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Excommunication
Excommunication
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Fanciful 16th-century fresco in the Sala Regia, by Giorgio Vasari, depicting Pope Gregory IX excommunicating Frederick II. Since few details were provided to the artist, Vasari chose to paint an excommunication scene generically. In the traditional excommunication procedure, the pope and his priests would hurl burning candles on the ground and stamp them out. The painter however here chose to show the pope personally stepping on the emperor.[1]

Excommunication is an institutional act of religious censure used to deprive, suspend, or limit membership in a religious community or to restrict certain rights within it, in particular those of being in communion with other members of the congregation, and of receiving the sacraments.

It is practiced by all of the ancient churches (such as the Catholic Church, Oriental Orthodox churches and the Eastern Orthodox churches) as well as by other Christian denominations; however, it is also used more generally to refer to similar types of institutional religious exclusionary practices and shunning among other religious groups. The Amish have also been known to excommunicate members that were either seen or known for breaking rules, or questioning the church, a practice known as shunning. Jehovah's Witnesses use the term disfellowship to refer to their form of excommunication.

The word excommunication means putting a specific individual or group out of communion. In some denominations, excommunication includes spiritual condemnation of the member or group. Excommunication may involve banishment, shunning, and shaming, depending on the group, the offense that caused excommunication, or the rules or norms of the religious community. The grave act is often revoked in response to manifest repentance.

Bahá'í Faith

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Mírzá Muhammad ʻAlí, son of Bahá'u'lláh was excommunicated by 'Abdu'l-Bahá.

Excommunication among Bahá'ís is rare and generally not used for transgressions of community standards, intellectual dissent, or conversion to other religions.[2][3] Instead, it is the most severe punishment, reserved for suppressing organized dissent that threatens the unity of believers.[4] Covenant-breaker is a term used by Bahá'ís to refer to a person who has been excommunicated from the Bahá'í community for breaking the 'Covenant': actively promoting schism in the religion or otherwise opposing the legitimacy of the chain of succession of leadership.[5][2][6]

Currently, the Universal House of Justice has the sole authority to declare a person a Covenant-breaker,[2][7] and once identified, all Bahá'ís are expected to shun them, even if they are family members.[4] According to 'Abdu'l Baha Covenant-breaking is a contagious disease.[8] The Bahá'í writings forbid association with Covenant-breakers and Bahá'ís are urged to avoid their literature, thus providing an exception to the Bahá'í principle of independent investigation of truth. Most Bahá'ís are unaware of the small Bahá'í divisions that exist.[9]

Christianity

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The purpose of excommunication is to exclude from the church those members who have behaviors or teachings contrary to the beliefs of a Christian community (heresy).[10] It aims to protect members of the church from abuses and allow the offender to recognize their error and repent.

Catholic Church

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Plaque on exterior of the Chiesa della Pietà in Venice, the church of the orphanage. This is where the foundling wheel once stood. The inscription declares, citing a 12 November 1548 papal bull of Pope Paul III, that God inflicts "maledictions and excommunications" on all who abandon a child of theirs whom they have the means to rear, and that they cannot be absolved unless they first refund all expenses incurred.

Within the Catholic Church, there are differences between the discipline of the majority Latin Church regarding excommunication and that of the Eastern Catholic Churches.

Latin Church

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Martin Luther was excommunicated by Pope Leo X in 1521.

Excommunication can be either latae sententiae (automatic, incurred at the moment of committing the offense for which canon law imposes that penalty) or ferendae sententiae (incurred only when imposed by a legitimate superior or declared as the sentence of an ecclesiastical court).[11]

Threat of excommunication for stealing books from the Salamanca University library

The Catholic Church teaches in the Council of Trent that "excommunicated persons are not members of the Church, because they have been cut off by her sentence from the number of her children and belong not to her communion until they repent".[12]

In the papal bull Exsurge Domine (May 16, 1520), Pope Leo X condemned Luther's twenty-third proposition according to which "excommunications are merely external punishments, nor do they deprive a man of the common spiritual prayers of the Church". Pope Pius VI in Auctorem Fidei (August 28, 1794) condemned the notion which maintained that the effect of excommunication is only exterior because of its own nature it excludes only from exterior communion with the Church, as if, said the pope, excommunication were not a spiritual penalty binding in heaven and affecting souls.[13] The excommunicated person, being excluded from the society of the Church, still bears the indelible mark of Baptism and is subject to the jurisdiction of the Church. They are excluded from engaging in certain activities. These activities are listed in Canon 1331 §1, and prohibit the individual from any ministerial participation in celebrating the sacrifice of the Eucharist or any other ceremonies of worship; celebrating or receiving the sacraments; or exercising any ecclesiastical offices, ministries, or functions.[14][15]

Isabelo de los Reyes, founder of the Aglipayan Church, was excommunicated by Pope Leo XIII in 1903 as a schismatic apostate.

Under current Catholic canon law, excommunicates remain bound by ecclesiastical obligations such as attending Mass, even though they are barred from receiving the Eucharist and from taking an active part in the liturgy (reading, bringing the offerings, etc.). "Excommunicates lose rights, such as the right to the sacraments, but they are still bound to the obligations of the law; their rights are restored when they are reconciled through the remission of the penalty."[16]

These are the only effects for those who have incurred a latae sententiae excommunication. For instance, a priest may not refuse Communion publicly to those who are under an automatic excommunication, as long as it has not been officially declared to have been incurred by them, even if the priest knows that they have incurred it—although if the person's offence was a "manifest grave sin", then the priest is obliged to refuse their communion by canon 915.[17] On the other hand, if the priest knows that excommunication has been imposed on someone or that an automatic excommunication has been declared (and is no longer merely an undeclared automatic excommunication), he is forbidden to administer Holy Communion to that person.[18]

In the Catholic Church, excommunication is normally resolved by a declaration of repentance, profession of the Creed (if the offense involved heresy) and an Act of Faith, or renewal of obedience (if that was a relevant part of the offending act, i.e., an act of schism) by the excommunicated person and the lifting of the censure (absolution) by a priest or bishop empowered to do this. "The absolution can be in the internal (private) forum only, or also in the external (public) forum, depending on whether scandal would be given if a person were privately absolved and yet publicly considered unrepentant."[19]

Eastern Catholic Churches

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In the Eastern Catholic Churches, excommunication is imposed only by decree, never incurred automatically by latae sententiae excommunication. A distinction is made between minor and major excommunication. Those on whom minor excommunication has been imposed are excluded from receiving the Eucharist and can also be excluded from participating in the Divine Liturgy. They can even be excluded from entering a church when divine worship is being celebrated there. The decree of excommunication must indicate the precise effect of the excommunication and, if required, its duration.[20]

Those under major excommunication are in addition forbidden to receive not only the Eucharist but also the other sacraments, to administer sacraments or sacramentals, to exercise any ecclesiastical offices, ministries, or functions whatsoever, and any such exercise by them is null and void. They are to be removed from participation in the Divine Liturgy and any public celebrations of divine worship. They are forbidden to make use of any privileges granted to them and cannot be given any dignity, office, ministry, or function in the church, they cannot receive any pension or emoluments associated with these dignities etc., and they are deprived of the right to vote or to be elected.[21]

Eastern Orthodox Church

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In the Eastern Orthodox Church, excommunication is the exclusion of a member from the Eucharist. It is not expulsion from the churches. This can happen for such reasons as not having confessed within that year; excommunication can also be imposed as part of a penitential period. It is generally done with the goal of restoring the member to full communion. Before an excommunication of significant duration is imposed, the bishop is usually consulted. The Eastern Orthodox do have a means of expulsion, by pronouncing anathema, but this is reserved only for acts of serious and unrepentant heresy. As an example of this, the Second Council of Constantinople in 553, in its eleventh capitula, declared: "If anyone does not anathematize Arius, Eunomius, Macedonius, Apollinaris, Nestorius, Eutyches and Origen, as well as their impious writings, as also all other heretics already condemned and anathematized by the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, and by the aforesaid four Holy Synods and [if anyone does not equally anathematize] all those who have held and hold or who in their impiety persist in holding to the end the same opinion as those heretics just mentioned: let him be anathema."[22]

Lutheran churches

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Although Lutheranism technically has an excommunication process, some denominations and congregations do not use it. In the Smalcald Articles Luther differentiates between the "great" and "small" excommunication. The "small" excommunication is simply barring an individual from the Lord's Supper and "other fellowship in the church".[23] While the "great" excommunication excluded a person from both the church and political communities which he considered to be outside the authority of the church and only for civil leaders.[24] A modern Lutheran practice is laid out in the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod's 1986 explanation to the Small Catechism, defined beginning at Questions No. 277–284, in "The Office of Keys".[25]

Many Lutheran denominations operate under the premise that the entire congregation (as opposed to the pastor alone) must take appropriate steps for excommunication, and there are not always precise rules, to the point where individual congregations often set out rules for excommunicating laymen (as opposed to clergy). For example, churches may sometimes require that a vote must be taken at Sunday services; some congregations require that this vote be unanimous.[26]

In the Church of Sweden and the Church of Denmark, excommunicated individuals are turned out from their parish in front of their congregation.[27] They are not forbidden, however, to attend church and participate in other acts of devotion, although they are to sit in a place appointed by the priest (which was at a distance from others).[27]

The Lutheran process, though rarely used, has created unusual situations in recent years due to its somewhat democratic excommunication process. One example was an effort to get serial killer Dennis Rader excommunicated from his denomination (the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America) by individuals who tried to "lobby" Rader's fellow church members into voting for his excommunication.[28]

Anglican Communion

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Church of England

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The Church of England does not have any specific canons regarding how or why a member can be excommunicated, although it has a canon according to which ecclesiastical burial may be refused to someone "declared excommunicate for some grievous and notorious crime and no man to testify to his repentance".[29][failed verification]

The punishment of imprisonment for being excommunicated from the Church of England was removed from English law in 1963.[30]

Historian Christopher Hill found that, in pre-revolutionary England, excommunication was common but fell into disrepute because it was applied unevenly and could be avoided on payment of fines.[31]

Episcopal Church of the United States of America

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The ECUSA is in the Anglican Communion, and shares many canons with the Church of England which would determine its policy on excommunication.[32]

Reformed churches

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In the Reformed Churches, excommunication has generally been seen as the culmination of church discipline, which is one of the three marks of the Church. The Westminster Confession of Faith sees it as the third step after "admonition" and "suspension from the sacrament of the Lord's Supper for a season."[33] Yet, John Calvin argues in his Institutes of the Christian Religion that church censures do not "consign those who are excommunicated to perpetual ruin and damnation", but are designed to induce repentance, reconciliation and restoration to communion. Calvin notes, "though ecclesiastical discipline does not allow us to be on familiar and intimate terms with excommunicated persons, still we ought to strive by all possible means to bring them to a better mind, and recover them to the fellowship and unity of the Church."[34]

At least one modern Reformed theologian argues that excommunication is not the final step in the disciplinary process. Jay E. Adams argues that in excommunication, the offender is still seen as a brother, but in the final step they become "as the heathen and tax collector" (Matthew 18:17). Adams writes, "Nowhere in the Bible is excommunication (removal from the fellowship of the Lord's Table, according to Adams) equated with what happens in step 5; rather, step 5 is called 'removing from the midst, handing over to Satan,' and the like."[35]

Former Princeton president and theologian, Jonathan Edwards, addresses the notion of excommunication as "removal from the fellowship of the Lord's Table" in his treatise entitled "The Nature and End of Excommunication". Edwards argues:

"Particularly, we are forbidden such a degree of associating ourselves with (excommunicants), as there is in making them our guests at our tables, or in being their guests at their tables; as is manifest in the text, where we are commanded to have no company with them, no not to eat [...] That this respects not eating with them at the Lord's supper, but a common eating, is evident by the words, that the eating here forbidden, is one of the lowest degrees of keeping company, which are forbidden. Keep no company with such a one, saith the apostle, no not to eat – as much as to say, no not in so low a degree as to eat with him. But eating with him at the Lord's supper, is the very highest degree of visible Christian communion. Who can suppose that the apostle meant this: Take heed and have no company with a man, no not so much as in the highest degree of communion that you can have? Besides, the apostle mentions this eating as a way of keeping company which, however, they might hold with the heathen. He tells them, not to keep company with fornicators. Then he informs them, he means not with fornicators of this world, that is, the heathens; but, saith he, 'if any man that is called a brother be a fornicator, etc. with such a one keep no company, no not to eat.' This makes it most apparent, that the apostle doth not mean eating at the Lord's table; for so, they might not keep company with the heathens, any more than with an excommunicated person".[36]

Methodism

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In the Methodist Episcopal Church, individuals were able to be excommunicated following "trial before a jury of his peers, and after having had the privilege of an appeal to a higher court".[37] Nevertheless, an excommunication could be lifted after sufficient penance.[37]

John Wesley, the founder of the Methodist Churches, excommunicated sixty-four members from the Newcastle Methodist society alone for the following reasons:[38]

Two for cursing and swearing.

