies emphasized "Manchu ascendancy," issuing edicts such as the December 13, 1908, decree that promoted ethnic Manchus to senior posts while demoting or sidelining Han officials who had advanced under Cixi's pragmatic ; by December 26, further clarifications reinforced privileges, retreating from post-Boxer efforts to integrate Han elites into the . These actions, intended to restore Manchu primacy after decades of perceived dilution, instead alienated the Han gentry and provincial administrators, who viewed them as regressive favoritism that undermined administrative efficiency and loyalty to the . The resulting exacerbated ethnic divisions, eroding the dynasty's support among the educated classes who had tolerated Manchu rule through shared Confucian . In the military sphere, Yuan's dismissal fragmented command structures, as his Beiyang forces—modernized and loyal primarily to him—operated semi-autonomously, while Zaifeng relied on less reliable Manchu units; this weakened the court's coercive capacity against growing provincial unrest. Revolutionaries, including Sun Yat-sen's , exploited the perceived vulnerability, intensifying and uprisings in the south, with short-term effects manifesting in heightened provincial defiance, such as resistance to central policies by early 1911. Overall, the regency's short-term , spanning less than three years, accelerated the Qing's delegitimization by highlighting voids and missteps that Cixi's authoritarian control had previously masked.

Legacy and Historiography

Traditional Chinese and Early Western Views

In traditional Chinese historiography, particularly in official Qing records and post-dynastic accounts influenced by Republican reformers, Empress Dowager Cixi was often characterized as a conservative and corrupt figure whose personal ambitions exacerbated the dynasty's decline. Confucian scholars and court historians, adhering to patriarchal norms that viewed female regency as disruptive to the natural order, portrayed her exercise of power as illegitimate and manipulative, emphasizing her role in sidelining male officials and prioritizing palace intrigue over state welfare. This perspective persisted in early 20th-century Chinese narratives, where she was blamed for obstructing reforms and fostering factionalism, with accounts attributing events like the 1898 coup against the to her vindictive suppression of progressive elements. Early Western views, shaped by diplomats, missionaries, and journalists in the late 19th century, similarly cast Cixi as a reactionary autocrat resistant to modernization, often dubbing her the "Old Buddha" in a tone of ironic disdain for her self-deification amid national humiliations. British and American envoys, such as those reporting on the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895, depicted her as culpably inept or willful in military decisions, arguing that her dominance stifled bureaucratic innovation and prolonged isolationism despite evident technological deficits against foreign powers. Accounts from the era intensified this negativity, with Western observers like Sir Robert Hart of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service attributing the uprising's anti-foreign violence directly to her endorsement, viewing it as emblematic of her prioritization of xenophobic conservatism over pragmatic diplomacy. These portrayals, disseminated through periodicals and books such as J.O.P. Bland and E. Backhouse's China Under the (1910), reinforced a of Cixi as a despotic "" whose extravagance—evidenced by palace expenditures exceeding 10 million taels annually in the —drained resources needed for naval and industrial reforms.

Revisionist Perspectives and Achievements

Revisionist historians have challenged the traditional portrayal of Empress Dowager Cixi as an arch-conservative obstacle to progress, instead depicting her as a pragmatic reformer who advanced 's modernization amid existential threats. In her biography Empress Dowager Cixi: The Concubine Who Launched Modern China, argues that Cixi confronted monumental barriers to transform a medieval into a modern state, emphasizing her consistent support for technological and institutional changes while prioritizing political stability to avert collapse. This view posits that earlier negative assessments, often propagated by Qing revolutionaries seeking to justify dynastic overthrow, scapegoated Cixi for systemic failures rooted in deeper structural issues predating her regency. Revisionist accounts further portray Cixi as ambitious and politically astute from her time as a concubine, with ruthlessness evident in consolidating power through the Xinyou Coup of 1861 following Emperor Xianfeng's death; historical records show no evidence of an early benevolent phase shifting to viciousness, but rather a consistent pragmatic authoritarian style throughout her regency (1861–1908), balancing conservatism with selective reforms amid crises like the Taiping Rebellion and Boxer Uprising. During the from 1861 to 1895, under Cixi's oversight as regent, the Qing court pursued military and industrial modernization, including the establishment of arsenals, shipyards, and factories to produce modern weaponry and ships, aiming to bolster defenses against Western encroachment following the . Collaborating with figures like , Cixi endorsed these initiatives to integrate Western technology without wholesale adoption of foreign governance models, resulting in tangible outputs such as improved naval capabilities and early industrial infrastructure. Revisionists credit her with sustaining these efforts despite fiscal constraints and internal resistance, viewing them as foundational steps toward self-reliance rather than mere token gestures. In the wake of the Boxer Rebellion, Cixi's New Policies from 1901 onward implemented broader reforms, including the abolition of the imperial civil service examination system in 1905 to favor modern education, the creation of Western-style schools and universities, military reorganization into a professional army, and preparations for a through provincial assemblies established by 1909. These measures, authorized via edicts in January 1901, extended to legal codes, infrastructure like railroads, and economic policies promoting national industries, which revisionists argue demonstrated her adaptability and commitment to reform after earlier cautionary experiences like the failed . Cixi also advanced social changes, notably issuing an edict in 1902 banning foot-binding—a practice distorting women's feet for centuries—and legalizing intermarriage between and Manchus to foster unity. She promoted women's by funding the first schools for girls, including one for aristocratic daughters in 1907, challenging patriarchal constraints and enabling greater female participation in public life. Revisionists contend these initiatives, alongside her navigation of foreign pressures, prolonged the Qing Dynasty's survival until 1911, attributing to her a legacy of calculated progress that mitigated more rapid disintegration.

