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The Family Research Council (FRC) is an American evangelical 501(c)(3) non-profit[2] activist group and think-tank with an affiliated lobbying organization. FRC promotes what it considers to be family values.[3] It opposes and lobbies against access to pornography, embryonic stem-cell research, abortion, divorce, and LGBT rights—such as anti-discrimination laws, same-sex marriage, same-sex civil unions, and LGBT adoption.[4] The FRC has been criticized by media sources and professional organizations such as the American Sociological Association for using "anti-gay pseudoscience" to falsely conflate homosexuality and pedophilia, and to falsely claim that the children of same-sex parents suffer from more mental health problems.[5][6][7]

FRC was formed in the United States in 1981 by James Dobson and incorporated in 1983.[8] In the late 1980s, FRC officially became a division of Dobson's main organization, Focus on the Family; however, after an administrative separation, FRC became an independent entity in 1992. Tony Perkins is its current president. FRC is affiliated with a lobbying PAC known as FRC Action, of which Josh Duggar was the executive director from 2013 until 2015.[9][10][11]

The FRC is active outside of the United States; in 2010, FRC paid $25,000 to congressional lobbyists for what they described as "Res.1064 Ugandan Resolution Pro-homosexual promotion" in a lobbying disclosure report. Uganda would go on to pass the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill, a bill which would have imposed either the death penalty or life imprisonment for sexual relations between persons of the same sex. On August 1, 2014, however, the Constitutional Court of Uganda ruled the act invalid on procedural grounds.[12][13][14][15]

In 2010, the Southern Poverty Law Center classified FRC as an anti-LGBT hate group due to what it says are the group's "false claims about the LGBT community based on discredited research and junk science" in an effort to block LGBT civil rights.[16][17] In 2012, the FRC's headquarters were attacked by a gunman, resulting in an injury to a security guard, in connection with this designation.[18]

History

[edit]

The Council was incorporated as a nonprofit organization in 1983.[19][20][3][21][22] James Dobson, Armand Nicholi Jr., and George Rekers were some of its founding board members.[8] In 1988, following financial difficulties, FRC was incorporated into Focus on the Family, and Gary Bauer joined the organization as president.[23] FRC remained under the Focus on the Family umbrella until 1992,[23] when it separated out of concern for Focus' tax-exempt status.[24] Tony Perkins joined FRC as its president in 2003.[25]

On June 18, 2013, Josh Duggar was named executive director of FRC Action, the non-profit and tax-exempt legislative action arm of Family Research Council.[26] Duggar resigned his position on May 21, 2015, after his history of sexual misconduct as a minor became public.[27][28]

2012 shooting

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On August 15, 2012, Floyd Lee Corkins II, a resident of nearby Herndon, Virginia, entered the lobby of the FRC's Washington, D.C., headquarters with a 9mm pistol and two magazines with 50 rounds of ammunition.[29] Corkins shot an unarmed security guard, 46-year-old Leonardo Johnson, in the left arm.[30][31][32] Although injured, Johnson assisted others who wrestled Corkins to the ground until police arrived and placed him under arrest.[33][34][35] Politico reported that "Corkins was carrying 15 Chick-fil-A sandwiches that he intended to smear on employees’ faces in a political statement, he told the FBI."[36]

The FBI and the Metropolitan Police Department investigated jointly "to determine motive/intent and whether a hate crime/terrorism nexus exists." During his FBI interview, Corkins was asked how he chose his target. His response was "Southern Poverty Law lists anti-gay groups. I found them online."[37][38] Corkins had told Johnson "words to the effect of 'I don't like your politics.'"[39][40] Corkins had served as a volunteer at an LGBT community center.[33][41]

In January 2013, Corkins pleaded guilty to two charges in the District of Columbia, possession of a handgun during a violent crime and assault with intent to kill, and interstate transportation of a firearm and ammunition, a federal charge.[42][43] He was found mentally ill and, in September 2013, was sentenced to 25 years in prison.[18][44]

On the day of the shooting, the SPLC, along with a joint statement of 25 LGBT groups, condemned Corkins's action.[35] The National Organization for Marriage, an active campaigner against same-sex marriage,[40] issued a statement saying "Today's attack is the clearest sign we've seen that labeling pro-marriage groups as 'hateful' must end".[45]

FRC president Tony Perkins issued a public statement calling the shooting "an act of domestic terrorism" and criticizing the Southern Poverty Law Center for being "reckless in labeling organizations as hate groups because they disagree with them on public policy."[46] SPLC spokesman Mark Potok called Perkins's accusation "outrageous", and in a statement said: "The FRC and its allies on the religious right are saying, in effect, that offering legitimate and fact-based criticism in a democratic society is tantamount to suggesting that the objects of criticism should be the targets of criminal violence."[47] Potok posted that "The SPLC has listed the FRC as a hate group since 2010 because it has knowingly spread false and denigrating propaganda about LGBT people—not, as some claim, because it opposes same-sex marriage."[48]

Politics, policies and positions

[edit]
Tony Perkins and James Dobson at the Values Voters conference in Washington, D.C., 2007