Two for habitual Sabbath-breaking.
Seventeen for drunkenness.
Two for retailing spiritous liquors.
Three for quarrelling and brawling.
One for beating his wife.
Three for habitual, wilful lying.
Four for railing and evil-speaking.
One for idleness and laziness. And,

Nine-and-twenty for lightness and carelessness.[38]

The Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection, in its 2014 Discipline, includes "homosexuality, lesbianism, bi-sexuality, bestiality, incest, fornication, adultery, and any attempt to alter one's gender by surgery", as well as remarriage after divorce among its excommunicable offences.[39]

The Evangelical Wesleyan Church, in its 2015 Discipline, states that "Any member of our church who is accused of neglect of the means of grace or other duties required by the Word of God, the indulgence of sinful tempers, words or actions, the sowing of dissension, or any other violation of the order and discipline of the church, may, after proper labor and admonition, be censured, placed on probation, or expelled by the official board of the circuit of which he is a member. If he request a trial, however, within thirty dates of the final action of the official board, it shall be granted."[40]

Anabaptist tradition

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Amish

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Amish communities practice variations of excommunication known as "shunning". This practice may include isolation from community events or the cessation of all communication.[41]

Mennonites

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Mennonite communities use the "ban", separation and correction on baptized members that fall into sin. Separated members must be avoided or "shunned" until they repent and reform. Shunning must be done in the spirit of moderation and Christian charity; the aim is not to destroy but to reform the person.[42]

Hutterites

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Hutterite communities use a form of excommunication called "the ban" on baptized members that fall into sin repeatedly.[43]

Baptists

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For Baptists, excommunication is used as a last resort by denominations and churches for members who do not want to repent of beliefs or behavior at odds with the confession of faith of the community.[44] The vote of community members, however, can restore a person who has been excluded.

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

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The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) practices excommunication as a penalty for those who commit serious sins, i.e., actions that significantly impair the name or moral influence of the church or pose a threat to other people. In 2020, the church ceased using the term "excommunication" and instead refers to "withdrawal of membership". According to the church leadership General Handbook,[45] the purposes of withdrawing membership or imposing membership restrictions are, (1) to help protect others; (2) to help a person access the redeeming power of Jesus Christ through repentance; and (3) to protect the integrity of the Church. The origins of LDS disciplinary procedures and excommunications are traced to a revelation Joseph Smith dictated on 9 February 1831, later canonized as Doctrine and Covenants, section 42 and codified in the General Handbook.[46]

The LDS Church also practices the lesser sanctions of private counsel and caution and informal and formal membership restrictions. (Informal membership restrictions was formerly known as "probation"; formal membership restrictions was formerly known as "disfellowshipment".)[47][48]

Formal membership restrictions are used for serious sins that do not rise to the level of membership withdrawal.[45] Formal membership restriction denies some privileges but does not include a loss of church membership. Once formal membership restrictions are in place, persons may not take the sacrament or enter church temples, nor may they offer public prayers or sermons. Such persons may continue to attend most church functions and are allowed to wear temple garments, pay tithes and offerings, and participate in church classes if their conduct is orderly. Formal membership restrictions typically lasts for one year, after which one may be reinstated as a member in good standing.[49]

In the more grievous or recalcitrant cases, withdrawal of membership becomes a disciplinary option.[45] Such an action is generally reserved for what are seen as the most serious sins, including committing serious crimes such as murder, child abuse, and incest; committing adultery; involvement in or teaching of polygamy; involvement in homosexual conduct; apostasy; participation in an abortion; teaching false doctrine; or openly criticizing church leaders.[50] The General Handbook states that formally joining another church constitutes apostasy and is worthy of membership withdrawal; however, merely attending another church does not constitute apostasy.[51]

A withdrawal of membership can occur only after a formal church membership council.[52] Formerly called a "disciplinary council" or a "church court", the councils were renamed to avoid focusing on guilt and instead to emphasize the availability of repentance.[45]

The decision to withdraw the membership of a Melchizedek priesthood holder is generally the province of the leadership of a stake.[45] In such a disciplinary council, the stake presidency and, sometimes in more difficult cases, the stake high council attend.[45] It is possible to appeal a decision of a stake membership council to the church's First Presidency.[53]

For females and for male members not initiated into the Melchizedek priesthood, a ward membership council is held.[45] In such cases, a bishop determines whether withdrawal of membership or a lesser sanction is warranted. He does this in consultation with his two counselors, with the bishop making the final determination after prayer.[54] The decision of a ward membership council can be appealed to the stake president.[53]

The following list of variables serves as a general set of guidelines for when membership withdrawal or lesser action may be warranted, beginning with those more likely to result in severe sanction:[45]

  1. Violation of covenants: Covenants are made in conjunction with specific ordinances in the LDS Church. Violated covenants that might result in excommunication are usually those surrounding marriage covenants, temple covenants, and priesthood covenants.
  2. Position of trust or authority: The person's position in the church hierarchy factors into the decision. It is considered more serious when a sin is committed by an area seventy; a stake, mission, or temple president; a bishop; a patriarch; or a full-time missionary.
  3. Repetition: Repetition of a sin is more serious than a single instance.
  4. Magnitude: How often, how many individuals were impacted, and who is aware of the sin factor into the decision.
  5. Age, maturity, and experience: Those who are young in age, or immature in their understanding, are typically afforded leniency.
  6. Interests of the innocent: How the discipline will impact innocent family members may be considered.
  7. Time between transgression and confession: If the sin was committed in the distant past, and there has not been repetition, leniency may be considered.
  8. Voluntary confession: If a person voluntarily confesses the sin, leniency is suggested.
  9. Evidence of repentance: Sorrow for sin, and demonstrated commitment to repentance, as well as faith in Jesus Christ all play a role in determining the severity of discipline.

Notices of withdrawal of membership may be made public, especially in cases of apostasy, where members could be misled.[45] However, the specific reasons for individual withdrawal of membership are typically kept confidential and are seldom made public by church leadership.[55]

Those who have their membership withdrawn lose the right to partake of the sacrament. Such persons are permitted to attend church meetings but participation is limited: they cannot offer public prayers, preach sermons, and cannot enter temples. Such individuals are also prohibited from wearing or purchasing temple garments and from paying tithes. A person whose membership has been withdrawn may be re-baptized after a waiting period of at least one year and sincere repentance, as judged by a series of interviews with church leaders.[56]

Some critics have charged that LDS Church leaders have used the threat of membership withdrawal to silence or punish church members and researchers who disagree with established policy and doctrine, who study or discuss controversial subjects, or who may be involved in disputes with local, stake leaders or general authorities; see, e.g., Brian Evenson, a former BYU professor and writer whose fiction came under criticism from BYU officials and LDS Leadership.[57][58][59] Another notable case of excommunication from the LDS Church was the "September Six", a group of intellectuals and professors, five of whom were excommunicated and the sixth disfellowshipped. However, church policy dictates that local leaders are responsible for membership withdrawal, without influence from church headquarters. The church thus argues that this policy is evidence against any systematic persecution of scholars or dissenters. Data shows per-capita excommunication rates among the LDS Church have varied dramatically over the years, from a low of about 1 in 6,400 members in the early 1900s to one in 640 by the 1970s, an increase which has been speculatively attributed to "informal guidance from above" in enforcing the growing list of possible transgressions added to General Handbook editions over time.[46]

Jehovah's Witnesses

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Jehovah's Witnesses practice a form of excommunication, using the term "disfellowshipping", in cases where a member is believed to have unrepentantly committed one or more of several documented "serious sins".[60]

When a member confesses to, or is accused of, a serious sin, a judicial committee of at least three elders is formed. This committee investigates the case and determines the magnitude of the sin committed. If the person is deemed guilty of a disfellowshipping offense, the committee then decides, on the basis of the person's attitude and "works befitting repentance".[61]

Disfellowshipping is a severing of friendly relationships between all Jehovah's Witnesses and the disfellowshipped person. Interaction with extended family is typically restricted to a minimum, such as presence at the reading of wills and providing essential care for the elderly. Within a household, typical family contact may continue, but without spiritual fellowship such as family Bible study and religious discussions. Parents of disfellowshipped minors living in the family home may continue to attempt to convince the child about the group's teachings. Jehovah's Witnesses believe that this form of discipline encourages the disfellowshipped individual to conform to biblical standards and prevents the person from influencing other members of the congregation.[62]

Along with breaches of the Witnesses' moral code, openly disagreeing with the teachings of Jehovah's Witnesses is considered grounds for shunning.[62] These persons are labeled as "apostates" and are described in Watch Tower Society literature as "mentally diseased".[63][64] Descriptions of "apostates" appearing in the Witnesses literature have been the subject of investigation in the UK to determine if they violate religious hatred laws.[65] Sociologist Andrew Holden claims many Witnesses who would otherwise defect because of disillusionment with the organization and its teachings, remain affiliated out of fear of being shunned and losing contact with friends and family members.[66] Shunning employs what is known as relational aggression in psychological literature. When used by church members and member-spouse parents against excommunicant parents it contains elements of what psychologists call parental alienation. Extreme shunning may cause trauma to the shunned (and to their dependents) similar to what is studied in the psychology of torture.[66][need quotation to verify]

Disassociation is a form of shunning where a member expresses verbally or in writing that they do not wish to be associated with Jehovah's Witnesses, rather than for having committed any specific 'sin'.[67] Elders may also decide that an individual has disassociated, without any formal statement by the individual, by actions such as accepting a blood transfusion,[68] or for joining another religious[69] or military organization.[70] Individuals who are deemed by the elders to have disassociated are given no right of appeal.[71][72]

Each year, congregation elders are instructed to consider meeting with disfellowshipped individuals to determine changed circumstances and encourage them to pursue reinstatement.[73] Reinstatement is not automatic after a certain time period, nor is there a minimum duration; disfellowshipped persons may talk to elders at any time but must apply in writing to be considered for reinstatement into the congregation.[74][75] Elders consider each case individually, and are instructed to ensure "that sufficient time has passed for the disfellowshipped person to prove that his profession of repentance is genuine".[76] A judicial committee meets with the individual to determine their repentance, and if this is established, the person is reinstated into the congregation and may participate with the congregation in their formal ministry (such as house-to-house preaching).[77]

