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Episcopal Church (United States)
Episcopal Church (United States)
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The Episcopal Church
Arms of The Episcopal Church: Argent a cross throughout gules, on a canton azure nine cross crosslets in saltire of the field.[1]
ClassificationProtestant
OrientationAnglican[a]
ScriptureHoly Bible
TheologyAnglican doctrine[b]
PolityEpiscopal
GovernanceUnitary[c]
Presiding bishopSean W. Rowe
President of the
House of Deputies
Julia Ayala Harris
Chief of MissionThe Rev. Lester V. Mackenzie
Provinces9
Dioceses106
Parishes6,707 (2024)[2]
AssociationsAnglican Communion
National Council of Churches
World Council of Churches
Christian Churches Together in the USA
Full communion
RegionUnited States[d]
LanguageEnglish[e]
Liturgy1979 Book of Common Prayer
Headquarters815 Second Avenue
New York City, New York
U.S.
Origin1785; 240 years ago (1785)
Branched fromChurch of England
AbsorbedChurch of Hawaii
SeparationsContinuing Anglican movement
Members1,547,779 active baptized members (2023)
1,394,769 active baptized members in the U.S. (2023)[4]
Official websitewww.episcopalchurch.org Edit this at Wikidata
The Archives of the
Episcopal Church
www.episcopalarchives.org
Constitution and Canons

The Episcopal Church (TEC), also known as the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America (PECUSA),[5] is a member of the worldwide Anglican Communion, based in the United States. It is a mainline Protestant denomination and is divided into nine provinces. The current presiding bishop of the Episcopal Church is Sean W. Rowe.[6]

In 2023, the Episcopal Church had 1,547,779 active baptized members.[7] In 2011, it was the 14th largest denomination in the United States.[8] In 2025, Pew Research estimated that 1 percent of the adult population in the United States, or 2.6 million people, self-identify as mainline Episcopalians.[9] The church has seen a sharp decline in membership and Sunday attendance since the 1960s, particularly in the Northeast and Upper Midwest.[10]

The church was organized after the American Revolution, when it separated from the Church of England, whose clergy are required to swear allegiance to the British monarch as Supreme Governor of the Church of England. The Episcopal Church describes itself as "Protestant, yet Catholic",[11] and asserts it has apostolic succession, tracing the authority of its bishops back to the apostles via holy orders. The Book of Common Prayer, a collection of rites, blessings, liturgies, and prayers used throughout the Anglican Communion, is central to Episcopal worship. A broad spectrum of theological views is represented within the Episcopal Church, including evangelical, Anglo-Catholic, and broad church views.

Historically, members of the Episcopal Church have played leadership roles in many aspects of American life, including politics, business, science, the arts, and education.[12][13][14][15] About three-quarters of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were affiliated with the Episcopal Church, and over a quarter of all Presidents of the United States have been Episcopalians.[16] Historically, Episcopalians were overrepresented among American scientific elite and Nobel Prize winners.[17][18] Numbers of the most wealthy and affluent American families, such as Boston Brahmin, Old Philadelphians,[19] Tidewater, and Lowcountry gentry or old money, are Episcopalians.[13][20] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many Episcopalians were active in the Social Gospel movement.[21]

Since the 1960s and 1970s, the church has pursued a more liberal Christian course; there remains a wide spectrum of liberals and conservatives within the church. In 2015, the church's 78th triennial General Convention passed resolutions allowing the blessing of same-sex marriages and approved two official liturgies to bless such unions.[22] It has opposed the death penalty and supported the civil rights movement. The church calls for the full legal equality of LGBT people.[23] In view of this trend, the conventions of four dioceses of the Episcopal Church voted in 2007 and 2008 to leave that church and to join the Anglican Church of the Southern Cone of America. Twelve other jurisdictions, serving an estimated 100,000 persons at that time, formed the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA) in 2008. The ACNA and the Episcopal Church are not in full communion with one another.

Names

[edit]
Flag of the Episcopal Church

The "Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America" (PECUSA) and "The Episcopal Church" (TEC) are both official names specified in the church's constitution.[24] The latter is much more commonly used.[25][26][27] In other languages, an equivalent is used. For example, in Spanish, the church is called Iglesia Episcopal Protestante de los Estados Unidos de América or Iglesia Episcopal,[28] and in French Église protestante épiscopale des États-Unis d'Amérique or Église épiscopale.[29]

Until 1964, "The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America" was the only official name in use. In the 19th century, high church members advocated changing the name, which they felt did not acknowledge the church's catholic heritage. They were opposed by the church's evangelical wing, which felt that the "Protestant Episcopal" label accurately reflected the Reformed character of Anglicanism. After 1877, alternative names were regularly proposed and rejected by the General Convention. One proposed alternative was "the American Catholic Church". Respondents to a 1961 poll in The Living Church favored "The American Episcopal Church".[30] By the 1960s, opposition to dropping the word "Protestant" had largely subsided. In a 1964 General Convention compromise, priests and lay delegates suggested adding a preamble to the church's constitution, recognizing "The Episcopal Church" as a lawful alternate designation while still retaining the earlier name.[31]

The 66th General Convention voted in 1979 to use the name "The Episcopal Church" in the Oath of Conformity of the Declaration for Ordination.[32] The evolution of the name can be seen in the church's Book of Common Prayer. In the 1928 BCP, the title page read, "According to the use of The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America", whereas on the title page of the 1979 BCP it states, "According to the use of The Episcopal Church".[33]

"The Episcopal Church in the United States of America" (ECUSA) has never been an official name of the church but is an alternative commonly seen in English. Since several other churches in the Anglican Communion also use the name "Episcopal", including Scotland and the Philippines, some, for example the Anglicans Online directory, add the phrase "in the United States of America".[34]

The full legal name of the national church corporate body is the "Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America",[24] which was incorporated by the legislature of New York and established in 1821. The membership of the corporation "shall be considered as comprehending all persons who are members of the Church".[24][35] This should not be confused with the name of the church itself, as it is a distinct body relating to church governance.[24]

According to TEC's style guide, "Episcopal" is the adjective that should be used to describe something affiliated with the church, whereas "Episcopalian" is to be used "only as a noun referring to a member of The Episcopal Church."[36]

History

[edit]

Colonial era

[edit]
St. Luke's Church, built during the 17th century near Smithfield, Virginia – the oldest Anglican church-building to have survived largely intact in North America

The Episcopal Church has its origins in the Church of England in the American colonies, and it stresses continuity with the early universal Western Church and claims to maintain apostolic succession (while the Scandinavian Lutheran and Moravian churches accept this claim, the Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches do not recognize this claim).[37][38][39]

The first parish was founded in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607, under the charter of the Virginia Company of London. The tower of Jamestown Church (c. 1639–1643) is one of the oldest surviving Anglican church structures in the United States. The Jamestown church building itself is a modern reconstruction.[40]

Although no American Anglican bishops existed in the colonial era, the Church of England had an official status in several colonies, which meant that local governments paid tax money to local parishes, and the parishes handled some civic functions. The Church of England was designated the established church in Virginia in 1609, in New York in 1693, in Maryland in 1702, in South Carolina in 1706, in North Carolina in 1730, and in Georgia in 1758.[41]

From 1635 the vestries and the clergy came loosely under the diocesan authority of the Bishop of London. After 1702, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG) began missionary activity throughout the colonies. On the eve of Revolution about 400 independent congregations were reported[by whom?] throughout the colonies.

Bruton Parish Church in Colonial Williamsburg, established in 1674. The current building was completed in 1715.

Under the leadership of Lutheran bishop Jesper Swedberg, parishes in colonial America that belonged to the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Sweden established ecumenical dialogue that resulted in altar and pulpit fellowship with the Episcopal Church in the 1700s, which led to a merger of all of the Swedish Lutheran churches there into the Episcopal Church by 1846.[42]

Revolutionary era

[edit]

More than any other denomination, the American Revolutionary War internally divided both clergy and laity of the Church of England in America, and opinions covered a wide spectrum of political views: patriots, conciliators, and loyalists.[43] While many Patriots were suspicious of Loyalism in the church, about three-quarters of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were nominally Anglican laymen, including Thomas Jefferson, William Paca, and George Wythe.[44] It was often assumed that persons considered "High Church" were Loyalists, whereas persons considered "Low Church" were Patriots: assumptions with possibly dangerous implications for the time.

Old North Church in Boston. Inspired by the work of Christopher Wren, it was completed in 1723.

Of the approximately three hundred clergy in the Church of England in America between 1776 and 1783, over 80 percent in New England, New York, and New Jersey were loyalists. This is in contrast to the less than 23 percent loyalist clergy in the four southern colonies.[44] Many Church of England clergy remained loyalists as they took their two ordination oaths very seriously. Anglican clergy were obliged to swear allegiance to the king as well as to pray for the king, the royal family, and the British Parliament.[44] In general, loyalist clergy stayed by their oaths and prayed for the king or else suspended services.[44] By the end of 1776, some Anglican churches were closing.[44] Anglican priests held services in private homes or lay readers who were not bound by the oaths held morning and evening prayer.[44] During 1775 and 1776, the Continental Congress issued decrees ordering churches to fast and pray on behalf of the Patriots.[44] Starting July 4, 1776, Congress and several states passed laws making prayers for the king and British Parliament acts of treason.[44] The patriot clergy in the South were quick to find reasons to transfer their oaths to the American cause and prayed for the success of the Revolution.[44] One precedent was the transfer of oaths during the Glorious Revolution in England.[44] Most of the patriot clergy in the South were able to keep their churches open and services continued.[44]

Early Republic era

[edit]

In the wake of the Revolution, American Episcopalians faced the task of preserving a hierarchical church structure in a society infused with republican values.

Trinity Church in Swedesboro, New Jersey. Originally serving a Church of Sweden congregation, it became an Episcopal church in 1786, when this building was completed.

When the clergy of Connecticut elected Samuel Seabury as their bishop in 1783, he sought consecration in England. The Oath of Supremacy prevented Seabury's consecration in England, so he went to Scotland; the non-juring bishops of the Scottish Episcopal Church consecrated him in Aberdeen on November 14, 1784, making him, in the words of scholar Arthur Carl Piepkorn, "the first Anglican bishop appointed to minister outside the British Isles".[45][46] On August 3, 1785, the first ordinations on American soil took place at Christ Church in Middletown, Connecticut.

That same year, 1785, deputations of clergy and laity met in the first General Convention. They drafted a constitution, proposed a first draft of an American Book of Common Prayer, and began negotiating with English Bishops for the consecration of three bishops. The convention met again in 1786 to make several changes that made their liturgy acceptable to the English bishops and to recommend three clergy (who had been elected by state meetings in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York) for consecration as bishops. General Convention met again in 1789, beginning a regular process of meeting every three years. At the 1789 convention they adopted a constitution and canons, and reorganized as a House of Deputies and a House of Bishops. The structure of the Episcopal Church was then complete.

Later, through the efforts of Bishop Philander Chase (1775–1852) of Ohio, Americans successfully sought material assistance from England for the purpose of training Episcopal clergy. The development of the Protestant Episcopal Church provides an example of how Americans in the early republic maintained important cultural ties with England.[47]

In 1787, two priests – William White of Pennsylvania and Samuel Provoost of New York – were consecrated as bishops by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Bath and Wells, the legal obstacles having been removed by the passage through Parliament of the Consecration of Bishops Abroad Act 1786. Thus there are two branches of apostolic succession for the American bishops: through the non-juring bishops of Scotland who consecrated Samuel Seabury and through the English bishops who consecrated William White, Samuel Provoost, and James Madison (not the future President). All bishops in the American church are ordained by at least three bishops. The succession of each bishop can be historically traced back to Seabury, White, Provoost, and Madison. (See Succession of Bishops of the Episcopal Church.)

From July 28 to August 8, 1789, representative clergy from nine dioceses met in Philadelphia to ratify the church's initial constitution; they also formally adopted the name Protestant Episcopal Church.[48] The fourth bishop of the Episcopal Church was James Madison, the first bishop of Virginia. Madison was consecrated in 1790 by the Archbishop of Canterbury and two other Church of England bishops. This third American bishop consecrated within the English line of succession occurred because of continuing unease within the Church of England over Seabury's non-juring Scottish orders.[44] The Episcopal Church thus became the first Anglican province outside the British Isles.[49]

On 17 September 1792, at the triennial General Convention (synod) of the Episcopal Church at Trinity Church on Wall Street, in New York City, Thomas John Claggett who had been elected by the clergy and laity of Maryland, was consecrated by all four of the existing bishops. He was the first bishop of the Episcopal Church ordained and consecrated in America and the fifth bishop consecrated for the Episcopal Church in the United States.[50]

Nineteenth century

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St. John's Episcopal Church, built in 1816 in Washington, D.C., is known as the "Church of the Presidents" for the many presidents who have worshiped there.
Christ Episcopal Church, Macon, Georgia, c. 1877

In 1856, the first society for African Americans in the Episcopal Church was founded by James Theodore Holly. Named The Protestant Episcopal Society for Promoting The Extension of The Church Among Colored People, the society argued that blacks should be allowed to participate in seminaries and diocesan conventions. The group lost its focus when Holly emigrated to Haiti, but other groups followed after the Civil War. The current Union of Black Episcopalians traces its history to the society.[51] Holly went on to found the Anglican Church in Haiti, where he became the first African-American bishop on November 8, 1874. As Bishop of Haiti, Holly was the first African American to attend the Lambeth Conference.[52] However, he was consecrated by the American Church Missionary Society, an Evangelical Episcopal branch of the Church.

Episcopal missions chartered by African-Americans in this era were chartered as a Colored Episcopal Mission. All other missions (white) were chartered as an Organized Episcopal Mission. Many historically Black parishes are still in existence to date.[53]

St. John's Episcopal Church in Montgomery, Alabama, established in 1834. The church building was completed in 1855. The Secession Convention of Southern Churches was held here in 1861.

When the American Civil War began in 1861, Episcopalians in the South formed the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States of America. However, in the North, the separation was never officially recognized. In particular, the Episcopalian communities in Pennsylvania supported free black communities and the Underground Railroad.[54][55] By May 16, 1866, the southern dioceses had rejoined the national church.[56]

By the middle of the 19th century, evangelical Episcopalians disturbed by High Church Tractarianism, while continuing to work in interdenominational agencies, formed their own voluntary societies, and eventually, in 1874, a faction objecting to the revival of ritual practices established the Reformed Episcopal Church.[57]

Samuel David Ferguson was the first black bishop consecrated by the Episcopal Church, the first to practice in the U.S. and the first black person to sit in the House of Bishops. Bishop Ferguson was consecrated on June 24, 1885, with the then-Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church acting as a consecrator.

In the following year, Henry C. Potter, Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of New York, addressed his clergymen upon the question of Labor. Church Association for the Advancement of the Interests of Labor was formed in 1887.[58]

Saint Paul's Episcopal Church, interior, 1872

During the Gilded Age, highly prominent laity such as bankers J. P. Morgan, industrialist Henry Ford, and art collector Isabella Stewart Gardner played a central role in shaping a distinctive upper class Episcopalian ethos, especially with regard to preserving the arts and history. These philanthropists propelled the Episcopal Church into a quasi-national position of importance while at the same time giving the church a central role in the cultural transformation of the country.[59] Another mark of influence is the fact that more than a quarter of all presidents of the United States have been Episcopalians (see religious affiliations of presidents of the United States). It was during this period that the Book of Common Prayer was revised, first in 1892 and later in 1928.