Criticisms and Attributed Failures

Cixi's suppression of the in 1898, enacted through a coup on September 21, is widely attributed by historians as a pivotal failure that halted potential modernization efforts and entrenched conservative resistance within the Qing court. The reforms, initiated by Emperor Guangxu on June 11, 1898, aimed to restructure bureaucracy, education, and military along Western lines, but Cixi orchestrated Guangxu's and the execution of six reformist leaders, including , on September 28, 1898, effectively reversing over 40 edicts. This action preserved Manchu dominance but exacerbated administrative stagnation, as subsequent partial reforms under Cixi's direction after 1901 proved insufficient to counter fiscal insolvency and military weakness. Her endorsement of the Boxer Rebellion in 1900 further intensified criticisms of misjudged foreign policy, culminating in the siege of 's foreign legations from June 20 to August 14, 1900. On June 21, 1900, Cixi issued an edict declaring war on foreign powers and mobilizing imperial troops to support the Yihetuan (Boxers), a decision driven by anti-foreign sentiment amid economic pressures from unequal treaties but resulting in the Eight-Nation Alliance's occupation of and the flight of the court to . The ensuing of September 7, 1901, imposed an indemnity of 450 million taels of silver—equivalent to roughly four years of Qing revenue—accelerating financial collapse and territorial concessions, with critics arguing Cixi's initial suppression of Boxers shifted to opportunistic alliance only after underestimating foreign resolve. Allegations of personal extravagance and corruption compounded attributions of leadership failure, as Cixi diverted state funds for palace luxuries amid widespread famine and rebellion; for instance, during the (1861–1895), an estimated 30 million taels were siphoned from naval modernization budgets under her oversight, contributing to naval defeats like the loss to in 1895. Traditional analyses, drawing from court records and contemporary memorials, portray her —elevating relatives like her niece Rongshou to influential positions—as fostering inefficiency, with legal modernization efforts faltering directly due to her vetoes on adopting Japanese-style codes post-1895 Sino-Japanese War. These patterns of conservatism and resource misallocation are cited as causal factors in the Qing's inability to industrialize or centralize power effectively, hastening dynastic decline by 1911.

Causal Analysis of Qing Decline

The decline of the Qing dynasty, culminating in the Xinhai Revolution of 1911, stemmed from a confluence of internal structural weaknesses and external geopolitical pressures that eroded the dynasty's fiscal, military, and administrative capacities over the late . Domestically, rapid —from approximately 150 million in 1700 to over 400 million by 1850—exacerbated land shortages, , and , straining agrarian resources and fueling rebellions such as the (1850–1864), which killed an estimated 20–30 million people and depleted central revenues. , where an expanding scholar-official class competed for limited bureaucratic positions, intensified factionalism and corruption, while ethnic tensions between Manchu rulers and Han majority undermined loyalty, as evidenced by widespread Han resentment toward Manchu privileges in the system. These factors created a vicious cycle of immiseration and fiscal insolvency, with indemnity payments from defeats like the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895)—totaling 200 million taels of silver—further crippling the treasury and forcing tax hikes that alienated the peasantry. Externally, the Qing's inability to counter Western and Japanese imperialism amplified these vulnerabilities, as unequal treaties from the (1839–1842 and 1856–1860) granted , tariff control, and port concessions, siphoning revenue and humiliating the court. The (1884–1885) and Sino-Japanese War exposed military obsolescence, with the latter's loss of and influence over Korea signaling the "Scramble for Concessions" in the 1890s, where European powers carved spheres of influence, further fragmenting sovereignty. Causal realism highlights how these pressures interacted with internal rigidity: the Qing's Confucian-Manchu institutional framework prioritized ideological orthodoxy over adaptive innovation, failing to industrialize effectively despite the (1861–1895), which built arsenals and shipyards but neglected systemic political reform. Empress Dowager Cixi's regency (1861–1908) exacerbated decline through conservative prioritization of regime survival over bold modernization, as her 1898 coup against the Guangxu Emperor's halted initiatives for , overhaul, and Western-style , fearing they threatened Manchu dominance. While she endorsed selective modernization—such as the Tianjin Naval Academy (1880) and —she subordinated it to palace eunuchs and allies, fostering and inefficiency; for instance, funds for naval upgrades were diverted to luxury projects like the (1888), contributing to the fleet's defeat at the Battle of the Yalu River (1894). Her support for the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901) as a xenophobic uprising against missionaries and converts invited the invasion, imposing a 450 million tael indemnity that bankrupted the state and accelerated provincial separatism. Late Qing reforms under her auspices post-1901—abolishing the examination system (1905), establishing ministries modeled on Japan, and provincial assemblies—were reactive and insufficient, implemented amid fiscal collapse and elite disillusionment, failing to forge a cohesive or loyalty. Cixi's personalistic rule, blending Manchu tradition with selective emulation of foreign models, reflected a causal miscalculation: viewing capitalism's political freedoms as threats to rather than enablers of strength, she preserved a feudal structure ill-suited to industrial competition, allowing demographic strains and foreign encroachments to compound without institutional resilience. Scholarly assessments attribute partial agency to her for delaying adaptation, though pre-existing rot—evident in the dynasty's stagnation under the (r. 1735–1796)—suggests her conservatism amplified rather than originated the trajectory toward collapse. Empirical data from indemnity burdens and rebellion casualties underscore how her risk-averse governance prioritized short-term control, eroding the and enabling revolutionary challengers like to exploit widespread perceptions of dynastic illegitimacy by 1911.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.