A Witness who has been formally reproved or reinstated cannot be appointed to any special privilege of service for at least one year. Serious sins involving child sex abuse permanently disqualify the sinner from appointment to any congregational privilege of service, regardless of whether the sinner was convicted of any secular crime.[78]

Christadelphians

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Similarly to many groups having their origins in the 1830s Restoration Movement,[79] Christadelphians call their form of excommunication "disfellowshipping", though they do not practice "shunning". Disfellowshipping can occur for moral reasons, changing beliefs, or (in some ecclesias) for not attending communion (referred to as "the emblems" or "the breaking of bread").[80]

In such cases, the person involved is usually required to discuss the issues.[81] If they do not conform, the church ('meeting' or 'ecclesia') is recommended by the management committee ("Arranging Brethren") to vote on disfellowshipping the person. These procedures were formulated 1863 onwards by early Christadelphians,[citation needed] and then in 1883 codified by Robert Roberts in A Guide to the Formation and Conduct of Christadelphian Ecclesias (colloquially "The Ecclesial Guide").[82] However Christadelphians justify and apply their practice not only from this document but also from passages such as the exclusion in 1Co.5 and recovery in 2Co.2.[83]

Christadelphians typically avoid the term "excommunication" which many associate with the Catholic Church; and may feel the word carries implications they do not agree with, such as undue condemnation and punishment, as well as failing to recognise the remedial intention of the measure.[84]

  • Behavioural cases. Many cases regarding moral issues tend to involve relational matters such as marriage outside the faith, divorce and remarriage (which is considered adultery in some circumstances by some ecclesias), or homosexuality.[85] Reinstatement for moral issues is determined by the ecclesia's assessment of whether the individual has "turned away" from (ceased) the course of action considered immoral by the church. This can be complex when dealing with cases of divorce and subsequent remarriage, with different positions adopted by different ecclesias, but generally within the main "Central" grouping, such cases can be accommodated.[86]
  • Doctrinal cases. Changes of belief on what Christadelphians call "first principle" doctrines are difficult to accommodate unless the individual agrees to not teach or spread them, since the body has a documented Statement of Faith which informally serves as a basis of ecclesial membership and interecclesial fellowship. Those who are disfellowshipped for reasons of differing belief rarely return, because they are expected to conform to an understanding with which they do not agree. Holding differing beliefs on fundamental matters is considered as error and apostasy, which can limit a person's salvation. However, in practice disfellowship for doctrinal reasons is now unusual.[87]

In the case of adultery and divorce, the passage of time usually means a member can be restored if he or she wants to be. In the case of ongoing behaviour, cohabitation, homosexual activity, then the terms of the suspension have not been met.

The mechanics of "refellowship" follow the reverse of the original process; the individual makes an application to the "ecclesia", and the "Arranging Brethren" give a recommendation to the members who vote.[88] If the "Arranging Brethren" judge that a vote may divide the ecclesia, or personally upset some members, they may seek to find a third party ecclesia which is willing to "refellowship" the member instead. According to the Ecclesial Guide a third party ecclesia may also take the initiative to "refellowship" another meeting's member. However this cannot be done unilaterally, as this would constitute heteronomy over the autonomy of the original ecclesia's members.[89]

Society of Friends (Quakers)

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Among many of the Society of Friends (Quakers) groups one is read out of meeting for behaviour inconsistent with the sense of the meeting.[90] In Britain a meeting may record a minute of disunity.[91] However it is the responsibility of each meeting, quarterly meeting, and yearly meeting, to act with respect to their own members. For example, during the Vietnam War many Friends were concerned about Friend Richard Nixon's position on war which seemed at odds with their beliefs; however, it was the responsibility of Nixon's own meeting, the East Whittier Meeting of Whittier, California, to act if indeed that meeting felt the leading.[92] They did not.[93]

In 17th- and 18th-Century North America, before the founding of abolitionist societies, Friends who too forcefully tried to convince their coreligionists of the evils of slavery were read out of meeting. Benjamin Lay was read out of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting for this.[92] During the American Revolution over 400 Friends were read out of meeting for their military participation or support.[93]

Iglesia ni Cristo

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Iglesia ni Cristo practices expulsion of members it deems to have gravely sinned or gone against the teachings and doctrines of the church. The Sanggunian, the church's council, has jurisdiction to expel members from the church. People expelled by the church are referred to as dismissed (Tagalog: tiwalag). Offenses that may be grounds for expulsion include marrying a non-member, having a romantic relationship with a non-member, becoming pregnant out of wedlock (unless the couple marries before the child is born) and most especially disagreeing with the church administration.[94] An expelled member can be re-admitted by pledging obedience to the church administration and its rules, values and teachings.[95]

Unitarian Universalism

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Unitarian Universalism, being a liberal religious group and a congregational denomination, has a wide diversity of opinions and sentiments. Nonetheless, Unitarian Universalists have had to deal with disruptive individuals. Congregations which had no policies on disruptive individuals have sometimes found themselves having to create such policies, up to (and including) expulsion.[96]

By the late 1990s, several churches were using the West Shore UU Church's policy as a model. If someone is threatening, disruptive, or distracting from the appeal of the church to its membership, a church using this model has three recommended levels of response to the offending individual. While the first level involves dialogue between a committee or clergy member and the offender, the second and third levels involve expulsion, either from the church itself or a church activity.[96][97][98]

Buddhism

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There is no direct equivalent to excommunication in Buddhism. However, in the Theravadan monastic community monks can be expelled from monasteries for heresy or other acts. In addition, monks have four vows, called the four defeats, which are abstaining from sexual intercourse, stealing, murder, and lying about spiritual gains (e.g., having special power or ability to perform miracles). If any one is broken, the monk is automatically a layman again and can never become a monk in his or her current life.[99][100]

Most Japanese Buddhist sects hold ecclesiastical authority over their followers and have their own rules for expelling members of the sangha, lay or bishopric. The lay Japanese Buddhist organization Sōka Gakkai was expelled from the Nichiren Shoshu sect in 1991.[101]

Hinduism

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Hinduism is too diverse to be seen as a homogenous and monolithic religion. It is often described an unorganised and syncretist religion with a conspicuous absence of any listed doctrines. There are multiple religious institutions (equivalent to Christian ecclesia) within Hinduism that teach slight variations of Dharma and Karma, hence Hinduism has no concept of excommunication and hence no Hindu may be ousted from the Hindu religion, though a person may easily lose caste status through gramanya for a very wide variety of infringements of caste prohibitions. This may or may not be recoverable. However, some of the modern organised sects within Hinduism may practice something equivalent to excommunication today, by ousting a person from their own sect.

In medieval and early-modern times (and sometimes even now) in South Asia, excommunication from one's caste (jāti or varna) used to be practiced (by the caste-councils) and was often with serious consequences, such as abasement of the person's caste status and even throwing him into the sphere of the untouchables or bhangi. In the 19th century, a Hindu faced excommunication for going abroad, since it was presumed he/she would be forced to break caste restrictions and, as a result, become polluted.[102]

After excommunication, it would depend upon the caste-council whether they would accept any form of repentance (ritual or otherwise) or not. Such current examples of excommunication in Hinduism are often more political or social rather than religious, for example the excommunication of lower castes for refusing to work as scavengers in Tamil Nadu.[103]

Another example of caste-related violence and discrimination occurred in the case of the Gupti Ismailis from the Hindu Kachhiya caste. Interestingly, Hindu members of this caste began prayers with the inclusion of the mantra “OM, by the command, in the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful” (om farmānjī bi’smi’l-lāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm), but never found it objectionable or Islamic. However, in the early 1930s, after some conflict with caste members due to their profession of allegiance to the Ismaili Imam, this group, known as the Guptis, were excommunicated from the caste completely as they appeared to be breaking caste solidarity. This was also significant for the Gupti community as, for the first time, they could be identified as a distinct group based on their religious persuasion. Some of the more daring Guptis also abandoned their former practice of pious circumspection (taqiyya) as Hindus, claiming that since they had been excommunicated, the caste no longer had any jurisdiction over their actions.[104]

An earlier example of excommunication in Hinduism is that of Shastri Yagnapurushdas, who voluntarily left and was later expelled from the Vadtal Gadi of the Swaminarayan Sampraday by the then Vadtal acharya in 1906. He went on to form his own institution, Bochasanwasi Swaminarayan Sanstha or BSS (now BAPS) claiming Gunatitanand Swami was the rightful spiritual successor to Swaminarayan.[105][106]

Sikhism

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Patit is a Sikh term which is sometimes translated into English as apostate. It refers to a person who initiated into Sikh religion, but violated the religious rules of Sikhi.[107] The Sikh Rehat Maryada (Code of Conduct), Section Six states the transgressions which cause a person to become a patit:

  • Dishonouring the hair;
  • Eating the meat of an animal slaughtered the Kutha way;
  • Cohabiting with a person other than one's spouse;
  • Using an intoxicant (such as smoking, drinking alcohol, using recreational drugs or tobacco)[108]

These four kurahit causes of apostasy were first listed by Guru Gobind Singh in his 52 hukams (commandments).

Islam

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Since there has been no universally and univocally recognized religious authority among the many Islamic denominations that have emerged throughout history, papal excommunication has no exact equivalent in Islam, at least insofar as the attitudes of any conflicting religious authorities with regard to an individual or another sect are judged to be coordinate, not subordinate to one another. Nonetheless, condemning heterodoxy and punishing heretics through shunning and ostracism is comparable with the practice in non-Catholic Christian faiths.

Islamic theologians commonly employ two terms when describing measurements to be taken against schismatics and heresy: هَجْر (hajr, "abandoning") and تَكْفِير (takfīr, "making or declaring to be a nonbeliever"). The former (هَجْر, hajr) signifies the act of abandoning somewhere (such as migration, as in the Islamic prophet's journey out of Mecca, which is called al-Hijra ("the (e)migration")) or someone (used in the Qur'an in the case of disciplining a dissonant or disobedient wife[109] or avoiding a harmful person[110]). The latter (تَكْفِير, takfīr) means a definitive declaration that denounces a person as a kāfir ("infidel"). However, because such a charge would entail serious consequences for the accused, who would then be deemed to be a مُرْتَدّ (murtadd, "a backslider; an apostate), less extreme denunciations, such as an accusation of بِدْعَة (bidʽah, "[deviant] innovation; heresy") followed by shunning and excommunication have historically preponderated over apostasy trials.

Takfīr has often been practiced through the courts.[111] More recently,[when?] cases have taken place where individuals have been considered nonbelievers.[citation needed] These decisions followed lawsuits against individuals, mainly in response to their writings that some have viewed as anti-Islamic. The most famous cases are of Salman Rushdie, Nasr Abu Zayd, Nawal El-Saadawi, and of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community. The repercussions of such cases have included divorce, since under traditional interpretations of Islamic law, Muslim women are not permitted to marry non-Muslim men.

Judaism

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Herem is the highest ecclesiastical censure in Judaism. It is the total exclusion of a person from the Jewish community. Except for cases in the Charedi community, cherem stopped existing after The Enlightenment, when local Jewish communities lost their political autonomy, and Jews were integrated into the gentile nations in which they lived.[112] A siruv order, equivalent to a contempt of court, issued by a Rabbinical court may also limit religious participation.