Era of change (1958–1970s)

[edit]

In 1955, the church's general convention was moved from Houston to Honolulu, due to continuing racial segregation in the former city.[60] At the 1958 general convention, a coalition of liberal church members succeeded in passing a resolution recognizing "the natural dignity and value of every man, of whatever color or race, as created in the image of God". It called on Episcopalians "to work together, in charity and forbearance, towards the establishment ... of full opportunities in fields such as education, housing, employment and public accommodations". A 2,500-word pastoral letter was sent by the House of Bishops to be read at all 7,290 Episcopal churches, urging justice in racial matters, with reference to the Supreme Court decision on integration in public schools.[61] In response, the Episcopal Society for Cultural and Racial Unity (ESCRU) was founded in December 1959 in order to eliminate racial, ethnic, and class barriers within the Episcopal Church. Opposition from southern church leaders prevented the Episcopal Church from taking a strong stand on civil rights prior to 1963. One prominent opponent of the movement was Charles C.J. Carpenter, the Bishop of Alabama.[62] By 1963, many church leaders felt more comfortable speaking out in support of racial equality. That year, Presiding Bishop Arthur Lichtenberger wrote a pastoral letter urging Christians to work "across lines of racial separation, in a common struggle for justice", and the House of Bishops endorsed civil rights legislation.[63] Tensions around the civil rights movement persisted, however. At the 1964 General Convention, when the House of Deputies rejected a resolution sanctioning civil disobedience under special circumstances, Thurgood Marshall, a deputy to the convention, led many African-American deputies in a "walk out" protest of the convention.[64]

In 1967, Lichtenberger's successor, John Hines, led the Episcopal Church to implement the General Convention Special Program (GCSP). The program was designed to redirect nine million dollars over a three-year period (a quarter of the church's operating budget at the time) to fund special grants for community organizations and grassroots efforts facilitating black empowerment in America's urban ghettos.[65] The effectiveness of the GCSP was limited due to the reluctance of conservative bishops in southern dioceses, who objected to the awarding of grants to groups perceived as radical. The GCSP drew opposition from the recently formed Foundation for Christian Theology, a conservative organization opposed to "involv[ing] the Church in the social, political, and economic activities of our times". The Special General Convention also witnessed protests of the Vietnam War. During this time period, African-American clergy organized the Union of Black Episcopalians to achieve full inclusion of African Americans at all levels of the Episcopal Church.[66]

Women were first admitted as delegates to the church's general convention in 1970.[67]

In 1975, Vaughan Booker, who confessed to the murder of his wife and was sentenced to life in prison, was ordained to the diaconate in Graterford State Prison's chapel in Pennsylvania after having repented of his sins, becoming a symbol of redemption and atonement.[68][69]

Recent history

[edit]

In recent decades, the Episcopal Church, like other mainline churches, has experienced a decline in membership as well as internal controversy over women's ordination and the place of homosexuals in the church. The 1976 General Convention also passed a resolution calling for an end to apartheid in South Africa and in 1985 called for "dioceses, institutions, and agencies" to create equal opportunity employment and affirmative action policies to address any potential "racial inequities" in clergy placement. Because of these and other controversial issues including abortion, individual members and clergy can and do frequently disagree with the stated position of the church's leadership. In January 2016, the Anglican Primates Meeting at Canterbury decided that in response to the "distance" caused by what it called "unilateral action on matters of doctrine without catholic unity", "for a period of three years, The Episcopal Church [would neither] represent [the Communion] on ecumenical and interfaith bodies… [nor] take part in decision making on any issues pertaining to doctrine or polity."[70]

Revised prayer book

[edit]

In 1976, the General Convention adopted a new prayer book, which was a substantial revision and modernization of the previous 1928 edition. It incorporated many principles of the ecumenical movement and liturgical movement, which had been discussed at Vatican II as well.[71] This version was adopted as the official prayer book in 1979 after an initial three-year trial use. As such, the liturgies used by the Catholic, Lutheran, Episcopal, Presbyterian/ Reformed traditions and Methodist are "nearly identical".[72] Several conservative parishes, however, continued to use the 1928 version. In Advent of 2007, the use of the ecumenical Revised Common Lectionary in the Episcopal Church became the standard.[73][71] In 2018, the General Convention authorized a Task Force for Liturgical and Prayer Book Revision to consider further revisions, particularly to use more inclusive language and to give more attention to the stewardship of God's creation.[74]

Ordination of women

[edit]

On July 29, 1974, a group of women known as the Philadelphia Eleven were irregularly ordained as priests in the Episcopal Church by bishops Daniel Corrigan, Robert L. DeWitt, and Edward R. Welles, assisted by Antonio Ramos.[75] On September 7, 1975, four more women (the "Washington Four") were irregularly ordained by retired bishop George W. Barrett.[76] In the wake of the controversy over the ordination of the Philadelphia Eleven, the General Convention permitted the ordination of women in 1976 and recognized the ordinations of the 15 forerunners. The first woman canonically ordained to the Episcopal priesthood was Jacqueline Means on January 1, 1977, followed shortly thereafter by Tanya Vonnegut Beck. Both were ordained at All Saints Church in Indianapolis, Indiana. The first woman to become a bishop, Barbara Harris, was consecrated on February 11, 1989.[77]

At the same time, there was still tolerance for those dioceses which opposed women's ordination. In 1994, the General Convention affirmed that there was value in the theological position that women should not be ordained. In 1997, however, the General Convention then determined that "the canons regarding the ordination, licensing, and deployment of women are mandatory" and required noncompliant dioceses to issue status reports on their progress towards full compliance.[78]

In 2006, the General Convention elected Katharine Jefferts Schori as Presiding Bishop. She was the first woman to become a primate in the Anglican Communion. Schori's election was controversial in the wider Anglican Communion because not all of the communion recognized the ordination of women.[79]

At the time of the formation of the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA), three U.S. dioceses did not ordain women as priests or bishops: San Joaquin, Quincy, and Fort Worth. Following the departures of their conservative majorities, all three dioceses now ordain women. With the October 16, 2010, ordination of Margaret Lee, in the Peoria-based Diocese of Quincy, Illinois, women have been ordained as priests in all dioceses of the Episcopal Church in the United States.[80]

LGBT issues

[edit]

The Episcopal Church affirmed at the 1976 General Convention that homosexuals are "children of God" who deserve acceptance and pastoral care from the church and equal protection under the law.[81] The first openly gay person ordained as a priest was Ellen Barrett in 1977.[82] Despite such an affirmation of gay rights, the General Convention affirmed in 1991 that "physical sexual expression" is only appropriate within the monogamous lifelong "union of husband and wife".[83]

Gene Robinson in 2013

The church elected its first openly gay bishop, Gene Robinson, in June 2003.[84] News of Robinson's election caused a crisis in both the American church and the wider Anglican Communion. In October 2003, Anglican primates (the heads of the Anglican Communion's 38 member churches) convened an emergency meeting. The meeting's final communiqué included the warning that if Robinson's consecration proceeded, it would "tear the fabric of the communion at its deepest level".[85] The news of his ordination caused such an outrage that during the ceremony Robinson wore a bullet-proof vest beneath his vestments, and he also received numerous death threats following his installation as bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of New Hampshire.[86]

In 2009, the General Convention charged the Standing Commission on Liturgy and Music to develop theological and liturgical resources for same-sex blessings and report back to the General Convention in 2012. It also gave bishops an option to provide "generous pastoral support", especially where civil authorities have legalized same-gender marriage, civil unions, or domestic partnerships.[87]

On July 14, 2009, the Episcopal Church's House of Bishops voted that "any ordained ministry" is open to gay men and lesbians. The New York Times said the move was "likely to send shockwaves through the Anglican Communion". This vote ended a moratorium on ordaining gay bishops passed in 2006 and passed in spite of Archbishop Rowan Williams's personal call at the start of the convention that, "I hope and pray that there won't be decisions in the coming days that will push us further apart."[88]

On July 10, 2012, the Episcopal Church approved an official liturgy for the blessing of same-sex relationships. This liturgy was not a marriage rite, but the blessing included an exchange of vows and the couple's agreement to enter into a lifelong committed relationship.[89]

On June 29, 2015, at the 78th General Convention of the Episcopal Church, a resolution removing the definition of marriage as being between one man and one woman was passed by the House of Bishops with 129 in favor, 26 against, and 5 abstaining.[90] The then archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, expressed "deep concern" over the ruling.[91] In 2016, Anglican leaders temporarily suspended the Episcopal Church from key positions in their global fellowship in response to the church changing its canons on marriage.[92][93][94]

Transgender people have also joined the priesthood in the Episcopal Church. The Rev. Cameron Partridge, who transitioned in 2001 and was ordained in 2005,[95] was the first openly transgender priest to preach at the Washington National Cathedral.[96] In 2022, the 80th General Convention of the Episcopal Church, affirmed its position in favor of access to gender affirming care, including all forms of medical transition for people of any age, as a part of the Baptismal call to "respect the dignity of every human being."[97]

Separations from the church

[edit]
Many members and parishes of the historic Diocese of South Carolina left the Episcopal Church in 2012, eventually becoming a diocese of the Anglican Church in North America.

Following the ordination of Bp. Gene Robinson in 2003, some members of a number of congregations left the Episcopal Church.[22] For example, in Cleveland, Ohio, four parishes "with about 1,300 active members, decided to leave the U.S. church and the local diocese because of 'divergent understandings of the authority of scripture and traditional Christian teaching.'"[98] Four dioceses also voted to leave the church; Pittsburgh, Quincy, Fort Worth, and San Joaquin. The stated reasons included those expressed by the Pittsburgh diocese, which complained that the church had been "hijacked" by liberal bishops.[99] A few years later, in 2012, the Diocese of South Carolina voted to withdraw.

The Episcopal Church did not acknowledge any of the purported diocesan withdrawals, stating that under canon law an Episcopal diocese cannot withdraw itself from the larger Episcopal Church. In a "pastoral letter" to the South Carolina diocese, Presiding Bishop Schori wrote that "While some leaders have expressed a desire to leave The Episcopal Church, the Diocese has not left. It cannot, by its own action. The alteration, dissolution, or departure of a diocese of The Episcopal Church requires the consent of General Convention, which has not been consulted."[100] She further wrote that the South Carolina diocese "continues to be a constituent part of The Episcopal Church, even if a number of its leaders have departed. If it becomes fully evident that those former leaders have, indeed, fully severed their ties with The Episcopal Church, new leaders will be elected and installed by the action of a Diocesan Convention recognized by the wider Episcopal Church, in accordance with our Constitution and Canons."

Many departing members joined the Continuing Anglican movement or advocated Anglican realignment, claiming alignment with overseas Anglican provinces including the Anglican Province of the Southern Cone of America and the Church of Nigeria.[101] Some former members formed the Anglican Church in North America which, as of 2017, claimed over 1,000 congregations and 134,000 members.[102] Episcopal Church leaders, particularly former Presiding Bishop Katharine Jefferts Schori, responded by taking a firm stance against the separatists. Litigation between the church and departing dioceses and parishes cost all parties tens of millions of dollars; one estimate has the Episcopal Church spending over $42 million and separatists roughly $18 million, for a total of over $60 million in court costs.[103] Litigation has largely centered on church properties. Episcopal leadership asserts that, as a hierarchical church, they retain ownership of parish property when parishioners leave. Departing groups, in contrast, assert that they should be able to retain ownership of individual church facilities and diocesan property.[104][105]

Church property disputes

[edit]

In a letter to the House of Bishops during summer 2009, Presiding Bishop Katharine Jefferts Schori instructed local dioceses not to sell parish property to departing groups. She stated: "We do not make settlements that encourage religious bodies who seek to replace The Episcopal Church".[106]

Before Schori took this stand, prior bishops had treated parish property disputes as internal diocesan matters that are "not subject to the review or oversight of the presiding bishop". One example was when then-Presiding Bishop Frank Griswold told the Diocese of Western Louisiana on May 11, 2006, that the national church involved itself in parish property disputes only upon invitation of the local bishop and diocesan standing committees.[107] Schori's letter stated that her firm stance was the consensus of the Council of Advice and expressed hope that "those who have departed can gain clarity about their own identity".[106]

After the South Carolina diocese voted to withdraw, it sued the national Episcopal Church to retain control over its property. The departing diocese mostly won on appeal to the South Carolina Supreme Court. Multiple parishes affiliated with the departing group were allowed to keep their property. Other church and diocesan property in the lawsuit remained with the Episcopal Church and its affiliated local diocese.[108] The name "Episcopal Diocese of South Carolina" and related names and marks were initially claimed by the departing group. In 2019, a federal court ruled that they legally belonged to The Episcopal Church. The departing diocese was renamed The Anglican Diocese of South Carolina.

Membership

[edit]
St. Mark's Episcopal Cathedral in Shreveport, Louisiana

In 1986, the Episcopal Church adopted a "revised definition of membership," counting only active baptized members; previously, the church counted all baptized members.[109] As of 2023, the Episcopal Church had 1,547,779 active baptized members,[110] of whom 1,394,769 were in the United States.[4] Total average Sunday attendance (ASA) for 2018 was 962,529 (933,206 in the U.S. and 29,323 outside the U.S.), a decrease of 24.7% percent from 2008.[111] In 2015, the church reported 2.2 million members and 1,917,182 active baptized members.[112][113] In 2016, a data-based quantitative study for the Journal of Anglican Studies, and published by Cambridge University Press, reported that The Episcopal Church had 2,405,000 total baptized members, including inactive members, and 1,588,057 active members in the United States.[114][115]

According to a report by American Religious Identify Survey or ARIS/Barna in 2001, 3.5 million Americans self-identified as Episcopalians, highlighting "a gap between those who are affiliated with the church (on membership rolls), versus those who self-identify [as Episcopalians]".[116][117] Church Pension Group also cited having 3.5 million adherents in 2002.[118] In 2008, The New York Times reported that The Episcopal Church claimed 4 million total members.[119] Also in 2008, ARIS counted 2,405,000 self-identified Episcopalians.[117] More recently, in 2025, Pew Research found that approximately 1 percent of 260 million U.S. adults, around 2.6 million people, self-identified as mainline Episcopalian/Anglican.[9]

According to data collected in 2000, the District of Columbia, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Virginia have the highest rates of adherents per capita, and states along the East Coast generally have a higher number of adherents per capita than in other parts of the country.[120] New York was the state with the largest total number of adherents, over 200,000.[121] In 2013, the Episcopal Diocese of Haiti was the largest single diocese, with 84,301 baptized members, which constitute slightly over half of the church's foreign membership.[111]

Roughly half of those identifying as Episcopalian are converts; the vast majority of converts (93%) were raised in another Christian denomination, with 37% coming from Mainline Protestantism, 29% from Roman Catholicism, 24% from Evangelical Protestantism, and 3% from some other Christian tradition.[122] In the years preceding 2012 over 225,000 Roman Catholics became Episcopalians and as of 2012, there are "432 living Episcopal priests [who] have been received [as priests] from the Roman Catholic Church."[123]

According to statistics, U.S. membership dropped 2.7 percent from a reported 1,866,758 members in 2013 to 1,745,156 in 2016, a loss of 121,602 persons. Attendance took an even steeper hit, with the average number of Sunday worshipers dropping from 623,691 in 2013 to 570,454 in 2016, a decline of 53,237 persons in the pews, down 8.5 percent. Congregations dropped to 6,473.[124]

The Episcopal Church experienced notable growth in the first half of the 20th century, but like many mainline churches, it has had a decline in membership in more recent decades.[125] Membership grew from 1.1 million members in 1925 to a peak of over 3.4 million members in the mid-1960s.[126] Between 1970 and 1990, membership declined from about 3.2 million to about 2.4 million.[126] Once changes in how membership is counted are taken into consideration, the Episcopal Church's membership numbers were broadly flat throughout the 1990s, with a slight growth in the first years of the 21st century.[127][128][129][130][131] A loss of 115,000 members was reported for the years 2003–2005.[132] Some theories about the decline in membership include a failure to sufficiently reach beyond ethnic barriers in an increasingly diverse society, and the low fertility rates prevailing among the predominant ethnic groups traditionally belonging to the church. In 1965, there were 880,000 children in Episcopal Sunday School programs. By 2001, the number had declined to 297,000.[133]

Political leanings

[edit]

The Episcopal Church used to be heavily associated with the Republican Party, such that it was jokingly referred to as "the Republican Party at prayer."[134][135][136] Episcopalians were often associated with the Rockefeller Republican wing of the Republican Party.[137] This demonstrated the perception of many Episcopalians' "political conservatism [and] theological liberalism."[138] During the 1970s, Episcopalian Republicans were associated with the more socially liberal wing of the Republican Party.[139][140]

In modern times, members of the Episcopal Church tend to identify more as moderate (38%) or liberal (32%) rather than conservative (28%).[141] According to a 2025 Pew Research Center study with 627 self-identified Episcopalians, 57% describe themselves as Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents, 37% describe themselves as Republicans or Republican-leaning independents, and 6% state that they do not identify with either party.[141]

Influence

[edit]
Trinity Church in Manhattan

In the twentieth century, Episcopalians tended to be wealthier[13] and more educated (having more graduate and postgraduate degrees per capita) than most other religious groups in the United States,[142] and were disproportionately represented in the upper reaches of American business,[143] law, and politics.[144] Many of the nation's oldest educational institutions, such as University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University, were founded by Episcopal clergy or were associated with the Episcopal Church.[145][146] According to Pew Research Center Episcopal Church "has often been seen as the religious institution most closely associated with the American establishment, producing many of the nation's most important leaders in politics and business."[147] About a quarter of the presidents of the United States (11) were members of the Episcopal Church.[16]

Historically, Episcopalians were overrepresented among American scientific elite and Nobel Prize winners.[17][18] According to Scientific Elite: Nobel Laureates in the United States by Harriet Zuckerman, between 1901 and 1972, 72% of American Nobel Prize laureates have come from a Protestant background, mostly from Episcopalian, Presbyterian or Lutheran background.[18] Citing Gallup polling data from 1976, Kit and Frederica Konolige wrote in their 1978 book The Power of Their Glory, "As befits a church that belongs to the worldwide Anglican Communion, Episcopalianism has the United Kingdom to thank for the ancestors of fully 49 percent of its members. ... The stereotype of the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) finds its fullest expression in the Episcopal Church."[148]

The Boston Brahmins, who were regarded as the nation's social and cultural elites, were often associated with the American upper class, Harvard University;[149] and the Episcopal Church.[150][151] Old Philadelphians were often associated with the Episcopal Church.[19] Old money in the United States was typically associated with White Anglo-Saxon Protestant ("WASP") status,[152] particularly with the Episcopal and Presbyterian Church.[153] In the 1970s, a Fortune magazine study found one-in-five of the country's largest businesses and one-in-three of its largest banks was run by an Episcopalian.[13] Numbers of the most wealthy and affluent American families such as the Vanderbilts, Astors, Du Ponts,[20] Whitneys, Morgans, Fords,[20] Mellons,[20] Van Leers, Browns,[20] Waynes and Harrimans are Episcopalians.[13] While the Rockefeller family are mostly Baptists, some of the Rockefellers were Episcopalians.[20]

According to a 2014 study by the Pew Research Center, the Episcopal Church also has the highest number of graduate and post-graduate degrees per capita (56%)[154] of any other Christian denomination in the United States,[155] as well as the most high-income earners.[156] According to The New York Times Episcopalians tend also to be better educated and they have a high number of graduate (76%) and post-graduate degrees (35%) per capita.[157] According to a 2014 study by the Pew Research Center, Episcopalians ranked as the third wealthiest religious group in the United States, with 35% of Episcopalians living in households with incomes of at least $100,000.[158] In 2014, roughly 70% of Episcopalians were living in households with incomes of $50,000 or above.[158] In recent years, the church has become much more economically and racially diverse[159] through evangelism, and has attracted many Hispanic immigrants who are often working-class.[160][161]

Structure

[edit]

The Episcopal Church is governed according to episcopal polity with its own system of canon law. This means that the church is organized into dioceses led by bishops in consultation with representative bodies. It is a unitary body, in that the power of the General Convention is not limited by the individual dioceses. The church has, however, a highly decentralized structure and characteristics of a confederation.[162]

Parishes and dioceses

[edit]

At the local level, there are 6,447 Episcopal congregations, each of which elects a vestry or bishop's committee. Subject to the approval of its diocesan bishop, the vestry of each parish elects a priest, called the rector, who has spiritual jurisdiction in the parish and selects assistant clergy, both deacons and priests. (There is a difference between vestry and clergy elections – clergy are ordained members usually selected from outside the parish, whereas any member in good standing of a parish is eligible to serve on the vestry.) The diocesan bishop, however, appoints the clergy for all missions and may choose to do so for non-self-supporting parishes.[citation needed]

The middle judicatory consists of a diocese headed by a bishop who is assisted by a standing committee.[163] The bishop and standing committee are elected by the diocesan convention whose members are canonically resident clergy of the diocese and laity selected by the congregations. The election of a bishop requires the consent of a majority of standing committees and diocesan bishops.[164] Conventions meet annually to consider legislation (such as revisions to the diocesan constitution and canons) and speak for the diocese. Dioceses are organized into nine provinces. Each province has a synod and a mission budget, but it has no authority over its member dioceses.[citation needed]

There are 106 dioceses in the United States, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Haiti, Honduras, Puerto Rico, Taiwan, Venezuela, Cuba and the Virgin Islands. The Convocation of Episcopal Churches in Europe and the Navajoland Area Mission are jurisdictions similar to a diocese.[25][26][27][165]

Governance

[edit]

The Washington National Cathedral is the seat of the Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church as well as the bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of Washington.

The Cathedral Church of Saint Peter and Saint Paul in the City and Diocese of Washington, located in Washington, D.C., is operated under the more familiar name of Washington National Cathedral.

The highest legislative body of the Episcopal Church is the triennial General Convention, consisting of the House of Deputies and the House of Bishops. All active (whether diocesan, coadjutor, suffragan, or assistant) and retired bishops make up the over 300 members of the House of Bishops. Diocesan conventions elect over 800 representatives (each diocese elects four laity and four clergy) to the House of Deputies. The House of Deputies elects a president and vice-president to preside at meetings. General Convention enacts two types of legislation. The first type is the rules by which the church is governed as contained in the Constitution and Canons; the second type are broad guidelines on church policy called resolutions.[166] Either house may propose legislation.[167] The House of Deputies only meets as a full body once every three years; however, the House of Bishops meets regularly throughout the triennium between conventions.

The real work of General Convention is done by interim bodies, the most powerful being the Executive Council, which oversees the work of the national church during the triennium. The council has 40 members; 20 are directly elected by the General Convention, 18 are elected by the nine provinces, and the Presiding Bishop and President of the House of Deputies are ex officio members.[167] Other interim bodies include a number of standing commissions ordered by the canons and temporary task forces formulated by resolutions of General Convention. Both types of bodies study and draft policy proposals for consideration and report back to the convention. Each standing commission consists of five bishops, five priests or deacons, and ten laypersons. Bishops are appointed by the Presiding Bishop while the other clergy and laypersons are appointed by the president of the House of Deputies.[167] Task forces vary in size, composition, and duration depending on the General Convention resolution that orders them.[168]

The Presiding Bishop is elected from and by the House of Bishops and confirmed by the House of Deputies for a nine-year term.[169] The Presiding Bishop is the chief pastor and primate of the Episcopal Church and is charged with providing leadership in the development of the church's program as well as speaking on behalf of the church.[170] The Presiding Bishop does not possess a territorial see; since the 1970s, however, the Presiding Bishop has enjoyed extraordinary jurisdiction (metropolitical authority) and has authority to visit dioceses for sacramental and preaching ministry, for consulting bishops, and for related purposes.[171] The Presiding Bishop chairs the House of Bishops as well as the Executive Council of the General Convention. In addition, the Presiding Bishop directs the Episcopal Church Center, the national administrative headquarters of the denomination. Located at 815 Second Avenue, New York City, New York, the center is often referred to by Episcopalians simply as "815".[172]

A system of ecclesiastical courts is provided for under Title IV of the canons of General Convention. These courts are empowered to discipline and depose deacons, priests, and bishops.

Worship and liturgy

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A procession in St. Mary's Episcopal Cathedral, Memphis, Tennessee, in 2002
Rood screen and chancel ceiling at the Anglo-Catholic Church of the Good Shepherd in Rosemont, Pennsylvania

Worship according to the Book of Common Prayer (BCP) is central to the Episcopal Church's identity and its main source of unity. The current edition of the BCP was published in 1979 and is similar to other Anglican prayer books in use around the world. It contains most of the worship services (or liturgies) used in the Episcopal Church.[173]

The Episcopal Church has a sacramental understanding of worship. The Episcopal catechism defines a sacrament as "an outward and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace given to us".[174] Episcopalians believe that sacraments are material things that God uses to act in human lives.[174] The BCP identifies Baptism and the Eucharist as the "two great sacraments of the Gospel". Confirmation, ordination, holy matrimony, reconciliation of a penitent, and unction are identified as "sacramental rites".[175] Private confession of sin is available in the Episcopal Church, though it is not as commonly practiced as in the Roman Catholic Church. This is in part due to the general confession provided for in Episcopal services.[175]

The prayer book specifies that the Eucharist or Holy Communion is "the principal act of Christian worship on the Lord's Day".[176] The service has two parts. The first is centered on Bible readings and preaching. At each service, four scripture passages are read from the Old Testament and the New Testament. The readings are organized in a three-year cycle during which much of the Bible will have been read in church.[177] The second part of the service is centered on the Eucharist. The Episcopal Church teaches the real presence doctrine—that the bread and wine truly become the body and blood of Christ. However, it does not define how this happens, which allows for different views to coexist within the church.[178] Generally, Episcopal churches have retained features such as the altar rail, the inclusion or exclusion of which does not elicit much controversy, but usually celebrate in the versus populum orientation.[citation needed]

High altar of an Anglo-Catholic church ad orientem style

Often a congregation or a particular service will be referred to as Low Church or High Church. In theory:

  • High Church, especially the very high Anglo-Catholic movement, is ritually inclined towards the use of incense, formal hymns, and a higher degree of ceremony such as ad orientem in relation to the priest and altar. In addition to clergy vesting in albs, stoles, and chasubles, the lay assistants may also be vested in cassock and surplice. The sung Eucharist tends to be emphasized in High Church congregations, with Anglo-Catholic congregations and celebrants using sung services almost exclusively. Marian devotion is sometimes seen in the Anglo-Catholic and some High Church parishes.
  • Low Church is simpler and may incorporate other elements such as informal praise and worship music. "Low" parishes tend towards a more "traditional Protestant" outlook with its emphasis of Biblical revelation over symbolism. Some "low" parishes even subscribe to traditional Evangelical theology (see Evangelical Anglicanism). The spoken Eucharist tends to be emphasized in Low Church congregations. Altar rails may be omitted in this type.
  • Broad Church indicates a middle ground. These parishes are the most common within The Episcopal Church. However, unlike the Anglican Church in England, most Episcopal "broad church" parishes make use of a liturgy that includes eucharistic vestments, chant, and a high view of the sacraments, even if the liturgy is not as solemn or lacks some of the other accoutrements typical of Anglo-Catholic parishes. Unlike many Roman Catholic churches, the altar rail has usually been retained and communion is usually served kneeling at the altar rail similar to a Tridentine Mass, because the Episcopal Church teaches, through its Book of Common Prayer, a theologically high view of the church and its sacraments, even if not all parishes carry this out liturgically.[179]

The Book of Common Prayer also provides the Daily Offices of Morning and Evening Prayer. The daily offices can be said by lay people at home.[180]

The veneration of saints in the Episcopal Church is a continuation of an ancient tradition from the early church which honors important people of the Christian faith. The usage of the term "saint" is similar to Roman Catholic and Orthodox traditions. There are explicit references in the 1979 Book of Common Prayer to invoking the aid of the prophets, patriarchs, saints, martyrs and the Virgin Mary as in an optional prayer in the committal at a funeral, p. 504. In general Anglicans pray with the saints in their fellowship, not to them, although their intercessions may be requested. Those inclined to the Anglo-Catholic traditions may explicitly invoke saints as intercessors in prayer.[citation needed] The 1979 edition contains a provision for the use of "traditional" (Elizabethan) language under various circumstances not directly provided for in the book.

Belief and practice

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Episcopal consecration of the 8th bishop of Northern Indiana in 2016 by the laying on of hands

At the center of Episcopal belief and practice are the life, teachings and Resurrection of Jesus Christ.[181] The doctrine of the Episcopal Church is found in the canon of scripture as understood in the Apostles' and Nicene creeds and in the sacramental rites, the ordinal and catechism of the Book of Common Prayer.[182] Some of these teachings include:

  • Belief that human beings "are part of God's creation, made in the image of God," and are therefore "free to make choices: to love, to reason, and to live in harmony with creation and with God."[183]
  • Belief that sin, defined as "the seeking of our own will instead of the will of God," has corrupted human nature, "thus distorting our relationship with God, with other people, and with all creation," resulting in death.[184]
  • Belief that "sin has power over us because we lose our liberty when our relationship with God is distorted," and that redemption is any act of God which "sets us free from the power of sin, evil, and death."[185]
  • The doctrines of the Incarnation and Resurrection of Jesus Christ; Jesus Christ is fully human and fully God.[186]
  • Jesus provides forgiveness of sin and the way of eternal life for those who believe and are baptized.[187]
  • The Trinity: God the Father, God the Son (Jesus Christ), and God the Holy Spirit are one God in three distinct persons, collectively called the Holy Trinity ("three and yet one").[188]
  • The Holy Scriptures, commonly called the Bible, consist of the Old Testament and the New Testament and were written by people "under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit."[189] The Apocrypha are additional books that are used in Christian worship, but not for the formation of doctrine.[190]
  • The Bible contains "all things necessary to salvation" and nothing can be taught as pertaining to salvation which cannot be proven by scripture.[191]
  • Sacraments are "outward and visible signs of God's inward and spiritual grace."[192] The two necessary sacraments are Baptism and Holy Communion (the latter is also called the Eucharist, the Lord's Supper, and the Mass).[193] Infant baptism is practiced and encouraged.[194] Holy Communion is celebrated each Lord's Day (Sunday) and is open to all baptized persons.[195]
  • Other sacraments are confirmation, ordination, marriage, confession, and unction.[196] Regarding these other sacraments the Book of Common Prayer states "Although they are means of grace, they are not necessary for all persons the same way that Baptism and the Eucharist are."[197]
  • A general belief in an afterlife of Heaven and Hell. Heaven is defined as the resurrection of the faithful to eternal life in the presence of God. Hell is defined as "eternal death" due to a willful rejection of God.[198]
  • Emphasis on the contents of the Sermon on the Mount and on living out the Great Commandment to love God and to love one's neighbor fully.[199]
  • Belief in an episcopal form of church government and in the offices and ministries of the early church, namely the threefold order of bishops, priests and deacons; both men and women are eligible for ordination to the clergy.[200] Clergy are permitted to marry.[201]
  • Apostolic Succession: the belief that the Episcopal and wider Anglican bishops continue the apostolic tradition of the ancient church as spiritual heirs to the Twelve Apostles of Jesus Christ.[202]
  • Strong emphasis on prayer with specific reverence for the Lord's Prayer both in its original form and as a model for all prayer; principal kinds of prayer include adoration, praise, thanksgiving, penitence, oblation, intercession, and petition.[203]
  • Observance of the ancient Church Year (Advent, Christmas, Easter, Lent, etc.) and the celebration of holy days dedicated to saints.[204]
  • Belief that grace is "God's favor toward us, unearned and undeserved," by which God "forgives our sins, enlightens our minds, stirs our hearts, and strengthens our wills," and is continually conferred to Christians through the sacraments, prayer, and worship.[205]

The full catechism is included in the Book of Common Prayer and is posted on the Episcopal website.[206]

In practice, not all Episcopalians hold all of these beliefs, but ordained clergy are required to "solemnly engage to conform" to this doctrine.[207] The Episcopal Church follows the via media or "middle way" between Protestant and Roman Catholic doctrine and practices: that is both Catholic and Reformed. Although many Episcopalians identify with this concept, those whose convictions lean toward either evangelical Anglicanism or Anglo-Catholicism may not.[208]

A broad spectrum of theological views is represented within the Episcopal Church. Some Episcopal members or theologians hold evangelical positions, affirming the authority of scripture over all. The Episcopal Church website glossary defines the sources of authority as a balance between scripture, tradition, and reason. These three are characterized as a "three-legged stool" which will topple if any one overbalances the other. It also notes:[209]

The Anglican balancing of the sources of authority has been criticized as clumsy or "muddy." It has been associated with the Anglican affinity for seeking the mean between extremes and living the via media. It has also been associated with the Anglican willingness to tolerate and comprehend opposing viewpoints instead of imposing tests of orthodoxy or resorting to heresy trials.