Rabbinical conferences of movements do expel members from time to time,[113][114][115] but sometimes choose the lesser penalty of censuring the offending rabbi.[116] Between 2010 and 2015, the Reform Jewish Central Conference of American Rabbis expelled six rabbis, the Orthodox Jewish Rabbinical Council of America expelled three, and the Conservative Jewish Rabbinical Assembly expelled one, suspended three, and caused one to resign without eligibility for reinstatement.[117] While the CCAR and RCA were relatively shy about their reasons for expelling rabbis, the RA was more open about its reasons for kicking rabbis out. Reasons for expulsion from the three conferences include sexual misconduct, failure to comply with ethics investigations, setting up conversion groups without the conference's approval, stealing money from congregations, other financial misconduct, and getting arrested.[117]

Judaism, like Unitarian Universalism, tends towards congregationalism, and so decisions to exclude from a community of worship often depend on the congregation. Congregational bylaws sometimes enable the board of a synagogue to ask individuals to leave[118] or not to enter.[119][120]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Excommunication constitutes a severe ecclesiastical penalty, primarily within Christianity, whereby a member is formally severed from participation in the sacraments, communal rites, and the spiritual fellowship of the faith community, with the intent to induce repentance and safeguard doctrinal purity. In the Catholic Church, this censure deprives the individual of sacramental graces and bars exercise of ecclesiastical offices, functioning as a medicinal rather than purely punitive measure to awaken conscience and prompt reconciliation. The practice draws from biblical precedents, such as the Apostle Paul's directive in 1 Corinthians 5:1-5 to deliver an immoral brother to Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that his spirit may be saved, underscoring its restorative aim over eternal damnation.
Historically rooted in the early as a tool against and grave moral failings, excommunication evolved into a potent instrument of discipline, often intersecting with temporal power dynamics, as seen in cases where popes levied it against monarchs to assert spiritual supremacy. Notable instances include the excommunication of Frederick II by in 1227 and again in 1239 amid disputes over territorial control and crusade obligations, illustrating its role in medieval church-state conflicts. In Protestant traditions, similar mechanisms persist, emphasizing church purity through exclusion, though less formalized than in Catholicism. Beyond , analogous practices exist, such as the Jewish herem, a communal ban isolating violators of rabbinic authority, and in , takfir, whereby individuals or groups declare others apostates, though lacking centralized enforcement. Controversies arise from its potential misuse for political leverage, yet empirically, it has served to preserve communal integrity by incentivizing conformity via social and spiritual , aligning with the causal necessity of boundaries for group cohesion.

Definition and Etymology

Core Concept and Purpose

Excommunication constitutes the formal by which a baptized individual is excluded from participation in the sacraments, particularly the , and from the communal life of the faithful within a religious body, primarily the . This penalty severs the offender's active communion with the institution while preserving their underlying baptismal character, rendering them an "exile" from the visible society of believers without abrogating their . In terms, it represents the gravest medicinal sanction, depriving the subject of spiritual privileges to address grave offenses such as , , or scandalous immorality. The primary theological purpose of excommunication is restorative, aiming to provoke and rather than mere or retribution. By isolating the offender from ecclesial benefits, it seeks to awaken their , foster personal , and ultimately reintegrate them upon , aligning with scriptural imperatives for that prioritize the sinner's over indefinite exclusion. This intent underscores a causal mechanism wherein temporary severance from communal support incentivizes self-examination and return to , safeguarding the doctrinal integrity and moral purity of the broader assembly against contagion from unrepentant . Secondarily, excommunication serves a protective function for the religious community, deterring emulation of grave sins and upholding communal standards derived from . In this vein, it functions as a boundary mechanism, expelling those whose persistence in or vice could undermine collective fidelity, as evidenced in early canonical frameworks emphasizing exclusion to preserve the "" from internal corruption. While interpretations vary across denominations—Catholic codifying it as a revocable penalty under episcopal authority, and Protestant traditions viewing it as congregational for impenitence—the core rationale remains tied to spiritual healing and ecclesial over vindictive isolation.

Linguistic and Historical Terminology

The term excommunication originates from the excommunicatio, denoting formal exclusion from ecclesiastical communion and privileges, with its earliest English usage recorded before 1460 in texts. This noun derives from the verb excommunicare, combining the prefix ex- ("out of" or "from") with communicare ("to share" or "participate"), thus literally signifying "exclusion from fellowship" or "putting out of the community." The corresponding adjective excommunicate entered as excommunicatus by the early 15th century, emphasizing severance from church sacraments and social bonds. In pre-Christian and early Christian contexts, analogous concepts employed distinct terminology rooted in Hebrew and Greek. Jewish tradition used herem post-Babylonian (after 538 BCE) to describe bans against disobedience, evolving into a form of social and religious enforced by rabbinic authorities. Greek precedents included atimia for civic exclusion in , while the introduced anathema—from Greek anathema ("thing devoted" or "set apart," often for destruction)—to signify cursed separation from the faith community, as in Galatians 1:8–9 (ca. 49–55 CE), where it curses false teachers. Related phrases like "delivered unto " (1 Corinthians 5:5, ca. 53–54 CE) described expulsion to demonic influence for disciplinary purification. By the patristic era (2nd–5th centuries CE), Latin excommunicatio gained prominence alongside retained Greek anathema, the latter connoting irrevocable divine curse versus the potentially reversible nature of excommunication. This distinction persisted into the medieval period, where the inherited both terms: excommunicatio for general excluding sacraments, and for solemn, sacred bans often ritualized with symbolic acts like the closing of a or ringing of a bell to invoke finality. Over time, excommunicatio standardized as the operative term in , reflecting a shift from purely theological curses to structured penalties, though anathema lingered in conciliar decrees until its formal equivalence to major excommunication in the .

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Christian Precedents

In ancient , formal mechanisms of religious exclusion predated and provided direct precedents for excommunication. The practice of niddui, a lesser form of , imposed for up to 30 days, prohibiting the offender from engaging in communal interactions, teaching , or receiving certain greetings, typically for violations of rabbinic authority or communal norms. More severe was cherem, a total ban entailing indefinite from the Jewish community, including denial of religious services, social contact, and economic dealings, often invoked for persistent defiance of halakhic rulings or heresy-like offenses. These measures, rooted in practices around the 1st century BCE or earlier, aimed to enforce doctrinal purity and communal cohesion through supernatural curses and social pressure, with biblical echoes in concepts like the herem ban on or . Greek city-states, particularly from approximately 487 to 416 BCE, employed as a civic to expel individuals perceived as threats to stability, using inscribed potsherds (ostraka) voted by at least 6,000 citizens to banish them for 10 years without loss of property. Though primarily political—targeting figures like in 471 BCE for potential tyranny—it incorporated religious undertones, as exile disrupted participation in sacred festivals and oaths, effectively severing ties to the polis's cultic life and invoking divine disfavor. This democratic mechanism, justified by as preventing imbalance in the , paralleled religious exclusion by enforcing conformity through collective judgment and temporary purgation of disruptive elements. In the and early Empire, banishment (exilium) or interdictio aquae et ignis—prohibiting fire and water, essentials for life—served as penalties for crimes including or breach of religious oaths, with over 100 documented cases by the 1st century BCE. Voluntary self-exile often preceded formal sentencing to evade execution, as in Cicero's case in 58 BCE, while imperial decrees under (27 BCE–14 CE) extended it to provincial islands like those used for Ovid's 8 CE relegation. These practices, blending legal and religious dimensions, underscored causal links between individual transgression and communal ritual purity, influencing later adaptations by formalizing expulsion as a safeguard against contagion.

Early Christian Adoption and Evolution

Excommunication in early Christianity emerged as a disciplinary measure rooted in New Testament instructions, particularly the Apostle Paul's directive in 1 Corinthians 5:1–5 to expel a member engaged in incest from the church community, delivering him "to Satan for the destruction of the flesh, so that his spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord." This act aimed to protect the community's purity while holding hope for the offender's repentance and restoration, reflecting a balance between communal holiness and individual redemption. Similarly, Matthew 18:15–18 outlines a stepwise process for addressing sin within the fellowship, culminating in treating the unrepentant as "a Gentile and a tax collector," which early interpreters understood as exclusion from sacramental and social communion. These passages established excommunication not as mere social ostracism but as a medicinal penalty to prompt contrition, drawing from Jewish precedents of communal shunning yet adapted to emphasize ecclesial unity under apostolic authority. In the post-apostolic era, like (c. 35–107 AD) reinforced separation from doctrinal deviants, urging avoidance of those who abstain from the while denying its identity as Christ's flesh, thereby implying an early form of exclusion from orthodox fellowship to preserve eucharistic integrity. This practice intensified during persecutions, as seen in the handling of the lapsi—Christians who apostatized under threat. (c. 155–240 AD) and critiqued lax reintegration, advocating graded , while of (c. 200–258 AD), amid the of 250 AD, authored On the Lapsed to argue against immediate , insisting on rigorous before readmission to sacraments. 's 251 AD synod permitted restoration after scaled to the offense's severity—libelli pacis for minor lapses versus prolonged exclusion for sacrificing to idols—but excommunicated unrepentant and Felicissimus's schismatics, underscoring bishops' authority in enforcing discipline. By the early fourth century, regional synods formalized excommunication's application. The Council of Elvira (c. 303–306 AD) in Hispania issued 81 canons imposing temporary or lifelong exclusion from communion for offenses like adultery (up to lifelong for repeat fornication post-penance), usury, and intermarriage with pagans, with clergy facing deposition for similar failings. These penalties evolved from ad hoc apostolic responses into structured canonical frameworks, distinguishing minor (exclusio a mensa) from major (anathema) forms, the latter involving formal curses and separation from the body of Christ. This development preserved doctrinal and moral cohesion amid growing institutionalization, though debates persisted on penance's duration and validity across sees, foreshadowing later imperial influences.

Medieval Expansion and Political Use

In the , excommunication expanded as a formalized penalty under , evolving from a spiritual sanction into a mechanism for enforcing over secular rulers, particularly during the 11th to 13th centuries. This development paralleled the Gregorian Reforms, which asserted the Church's independence from lay interference in ecclesiastical appointments, culminating in the of 1075, where claimed authority to depose emperors. The penalty's scope broadened to include not only exclusion from sacraments but also the release of subjects from feudal oaths, effectively destabilizing rulers' political foundations by portraying disobedience as . A pivotal instance occurred during the , when Gregory VII excommunicated Henry IV on February 22, 1076, for persisting in lay investiture of bishops and defying papal summons to a . This act absolved Henry's vassals from allegiance, sparking rebellions among German princes and forcing the emperor to seek reconciliation through public at from January 25 to 28, 1077, where he stood in the snow as a penitent to obtain . The episode demonstrated excommunication's coercive power, compelling secular leaders to yield amid fears of eternal and earthly revolt, though Henry later retaliated by installing antipopes. Popes increasingly wielded excommunication alongside the —a territorial suspension of public worship and sacraments—to amplify pressure on monarchs, as seen in Pope Innocent III's 1208 on against King John for refusing to accept as . This dual tool inflicted communal spiritual and social hardship, eroding royal legitimacy and inciting domestic opposition until John capitulated in 1213 by surrendering as a papal . Such applications underscored the penalty's role in extending influence over fiscal and jurisdictional matters, often prioritizing papal temporal ambitions over purely doctrinal concerns. Later exemplars included Pope Gregory IX's excommunication of Emperor Frederick II on September 29, 1227, for failing to embark on the as vowed, despite imperial preparations thwarted by plague; this sanction was reiterated in 1239 amid conflicts over Italian territories. Frederick's repeated excommunications—totaling four by various popes—highlighted the weapon's deployment in the enduring Guelph-Ghibelline strife, where papal bulls not only barred the emperor from Christian rites but also rallied coalitions against rule, contributing to the dynasty's eventual decline. These cases reveal excommunication's transformation into a strategic instrument of , leveraging medieval Europe's intertwined spiritual and temporal orders to curb imperial overreach, though overuse risked backlash and schisms.