This balance of scripture, tradition and reason is traced to the work of Richard Hooker, a 16th-century apologist. In Hooker's model, scripture is the primary means of arriving at doctrine and things stated plainly in scripture are accepted as true. Issues that are ambiguous are determined by tradition, which is checked by reason.[210] Noting the role of personal experience in Christian life, some Episcopalians have advocated following the example of the Wesleyan Quadrilateral of Methodist theology by thinking in terms of a "Fourth Leg" of "experience". This understanding is highly dependent on the work of Friedrich Schleiermacher.

A public example of this struggle between different Christian positions in the church has been the 2003 consecration of Gene Robinson, an openly gay man living with a long-term partner. The acceptance/rejection of his consecration is motivated by different views on the understanding of scripture.[211] This struggle has some members concerned that the church may not continue its relationship with the larger Anglican Church. Others, however, view this pluralism as an asset, allowing a place for both sides to balance each other.

Comedian and Episcopalian Robin Williams once described the Episcopal faith (and, in a performance in London, specifically the Church of England) as "Catholic Lite – same rituals, half the guilt".[212]

Social positions

[edit]

Economic issues

[edit]

In 1991, the church's general convention recommended parity in pay and benefits between clergy and lay employees in equivalent positions.[213] Several times between 1979 and 2003, the convention expressed concern over affordable housing and supported work to provide affordable housing.[214] In 1982 and 1997, the convention reaffirmed the church's commitment to eradicating poverty and malnutrition, and challenged parishes to increase ministries to the poor.[215]

The convention urged the church in 1997 and 2000 to promote living wages for all.[216][217] In 2003, the convention urged U.S. legislators to raise the national minimum wage, and to establish a living wage with health benefits as the national standard.[218][219]

Marriage equality, gender, and sexuality

[edit]

The Episcopal Church opposes laws in society which discriminate against individuals because of their sex, sexual orientation, or gender expression. The Episcopal Church enforces this policy of non-discrimination; women are ordained to all levels of ministry and church leadership.[220] The church maintains an anti-sexism taskforce.[221] Similarly, openly gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender individuals are eligible to be ordained.[222][223] The Episcopal Church affirms that marriage is the historic Christian standard for sexual intimacy between two people but does encourage clergy and laity to maintain ministry and dialogue with "the growing number of persons entering into sexually intimate relationships other than marriage."[224]

At its 2015 triennial general convention, the church adopted "canonical and liturgical changes to provide marriage equality for Episcopalians". The "two new marriage rites" contain language that allows "them to be used by same-sex or opposite-sex couples".[23] The blessing of same-sex relationships is not uniform throughout the Episcopal Church. Following the 2015 general convention, bishops were able to determine whether churches and priests within their dioceses were permitted to use the new liturgies. Bishops who did not permit their use were to connect same-sex couples to a diocese where the liturgies were allowed.[225] However, following the 2018 general convention, resolution B012 was amended to "make provision for all couples asking to be married in this church to have access to these liturgies". This effectively granted all churches and clergy, with or without the support of their bishop, the ability to perform same-sex marriages. They may, however, refuse to do so.[226] The church also opposes any state or federal constitutional amendments designed to prohibit the marriages of same-sex couples.[227]

In 2022, the 80th General Convention of the Episcopal Church, affirmed its position in favor of access to gender affirming care, including all forms of medical transition for people of any age, as a part of the Baptismal call to "respect the dignity of every human being."[97]

Racial equality

[edit]

In 1861, John Henry Hopkins wrote a pamphlet entitled, A Scriptural, Ecclesiastical, and Historical View of Slavery, attempting to give a view of slavery from his interpretation of the New Testament: he argued that slavery was not a sin per se. Rather, Hopkins argued that slavery was an institution that was objectionable and should be abrogated by agreement, not by war. Bishop Hopkins' Letter on Slavery Ripped Up and his Misuse of the Sacred Scriptures Exposed, written by G.W. Hyer in 1863, opposed the points mentioned in Hopkins' pamphlet and revealed a startling divide in the Episcopal Church, as in other American churches, over the issue of slavery. It was not, however, strong enough to split the church into Northern and Southern wings even after the war, as many other denominations did. And though the church did divide into two wings during the war, Hopkins was active in re-uniting them in 1865.[228]

The Social Gospel movement within American Christianity was a mainstay of racial justice and reconciliation activism amongst Episcopal clergy and laity alike throughout in the nineteenth and early to mid-twentieth century, it stressed a view of sin as being "more than individual" and "to be the consequence of forces of evil in human society so that salvation must involve the redemption of the social order as well as the redemption of the individual."[229]

In 1991, the General Convention declared "the practice of racism is sin",[230] and in 2006, a unanimous House of Bishops endorsed Resolution A123 apologizing for complicity in the institution of slavery, and silence over "Jim Crow" laws, segregation, and racial discrimination.[231] In 2018, following the white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, then-Presiding Bishop Michael B. Curry said that "the stain of bigotry has once again covered our land" and called on Episcopalians to choose "organized love intent on creating God's beloved community on Earth" rather than hate.[232]

In April 2021, the Episcopal Church released the findings of a Racial Justice audit after three years of study, it cited nine areas of needed improvement within the church regarding systemic racism.[233]

In May 2025, the Episcopal Church announced that they would be terminating their participation in the United States Refugee Admissions Program, as they were morally opposed to resettling white Afrikaners that the Donald Trump administration was bringing into the country.[234][235]

Abortion

[edit]

The Episcopal Church affirms that human life is sacred "from inception until death" and opposes elective abortion. As such, the Episcopal Church condemns the use of abortion as a method of birth control, gender selection, family planning, or for "any reason of convenience". The Church acknowledges the right of women to choose to undergo the procedure "only in extreme situations". It has stated that laws prohibiting abortions fail to address the social conditions which give rise to them. The 1994 resolution establishing the Episcopal Church's position gave "unequivocal opposition to any legislative, executive or judicial action on the part of local, state or national governments that abridges the right of a woman to reach an informed decision about the termination of pregnancy or that would limit the access of a woman to safe means of acting on her decision."[236] In 2022, the 80th General Convention of the Episcopal Church approved a resolution calling for the protection of "abortion services and birth control with no restriction on movement, autonomy, type, or timing."[237]

Euthanasia

[edit]

The Episcopal Church disapproves of assisted suicide and other forms of euthanasia, but does teach that it is permissible to withdraw medical treatment, such as artificial nutrition and hydration, when the burden of such treatment outweighs its benefits to an individual.[238]

Evolution

[edit]

The Episcopal Church accepts the empirical findings of biology and does not consider the theory of evolution to be in conflict with its understanding of Holy Scripture in light of reason. In 1982, the Episcopal Church passed a resolution to "affirm its belief in the glorious ability of God to create in any manner, and in this affirmation reject the rigid dogmatism of the 'Creationist' movement." The church has also expressed skepticism toward the intelligent design movement.[239]

Capital punishment

[edit]

Holding that human life is sacred, the Episcopal Church is opposed to capital punishment. At the 1958 General Convention, Episcopal bishops issued a public statement against the death penalty, a position which has since been reaffirmed.[240]

Climate change

[edit]

The Episcopal Church website's Creation Care Glossary of Terms defines climate change as a "crisis" consisting of "severe problems that arise as human activity increases the level of carbon dioxide and other heat-trapping gases in the atmosphere, and the world's average global temperature soars", a statement which places the church's stance on climate change in line with global scientific consensus on the matter. According to the church's website glossary, the climate crisis is one of "triple urgency" resulting from "the intersection of climate change, poverty and inequality, and biodiversity loss." The church's range of advocacy areas with respect to the environment include public support for net carbon neutrality, environmental justice, opposition to environmental racism, support for renewable energy and for setting and meeting sustainability goals, and support for workers, communities, and economies as they undergo a "just transition" toward eco-friendly policies.[241]

Vaccinations

[edit]

The Episcopal Church "recognizes no claim of theological or religious exemption from vaccination for our members and reiterates the spirit of General Convention policies that Episcopalians should seek the counsel of experienced medical professionals, scientific research, and epidemiological evidence", while similarly condemning the "spreading of fraudulent research that suggested vaccines might cause harm." In a similar vein, the church has expressed "grave concern and sorrow for the recent rise in easily preventable diseases due to anti-vaccination movements which have harmed thousands of children and adults." The Episcopal Church has endorsed stronger government mandates for vaccinations and has characterized the choice to be inoculated as "a duty not only to our own selves and families but to our communities", while describing the choice to not vaccinate, when it is medically safe to do so, as a decision which "threatens the lives of others."[242]

Agencies and programs

[edit]

The Society for the Increase of the Ministry (SIM) is the only organization raising funds on a national basis for Episcopal seminarian support. SIM's founding purpose in 1857 – "to find suitable persons for the Episcopal ministry and aid them in acquiring a thorough education". SIM has awarded scholarships to qualified full-time seminary students.[243]

Episcopal Relief & Development is the international relief and development agency of the Episcopal Church in the United States. It helps to rebuild after disasters and aims to empower people by offering lasting solutions that fight poverty, hunger and disease. Episcopal Relief and Development programs focus on alleviating hunger, improving food supply, creating economic opportunities, strengthening communities, promoting health, fighting disease, responding to disasters, and rebuilding communities.[244]

There are about 60 trust funds administered by the Episcopal Church which offer scholarships to young people affiliated with the church. Qualifying considerations often relate to historical missionary work of the church among Native Americans and African-Americans, as well as work in China and other foreign missions.[245][246] There are special programs for both Native Americans[247] and African-Americans[248] interested in training for the ministry.

There are three historical societies of American Episcopalianism: Historical Society of the Episcopal Church, the National Episcopal Historians and Archivists (NEHA), and the Episcopal Women's History Project.[citation needed][249]

Church Publishing Incorporated (Church Publishing Inc., CPI) began as the Church Hymnal Corporation in 1918, dedicated initially to publishing a single work, The Hymnal 1918, which still remains in print. It is the official publisher for the General Convention of the Episcopal Church in the United States.[citation needed] Imprints include Church Publishing, Morehouse Publishing (independently founded in 1884) and Seabury Books (the "trade" imprint).[250]

Ecumenical relations

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Full communion

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Under the leadership of Lutheran bishop Jesper Swedberg, parishes in colonial America that belonged to the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Sweden established ecumenical dialogue that resulted in altar and pulpit fellowship with the Episcopal Church in the 1700s, which led to a merger of all of the Swedish Lutheran churches there into the Episcopal Church by 1846.[251] The Episcopal Church entered into a full communion agreement with the Church of Sweden at its General Convention in Salt Lake City on June 28, 2015.

Like the other churches of the Anglican Communion, the Episcopal Church has entered into full communion with the Old Catholic Churches of the Union of Utrecht, the Philippine Independent Church, and the Mar Thoma Syrian Church of Malabar. The Episcopal Church is also in a relationship of full communion with the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America[252] and the Northern and Southern Provinces of the Moravian Church in America.[253]

In 2006 a relation of interim Eucharistic sharing was inaugurated with the United Methodist Church, a step that may ultimately lead to full communion. In 2024, the United Methodist Church's General Conference approved full communion with the Episcopal Church, effective upon mutual approval by the General Convention, which is scheduled for as early as 2027.[254][255][256]

In 2025 The Episcopal Church entered into full communion with the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bavaria.[257] The Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bavaria is a member church of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Germany, a federation of 20 independent Christian denominations in Germany. This agreement was authorized by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bavaria's synod in 2022 and by The Episcopal Church's General Convention in 2024. The full communion agreement is titled "Sharing the Gifts of Communion (Augsburg Agreement)."

Other ecumenical relations

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The Episcopal Church maintains ecumenical dialogues with the United Methodist Church, the Presbyterian Church (USA)[258] and the Moravian Church in America, and participates in pan-Anglican dialogues with the Oriental Orthodox Churches, the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, and the Roman Catholic Church.

Historically Anglican churches have had strong ecumenical ties with the Eastern Orthodox Churches, and the Episcopal Church particularly with the Russian Orthodox Church, but relations in more recent years have been strained by the ordination of women and the ordination of Gene Robinson to the episcopate. A former relation of full communion with the Polish National Catholic Church (once a part of the Union of Utrecht) was broken off by the PNCC in 1976 over the ordination of women.

The Episcopal Church was a founding member of the Consultation on Church Union and participates in its successor, Churches Uniting in Christ. The Episcopal Church is a founding member of the National Council of Churches, the World Council of Churches, and the new Christian Churches Together in the USA. Dioceses and parishes are frequently members of local ecumenical councils as well.

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

The Episcopal Church, formally The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, is the autonomous province of the worldwide , a denomination that maintains with bishops in and liturgical worship centered on the . It originated from the parishes in the American colonies and achieved organizational independence in 1789 after the Revolutionary War severed ties with the British crown, adopting a republican structure with a General Convention as its legislative body.
The church, headquartered in , comprises over 6,000 congregations divided into nine provinces and 99 dioceses, led by a Presiding elected for a nine-year term; the current officeholder is , who assumed the role in 2024. As of 2023, it reports approximately 1.5 million baptized members, reflecting a sustained decline of about 500,000 over the prior decade amid broader trends and internal theological realignments.
Historically influential among American elites and associated with numerous U.S. presidents, the denomination has pursued progressive reforms, including the ordination of women priests since 1976 and the consecration of , an openly homosexual partnered man, as in 2003—decisions that strained relations with the global and precipitated major schisms, notably the departure of conservative dioceses to form the in 2009. These shifts have correlated with accelerated membership losses, as empirical data indicate the church's divergence from traditional Anglican doctrine on marriage and sexuality has alienated orthodox adherents while failing to reverse secularization-driven declines.

Names and identity

The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, otherwise known as The , constitutes the official designation of the denomination as established in its . This nomenclature reflects its episcopal polity—governed by bishops—and its Protestant identity distinct from the Church of England following American independence in 1789. The legal and corporate entity underpinning the national church's operations is the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America (DFMS), incorporated under New York state law on May 23, 1821, initially to coordinate missionary efforts but subsequently encompassing administrative, financial, and property-holding functions for the broader institution. The DFMS serves as the unincorporated church's fiscal agent and legal representative in civil matters, including litigation over ecclesiastical property, where it has asserted hierarchical authority in jurisdictions applying the implied trust doctrine, though outcomes vary by state law and judicial deference to internal polities. Individual dioceses and parishes typically hold title to their real property under local corporate charters, often as nonprofit religious societies, subject to diocesan canons and state statutes on ecclesiastical trusts. As a province of the , the church maintains voluntary associational status federally and at the state level, with no centralized hierarchical incorporation akin to Roman Catholic structures; instead, its 100 dioceses retain substantial autonomy in , clergy discipline, and local canons, acceding to the national and canons via explicit diocesan conventions. This federated model, coordinated by the triennial General Convention—a bicameral body of lay deputies, , and bishops—has facilitated both unity and schisms, as evidenced by property disputes in departing dioceses like in 2012, where courts weighed diocesan accessions against neutral principles of rather than deferring uniformly to denominational claims of supremacy. The denomination qualifies for federal tax exemption under 26 U.S.C. § 501(c)(3) as a , enabling deductible contributions and exemption from certain taxes, predicated on its nonprofit religious purposes.

Historical nomenclature and symbols

Prior to the , the church in the operated as the , with no distinct American nomenclature. Following independence, state conventions reorganized the church to sever ties with the British crown while retaining Anglican liturgy and polity. On November 13, 1783, clergy in convened at Annapolis and adopted the name "Protestant " to signify its episcopal governance and Protestant Reformation heritage. This emphasized distinction from Roman Catholicism, where "episcopal" denoted rule by bishops, and "Protestant" affirmed rejection of papal authority. The inaugural General Convention in 1789 formalized the full designation as "The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America," incorporating the national scope. This name persisted officially until the mid-20th century, underscoring the church's commitment to ordered ministry via bishops, priests, and deacons, inherited from Anglican tradition. Efforts to alter "Protestant" in later conventions largely failed, reflecting resistance to diluting identity amid Anglo-Catholic influences. By 1967, common usage shifted to "The Episcopal Church," though legal documents retained the longer form until amendments in the 1970s and 1980s. The church's primary symbol is its heraldic , featuring a silver field charged with a red cross of St. George—evoking the Church of England's and martyrdom themes—and a chief with nine silver crosslets representing the original 1789 dioceses: New York, , , , , , , , and Georgia. Adopted in the , this design symbolizes continuity with English while marking American autonomy through the diocesan count. The Episcopal displays this on a field, quartered with white, serving as an emblem on publications, signage, and vestments since the early . Historically, the shield evolved from provisional seals used in conventions, with the cross gules on argent affirming Protestant visual traditions over ornate Catholic . No or ecclesiastical keys appear in the core design, prioritizing simplicity and restraint. This remains the official logo, deployed consistently to denote institutional identity across parishes and dioceses.

Historical development

Colonial establishment (1607–1775)

The arrived in the American colonies with the in 1607, where settlers conducted services using the and assumed its establishment mirroring . In , the formalized its status as the established church in 1619 through laws mandating attendance, glebe lands for clergy support, and tithes funded by tobacco assessments. Parishes functioned as both ecclesiastical and civil units, with elected vestries managing church affairs, , road maintenance, and minister selection—a power granted in 1643 that often led to tensions with clergy beholden to English authorities. Establishment extended to other southern colonies, including Maryland (where Anglicanism supplanted initial Catholic tolerance by 1702), the Carolinas, and Georgia (founded 1733 with Anglican support). In the Middle Colonies, it gained traction in New York but lacked full establishment in Pennsylvania or New Jersey, remaining a minority amid Quaker and dissenting influences. Northern New England colonies, dominated by Congregationalists, resisted Anglican intrusion, though missionary efforts targeted Native Americans and nonconformists. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, founded in 1701, dispatched missionaries and built chapels, particularly in frontier areas, but the church operated without resident bishops, relying on the Bishop of London's oversight. Clergy shortages plagued the church throughout the period, with many parishes—often spanning 60 to 100 miles and sparsely settled—resorting to lay readers or unqualified ministers; by 1703 in , nearly 80% of parishes had ordained clergy, yet overall numbers remained low relative to . Vestries wielded significant autonomy, frequently undercutting episcopal authority and prioritizing local planters' interests, which fostered a pragmatic rather than doctrinally rigid practice. The church maintained vital records of baptisms, marriages, and burials, serving all social strata, though enslaved Africans often worshiped in segregated galleries or quarters. By the 1770s, the encompassed roughly 250 to 300 parishes and 200 clergy across the colonies, concentrated in the coastal where it served about one-ninth of the population, reflecting sluggish expansion amid rising dissent and secular influences. Its ties to positioned it as a pillar of colonial elite culture and governance, yet internal challenges and lack of adaptation limited broader appeal.

Revolutionary transition and independence (1775–1789)

The American Revolution severely disrupted the colonial Anglican churches, which were structurally tied to the and its monarchial headship. With the outbreak of hostilities in 1775, many Anglican clergy—estimated at around 30% of the roughly 300 ministers—either fled to Britain as Loyalists or faced for perceived royalist sympathies, leading to widespread parish vacancies and the cessation of ordinations, as English bishops required an to . Church properties in Loyalist-heavy areas were often confiscated or damaged, and public sentiment equated with British tyranny, exacerbating the decline. Post-independence efforts to reorganize began in 1783, when remaining clergy and laity in states like and sought to adapt Anglican forms without Crown allegiance. William White, rector of Christ Church in , published The Case of the Episcopal Churches in the United States Considered in 1782 (revised 1783), advocating a presbyterian-style with lay delegates to fill leadership gaps until episcopal consecrations could be secured, reflecting pragmatic adaptation amid episcopal vacuum. This approach contrasted with high-church insistence on bishops as essential for valid orders and sacraments, highlighting early tensions between Connecticut's Seabury faction and Middle States' more groups. The critical issue of episcopal succession emerged in 1783 when Connecticut clergy elected Samuel Seabury as bishop; denied consecration in England due to the oath requirement, he traveled to Scotland in 1784, where non-juring Scottish Episcopal bishops—independent of the English establishment—ordained him on November 14 in Aberdeen by the bishops of Aberdeen, Ross and Caithness, marking the first Anglican bishop in America without English involvement. Seabury's return in 1785 bolstered New England churches but initially deepened divisions, as southern and middle-state conventions resisted recognizing non-English orders. The first General Convention convened in from September 27 to October 7, 1785, with delegates from seven states (excluding , which boycotted over insufficient episcopal provisions), adopting the name "Protestant Episcopal Church" to emphasize reformed (Protestant) identity while retaining , and drafting a proposed omitting royal prayers. A 1786 convention incorporated Seabury, balancing houses of bishops and deputies, and elected William White and Samuel Provost as bishops for and New York, respectively. White and Provost secured consecration in England on February 4, 1787, at Lambeth Palace, enabled by a special parliamentary act waiving the oath, performed by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York alongside bishops of Bath and Wells and Llandaff. The pivotal 1789 General Convention in Philadelphia ratified a constitution establishing the autonomous Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, with a bicameral structure, revised liturgy, and canons; William White served as first presiding bishop via diocesan rotation. This formalized independence, unifying disparate state churches under republican governance while preserving Anglican liturgy and orders, though membership remained low—around 20,000 communicants in 1790—reflecting wartime losses and competition from nonconformist denominations.

National expansion and challenges (1789–1900)

The Protestant Episcopal Church formalized its national structure at the first General Convention held in Philadelphia from July 28 to October 16, 1789, where delegates adopted a constitution establishing a bicameral legislature comprising the House of Bishops and House of Deputies, along with canons governing church discipline and worship. This assembly revised the Book of Common Prayer to excise oaths of allegiance to the British Crown and elected Samuel Seabury, William White, and Samuel Provost as its initial bishops, with White serving as the first presiding bishop by rotation among senior bishops. The convention's actions addressed post-Revolutionary disarray, including clergy shortages and jurisdictional overlaps among state conventions, enabling coordinated governance amid a membership estimated at around 10,000 communicants in 1790. National expansion accelerated in the early as the church extended into frontier territories through missionary efforts, culminating in the formation of the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society in 1820 to support evangelism and church planting. New dioceses proliferated with westward migration, including in 1818, in 1847, and in 1857, reflecting territorial growth and the church's alignment with American settlement patterns. By , institutions like (1823) and the General Theological Seminary bolstered clergy training, facilitating parishes in urban centers and rural outposts, though growth remained modest compared to evangelical denominations, with communicants rising gradually to approximately 150,000 by 1870 amid competition from Methodists and . Challenges intensified with internal theological tensions and sectional divisions, particularly over , where the church issued no uniform abolitionist stance despite northern clergy advocacy, while southern bishops like owned slaves and defended the institution as compatible with . The Civil War prompted southern dioceses to withdraw in 1861, establishing the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States, which operated separately until reunification by 1866 following Confederate defeat, avoiding permanent schism unlike Methodist and Baptist bodies. The 1830s further strained unity, introducing high-church ritualism that provoked evangelical backlash and legal disputes over liturgical practices, underscoring ongoing debates between catholic and protestant emphases within the denomination. Financial constraints and elite social composition limited broader appeal, contributing to slower expansion relative to .

Modernization and reforms (1900–1960)

The Episcopal Church underwent significant liturgical modernization in the early 20th century, culminating in the revision and adoption of the Book of Common Prayer at the General Convention. This edition represented the third major update since independence, incorporating expansions to services such as additional collects, a revised , and accommodations for contemporary devotional practices while preserving the structure of the 1892 version it succeeded. The changes aimed to balance tradition with accessibility, reflecting broader efforts to adapt Anglican worship to American cultural shifts amid and . Administratively, the church centralized operations through the formation of the National Council in , which coordinated missionary, educational, and social outreach efforts previously handled by disparate boards. This reform enhanced efficiency in response to industrial-era demands, including expanded domestic missions in growing urban areas and support for labor reconciliation initiatives. Membership grew steadily during this period, from approximately 1.16 million baptized members in 1925 to over 1.23 million by 1929, indicating institutional vitality amid national population expansion. Episcopalians played a prominent role in the movement from the late 19th into the early , emphasizing applied to societal ills like and industrial exploitation. Figures such as Rev. R. Heber Newton advocated for economic justice and church involvement in reform, influencing policies on workers' rights and urban welfare through denominational commissions. These efforts aligned with priorities but prioritized voluntary charity over state intervention, rooted in theological commitments to personal moral renewal as a prerequisite for . Ecumenically, the church engaged actively from the 1910 Edinburgh International Missionary Conference onward, participating in Faith and Order and Life and Work movements that laid groundwork for the . Domestic dialogues sought interdenominational cooperation on ministry and sacraments, though episcopacy remained a sticking point with non-episcopal traditions. By mid-century, these initiatives fostered joint social witness, such as anti-poverty collaborations, without compromising doctrinal distinctives.

Progressive shifts and internal conflicts (1960–2000)

During the 1960s and 1970s, the Episcopal Church increasingly aligned with broader cultural movements emphasizing , civil rights, and anti-war activism, reflecting a shift toward progressive theology that prioritized inclusivity over traditional doctrinal boundaries. This era saw resolutions at General Conventions supporting racial reconciliation, opposition to the , and advocacy for economic justice, often framed as extensions of the church's heritage. Membership peaked at approximately 3.4 million baptized members around 1965, but began a steady decline thereafter, dropping to about 2.3 million by 2000, amid debates over whether theological liberalization contributed to disaffection among conservative and . A pivotal progressive reform occurred in 1974 when eleven women, known as the , were ordained to the priesthood in an irregular ceremony at the Church of the Advocate in by three retired bishops, defying canonical prohibitions. This act sparked immediate backlash, with the House of Bishops declaring the ordinations invalid, though it catalyzed debate on gender roles in ministry. The 65th General Convention in 1976 reversed course, amending canons to permit women's to the priesthood and episcopate, leading to the first canonical ordination of Jacqueline Means on January 1, 1977. By 1997, the General Convention mandated dioceses to ordain women, solidifying the policy despite ongoing resistance in some regions. These changes contributed to internal divisions, as conservative clergy and parishes withheld recognition, prompting small-scale departures and the formation of splinter groups like the in 1977. Liturgical revisions further embodied progressive impulses, culminating in the 1979 Book of Common Prayer, which introduced , alternative rites, and diminished emphasis on sacrificial in favor of communal themes. On sexuality, the 65th General Convention in 1976 passed Resolution A-054, affirming that "homosexual persons are children of God who have a full and equal claim" on the church's care and opposing discrimination based on . Subsequent conventions in the 1980s and 1990s explored blessings for same-sex unions and non-celibate gay clergy, with diocesan variations approved by 1994, heightening tensions with global Anglican partners who viewed these stances as departures from biblical norms. These shifts exacerbated internal conflicts, as orthodox factions argued that doctrinal innovations eroded scriptural authority and , leading to lawsuits over property, inhibited consecrations, and declining attendance in conservative strongholds. By the , membership losses accelerated in the Northeast and Midwest, correlating with the church's progressive trajectory, though leaders attributed declines to rather than policy choices. The period ended with unresolved fractures, foreshadowing larger schisms, as evidenced by resolutions like the 2000 affirmation of access to services without restriction, which further alienated traditionalists.

21st-century declines and divisions (2000–present)

The Episcopal Church experienced a marked decline in membership and attendance beginning in the early , dropping from 2,333,327 baptized members in 2000 to approximately 1.5 million by 2023, representing a roughly 35% reduction. Average Sunday attendance similarly fell, from around 725,000 in 2009 to 410,912 in 2023, with median congregational attendance declining to 53 persons by the late . This trajectory accelerated after 2000, with annual losses compounding amid broader trends but exacerbated by internal theological shifts. A pivotal event was the consecration of as Bishop of on November 2, 2003, marking the first openly homosexual bishop in the and . The decision, approved by the 2003 General Convention despite prior moratoriums on such elections, provoked immediate backlash from conservative dioceses and global Anglican primates, who warned of impaired communion and urged reversal. It triggered departures, including the formation of networks like the Anglican Communion Network in 2004, as traditionalists cited violations of scriptural authority on . Subsequent actions deepened divisions. In 2009, dissident dioceses and parishes, representing over 100,000 members, formed the (ACNA) as an alternative province aligned with global Anglican conservatives, following failed accommodations like delegated episcopal oversight. Major schisms included the of South Carolina's withdrawal in 2012, which took 29 parishes and significant litigation into the 2020s. The 2015 General Convention's authorization of same-sex marriage rites nationwide further strained ties with the , prompting sanctions at the 2016 Primates' Meeting and the resignation of Presiding Bishop Katharine Jefferts Schori's influence in global bodies. These developments correlated with accelerated membership losses, including a 6% drop from 2021 to 2022—the largest single-year decline on record—amid ongoing property disputes and failed retention of orthodox congregations. While church leaders attributed declines to and pandemic effects, critics from groups linked them causally to progressive doctrinal innovations alienating biblically conservative members without commensurate gains from progressive demographics. By 2023, attendance partially rebounded post-COVID but remained below pre-2000 levels, with 59% of parishes reporting 10% or greater declines over the prior five years.

Membership and demographics

The Episcopal Church began with approximately 10,000 communicants following its organization in , representing a modest base concentrated among elites in the former colonies. Membership expanded gradually during the amid national westward settlement and , reaching about 720,000 by as new dioceses formed and parishes proliferated in industrial centers. Growth accelerated in the early , with baptized members increasing from 1.1 million in 1925 to over 2 million by the 1940s, fueled by , efforts, and post-World War I stability. The post-World War II era marked the most rapid expansion, coinciding with the and ; membership surged to a peak of 3.44 million in 1959.
YearApproximate Membership
179010,000
1900720,000
19251.1 million
19593.44 million (peak)
19802.79 million
Decline set in during the 1960s, with membership falling below 3 million by 1970 and continuing to erode at an average annual rate of about 1-2% through the 1980s and 1990s, dropping to 2.5 million by the mid-1990s. By 2000, figures hovered around 2.3 million, reflecting broader trends amid and demographic shifts.

Recent statistics and decline factors

In 2023, the Episcopal Church reported 1,547,779 baptized members, reflecting a decline of 37,313 members or 2.4 percent from the previous year. This continues a long-term trend, with membership falling by approximately 500,000 over the past decade and roughly 50 percent since its peak of around 3.4 million in the 1960s. Average Sunday (ASA) stood at 410,912 in 2023, an increase of 10.7 percent from 2022 levels but still 25 percent below the 547,000 recorded in 2019 prior to the . The pandemic temporarily accelerated the drop, with ASA falling to 310,000 in 2021 due to lockdowns and shifts to online , though in-person attendance has partially rebounded since.
YearBaptized MembersAverage Sunday Attendance
2019~1,950,000547,000
2021~1,600,000310,000
20221,585,092373,000
20231,547,779410,912
Key factors in the decline include broader secularization trends affecting denominations, characterized by rising , particularly among younger generations, and competition from evangelical and churches. An aging membership base exacerbates attrition, as congregations with predominantly older adults (age 50+) experience natural mortality without sufficient younger recruitment to offset losses. Internal theological divisions have also driven departures, notably following decisions such as the 1976 to the priesthood, the 2003 consecration of an openly gay bishop (), and the 2015 authorization of rites, which prompted conservative parishes and dioceses to realign with more orthodox Anglican bodies like the (ACNA), formed in 2009. These shifts, diverging from traditional scriptural interpretations on sexuality and authority, alienated members prioritizing doctrinal continuity, contributing to a post-1960s acceleration in losses beyond general demographic trends. Operational challenges, including high real estate maintenance costs for aging properties and limited evangelistic focus, further hinder stabilization.