Reformation, Enlightenment, and Modern Adaptations

The Protestant marked a pivotal shift in the application of excommunication, as reformers rejected the Catholic Church's authority to enforce it universally. On January 3, 1521, issued the bull , formally excommunicating for his refusal to recant theses challenging indulgences and , thereby declaring his works heretical and barring him from sacraments. This act, intended to suppress dissent, instead catalyzed the schism, with Protestant leaders viewing papal excommunication as invalid due to perceived corruption in Rome's ecclesiastical structure. In emerging Protestant communities, excommunication was repurposed as a congregational tool for discipline; , in from 1541, instituted it to enforce moral and doctrinal conformity, excommunicating individuals like libertine Jacques Gruet in 1547 for blasphemy, often with civil backing from city councils. Lutheran churches similarly adopted it for serious offenses, emphasizing scriptural basis over hierarchical decree, though its scope remained limited to spiritual exclusion without the medieval civil interdictions. The Enlightenment further diminished excommunication's influence by promoting rational inquiry, secular governance, and , eroding the intertwined religious and civil authorities that had amplified its penalties. Thinkers like advocated tolerance and individual conscience over institutional coercion, arguing in (1689) that civil magistrates should not enforce ecclesiastical censures, a view that gained traction amid rising toward and clerical power. In post-Reformation , abuses of excommunication—such as its use for —prompted reforms after the of 1688, with revisions in 1691 limiting its civil effects to cases and requiring judicial oversight, reflecting a broader decline in its temporal enforcement. By the 18th century, in secularizing states like pre-Revolution, excommunication lost legal force as Enlightenment ideals prioritized empirical reason over supernatural sanctions, confining it to purely ecclesiastical realms and reducing its deterrent value amid growing . In modern contexts, excommunication persists as a spiritual remedy across traditions but adapted to diminished societal authority and internal canonical reforms. The codified it in the 1983 Code of Canon Law (canons 1331–1332) as a medicinal penalty excluding the offender from sacraments to prompt repentance, with latae sententiae forms automatically applying to grave acts like procuring (canon 1398), though lifted upon contrition without formal process in many cases. Eastern Orthodox practice limits it to temporary denial of for unrepented sins, such as or scandal, administered by bishops as rather than permanent expulsion, emphasizing restoration over punishment. Protestant denominations vary: Reformed churches like Presbyterians retain formal processes per confessional standards (e.g., Westminster Confession, chapter 30), but usage is rare, focusing on voluntary church covenants; Anabaptist groups employ for unrepentant members, while mainline bodies often prioritize dialogue amid cultural . Overall, its modern role underscores doctrinal boundaries without civil repercussions, reflecting secular legal frameworks that prioritize personal freedoms.

Theological and Canonical Foundations

Scriptural and Doctrinal Justifications

In , the scriptural foundation for excommunication derives primarily from teachings on , emphasizing the removal of unrepentant sinners to preserve communal holiness and foster potential . outlines a progressive process in Matthew 18:15-17, instructing believers to confront a sinning brother privately, then with witnesses, and finally before the church; if the offender refuses to listen even to the church, he is to be regarded "as a and a ," effectively excluding him from fellowship. This procedure underscores excommunication not as punitive isolation but as a boundary-setting measure to maintain the church's integrity. The Apostle Paul reinforces this in 1 Corinthians 5:1-5 and 11-13, addressing a case of incestuous tolerated by the Corinthian church; he commands, "Purge the person from among yourselves," delivering the offender "to for the destruction of the flesh, so that his spirit may be saved in ." This act aims to protect the congregation from leaven-like corruption (1 Corinthians 5:6-8) while holding out hope for the sinner's restoration through chastisement. Additional Pauline instructions in 2 Thessalonians 3:6 and 14-15 direct withdrawal from "every brother who walks in idleness" and from the disorderly, treating them as warned yet not as enemies but as brothers to encourage shame and return. Similarly, 3:10 mandates rejecting a divisive person after one or two warnings, and 2 John 1:10-11 prohibits receiving or greeting those who do not abide in apostolic , lest one share in their works. Doctrinally, these texts form the basis for excommunication across Christian traditions, interpreted as a medicinal penalty rather than mere expulsion. In the , it evolved from early councils applying Pauline principles to and grave sin, codified in as latae sententiae or ferendae sententiae penalties for offenses like or desecration of the , always with possible upon . Eastern Orthodox practice aligns similarly, viewing excommunication as temporary barring from the for unrepented scandalous sins, rooted in the same scriptural imperatives to safeguard the mysteries and communal purity, as seen in canons of ecumenical councils like (325 CE) and (381 CE). , such as those in Reformed confessions, retained biblical discipline but emphasized congregational application over hierarchical imposition, citing the same verses to justify removal for impenitence while prioritizing restoration. In , precursors like niddui and cherem lack direct mandates but draw from communal separation principles in Leviticus 13:45-46 (isolating lepers) and Deuteronomy 13:6-11 (executing idolaters, later adapted to exclusion), formalized in Talmudic literature for enforcing halakhic observance against heretics or slanderers, though rarely invoked post-medievally. These foundations collectively justify excommunication as a biblically warranted tool for doctrinal fidelity and moral accountability, applied judiciously to avoid abuse.

Canonical Procedures and Variations Across Traditions

In the , excommunication constitutes a medicinal penalty under the 1983 Code of Canon Law, specifically detailed in canons 1331–1338, which exclude the offender from sacramental participation and certain ecclesiastical acts while aiming to prompt and restoration. This censure prohibits the excommunicated individual from celebrating or receiving sacraments (except in danger of death), exercising offices or ministries, and active liturgical participation, with passive attendance permitted unless arises. Imposition occurs either latae sententiae—automatically upon commission of reserved delicts, such as direct abortion under canon 1398 or violence against the pope under canon 1370—or ferendae sententiae, declared by competent authority (typically a for diocesan matters or the for reserved cases) following a process outlined in canons 1341–1353. The latter involves preliminary investigation, formal warning with canonical time limits for , opportunity for defense, and, if necessary, a penal trial or extrajudicial decree, ensuring proportionality and mercy per canon 1341. Absolution from excommunication requires repentance and, for ferendae sententiae cases, recourse to the imposing authority or confessor, who may remit it conditionally; latae sententiae cases reserved to the Holy See (e.g., desecration of Eucharist under canon 1367) demand Vatican approval unless urgency applies. This structured juridical framework reflects a balance of justice and pastoral intent, distinguishing excommunication from interdict (which affects communities) and emphasizing declaration for public latae sententiae penalties to avoid ambiguity. In the Eastern Orthodox tradition, canonical procedures lack the centralized codification of Catholic , drawing instead from uncodified sources like the Apostolic Canons, ecumenical councils (e.g., Nicaea I, 325 CE), and patristic rulings applied discretionally by bishops or synods. Excommunication typically manifests as temporary prohibition from Holy Communion and sacraments for unrepented grave sins, such as or moral lapses, functioning as a therapeutic measure to foster metanoia rather than permanent expulsion. Bishops impose it pastorally after , , or inquiry, often without formal trial, as seen in canons barring heretics or schismatics from eucharistic fellowship (e.g., Apostolic Canon 10). Anathema represents the severest variant, a formal and complete ecclesial separation for persistent , , or rejection of conciliar definitions, pronounced rarely by a , , or pan-Orthodox following investigation and failed calls to — as stipulated in the 2000 Charter of the for cases like promoting non-Orthodox unions. Lifting requires public and , underscoring Orthodoxy's emphasis on communal consensus over individual juridical rights. Oriental Orthodox churches, such as the Coptic, mirror this with synodal review and delegation evaluations for excommunication, prioritizing over automatic penalties. These procedures vary markedly: Catholic practice integrates Roman legal precision with automatic mechanisms for efficiency in grave delicts, while Orthodox approaches prioritize episcopal discernment and conciliarity, avoiding rigid codes to adapt to spiritual contexts, though both traditions root in scriptural precedents like 1 Corinthians 5:1–5 and aim at salvific correction rather than mere punishment. Protestant traditions, lacking unified canons, devolve procedures to congregational or denominational discipline (e.g., Matthew 18:15–17 processes in Reformed bodies), often eschewing formal excommunication for informal or restoration protocols, reflecting critiques of hierarchical penalties.

Practices in Abrahamic Religions

In Judaism

In Judaism, excommunication manifests primarily through rabbinic bans known as niddui (reprimand or cursing) and herem (ban or ), with nezifah serving as a preliminary, milder form of rebuke. These practices, developed in the Talmudic period, aim to preserve communal and enforce obedience to (Jewish law) by excluding offenders from social, religious, and economic interactions, while also functioning as a legal-intellectual tool to contain destructive interpretations of Jewish law. For instance, Rabbi Gershom ben Judah of Mainz (c. 960–1040) employed cherem to enforce communal ordinances (takkanot), such as the prohibition on polygamy around 1000 CE, preventing harmful halakhic practices and maintaining doctrinal integrity, as reflected in early Ashkenazic responsa. Nezifah involves a one- to seven-day period of public shaming and isolation for minor insults, such as disrespecting scholars. Niddui, lasting typically 30 days, imposes restrictions like maintaining a distance of four cubits (about six feet) from others, exclusion from quorums (minyanim), and observance of mourning customs as if for the dead. Herem represents the severest , entailing indefinite total , including prohibitions on business, , and aid, often accompanied by ritual curses. Biblically, the concept draws from herem as a form of devotion or destruction, as in Deuteronomy 7:2 and Numbers 21:2, where enemies or property were consecrated to God and barred from human use, evolving post-exile into for legal violations, as seen in 10:8, where failure to foreign wives resulted in forfeiture of property and separation from the congregation. Rabbinic elaboration in the (e.g., Mo'ed Katan 16a–17a) and codes like ' Mishneh Torah ( 6:1–14) formalized these into enforceable penalties, distinguishing graduated levels to match offense severity. The Babylonian innovated shammata (a intensified niddui), emphasizing over arbitrary use. Procedures require prior warnings—typically three private admonitions—before imposition by a rabbinic court (beit din) of at least three members or a leading scholar. For herem, a public ceremony in the involves opening the , lighting black candles, sounding the , and reciting 18 or 24 biblical curses (e.g., from Deuteronomy 28), announcing the ban to the community. Evidence standards are lenient, prioritizing deterrence over strict proof. Lifting demands , often verified by the imposing authority; niddui expires after its term if unheeded warnings cease, while herem may require formal and, in some cases, self-inflicted like standing in excommunication for three days. Grounds for excommunication, enumerated as 24 offenses by , include disrespecting rabbinic authority (e.g., degrading sages' words or ignoring court summons), , litigating fellow Jews in secular courts contrary to , endangering the community (e.g., keeping unmuzzled dangerous animals), or economic harms like misrepresenting kosher status. It served to counter threats like or informers during persecutions. Notable impositions include the 1656 herem against by Amsterdam's Portuguese synagogue for "abominable heresies" and "monstrous deeds," and the 1945 ban on by American Orthodox rabbis for Reconstructionist views denying the Torah's divine origin. Effects extend spiritually and socially: the excommunicated is treated as spiritually impaired, barred from religious rites, and shunned, with family sometimes included in medieval applications; death in herem precludes normal mourning. Communally, enforcement relies on collective adherence, fostering self-policing but risking abuse by overzealous leaders. Post-Enlightenment reduced reliance on bans due to secular alternatives and fragmentation, rendering them rare today outside ultra-Orthodox circles, though instances persist against ideological dissenters like members in 2006 for engaging with non-Jews.

In Christianity

Excommunication in constitutes a severe that deprives an individual of participation in the sacraments and communal worship, primarily as a remedial measure to foster and safeguard the doctrinal purity of the community. Rooted in injunctions such as Matthew 18:15-17 and 1 Corinthians 5:1-5, which advocate confronting unrepentant and treating the offender as an outsider to prompt , the practice varies significantly across denominations in its formality, procedure, and consequences.

Catholic Church Practices

In the , excommunication is codified in the as a penalty under Book VI, encompassing both latae sententiae (automatic upon commission of specified grave offenses) and ferendae sententiae (declared by authority following a process). It prohibits the excommunicated from celebrating or receiving sacraments, exercising offices, or participating in liturgical functions, though it does not absolve from the obligation to attend . Offenses incurring latae sententiae excommunication include physical assault on the , violation of the sacramental seal of by a , and procuring or performing an . The penalty aims to be medicinal, excluding the offender from Eucharistic communion while urging through ; lifting requires by competent authority, often the for reserved cases. Recent applications include declarations against schismatics refusing submission to the , as per Canon 751.

Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox Practices

Eastern Orthodox excommunication primarily entails exclusion from the and other sacraments as a disciplinary response to unrepentant grave , functioning as a temporary barrier to communion until reconciliation via and . Procedures involve investigation, often by priests or a committee, for offenses like without sacramental or persistent absence from , echoing ancient canons that deemed three consecutive Sundays without attendance as self-excommunication. Oriental Orthodox traditions, such as Coptic and Armenian, similarly employ or deposition for heretics and schismatics, with synodal decisions historically pronounced in councils, emphasizing restoration through repentance over permanent severance. Unlike Catholic automatic penalties, Orthodox practice leans toward episcopal discretion and oikonomia (merciful application of canons) to avoid overly rigid enforcement.

Protestant and Restorationist Practices

Protestant denominations exhibit diverse approaches to , often eschewing formal excommunication in favor of congregational processes inspired by Matthew 18, culminating in withdrawal of fellowship for unrepentant to encourage restoration rather than condemnation. Reformed traditions, such as Presbyterian churches, may formalize removal from membership rolls for scandals like immorality or doctrinal deviation, treating the individual as a "heathen and " per Scripture, though without sacramental denial since most reject a centralized . Restorationist groups intensify measures: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints employs excommunication for severe transgressions like , , or , revoking membership and temple privileges, with a disciplinary deciding based on evidence and repentance prospects; as of 2024, terminology shifted to "membership withdrawal" for some cases to reduce legal connotations. practice disfellowshipping for unrepentant wrongdoing, enforcing social by members to prompt return, viewing it as protective separation from bad associations per 1 Corinthians 5:11-13. These practices prioritize communal holiness but risk varying applications absent universal authority.

Catholic Church Practices

constitutes a severe ecclesiastical censure under the 1983 Code of Canon Law, defined as exclusion from the communion of the faithful and prohibition from receiving most sacraments, while retaining membership in the Church itself. This penalty serves a medicinal purpose, aiming to foster and restoration rather than permanent expulsion, distinguishing it from practices in other traditions that may sever ties outright. The Church emphasizes that excommunication responds to grave offenses against faith, morals, or authority, with automatic application in specified cases to underscore the gravity without requiring immediate judicial intervention. Two primary forms exist: latae sententiae, which incurs automatically upon commission of enumerated delicts by a baptized Catholic who acts freely, with knowledge of the penalty, and without mitigating factors like ignorance or coercion; and ferendae sententiae, imposed declaratorily after a canonical process such as a . Latae sententiae excommunications apply to acts including from the faith, , (Canon 1364 §1), direct participation in procuring an (Canon 1398), violation of the sacramental seal of by a (Canon 1388), and physical assault on the (Canon 1370). For instance, a 2024 declaration by the for the Doctrine of the Faith imposed latae sententiae excommunication on Archbishop for , citing refusal of submission to the Roman Pontiff. Procedures for ferendae sententiae involve investigation, possible admonition, and judgment by —typically a for diocesan matters or the for reserved cases—with ensuring proportionality and mercy. Remission requires , of the fault, and by the authority who imposed or declared it, or one delegated, such as a for non-reserved latae cases; reserved excommunications, like those for desecration of the Eucharist (Canon 1367), demand involvement. Effects include ineligibility for sacraments except in danger of death, exclusion from liturgical roles, and prohibition from teaching or governing in the Church, though excommunicants may attend Mass and receive Catholic burial if repentant. Social intercourse with the excommunicated remains unrestricted for the faithful, countering misconceptions of total isolation. Historically, practices evolved from early synodal condemnations to formalized medieval rites involving bells, candles, and interdicts, but post-Codex Iuris Canonici (1917 revision and 1983 update), emphasis shifted from ceremonial spectacle to internal , reducing public declarations except in high-profile cases like the 1533 provisional excommunication of for marital nullity refusal. Contemporary application remains rare, with fewer than a dozen annual declarations globally, prioritizing dialogue and lesser penalties for correction, as evidenced by Vatican guidelines urging caution in political or matters absent formal obstinacy. This restraint reflects causal understanding that excommunication succeeds primarily when tied to clear doctrinal violation, not mere dissent, avoiding politicization observed in biased secular critiques that equate it with authoritarianism despite its restorative intent.

Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox Practices

In the Eastern Orthodox Church, excommunication functions primarily as a medicinal penalty rather than a punitive one, entailing temporary exclusion from the Eucharist and participation in the Church's liturgical prayer to foster repentance and reconciliation. This practice draws from ancient canons compiled in texts like the Pedalion (Rudder), which aggregates Apostolic, Ecumenical, and local synodal rulings, such as Apostolic Canon 9 prohibiting lay attendance at liturgies of schismatics under threat of excommunication, or Canon 80 of the Holy Apostles mandating exclusion for missing three consecutive Divine Liturgies without cause. Bishops or synods impose it for grave offenses including heresy, schism, apostasy, or serious moral sins like adultery or usury, with duration varying based on the offense's severity and the sinner's response to penance, often involving fasting, prostrations, or charitable acts. The principle of oikonomia (economy or dispensation) allows hierarchs flexibility to mitigate penalties for pastoral reasons, distinguishing Orthodox application from more rigid Western formulations. Authority for excommunication resides with the episcopate, as indefinite suspension from the Church is reserved to bishops, while lesser forms like temporary barring from communion may involve priests under episcopal oversight. For clergy, it may escalate to or laicization, revoking ordination rights for violations such as or immorality, per canons in the Pedalion. Historical enforcement includes the 1054 mutual excommunications during the Great Schism, later mitigated through oikonomia, underscoring its revocable nature upon via and . Self-excommunication occurs through persistent unrepentant sin or absence from sacraments, effectively severing one from ecclesial life without formal decree. Oriental Orthodox Churches, including the Coptic, Armenian Apostolic, Syriac, Ethiopian, and Eritrean traditions, employ excommunication similarly as a disciplinary measure for correction, rooted in shared pre-Chalcedonian canons and synodal , excluding offenders from sacraments and communal until . In the , the or bishops enforce it for doctrinal deviations, such as propagating erroneous teachings that persuade others, or moral lapses like , , or church desecration, as seen in the 2016 excommunication of cleric Atef Aziz for deviant doctrines. Priests may initiate processes for lay offenses, but final authority lies with bishops or synods, with repentance enabling restoration through . The vests excommunication powers in the for severe clerical cases, such as doctrinal infidelity or , per its , while bishops handle lay and lesser priestly matters, emphasizing jurisdiction tied to canonical obedience. Armenian Apostolic practices align closely, invoking excommunication for threats to ecclesial unity, though political tensions, like calls to excommunicate figures undermining church authority in 2025, highlight its application amid state-church frictions. Across these churches, serves as a graver form for irreconcilable , pronounced synodally, but standard excommunication prioritizes medicinal intent, revocable via , reflecting a communal emphasis on over eternal severance.

Protestant and Restorationist Practices

In Protestant traditions, excommunication—often termed or exclusion from membership—emerged during the as a biblically mandated practice distinct from Catholic sacramental penalties, emphasizing spiritual correction and congregational purity over temporal coercion. , excommunicated by on January 3, 1521, via the bull , rejected papal authority in such matters, advocating instead for discipline rooted in passages like Matthew 18:15–17 and 1 Corinthians 5, where unrepentant sinners are treated as outsiders to prompt repentance rather than eternal condemnation. This view aligned with Luther's broader critique of ecclesiastical abuses, positioning discipline as a communal responsibility without hierarchical enforcement beyond the local church. John Calvin further systematized discipline in the Reformed tradition, viewing it as essential for church preservation and one of the "marks" of the true church alongside pure preaching and sacraments. In from 1541, Calvin helped establish the consistory—a body of pastors and elders—to oversee moral conduct, admonish offenders privately before public rebuke or exclusion, with the aim of restoration through gentleness rather than isolation. Calvin's (1536, expanded 1559) stressed moderation, warning against abuses seen in Roman practices, and limited discipline to spiritual fellowship, excluding civil penalties. This model influenced Presbyterian and Reformed churches, where sessions or presbyteries today conduct formal processes for persistent sin, such as immorality or false teaching, culminating in removal from membership and the Lord's Table if repentance fails. Among Baptists, discipline historically involved admonition or excommunication for offenses like drunkenness, , or doctrinal deviation, with 19th-century American churches averaging 2% annual exclusions to maintain covenantal . Modern Baptist practice, per congregational , typically entails progressive steps—private counsel, public warning, then membership termination—without mandatory , focusing on protecting the flock while holding the door open for reconciliation, as in guidelines. Restorationist groups, seeking to emulate first-century , apply excommunication analogously to apostolic patterns but with varying severity. In The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS), founded in 1830, excommunication occurs via a stake or ward disciplinary council for grave sins like , incest, or , resulting in loss of membership, temple privileges, and priesthood authority, though rebaptism remains possible upon demonstrated . , emerging from 19th-century Bible Student roots, employ "disfellowshipping" through a judicial committee of elders investigating serious wrongdoing, such as porneia or ; the individual is announced as removed, prompting members to limit association (except family necessities) to encourage return, with elders offering counsel for reinstatement after . In the , part of the 19th-century Stone-Campbell , "withdrawal of fellowship" mirrors 1 Corinthians 5 for unrepentant immorality or heresy, involving public exclusion from communal activities to urge self-examination, without formal but emphasizing separation for purity. Across these, practices prioritize scriptural fidelity over institutional power, though Restorationist enforcement often proves stricter due to claims of exclusive truth.