Political, ideological, and demographic profiles

Members of the are predominantly white, with data from its Religious Landscape Study indicating that approximately 86% identify as white, 5% as Black, 3% as Hispanic, and smaller shares from other racial groups. The denomination attracts highly educated adherents, as 56% of Episcopalians hold at least a four-year degree, placing it among the most educated U.S. religious groups. Income levels tend to be above national averages, correlating with and historical associations with professional and elite classes, though specific recent figures vary by . Geographically, Episcopalians are concentrated in the (45%) and Northeast (31%), with lower representation in the Midwest (11%) and West (14%). The membership skews older, reflecting broader trends, with average Sunday attendance at 410,912 in 2023 amid a reported total baptized membership of 1,547,779, down from historical peaks. Politically, Episcopalians exhibit a left-leaning tendency, with 44% identifying with or leaning toward the Democratic Party compared to 37% for the Republican Party, according to 2016 Pew data; unaffiliated or independent leaners comprise the remainder. About 39% self-identify as Republican, higher than in some progressive mainline denominations but still indicating a Democratic plurality. Lay members often hold more conservative views than the , where 66% identify as liberal per a 2008 study, contributing to internal tensions over issues like and scriptural interpretation. This divide reflects broader denominational shifts toward progressive stances since the 1970s, including endorsements of initiatives, though laity in southern and rural dioceses retain greater theological and political conservatism. Ideologically, the Episcopal Church aligns with mainline Protestant liberalism, emphasizing social ethics over strict doctrinal orthodoxy, as evidenced by clergy predominance in liberal self-identification and institutional support for progressive causes like environmentalism and economic redistribution. However, the laity's ideological profile is more heterogeneous, with Pew data showing varied views on moral issues; for instance, while church leadership has advanced revisions to liturgy and ordination practices favoring inclusivity, surveys indicate that a notable minority of members prioritize traditional Anglican via media, blending evangelical, catholic, and liberal elements. This profile contributes to ongoing membership attrition, particularly among conservatives who have departed to Anglican Church in North America dioceses since 2009, amid perceptions of elite, urban progressivism dominating national governance.

Organizational structure

Dioceses, parishes, and congregations

The Episcopal Church is divided into 106 dioceses, each under the pastoral and canonical authority of a who ordains , confirms members, and oversees doctrinal conformity within the . These dioceses encompass territories primarily within the and its territories, as well as several abroad, including in , ; approximately 95 are domestic dioceses focused on U.S. states or regions. Diocesan boundaries generally align with state lines or clusters of states, though exceptions exist for urban, mission, or historical reasons, such as the concurrent jurisdictions in overlapping areas like or . Dioceses are further organized into nine ecclesiastical provinces, which facilitate regional coordination, synods, and shared ministries without direct governance authority; Provinces I through VIII correspond roughly to U.S. geographic divisions, while Province IX includes the church's 12 dioceses in . Each diocese maintains its own , canons, standing committee, and annual convention, where and lay delegates from congregations elect bishops, approve budgets, and address local issues, subject to the broader canons of the national church. At the congregational level, the church consists of 6,754 parishes, missions, and other organized worshiping communities as reported in 2023, down from 7,067 in 2010 amid ongoing structural consolidation. Parishes, the primary self-sustaining units, are governed by a rector—typically a selected by the with episcopal consent—and a of elected lay members responsible for property, finances, and personnel decisions. Developing missions, often in underserved or growing areas, operate under direct diocesan supervision and funding until achieving parish status through processes. Congregations vary widely in size, from small rural chapels to large urban cathedrals serving as diocesan seats, with cathedrals holding primacy in and symbolism but no inherent jurisdictional superiority. Specialized ministries, such as chaplaincies or institutional chapels, may function as non-parochial congregations under diocesan oversight.

Governance mechanisms and decision-making

The Episcopal Church operates under a hierarchical episcopal polity, with ultimate national authority vested in the General Convention, a bicameral legislative body that convenes every three years. This convention consists of the House of Bishops, comprising all diocesan bishops, coadjutor bishops, suffragan bishops, and retired bishops eligible to participate—totaling approximately 140 members—and the House of Deputies, which includes up to four lay delegates and four clergy delegates elected from each of the church's over 100 dioceses and missionary areas, resulting in more than 750 voting members plus alternates. The General Convention holds powers to amend the church's and Canons, approve the triennial budget, authorize liturgical revisions, establish ministry standards, and set broad policy directions, with all legislation requiring separate passage and concurrence by both houses. Decision-making within the General Convention follows a structured legislative process for resolutions, which are introduced by deputies, bishops, or standing committees and assigned to one of approximately 20 legislative committees for review and refinement. Committees debate, amend, and report resolutions to their respective houses, where they undergo floor debate, potential amendments, and voting—typically by simple majority unless specified otherwise, such as the two-thirds threshold for certain doctrinal changes. Resolutions passing one house are transmitted to the other for ; differences may be resolved through committees, but failure to concur halts the measure. Constitutional amendments require approval by a in one convention and by a in the subsequent triennial meeting, ensuring deliberate change, while Canons can be altered by vote in a single convention. Between General Conventions, the Executive Council serves as the primary interim governing body, consisting of 18 members—three bishops, six priests or deacons, and nine laypersons—elected by the convention, plus the Presiding Bishop as a voting ; it meets at least quarterly to implement policies, manage finances, and address urgent matters within delegated authority. The Presiding Bishop, elected by the House of Bishops for a nine-year term (renewable once) and confirmed by the House of Deputies, acts as the chief pastor, , and president of the House of Bishops, overseeing the church's national staff and representing it externally, though major decisions remain subject to conciliar processes rather than unilateral action. At the diocesan level, parallel mechanisms exist, with each governed by its annual convention of clergy and lay delegates that elects the and approves local canons, maintaining while aligning with national standards. This structure emphasizes representative deliberation and episcopal oversight, drawing from Anglican traditions but adapted to American federalism.

Leadership roles and accountability

The Episcopal Church's leadership is structured around the Presiding Bishop, who serves as chief pastor and primate, elected by the General Convention for a nine-year term. The current Presiding Bishop, the Most Rev. Sean W. Rowe, was elected on June 26, 2024, and assumed office on November 1, 2024. The Presiding Bishop's duties include developing church-wide policy and strategy, presiding over meetings of the House of Bishops, representing the church externally, and overseeing pastoral and administrative functions, though authority is limited by the church's conciliar governance model. Bishops, as one of the three ordained orders, are responsible for leading, supervising, and uniting dioceses, with diocesan bishops elected by diocesan conventions to oversee and congregations within their jurisdictions. The House of Bishops, comprising all active and retired bishops, functions as one legislative house of the General Convention and advises on doctrinal matters, with the Presiding Bishop serving as its president. This body consents to elections and participates in trial processes for , emphasizing collegial oversight rather than hierarchical command. Executive roles, such as the President of the House of Deputies, complement episcopal leadership by co-managing General Convention proceedings, but ultimate decision-making rests with the bicameral convention system. Accountability for leaders, particularly clergy including bishops, is governed by Title IV of the church's Canons, which establishes ecclesiastical discipline processes rooted in baptismal covenants for holiness and mutual accountability. Grounds for discipline include conduct unbecoming a member of the clergy, such as doctrine contrary to church teaching, immorality, or abuse of office, with complaints initiated by intake officers who screen for pastoral responses versus formal proceedings. For bishops, discipline involves a church attorney for investigation, a hearing panel of clergy and laity, and potential sanctions like suspension, deposition, or restrictions on ministry, with appeals possible to the Court of Review. In 2024, the church implemented enhanced transparency measures for bishop misconduct cases, including public notifications of outcomes and standardized reporting to address prior criticisms of opacity in high-profile matters. Examples include the conclusion of Title IV proceedings against a former bishop in the Diocese of Florida, notified by Presiding Bishop Rowe on October 1, 2025, demonstrating application to episcopal accountability. While are encouraged to self-correct through pastoral processes, only ordained face formal Title IV sanctions, reflecting the canons' focus on ministerial fitness amid ongoing debates over enforcement consistency.

Theology and doctrinal foundations

Scriptural authority, creeds, and sacraments

The Episcopal Church holds Scripture as a primary source of authority, containing all things necessary for salvation and serving as the foundation for doctrine and worship, though interpreted in dynamic interplay with tradition and reason. This threefold framework, often described as a "three-legged stool," originates from Anglican theologian Richard Hooker and emphasizes mutual critique among the elements, with Scripture providing the normative witness to God's revelation. The church's Book of Common Prayer (1979 edition) draws approximately 70% of its content directly from biblical texts, underscoring Scripture's centrality in liturgy and daily offices. The Episcopal Church affirms three historic creeds as touchstones of orthodox belief: the , the (as revised in 381 AD), and the . The is recited in baptismal rites and daily prayer, summarizing core affirmations of God the Father, Jesus Christ, and the Holy Spirit. The is used in Eucharistic services to profess the church's faith in the and , reflecting conciliar decisions against early heresies. While the , emphasizing the doctrine of the and Christ's two natures, is recognized for its theological depth, it is rarely employed in worship due to its length and complexity. Regarding sacraments, the Episcopal Church recognizes two "great" or dominical sacraments instituted by Christ: Holy Baptism and Holy Eucharist, which convey grace (by the act itself when duly administered). initiates individuals into the church through water and the Trinitarian formula, typically performed once and open to infants or adults, symbolizing death to sin and new life in Christ. The , celebrated weekly in most parishes, involves consecration of bread and wine as the real presence of Christ, offered to all baptized persons regardless of confirmation status. Five additional sacramental rites—Confirmation, Reconciliation of a Penitent, Holy Matrimony, Orders, and Unction of the Sick—are acknowledged as but not universally binding, varying in practice across dioceses and reflecting the church's between Protestant emphasis on the two sacraments and Catholic recognition of seven.

Anglican via media and interpretive shifts

The Anglican , or "middle way," traditionally describes Anglicanism's position as a balanced path avoiding the perceived extremes of Roman Catholicism and radical , emphasizing scripture, , and reason in interpreting doctrine while retaining , sacramental worship, and reformed theology. In the Episcopal Church, this framework historically supported a synthesis of from the and protestant scriptural primacy via the , fostering doctrinal stability amid diverse interpretations. This approach, articulated as a "golden mean" between extremes, allowed flexibility in non-essentials while upholding creedal orthodoxy. Twentieth-century interpretive shifts in the increasingly prioritized reason and contemporary experience over strict adherence to tradition and scripture, reinterpreting core doctrines through lenses of and inclusivity. A pivotal change occurred in with the irregular of eleven women as priests by retired bishops in , defying canonical prohibitions and precipitating debates over and gender roles in ministry; this was canonically authorized in 1976. Proponents framed such actions as extensions of the via media's adaptability to cultural realities, yet critics contended they eroded the tradition's catholic heritage by subordinating biblical texts like 1 Timothy 2:12 to egalitarian ideals. Further shifts intensified in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, exemplified by the 2003 consecration of V. Gene Robinson as the first openly homosexual bishop in the on November 2 in , amid his ongoing civil partnership. This decision, ratified by General Convention despite scriptural prohibitions in passages such as Leviticus 18:22 and Romans 1:26-27, was defended by church leaders as fulfilling the through prophetic witness against exclusion, but prompted accusations of abandoning reformed scriptural authority for experiential relativism. Subsequent authorizations of same-sex blessings in 2009 and marriage rites in 2015 extended these interpretations, leading to the 's temporary suspension of the Episcopal Church's voting rights in decision-making bodies from 2016 to 2020. These developments, accelerating after cultural upheavals around including liturgical revisions and social activism, correlated with membership declines from a peak of approximately 3.4 million baptized members in the to under 1.6 million by , attributed by analysts to theological innovations alienating conservative adherents and failing to attract unchurched demographics. While Episcopal spokespersons maintain that such shifts embody the 's dynamic equilibrium, conservative observers argue they represent an asymmetrical drift toward progressive extremes, undermining the tradition's claim to balanced and contributing to schisms like the formation of the in 2009. Empirical patterns of departures and realignments underscore tensions between interpretive innovation and doctrinal continuity in sustaining institutional vitality.

Key theological controversies

The Episcopal Church has faced significant internal divisions over the to the priesthood and episcopate, beginning with irregular ordinations in 1974 known as the , where eleven women were ordained despite canonical prohibitions. These actions, performed by sympathetic clergy at Church of the Advocate in on July 29, 1974, challenged traditional interpretations of and male-only priesthood rooted in scriptural passages like 1 Timothy 2:12. The General Convention regularized these ordinations in 1976, approving women's ordination by September 1977, which prompted some conservative departures but aligned the church with broader Protestant trends emphasizing equality over historical male exclusivity. A pivotal controversy erupted in 2003 with the consecration of V. Gene Robinson as Bishop of on November 2, the first openly homosexual bishop in the Episcopal Church's history, amid his and with a man. This decision, affirmed by the General Convention despite conservative protests citing biblical prohibitions on homosexual acts (e.g., Leviticus 18:22, Romans 1:26-27), led to threats of schism within the and prompted realignments, including the formation of the in 2009 by departing dioceses like and Fort Worth. Proponents framed it as an application of the church's "three-legged stool" of scripture, tradition, and reason, prioritizing contemporary experience, while critics argued it undermined scriptural authority and integrity. Theological debates intensified with the 2015 authorization of rites on July 1, revising the trial liturgies to include and affirming theological support for such unions. This resolution (A054) codified equality in marriage doctrine, yet elicited ongoing divisions, as evidenced by a 2024 task force addressing lingering conservative objections through canonical accommodations for traditional views. Opponents contended that redefining marriage deviates from biblical complementarity (Genesis 2:24, Matthew 19:4-6), eroding creedal orthodoxy, whereas supporters invoked evolving ethical reason and inclusivity as faithful to Anglican . Underlying these issues is the Episcopal Church's rejection of , viewing scripture as inspired but not infallible in historical or scientific details, subject to interpretation via reason and tradition. This stance, formalized against fundamentalist claims, has fueled modernist controversies since the early , where higher criticism—analyzing texts as human documents—prevailed over literalism, contributing to broader doctrinal liberalization and membership declines as conservatives sought alignment with perceived scriptural fidelity elsewhere.

Liturgy and worship

Book of Common Prayer evolution

The Episcopal Church's (BCP) serves as its primary liturgical text, shaping worship through services, prayers, and doctrinal elements, with roots in the Church of England's 1549 edition compiled by . Following American independence, the church adapted the English BCP to remove monarchical references and align with republican governance, culminating in the first U.S. edition ratified on October 16, 1789, by the inaugural General Convention in . This 1789 BCP drew from the 1662 English standard and a 1786 proposed book, incorporating changes such as revised state prayers invoking divine protection for the civil government rather than the king, while retaining core structures for , , and daily offices. Subsequent revisions maintained continuity with Anglican but addressed pastoral and cultural needs. The 1892 edition introduced minor updates, including expanded readings, additional holy days, and refined rubrics for services, without altering doctrinal substance. The 1928 BCP, authorized after extensive committee work from 1913 to 1928, represented a more comprehensive but conservative refinement, standardizing texts used until mid-century and emphasizing traditional Elizabethan language ("thee" and "thou") alongside enriched sacramental rites. This version, printed uniformly across editions, preserved the 1662 framework's emphasis on scriptural recitation and common prayer uniformity. The 1979 BCP marked a pivotal shift, approved by General Convention after decades of liturgical experimentation influenced by the 20th-century ecumenical and renewal movements, including post-Vatican II reforms in other denominations. It introduced dual rites—Rite I in traditional language approximating the text and Rite II in contemporary English—along with expanded eucharistic prayers (from one primary in prior books to multiple options), alternatives, and a revised baptismal covenant linking personal faith to social responsibilities like and . These changes increased flexibility for local adaptation but departed from the singular, prescriptive structure of earlier editions, reflecting broader theological emphases on accessibility and communal ethics. The 1979 edition remains the official BCP, supplemented by authorized texts like Enriching Our Worship (1998–2017) for gender-neutral options, though proposals for full revision have surfaced periodically without adoption.

Eucharistic and daily office practices

The Holy Eucharist constitutes the principal Sunday worship service in the , celebrated as the memorial of Christ's death and resurrection with bread and wine as the elements representing his body and blood. The rite, detailed in the 1979 , divides into the Liturgy of the Word—encompassing collects, and readings, Psalm, acclamation, sermon, , and Prayers of the People—and the Liturgy of the Table, featuring the exchange of peace, offering, Eucharistic Prayer (Great Thanksgiving), , breaking of bread, and distribution to communicants. Parishes offer Rite I using traditional language derived from earlier Anglican forms or Rite II in contemporary English, with the latter predominant since the prayer book's adoption following General Convention approval in 1979. Elements typically include leavened loaf bread, often baked by congregants, and fermented wine, though gluten-free alternatives accommodate needs; or common cup practices vary by parish, guided by health and diocesan norms. Reception of the requires , per canons tracing to early church norms and reaffirmed by General Convention Resolution 2012-C029, which upholds it as the normative entry to sacramental life despite occasional open-table advocacy. Many parishes extend to weekdays, especially in or monastic settings, aligning with the church's emphasis on frequent communion as spiritual nourishment, though observance remains canonical. Ritual elements like vestments, , and choral music enhance high-church expressions, while low-church variants prioritize simplicity, reflecting the via media's breadth without prescribed uniformity beyond BCP rubrics. The Daily Office structures personal and communal prayer outside Eucharist, drawing from monastic hours adapted for laity via the Book of Common Prayer. Core forms include Morning Prayer (with invitatory psalm, psalms, lessons, canticles like the , , and collects) and Evening Prayer (substituting or ), alongside Noonday and options, all cycling through a two-year of Scripture and . These services, prayed daily by clergy under and encouraged for all via resources like the online , foster rhythmic devotion without sacramental elements, emphasizing , praise, and intercession. Shorter adaptations appear in Daily Prayer for All Seasons (2014), providing five-minute offices tied to daily themes for accessibility amid modern schedules, while traditionalists favor full BCP forms often chanted in cathedrals or seminaries. Parish practices vary, with some offering spoken or sung offices midweek, but individual recitation predominates, supporting the church's rule of life amid diverse commitments; no mandatory frequency binds laity, though bishops promote it for formation.

Hymns, music, and ritual variations

The employs The Hymnal 1982 as its primary official collection of hymns and service music, containing 720 hymns drawn from diverse traditions including ancient chants, Protestant Reformation-era compositions, and 19th-century Anglican works. Published in 1985 following a decade-long revision process succeeding the 1940 hymnal, it incorporates early American folk hymns, African American spirituals, and global selections to reflect an expanded vision of worship amid post-Vatican II liturgical influences and demographic shifts in the U.S. church. Supplements such as Wonder, Love, and Praise (1997) add contemporary and ecumenical hymns, allowing parishes flexibility while maintaining the core hymnal's emphasis on theological orthodoxy and poetic depth. Music in Episcopal worship integrates hymns with psalmody, canticles, and anthems, often performed by choirs using pipe organs in a tradition inherited from the , where psalm singing via — a metrical, pointed —forms a foundational element. This approach serves multiple purposes: doctrinal instruction through texted songs, emotional elevation toward divine encounter, communal bonding via congregational singing, and aesthetic glorification independent of lyrical content. While some parishes incorporate modern compositions or instruments like guitars for accessibility, the prevailing practice favors classical forms, with service music settings for the and Daily Office drawn directly from the to align with the rhythmic structure of the . Ritual variations across Episcopal parishes span a spectrum from "low church" styles—characterized by minimal ceremony, spoken liturgy, and evangelical simplicity—to "high church" or Anglo-Catholic practices featuring elaborate vestments, incense, processions, and sacramental emphasis, with "broad church" moderation in between. The church's canons mandate conformity to the Book of Common Prayer (1979 edition) for principal services but permit rectors discretion in ceremonial additions, provided they do not contradict doctrinal standards or authorized rites, fostering this diversity without enforcing uniformity. For instance, high church observances may include genuflection, reservation of sacraments, or chanted propers, reflecting 19th-century Oxford Movement influences, while low church settings prioritize pulpit preaching and omit ritualistic elements to underscore personal faith response. This latitude, rooted in Anglican comprehensiveness, accommodates theological inclinations from Reformed to patristic orientations, though it has occasionally prompted debates over propriety versus innovation in General Convention resolutions.

Social, ethical, and public positions

Sexuality, gender, and marriage doctrines

The Episcopal Church's doctrines on sexuality emphasize the inclusion of homosexual persons as full members entitled to pastoral care and ordination without discrimination based on sexual orientation. In 1976, the General Convention resolved that homosexual persons "are children of God who have a full and equal claim with all other persons upon the love, acceptance, and pastoral concern and care of the Church," marking an early formal affirmation diverging from prior emphases on chastity outside heterosexual marriage. This stance evolved through subsequent actions, including the 1994 amendment to canons prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in access to church rites and governance. A pivotal development occurred with the consecration of V. Gene Robinson as Bishop of on November 2, 2003, the first openly homosexual bishop in the and , which intensified internal divisions and prompted schisms as conservatives cited scriptural prohibitions on homosexual conduct. The church's opposition to practices aimed at altering solidified in later resolutions, such as the 2018 General Convention's endorsement of bans on , deeming such interventions coercive and harmful. processes remain open to individuals regardless of , provided they meet other canonical requirements. Regarding marriage, the redefined the sacrament to encompass same-sex unions, authorizing liturgical rites in 2015 via General Convention actions that permitted trial use of revised marriage liturgies inclusive of same-sex couples. This authorization extended comprehensively in 2018 through Resolution B012, mandating access to same-sex rites in every , even where the local holds reservations, thereby overriding prior episcopal vetoes. These changes reflect a doctrinal prioritization of mutual and over biological sex complementarity, contrasting with traditional Anglican formularies viewing as indissolubly between one man and one woman. On gender doctrines, the church advocates for inclusion, adopting its inaugural resolution on in 2009 to support laws prohibiting against persons. In 2018, the General Convention committed to opposing legislation restricting individuals' access to public restrooms, locker rooms, and showers, framing such measures as discriminatory. Liturgical and administrative practices have adapted accordingly, with encouragements for self-identification options on church forms and guidelines for welcoming youth in church programs, emphasizing affirmation over alignment with biological sex. These positions extend to full participation in sacraments and leadership roles irrespective of .

Life issues including abortion and capital punishment

The Episcopal Church maintains a nuanced position on , affirming the sanctity of human life from conception while supporting women's in reproductive decisions. Resolutions from the General Convention, such as those compiled in summaries of policies, declare opposition to abortion "as a means of , , , or any reason of mere convenience." This stance, articulated across decades including in 1988 and 2019 statements, prioritizes alternatives like and counseling but permits in cases of threat to the mother's life, , , or severe fetal impairment. Since 1967, prior to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, the church has endorsed legal abortion under regulated conditions, evolving to affirm in 2000 (Resolution D083) that "all Episcopalians should be able to access abortion services and birth control without restriction." This was reaffirmed in 2022 (Resolution D083) amid challenges to reproductive rights, emphasizing access as essential to health, independence, and autonomy, particularly post-Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which returned regulation to states. The church's Office of Government Relations advocates for equitable healthcare access, including contraception and safe procedures, while condemning violence against clinics. Internal commentary notes the position's complexity, balancing fetal sanctity with conscience rights of pregnant persons. Regarding capital punishment, the Episcopal Church has opposed the death penalty since its 1958 General Convention, which deemed it incompatible with the Christian affirmation of individual life's worth in God's eyes. Subsequent resolutions, including 2000-A082 and 2018 actions, reaffirm this opposition, calling for an immediate moratorium, abolition, and commutation of death sentences to without parole. The church has issued statements condemning federal executions, such as the 2019 resumption under the Trump administration, urging presidential intervention, and critiqued specific cases like the 2001 execution of . Advocacy extends to broader , supporting reentry programs and rejecting retributive punishment as violating mercy and human dignity. This consistent anti-capital punishment policy, echoed in 2014 sermons by presiding bishops, contrasts with abortion permissions by emphasizing post-born life's inviolability and rehabilitation over vengeance.

Economic policies and social justice

The Episcopal Church frames economic justice within a theological imperative drawn from scriptural calls to care for the poor, such as in :35-40, emphasizing systemic for equity alongside personal charity. Through its General Convention and Office of Government Relations, the church endorses policies promoting living wages, , and safety net expansions, viewing as a moral failing amenable to governmental and institutional remedies. This approach aligns with partnerships like the , which targets interlocking issues of , , and militarized budgets through moral revival and policy . On labor and wages, the church has repeatedly called for raising the federal to a living standard sufficient to support a , indexed to inflation, and supports workers' rights to organize unions. General Convention Resolution GC 2022-D023 explicitly urges "raise minimum wage standards to levels that can support a ," alongside paid and programs, framing caregiving labor as undervalued and in need of federal mandates. It also backs strengthening child labor laws domestically and globally via GC 2024-D021, opposing exploitation in supply chains. Regarding poverty alleviation and debt, the church advocates canceling debts for with per capita incomes below $3 per day, condemning predatory "vulture funds" that repurchase debt at discounts to extract repayments (GC 2009-D017). Domestically, it supports federal student loan forgiveness, interest rate caps, and reforms to medical debt collection for humane treatment (GC 2022-A161, GC 2022-D048), while endorsing UN to eradicate by 2030 (GC 2022-A020). Resolutions like GC 2018-C041 call for closing safety net gaps, treating housing, healthcare, and nutrition as , and reversing cuts to restore progressivity (GC 2015-A094). In investment and , the church promotes socially responsible investing, directing development of criteria incorporating and environmental care, including or from unethical practices (GC 2018-D068). It maintains the Economic Justice Loan Fund, offering low-interest loans to underserved communities for and development, as seen in partnerships providing capital access in areas like . The Episcopal Network for Economic Justice, an affiliated group, emphasizes community empowerment and investment as core to the church's economic ministry. Critiques of fiscal plans perceived to harm low-income groups, such as proposed GOP budget cuts, reflect longstanding opposition to policies exacerbating inequality, though church statements prioritize aid expansion over explicit anti-capitalist rhetoric.

Race, reconciliation, and civil rights

The Episcopal Church's historical entanglement with reflected the broader societal divisions in the United States, with many and in southern dioceses owning enslaved people and the denomination failing to schism over the issue unlike Methodists or Baptists. Northern Episcopal congregations, however, engaged in anti- advocacy from the to , including sermons and resolutions condemning the institution, though the church as a whole avoided strong institutional opposition to preserve unity. Post-emancipation, segregation persisted in many parishes, with separate accommodations for Black worshippers until the mid-20th century. During the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, the church increasingly aligned with desegregation efforts, particularly through clergy activism in southern states where resistance was fierce. Episcopal leaders, including bishops in dioceses like Mississippi and Alabama, issued statements supporting the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision and participated in marches, though internal divisions led to backlash from conservative parishioners and some clergy who viewed federal intervention as overreach. By 1968, the General Convention endorsed the Kerner Commission's findings on urban riots, attributing them partly to systemic racism while calling for economic self-determination rather than solely redistributive policies. In response to its historical complicity, the church has pursued reconciliation initiatives since the late 20th century, including the 2006 General Convention resolution urging study of reparations for slavery's legacy and support for federal legislation like H.R. 40 to investigate such proposals. The "Becoming Beloved Community" framework, adopted in 2018, emphasizes racial healing through education, dialogue, and justice programs, with diocesan commissions like Maryland's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (established 2006) auditing institutional and recommending asset transfers to affected communities. The 2024 General Convention reaffirmed reparations commitments, directing endowments toward in underserved areas. Critics from within conservative Anglican circles argue these efforts prioritize symbolic gestures over empirical assessments of ongoing disparities' causes, such as family structure and educational outcomes, potentially exacerbating membership declines by alienating traditionalists without measurable reductions in racial inequities. Church data shows Black membership at around 6% as of 2020, with reconciliation programs yielding limited numerical growth despite investments.

Science, environment, and global concerns

The Episcopal Church has consistently affirmed the compatibility of with Christian faith, viewing scientific explanations of natural processes as complementary to theological understandings of divine creation. In a 2006 General Convention resolution (2006-A129), the church explicitly supported the teaching of in public schools and rejected efforts to present it as mere theory or to promote as scientific alternative, declaring evolution "entirely compatible with an authentic and living Christian faith." This stance aligns with earlier positions, such as a 1982 resolution affirming God's ability to create "in any manner," including through evolutionary mechanisms. The church's "Catechism of Creation" (2005) further integrates modern science, emphasizing God's role as ultimate creator while endorsing empirical evidence for the age of the and biological development without literalist interpretations of Genesis. On bioethical issues involving science, the Episcopal Church has endorsed human embryonic stem cell research when conducted ethically, such as using embryos that would otherwise be discarded, as stated in a 2003 General Convention resolution (2003-A014). This position reflects a prioritization of potential medical benefits over absolute prohibitions on embryo use, distinguishing it from more restrictive stances in other denominations, though it has drawn criticism for insufficient safeguards against commodification of early human life. In environmental matters, the church has prioritized stewardship of creation, establishing it as a core mission area since the General Convention, which allocated funds for related programs. Recent actions include a 2022 resolution committing to net carbon neutrality by 2030 through reduced and sustainable practices at church institutions. The church participates actively in global climate efforts, sending 22 delegates to the 2023 UN COP28 conference under Presiding Bishop Michael Curry and promoting the "Season of Creation" annually since 2008 to foster worship, education, and advocacy on and ecological protection. Resolutions emphasize linking to human poverty, urging policy responses that address both, though implementation varies by amid debates over economic impacts of rapid decarbonization. Regarding global concerns, the Episcopal Church advocates for policies advancing , , and , often through Episcopal Relief & Development, which aligns efforts with the UN's to combat inequality, , and climate vulnerabilities by 2030. The church supports UN initiatives for global peace, justice, and , as reaffirmed in a 2022 resolution commending the organization's role in human rights and poverty alleviation while collaborating with the . Domestic and international includes calls for compassionate treatment of immigrants and refugees, protection of human rights defenders, and gender justice in conflict zones, with the Office of Government Relations lobbying for atrocity prevention and reconciliation programs. These positions prioritize vulnerable populations but have faced critique for insufficient emphasis on or fiscal realism in aid distribution.

Institutional roles and contributions

Educational and academic institutions

The Episcopal Church maintains a significant presence in American education through its affiliation with approximately 1,200 pre-collegiate schools and early childhood centers, coordinated via the National Association of Episcopal Schools (NAES), an independent organization established to support and advocate for these institutions. These schools, ranging from preschool to grade 12, integrate Anglican principles of faith, reason, and moral formation into curricula emphasizing academic excellence, character development, and community service; enrollment across NAES members exceeds 115,000 students annually, with many operating as independent day or boarding schools founded in the 19th and 20th centuries by diocesan or parish initiatives. Notable examples include the in , chartered in 1785 and serving PreK-12 students today, and schools like (1884) and St. Paul's School (1856), which historically prepared youth for leadership in church and society. In higher education, the Episcopal Church does not directly operate universities but sustains historical and formal ties to several colleges founded under its auspices, primarily in the antebellum era when Episcopalians sought to cultivate an educated clergy and laity aligned with Anglican ethos. The Association of Episcopal Colleges links institutions such as (founded 1860), (Hobart established 1822), (1824), Sewanee: The University of the South (1857), St. Augustine's University (1867, historically Black), and (1897, also historically Black), fostering ongoing collaboration in Anglican higher education despite increasing institutional independence and secular influences. These colleges, totaling around two dozen with loose Episcopal connections, enroll over 50,000 students combined and retain chapels, endowments, or governance roles tied to the Church, though doctrinal alignment varies amid broader academic trends toward theological liberalism. Theological seminaries form the core of the Church's academic institutions, with eleven accredited programs dedicated to preparing and lay leaders through and other graduate degrees, emphasizing scriptural study, , and pastoral training. Key establishments include the General Theological Seminary (authorized 1817, opened 1827 in ), the oldest Episcopal seminary; (1823, ), the largest with over 200 students; (1842, ), focused on Anglo-Catholic formation; Berkeley Divinity School (1854, affiliated with ); and Trinity School for Ministry (1976, ), known for its evangelical orientation. These seminaries, supported by diocesan funding and Church endowments totaling millions annually, have ordained thousands of priests since the 19th century, though enrollment has declined from peaks in the mid-20th century amid broader trends.