In Islam

In Islam, the concept analogous to excommunication is takfir, the declaration by one Muslim that another is an apostate (kafir), thereby excluding them from the ummah (Muslim community) and rendering their testimony, marriage, and social ties invalid within orthodox interpretations. Unlike the formalized ecclesiastical processes in Christianity, takfir lacks a centralized authority and is decentralized, often invoked by individuals, scholars, or groups based on perceived violations of core beliefs such as denial of God's oneness (tawhid) or prophetic finality. Classical Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) imposes stringent conditions for valid takfir, requiring clear evidence of apostasy (riddah), such as explicit renunciation of faith, and prohibits its hasty application, as the Prophet Muhammad reportedly warned that erroneous takfir risks self-destruction: "If a man says to his brother, 'O kafir,' then surely one of them is such." Historically, emerged prominently during the fitnah (civil strife) of the seventh century, exemplified by the Khawarij sect, who excommunicated and rebelled against Caliph Ali ibn Abi Talib for allegedly compromising on arbitration in battle, leading to their violent exclusion from mainstream Sunni and Shia consensus. Sunni scholars, drawing from collections like , emphasize caution, viewing unjust takfir as a grave sin akin to shirk (associating partners with God), with major jurists like Ibn Taymiyyah permitting it only for unambiguous while condemning its abuse by fringe groups. In , takfir is similarly restricted, focusing on internal doctrinal purity such as rejection of the , but Twelver Shia prioritizes apparent adherence to over hidden disbelief, avoiding blanket excommunication of Sunnis or others without overt . Mutual accusations persist, with some Sunni extremists labeling Shia as apostates for perceived innovations, though mainstream Shia sources refute takfir as un-Islamic when applied to fellow monotheists. In practice, takfir's consequences range from social ostracism—severing familial and communal ties—to severe penalties in states enforcing , where carries the death penalty under Hanbali-derived codes, as in Saudi Arabia's 2014 executions for riddah-related offenses, though enforcement varies and requires judicial process rather than vigilante action. Extremist groups like the () have radicalized since 2014, using it in propaganda to justify mass killings of deemed insufficiently pious, with their magazine Dabiq (issues 1-15, 2014-2016) systematically applying it to Shia, Sufis, and rival Sunnis, resulting in thousands of intra-Muslim deaths documented by reports. Orthodox bodies, such as the International Islamic Academy in 2015, condemn this as a "" causing fitnah, advocating remedies like scholarly consensus to curb its spread, reflecting causal links to political instability rather than doctrinal necessity. Empirical data from Pew Research (2013) indicates that while 13% of in surveyed countries support death for , remains marginal in daily community life, confined to radicals due to prophetic prohibitions.

Practices in Other Religions

In Eastern Traditions

In Hinduism, excommunication, often termed patita (fallen) or outcasting, serves to enforce adherence to dharma and caste (varna) norms by isolating individuals from ritual participation, temple access, and social intercourse within the community. This practice historically targeted violations such as inter-caste marriages, consumption of forbidden foods, or apostasy, with enforcement typically decentralized through local caste councils (panchayats) rather than a central ecclesiastical authority. For instance, in the 19th century, traveling abroad—presumed to involve breaking purity rules like unavoidable contact with foreigners—resulted in automatic excommunication, requiring elaborate purification rites for reinstatement. Such measures preserved communal purity but could extend to economic boycotts, affecting livelihoods dependent on caste networks. In Buddhism, the closest equivalent to excommunication is the pārājika offense under the Vinaya Piṭaka, the monastic code, which mandates permanent expulsion from the saṅgha (monastic community) for four defeats: engaging in sexual intercourse, stealing an object of value (equivalent to 5 masakas), intentionally killing a human being, or falsely claiming attainment of higher spiritual states to gain material support. Upon committing a pārājika, a monk or nun is considered "defeated" (parājita), must immediately disrobe, and is barred from reordination in that lifetime, severing ties to communal rituals, teachings, and alms. This system, attributed to the Buddha around the 5th century BCE, prioritizes ethical integrity over forgiveness, with no appeal process; lesser offenses (saṅghādisesa) allow temporary suspension and probation instead. Theravāda tradition applies this strictly to monastics, while lay followers face no formal expulsion but may encounter social ostracism for grave breaches of the Five Precepts. Taoism and Confucianism lack formalized excommunication, emphasizing personal cultivation and social harmony over institutional censure. In Taoism, individualistic pursuit of the through practices like renders communal exclusion rare, with any discord resolved via withdrawal rather than expulsion. Confucianism, focused on familial and ritual propriety, relies on and ancestral , where violations like filial invite familial but not bans, as it functions more as ethical than .

In New Religious Movements

In new religious movements (NRMs), excommunication typically involves formal expulsion from the group coupled with mandatory or by remaining members, serving to enforce doctrinal and insulate adherents from external or dissenting influences that could undermine the movement's structures. These practices, often justified by leaders as essential for spiritual purity and communal survival, parallel historical excommunication but adapt to modern contexts, emphasizing psychological and relational severance over mere sacramental exclusion. Empirical accounts from defectors and internal documents reveal high enforcement rates, with consequences including familial breakdown and strains, though group officials frame them as voluntary self-protection mechanisms. Jehovah's Witnesses, classified as an NRM originating in the late , utilize a disfellowshipping process managed by a committee of three or more elders convened for "serious sins" such as , , , or , as outlined in their internal guidelines Shepherd the Flock of God. The procedure requires a private hearing where the accused's repentance is evaluated; unrepentant individuals are disfellowshipped via public announcement to the congregation, triggering complete by members—including limited interactions except for absolute necessities like shared households—intended to prompt and return. In August 2024, the organization rebranded the term to "removal from the congregation" and permitted brief greetings during unavoidable encounters, citing scriptural basis in 1 Corinthians 5:11-13 for marking and avoiding wrongdoers, though critics argue it perpetuates coercive control. Annual global disfellowshipping numbers, estimated at around 1% of active members (approximately 20,000-30,000 cases based on 8.7 million reported adherents in 2023), underscore its routine application. The implements a "disconnection" policy, codified by founder in 1965 policy letters, directing members to sever all contact with declared "Suppressive Persons" (SPs)—individuals deemed antagonistic to , potentially including spouses or relatives—who are identified through reviews for actions like criticizing the church or associating with critics. Church statements portray disconnection as an individual's self-determined right to avoid enturbulating influences, akin to quitting a harmful relationship, but archival Hubbard directives and testimonies from ex-members indicate it functions as a compelled measure to eliminate "Potential Trouble Sources" (PTS) linked to SPs, with non-compliance risking the member's own handling or expulsion. High-profile cases, such as actress Leah Remini's 2013 disconnection from her family after leaving , illustrate familial rifts; internal data from defectors suggest thousands affected annually, reinforcing group cohesion amid legal and media scrutiny. Other NRMs, such as the (emerged mid-19th century), declare "Covenant-breakers" through the Universal House of Justice for promoting schismatic interpretations, enforcing total by all believers—including blood relatives—to safeguard the faith's as per Bahá'u'lláh's writings. This extends to prohibiting assistance or association, with historical expulsions numbering in the dozens since , often targeting familial lines to prevent hereditary dissent. Such mechanisms in NRMs reflect causal dynamics where centralized leadership prioritizes existential threats from internal over individual autonomy, yielding measurable outcomes like elevated suicide ideation among shunned ex-members per defectors' reports, though groups attribute persistence to divine mandate rather than abuse.

Effects and Consequences

Spiritual and Ecclesial Ramifications

In Christian doctrine, excommunication serves as a medicinal penalty designed to protect the ecclesial body and prompt , depriving the individual of active participation in the Church's spiritual life while preserving the indelible baptismal character. Ecclesially, it results in the loss of rights to receive or administer sacraments, exercise offices, and engage in liturgical functions, thereby isolating the person from communal worship and governance. Spiritually, this exclusion withholds the —viewed as vital for grace and union with Christ—potentially exacerbating separation from divine life if the underlying persists unrepented, though the Church maintains it does not inherently forfeit absent final impenitence. Within Eastern Orthodox practice, excommunication manifests primarily as temporary barring from the and other mysteries, not as outright expulsion from the Church, emphasizing restoration through and metanoia. This ecclesial measure underscores the sacrament's role in spiritual vitality, with denial intended to awaken awareness of sin's gravity and foster humility before , aligning with canons that prioritize communal purity for collective . Protestant traditions, drawing from passages like 1 Corinthians 5:1-5 and Matthew 18:15-17, frame excommunication as formal removal from membership to deliver the unrepentant "to for the destruction of the flesh, so that his spirit may be saved," highlighting its spiritual aim of soul-recovery amid ecclesial disassociation. In , the herem or niddui imposes communal , prohibiting social and religious interactions that sustain spiritual practice, such as minyan participation or , which are integral to covenantal life and divine encounter. While lacking explicit doctrinal ties to afterlife judgment, these ramifications disrupt the relational framework of holiness, where isolation from the kehillah (community) hinders collective mitzvot fulfillment and personal edification, often lasting 7 to 30 days for niddui or indefinitely for herem until reconciliation. Islamic , akin to excommunication, declares a Muslim an unbeliever, severing ties to and implying spiritual nullification of faith, with potential eternal damnation if is upheld, as kufr excludes one from paradise per Quranic warnings (e.g., Surah 5:44). Ecclesially, it justifies exclusion from congregations and rulings, but scholarly consensus restricts its application to evident irredemption, citing prophetic hadiths against hasty judgments to avert fitna (discord) and erroneous condemnation of the faithful.

Social, Familial, and Psychological Outcomes

Excommunication frequently results in profound social , as the individual is excluded from communal religious activities and interactions, leading to diminished social networks and support systems. In groups enforcing strict , such as , former members report long-term reductions in social connections, with surveys indicating that 65% experience complete familial cutoff and broader community isolation. This exclusion extends beyond the religious sphere, impairing access to informal like job referrals within tight-knit communities. Familial consequences often involve relational fractures, where family members adhering to the group's norms sever ties to maintain doctrinal purity, resulting in estrangement akin to bereavement. Studies of ex-Jehovah's Witnesses reveal that practices lead to parents evicting adult children, boycotting weddings, and forgoing contact with grandchildren, with 70% of disaffiliates describing permanent family loss. Such dynamics strain family systems, eroding emotional and functional support, and can perpetuate intergenerational disconnection as siblings and extended kin comply with mandates. Psychologically, excommunication correlates with elevated risks of trauma, depression, and identity disruption, manifesting as chronic , guilt, and diminished self-worth. Empirical data from former show linked to poorer outcomes, including higher rates of anxiety and , persisting years post-exit due to the abrupt loss of belonging. Narratives of "" highlight grief over living relationships, compounded by internalized shame from perceived spiritual failure, though some individuals report eventual resilience through external support networks. These effects underscore excommunication's role in inducing relational trauma, distinct from voluntary disaffiliation, as enforced isolation amplifies existential distress.