Missionary, relief, and charitable programs

The Episcopal Church organizes missionary, relief, and charitable activities through dedicated entities like Episcopal Relief & Development (ERD) and the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America (DFMS), which coordinates churchwide efforts domestically and internationally. ERD, founded in 1940 as the Presiding Bishop's Fund for World Relief to address post-World War II needs in and , has evolved into a global agency partnering with local Anglican and community organizations to combat , hunger, preventable diseases, , and climate impacts. Operating in over 40 countries and U.S. disaster zones, ERD's programs emphasize , such as water sanitation projects and agricultural training, reaching approximately 3 million people annually through faith-inspired initiatives. Missionary work extends via programs like Episcopal Volunteers in Mission (EVIM), launched to engage lay Episcopalians aged 30 and older in short-term (typically 3-9 month) assignments with partners worldwide, focusing on skill-sharing in , , and . The DFMS, reorganized under the church's 1836 constitution to treat the world as its mission field, supports these through reciprocal partnerships involving congregational exchanges, joint ventures in economic opportunity creation, and health promotion across dioceses. Networks like the Global Episcopal Mission Network provide resources for parishes to initiate or join such efforts, emphasizing discernment and local collaboration over centralized directives. Domestically, outreach includes Episcopal Migration Ministries (EMM), which since the 1980s has resettled refugees through nine regional offices, processing thousands yearly with U.S. State Department and Health and Human Services grants for reception, orientation, and integration services. Additional initiatives, often funded by historical mechanisms like the United Thank Offering (established 1889 for women's missionary support), address urban poverty, food insecurity, and education via parish and diocesan programs, such as food pantries and economic strengthening in Native American and Latino communities. These efforts align with the church's constitutional mandate for holistic mission, prioritizing empirical needs assessment and partner-led solutions amid declining domestic membership.

Cultural and civic influence

The has historically wielded significant civic influence in the United States due to its ties to the nation's founding and political elite. Approximately 32 of the 56 signers of the Declaration of Independence were Anglicans, whose ecclesiastical tradition formed the basis of the after independence from the . Eleven U.S. presidents identified as Episcopalian, exceeding any other denomination, including , , , and both Presidents Bush. This overrepresentation stems from the church's establishment among colonial and its appeal to educated, affluent sectors of society. Prominent Episcopal sites amplify this civic role. The Washington National Cathedral, constructed under Episcopal auspices since 1893, hosts national events such as presidential inaugurations, state funerals, and interfaith gatherings, positioning it as a spiritual hub for the nation beyond denominational boundaries. Similarly, the church's Office of Government Relations engages in advocacy to align federal policies with Episcopal priorities, including economic justice and , through lobbying and public witness. Culturally, Episcopalians shaped American aesthetics via patronage of , liturgy, and , transmitting European models like Gothic Revival to urban churches and elite institutions from the Civil War era onward. Their socioeconomic status facilitated support for symphonies, museums, and , embedding Anglican sensibilities—emphasizing reason, , and —into broader cultural norms, though this influence has waned with demographic shifts.

Criticisms, controversies, and schisms

Theological liberalism and loss of orthodoxy

The Episcopal Church's trajectory toward theological liberalism gained momentum in the mid-20th century, marked by a progressive reinterpretation of scripture, creeds, and sacraments that prioritized cultural adaptation over adherence to historic . This evolution, often traced to the cultural upheavals of the , saw church leaders and theologians increasingly question literal interpretations of foundational doctrines, including the virgin birth, miracles, and bodily of Christ, framing them instead as symbolic or mythological narratives reflective of human experience rather than divine reality. Such shifts were not merely academic but permeated official teachings, with surveys indicating that a higher of Episcopal clergy rejected compared to those in other mainline denominations, fostering a doctrinal environment where became optional rather than normative. Prominent figures exemplified this departure. Bishop John Shelby Spong, who served as Bishop of Newark from 1979 to 2000, publicly rejected core tenets in works like Rescuing the Bible from Fundamentalism (1991), denying the virgin birth as a biological event, Christ's performance of miracles, and the substitutionary atonement, while advocating a non-theistic understanding of God as the ground of being rather than a personal deity. Spong's views, which extended to dismissing the Apostle's Creed as outdated mythology, were defended by some as intellectually honest adaptations to modern science and pluralism, yet critics within Anglicanism argued they constituted a fundamental break from the faith once delivered, enabling heresy to flourish under episcopal authority. Similarly, Presiding Bishop Katharine Jefferts Schori (2006–2015) faced accusations of diluting resurrection doctrine, as in her 2009 statements reinterpreting it as communal transformation rather than individual bodily revival, a position seen by orthodox observers as functionally denying Christ's physical rising and the hope of eternal life. Liturgical changes reinforced this theological drift. The 1979 Book of Common Prayer, whose revision process began in 1967 amid broader societal liberalization, introduced and softened doctrinal assertions—such as optional creedal phrasing and emphasis on over —reflecting a lex orandi (rule of prayer) that mirrored modernist lex credendi (rule of belief). Subsequent efforts, including General Convention resolutions in 2018 authorizing comprehensive updates by 2030, have prioritized inclusivity for diverse identities and eco-theological themes, further distancing from the patristic and anchors of Anglican formularies like the , which affirm scriptural sufficiency and . While the church nominally retains the Nicene and Apostles' Creeds, practical implementation often treats them as aspirational rather than binding, with influences elevating human agency and systemic critique above divine sovereignty and sin's cosmic scope. Internal dissent highlighted the orthodoxy's erosion. Groups like the Episcopal Synod of America (formed 1977) and later the (2009) protested these developments, citing violations of basic Christian truths such as scriptural authority and Trinitarian exclusivity, prompting schisms where departing dioceses affirmed creedal fidelity against what they termed ECUSA's (Episcopal Church USA) embrace of pluralism verging on . Conservative critiques, including the 95 Theses issued by renewal advocates, urged rejection of pantheistic tendencies and reaffirmation of doctrines like and Christ's unique salvific role, underscoring a causal link between doctrinal laxity and institutional vitality, though liberal apologists countered that such rigidity stifles in . This tension persists, with orthodoxy's loss manifesting not in formal heresy trials but in a de facto tolerance where heterodox views hold institutional sway, challenging the church's claim to catholic continuity.

Membership attrition and causal analyses

The Episcopal Church's baptized membership peaked at 3,444,265 in 1959, followed by a gradual decline that accelerated in subsequent decades. By 2000, membership stood at approximately 2.3 million, dropping to below 2 million by 2010 and continuing to fall, with 1,547,779 members reported in 2023. Average Sunday attendance mirrored this trend, reaching about 800,000 in the but declining to 410,912 by 2023, with only around 40% of members attending regularly in recent years. These figures reflect a net loss of over 1.8 million members since the mid-20th century peak, even as the U.S. grew substantially.
YearBaptized MembersAverage Sunday Attendance
19593,444,265~800,000 (estimated peak)
2000~2,300,000~600,000
2010<2,000,000~500,000
20231,547,779410,912
Causal factors include broader affecting denominations, an aging membership base with low retention among younger generations, and insufficient or outreach. Official church reports often emphasize demographic shifts and post-COVID effects, noting a temporary attendance dip to 310,000 in before partial rebound. However, data indicate the decline predates the , with consistent annual losses averaging 40,000 members since 2012. A key internal driver has been theological liberalization, particularly on , which prompted significant schisms and orthodox departures. The 2003 consecration of as the first openly gay bishop accelerated membership losses, with dioceses like experiencing a 19% drop in subsequent years. This event contributed to the formation of breakaway groups, including the in 2009, as conservatives rejected what they viewed as abandonment of biblical orthodoxy on marriage and ordination. Further actions, such as authorizing rites in 2015, correlated with ongoing attrition, including entire dioceses like departing in 2012. Empirical patterns show steeper declines post-these milestones compared to earlier eras, with reduced baptisms (down markedly since ) and confirmations signaling failure to replenish ranks. Conservative analyses, such as those from the Institute on Religion and Democracy, attribute much of the loss to these doctrinal shifts alienating traditionalists without commensurate gains from progressive demographics, a view supported by the growth of alternative Anglican bodies. In contrast, church leadership sources tend to frame such changes as affirming inclusivity, potentially understating causal links to attrition amid institutional biases favoring progressive narratives. The property disputes in The Episcopal Church (TEC) intensified following schisms in the mid-2000s, primarily driven by theological disagreements over issues such as same-sex blessings and the of openly homosexual , culminating in the 2003 consecration of as bishop of . These conflicts involved departing conservative es and dioceses seeking to retain control of real estate, endowments, and other assets, often valued in the hundreds of millions of dollars collectively. TEC asserted ownership through its hierarchical polity and the Dennis Canon (Canon I.7.4), adopted by General Convention on September 21, 1979, which declares that all congregational property is held in trust for the diocese and national church, irrespective of title deeds. Departing groups countered with arguments under neutral principles of law, as established by the U.S. in Jones v. Wolf (1979), emphasizing state property statutes, explicit parish accessions to canons, and lack of provable trust intent, rejecting implied trusts without clear evidence. In Virginia, 15 congregations, including historic sites like The Falls Church (founded 1723), disaffiliated in December 2006, representing approximately 2,000 members and properties appraised at over $40 million. Initial circuit court rulings in 2008 favored the departing parishes under neutral principles, finding no enforceable trust absent deed restrictions or explicit parish consent to the Dennis Canon. However, the Virginia Supreme Court, in a 2012 decision, reversed parts of the trial court judgments, holding that TEC's national canons created an express trust for parishes that had acceded to diocesan authority, while applying implied trust analysis for others; this led to TEC retaining title to most properties. A subsequent 2013 ruling specifically upheld conveyance of The Falls Church property to the Episcopal Diocese of Virginia, with the U.S. Supreme Court denying certiorari in March 2014, leaving the properties with TEC despite breakaway claims of state law precedence. The Diocese of South Carolina's 2012 withdrawal, involving 50 parishes and Bishop Mark Lawrence, escalated into the largest single dispute, encompassing $500 million in assets including historic Charleston properties. The breakaway group reorganized as the Anglican Diocese of South Carolina, prompting TEC to sue for control. In an August 2017 Supreme Court decision, a fractured 3-2 ruling (with one concurrence) determined that the Dennis Canon imposed an enforceable trust on 29 parishes that had explicitly acceded to diocesan canons between 1987 and 2009, but not on seven others lacking such accession, based on neutral principles requiring mutual intent for trusts. An April 2022 amended opinion extended trust enforcement to 14 additional parishes, mandating return of their properties to TEC's continuing diocese, while the breakaways retained 28; the U.S. Supreme Court declined review in 2018, solidifying TEC's gains despite ongoing federal trademark disputes. Similar battles occurred in dioceses like Fort Worth (2008 secession, Texas appeals court 2018 upholding TEC's hierarchical trust claims under neutral principles), Quincy (2008, Illinois courts 2014 enforcing Dennis Canon as binding policy), and Pittsburgh (2008, Pennsylvania rulings favoring TEC after 2010 accession evidence). By 2015, TEC reported expending over $42 million in legal fees across these cases, with courts predominantly siding with the denomination's trust assertions where accession or polity evidence existed, though critics from breakaway factions argued the outcomes prioritized ecclesiastical deference over strict deed-based ownership, straining resources and congregations on both sides.

Ecumenical and Anglican relations

Relations within the Anglican Communion

The Episcopal Church functions as an autonomous province within the , a loose federation of 46 self-governing churches linked by shared history, , and recognition of the as a symbolic focus of unity, without hierarchical authority over members. Relations have been marked by participation in Communion instruments such as the , Anglican Consultative Council (ACC), and Primates' Meetings, though TEC's progressive doctrinal innovations have precipitated ongoing frictions, particularly with conservative provinces comprising the majority of global Anglicans in and . Tensions escalated following TEC's 1976 ordination of women to the priesthood and episcopate, actions initially met with moratorium requests from the 1978 but later normalized across the Communion. A pivotal rupture occurred in 2003 with the consecration of as Bishop of , the first openly homosexual bishop in a partnered relationship, prompting the 2004 Windsor Report's call for TEC to express regret and impose internal moratoria on further interventions; TEC's House of Bishops issued a partial apology but proceeded with same-sex blessings by 2009 and canonical authorization of in 2015. These developments fueled conservative backlash, including the 2008 formation of (Global Anglican Future Conference) by primates from provinces representing over half of Communion members, who criticized TEC for prioritizing Western cultural accommodations over biblical orthodoxy and established parallel networks like the (ACNA) from departing TEC dioceses. In response to deepening divisions, the proposed Anglican Covenant—a relational framework for mutual accountability—was drafted in 2009 but rejected by TEC's General Convention in 2012, which deemed it incompatible with its and , exacerbating perceptions of TEC as unwilling to submit doctrinal innovations to Communion-wide discernment. At the 2016 Primates' Meeting, TEC faced a three-year suspension from doctrinal and governance votes in the ACC due to its marriage rite authorization, reflecting Global South ' insistence on impaired communion. The 2022 Lambeth Conference, attended by TEC bishops, issued non-binding "Lambeth Calls" reaffirming traditional marriage as between one man and one woman exclusively, a stance TEC representatives in principle but interpreted flexibly amid abstentions by some African boycotting over TEC's influence. As of 2025, TEC retains formal membership and engages in bilateral partnerships with select provinces, yet relations remain strained, with GAFCON's October 2025 communiqué asserting leadership of a reconfigured "Global Anglican Communion" excluding TEC's innovations, though no widespread provincial exodus has materialized and TEC continues to value its historic ties. Conservative analyses attribute persistent discord to TEC's theological eroding shared Anglican essentials, while TEC emphasizes diversity and mutual respect despite reduced influence in primates' deliberations.

Full communion partners and dialogues

The Episcopal Church maintains full communion relationships with churches that share mutual recognition of , apostolicity, and valid sacraments, enabling shared , pulpit fellowship, and ministerial interchange. These agreements stem from theological dialogues emphasizing common confession of faith and recognition of baptism. As of 2022, the primary active full communion partners include the (ELCA), formalized on January 6, 2001, through the Called to Common Mission , which addressed and eucharistic practices; and the in America (Northern and Southern Provinces), established via agreements in 1995 and 1999 that affirm shared confessional standards and allow clergy interchange. Proposals for additional full communion advanced in 2022 when Executive Council committees forwarded agreements with the and the to the 80th General Convention for ratification, building on prior dialogues resolving differences in and . These would extend Lutheran-Episcopal ties internationally while preserving distinct identities. A proposed with the , approved by Methodists in 2020, remains under Episcopal review, focusing on reconciling Methodist itinerancy with Episcopal episcopacy but facing delays amid broader denominational divisions. Beyond , the Episcopal Church engages in ongoing bilateral and multilateral ecumenical dialogues to foster theological convergence. Key partners include the , with dialogues since the 1970s addressing sacraments, ministry, and ; the , exploring full communion prerequisites like ; and Roman Catholic counterparts via the Anglican-Roman Catholic International Commission (ARCIC), which has produced statements on and since 1970, though stalled by Vatican reservations on women's . These dialogues, affirmed in 2022 resolutions, prioritize scriptural and creedal unity over institutional merger, yielding joint statements but no full intercommunion due to unresolved doctrinal variances.

Interfaith and broader ecumenical ties

The Episcopal Church maintains an Office of Ecumenical and Interreligious Relations to facilitate engagements with non-Christian faiths, emphasizing mutual understanding and collaboration on issues such as peace and . In 2009, its General Convention adopted a Theological Statement on Interreligious Relations, framing dialogue as essential to amid . This approach draws from the 1988 Lambeth Conference's endorsement of as integral to discipleship. Key interfaith initiatives include participation in the ' bilateral dialogues with Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, and Muslim communities, which focus on theological reflection and joint action. The church collaborates with Jewish organizations such as the (ADL) and (AJC) to combat , and in 2021 issued guidelines for Christian-Jewish relations promoting historical accountability and partnership. Parallel 2021 guidelines address Christian-Muslim relations, advocating respect for Islamic traditions while affirming Christian distinctives. Additional efforts involve the Shoulder-to-Shoulder Campaign, a multifaith countering anti-Muslim bias, and Religions for Peace, coordinating responses to global crises. Locally, dioceses like New York host committees for Jewish and Muslim dialogues, alongside programs like Building Bridges Together, which fosters trust through shared meals among Christians, Jews, and Muslims. Beyond full communion partners, the Episcopal Church pursues broader ecumenical dialogues with traditions like Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy. It has engaged the Roman Catholic Church through the Anglican-Roman Catholic Dialogue in the USA (ARC-USA) for over 40 years, producing statements on topics such as moral theology and ecclesiology, with local dialogues spanning more than 50 years. Relations with Eastern Orthodoxy include representation on the Anglican Orthodox Joint Doctrinal Commission, which resumed in 1989 to examine ecclesiological differences. Diocesan-level ties, such as New York's Eastern Churches Committee, support ongoing Orthodox connections. The church also participates in consultations with Presbyterians and contributes to conciliar bodies like the World Council of Churches, advancing visibility and cooperation without doctrinal convergence.

References

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