Controversies and Criticisms

Debates on Authority and Doctrinal Purity

Theological debates on the authority to excommunicate center on interpretations of passages such as Matthew 18:15–20 and 1 Corinthians 5, which outline processes for addressing sin within the church community to restore the individual and protect the congregation's integrity. Protestants generally affirm this authority as residing in local congregations under scriptural guidance, emphasizing as the ultimate arbiter over hierarchical decrees, whereas Catholics derive it from the Church's status as a divinely instituted spiritual society with . This divergence fuels ongoing contention, with Protestant critics arguing that centralized Catholic excommunications, like that of in 1521 by , exemplify overreach beyond biblical warrants, potentially stifling legitimate doctrinal inquiry. On doctrinal purity, proponents argue excommunication serves as a necessary mechanism to safeguard against or , as seen in early church councils where anathemas preserved core beliefs like the against in 325 CE at . Critics, however, contend that rigid enforcement risks prioritizing institutional uniformity over charitable discernment, citing instances where excommunications for perceived deviations have led to fragmentation, such as the Eastern Orthodox s or Protestant Reformation splintering. Empirical patterns in reveal that while excommunication has occasionally prompted and doctrinal clarification, it has more frequently escalated conflicts, as evidenced by the prolonged Catholic-Protestant divide post-1521, where mutual condemnations entrenched divisions rather than fostering unity. Balancing authority with mercy remains contentious; some Reformed theologians advocate measured application to avoid abuse, viewing undue severity as contrary to Christ's emphasis on restoration in Luke 15's parables of the lost sheep and prodigal son. In contrast, defenders of stricter measures, including certain Catholic apologists, assert that laxity undermines the Church's witness, pointing to canonical data where infrequent excommunications—fewer than 100 ferendae sententiae cases annually in the modern Catholic Church—reflect hesitation rather than excess, potentially diluting responses to grave scandals like clerical abuse cover-ups. These debates underscore a causal tension: unchecked doctrinal drift erodes communal cohesion, yet authoritarian impositions can provoke backlash, as historical schisms demonstrate, necessitating evidence-based criteria rooted in scriptural precedents over subjective ecclesiastical power.

Accusations of Abuse and Suppression

Critics have accused religious authorities of employing excommunication not merely as doctrinal discipline but as a mechanism to suppress internal , whistleblowers, and maintain institutional control, particularly in cases involving allegations of misconduct such as . In high-control groups, this practice often extends to social ostracism or , exacerbating psychological harm and deterring external scrutiny. Such accusations highlight tensions between ecclesiastical authority and individual rights, with ex-members and legal challenges providing primary evidence. In Jehovah's Witnesses, disfellowshipping—a form of excommunication—has faced allegations of abuse for punishing members who question leadership or report child sexual abuse to secular authorities, resulting in family severance and isolation. The 2015 Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse documented over 1,000 alleged perpetrators within the organization since 1950, revealing policies that prioritized internal handling over police reporting, with disfellowshipping applied to victims or critics who persisted in complaints. A 2023 New Jersey appellate court case upheld claims against the Governing Body for negligent supervision in abuse cover-ups, where disfellowshipping reinforced silence by threatening shunning for non-compliance with "two-witness" rules. These practices, defended by the group as biblical fidelity, have prompted lawsuits in multiple countries, including a 2020 Montana Supreme Court ruling finding liability for failing to report abuse. The Church of Scientology's disconnection policy, mandating severance from declared "suppressive persons" including critics or family members, has drawn accusations of systematic suppression to quash dissent and protect the organization's image. Enforced since the under founder L. Ron Hubbard's directives, it has led to documented family breakdowns, as in a 2021 case where a father sued after disconnection tore apart his household, labeling non-compliant members as enemies subject to further isolation. Critics, including former executives, argue it functions as coercive control, with a 2022 analysis noting its role in silencing apostates amid broader fair game tactics against opponents. While the church claims it is voluntary and rare, court testimonies and defectors' accounts from the onward portray it as a tool for retaining loyalty through fear of relational loss. In Catholicism, rare but notable cases involve excommunication targeting advocates for abuse victims, as in the March 2024 expulsion of deacon Scott Peyton after he sued over his son's sexual assault by a priest in 2013, despite the perpetrator's conviction. The Diocese of Beaumont cited Peyton's public criticism and legal action as justifying the latae sententiae penalty, prompting accusations of retaliation to deter accountability. Similarly, in , takfir—the declaration of a Muslim as an apostate akin to excommunication—has been abused by extremist groups like ISIS to justify violence against political rivals or moderates, with scholars noting its escalation from theological debate to tool for sectarian suppression since the 20th century. A 2021 study attributes this misuse to enabling intra-Muslim conflict, as seen in fatwas against secular leaders, undermining communal cohesion. These instances, while contested by religious defenders as necessary for purity, underscore empirical patterns of power consolidation over reform. Excommunication, as a religious practice, intersects with secular primarily through tensions between authority and state protections for individual . In the United States, courts have consistently upheld religious organizations' to excommunicate or shun members under the First Amendment's guarantees of free exercise and association, viewing such actions as internal disciplinary matters beyond civil interference. For instance, lawsuits alleging from shunning—such as those against or other groups—have largely failed, with judges deferring to religious autonomy to avoid entangling secular courts in doctrinal disputes. This deference stems from precedents like Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School v. EEOC (2012), which reinforced ministerial exceptions to employment laws, extending analogously to membership exclusions. However, exceptions arise where excommunication indirectly implicates enforceable civil rights, particularly involving minors or contractual obligations. In cases of parental of excommunicated , family courts may intervene under child welfare laws if it demonstrably endangers psychological , though religious claims often prevail absent . Outside the U.S., outcomes vary: a 2021 Belgian ruling by the Court of Appeal deemed ' shunning practices discriminatory and illegal under anti-discrimination laws, fining the group for violating ex-members' rights to social reintegration, though this decision has been critiqued for overriding European [human rights](/page/Human rights) precedents favoring religious conscience. Ethically, excommunication is defended by proponents as a necessary mechanism for preserving communal integrity and prompting , akin to a society's right to exclude unrepentant violators of core norms, without equating to secular . Critics, however, contend it constitutes coercive control, leveraging to enforce and suppress , particularly in high-demand groups where exit carries familial severance. This debate hinges on : voluntary adult adherents arguably waive association rights upon joining, but ethical concerns intensify for those socialized into the from birth, where excommunication severs involuntary ties without proportional justification. From a perspective, excommunication pits collective religious freedom against individual entitlements to family life and non-discrimination, as outlined in Article 9 of the and Article 18 of the Universal Declaration. While groups assert a protected interest in doctrinal purity via associational autonomy, ex-members invoke rights against arbitrary interference in private life, citing harms like depression or linked to in empirical studies of disfellowshipping. International bodies like the have balanced these by permitting absent malice or state endorsement, as in Kokkinakis v. (1993) analogs, prioritizing over absolute family unity. Nonetheless, in contexts like apostasy laws in some Islamic states—where excommunication can trigger civil penalties— advocates document violations of , underscoring causal risks of theocratic overreach.

Recent Developments and Notable Cases

Shifts in Application Post-20th Century

In the , the 1983 Code of Canon Law, promulgated by on January 25, 1983, represented a significant revision from the 1917 Code, reducing the offenses subject to excommunication from over 60 to approximately 10 major delicts, such as procuring (Canon 1398), , , or (Canon 1364), and violating the papal conclave oath (Canon 1370). This streamlining emphasized excommunication's medicinal purpose—to prompt repentance and restore communion—over punitive retribution, aligning with the pastoral orientations of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), though the Council itself did not directly alter canonical penalties. Automatic (latae sententiae) excommunications were retained for grave acts but made contingent on imputability, excluding cases of ignorance or non-voluntary action, which narrowed practical application compared to the more expansive 1917 framework that included censures for lesser infractions like reading prohibited books. The frequency of declared excommunications declined sharply in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, from routine ecclesiastical enforcement in the early 1900s to rare impositions by the 2000s, reflecting both canonical reforms and broader cultural secularization that diminished the penalty's social leverage. In the 21st century, excommunications have been reserved primarily for egregious violations, such as Pope Francis's 2014 declaration against Italian Mafia members for their "adoration of evil" through criminal acts, or automatic penalties against clergy involved in unauthorized episcopal ordinations, as in the 2011 case of Vietnamese bishop consecrations without papal mandate. This selective use contrasts with pre-1950s practices, where bishops more readily imposed ferendae sententiae (declared) excommunications for public scandal; modern reluctance stems from fears of alienating laity amid declining attendance, though critics argue it has enabled doctrinal ambiguity on issues like abortion promotion by politicians, where threats rarely materialize into penalties. In Eastern Orthodox traditions, excommunication—often termed or deposition—has seen minimal formal shifts post-20th century, retaining its role as a synodal decree for or , as evidenced by the 2016 Holy and Great Council's limited references without procedural overhaul. Applications remain infrequent and tied to jurisdictional disputes, such as the 2018 excommunication of Metropolitan Onuphrey of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Patriarchate amid geopolitical tensions, prioritizing ecclesiastical unity over widespread use. Protestant denominations, lacking centralized authority, have largely phased out formal excommunication since the mid-20th century, favoring informal discipline like membership removal in evangelical or Baptist contexts, with rare exceptions in confessional bodies like the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod for persistent unrepentant sin. This evolution underscores a broader Christian trend toward restorative processes over exclusionary measures in pluralistic societies, though excommunication persists as a doctrinal safeguard in hierarchical communions.

High-Profile Instances from 2000 Onward

In 2002, the Vatican excommunicated seven women who participated in an unauthorized ordination ceremony aboard a boat on the Danube River near Passau, Germany, on June 29. The group, known as the Danube Seven, included individuals from Germany, Austria, and the United States, who claimed priestly ordination from an independent bishop rejected by the Holy See; the rite was declared invalid, and the participants incurred automatic excommunication (latae sententiae) for simulating sacramental ordination, as per Canon 1378 of the Code of Canon Law. The decree, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith on August 5 and approved by Pope John Paul II, emphasized the act's gravity in undermining Church doctrine on holy orders reserved to men. In November 2009, Sister Margaret McBride, a and ethicist at St. Joseph's Hospital in , approved an performed on a 27-year-old woman at 11 weeks gestation, where medical staff determined the mother's life was at imminent risk due to ; the procedure was deemed necessary under of double effect by the hospital ethics committee she chaired. Phoenix Thomas J. Olmsted declared the excommunication automatic under Canon 1398 for participation in an , publicly announcing it in May 2010 after learning of the event, which sparked debate over therapeutic exceptions in . The penalty was later remitted by Olmsted in 2011 following McBride's repentance and request for , restoring her participation while upholding the Church's stance against direct . On June 21, 2014, during a visit to , —a region stronghold of the 'Ndrangheta crime syndicate— declared that Mafia members are excommunicated, describing their actions as "adoration of evil" and incompatibility with Christian , thereby invoking latae sententiae penalties for grave sins like murder and under Canon 1397. This pronouncement, made during an open-air mass attended by thousands, built on prior local episcopal efforts against but marked a papal-level affirmation, aiming to sever the syndicates' historical infiltration of Catholic rituals and communities in . The statement did not target individuals by name but applied broadly to affiliates persisting in criminal association, reinforcing excommunication as a spiritual barrier rather than a legal one. In June 2014, Kate Kelly, founder of the advocacy group, was excommunicated from The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints by her local bishopric in , following a disciplinary ; the decision cited "conduct contrary to the laws and order of the church," specifically her public campaign for female priesthood , which church doctrine reserves for men, and actions perceived as leading others astray. Kelly, a attorney, had organized public protests at the church's semiannual conferences, prompting her stake president to initiate proceedings after she declined to disavow her efforts; the excommunication removed her temple recommend and membership privileges, though she retained baptismal records unless further escalated. On July 4, 2024, the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, with papal approval, excommunicated Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò for the delict of schism under Canon 1364, following an extrajudicial penal process that found him guilty of rejecting the Second Vatican Council, the authority of Pope Francis, and communion with the universal Church. Viganò, former apostolic nuncio to the United States (2011–2016), had publicly accused the pontiff of heresy and advocated separation from the "conciliar Church," statements deemed schismatic in a decree published July 5. The penalty, latae sententiae and declared ferendae sententiae, bars Viganò from sacraments and ecclesiastical acts; he responded by dismissing the decree as invalid, aligning with sedevacantist views that question the post-Vatican II hierarchy.

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