Tony Perkins has blamed the constitutional separation of church and state for encouraging the rise of ISIS and similar Islamic extremist groups.[49]

The FRC has opposed efforts to make the human papilloma virus (HPV) vaccine mandatory for school attendance. HPV is a virus that can be transmitted by sexual contact, that can cause cervical cancer. FRC defends its position on the basis of the rights of parents and because of its support for abstinence prior to marriage.[50]

It supports a federal conscience clause, allowing medical workers to refuse to provide certain treatments to their patients, such as abortion or birth control.[51][52] It also advocates for abstinence-only sex education, intelligent design, prayer in public schools and the regulation of pornography and other "obscene, indecent, or profane programming" on broadcast and cable television. It unsuccessfully opposed the introduction of an .xxx domain name and lobbied for an increase in indecency fines from the Federal Communications Commission.[53][54] The group holds that hotel pornography may be prosecutable under federal and state obscenity laws.[55] It opposed the expansion of civil rights laws to include sexual orientation and gender identity as illegal bases for discrimination.[56]

Family Research Council supports the requirement of a one-year waiting period before a married couple with children can legally get a divorce so that they can receive marital counseling, unless the marriage involves domestic violence. FRC also supports permanently eliminating the marriage penalty and estate taxes.[57]

The Council opposes legalized abortion, stem-cell research which involves the destruction of human embryos and funding thereof. (It advocates for research solely using adult stem cells.) It opposes legal recognition of same-sex domestic partnerships in the form of marriage or civil unions.[58] It has opposed all forms of gambling.[59] The Council has questioned whether humans are mainly or completely responsible for climate change, and has opposed other evangelicals who accepted the scientific consensus on it.[60][61][62][63]

Statements on homosexuality

[edit]

The FRC maintains that "homosexual conduct is harmful to the persons who engage in it and to society at large, and can never be affirmed", and asserts that it is "by definition unnatural, and as such is associated with negative physical and psychological health effects."[64][65] The Council also asserts that "there is no convincing evidence that a homosexual identity is ever something genetic or inborn".[64] These positions are in opposition to the consensus of mainstream psychological and medical experts that homosexuality is a normal, healthy variation of human behavior, and that sexual orientation is generally not chosen.[66][67][68][69]

Certain FRC statements and positions have been criticized as based upon pseudo/junk science;[70][71][72][73] according to Wired, the group has misrepresented data and mis-designed sociological studies in order to negatively depict LGBT people.[5]

FRC also states that "[s]ympathy must be extended to those who struggle with unwanted same-sex attractions, and every effort should be made to assist such persons to overcome those attractions, as many already have".[65] Evidence on the effectiveness of sexual orientation change efforts is limited;[67][74] according to a 2009 publication from the American Psychological Association, "[there] are no studies of adequate scientific rigor to conclude whether or not recent [sexual orientation change efforts] do or do not work to change a person's sexual orientation."[67]

In 2012, Rob Schwartzwalder, then a senior vice president at FRC, wrote: "To love people who identify as gays or lesbians means to extend grace to them: to welcome them as friends, to care for them when ill, and to respect them as persons whose creation was ordained by the God of the universe and for whom the Son of God died. Such love will oppose attempts to legalize homosexual marriage, as to do so would vindicate a corruption of that which God intended. ... To love homosexuals means that believing churches cannot accept those practicing or advocating homosexuality as members, ministers, or leaders any more than persons living in any other kind of sexual sin."[75]

Jointly with Focus on the Family, the Council submitted an amicus brief in Lawrence v. Texas,[76] the U.S. Supreme Court case in which anti-sodomy laws were ruled unconstitutional on privacy grounds.[77] The summary of the amicus curiae brief declares that "[states] may discourage the 'evils' ... of sexual acts outside of marriage by means up to and including criminal prohibition" and that it is constitutionally permissible for Texas to "choose to protect marital intimacy by prohibiting same-sex 'deviate'a acts".[76]

Similar positions have been advocated by representatives of the organization since Lawrence was decided in 2003. In February 2010, Family Research Council's senior researcher for policy studies, Peter Sprigg, stated on NBC's Hardball that same-sex behavior should be outlawed and that "criminal sanctions against homosexual behavior" should be enforced.[78] Three months later, in May 2010, Sprigg publicly suggested that repealing the Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy would encourage molestation of heterosexual service members.[79]

In November 2010, Perkins was asked about Sprigg's comments regarding the criminalization of same-sex behavior: he responded that criminalizing homosexuality is not a goal of Family Research Council.[80][81] Perkins repeated FRC's association of homosexuals with pedophilia, stating: "If you look at the American College of Pediatricians, they say the research is overwhelming that homosexuality poses a danger to children."[80][81] Perkins' statements have been contradicted by mainstream social science research,[82] and the likelihood of child molestation by homosexuals and bisexuals has been found to be no higher than child molestation by heterosexuals;[5][83][84][72] as Newsweek put it, "[f]or decades, the [FRC] has smeared homosexuals in its publications, insinuating that gay people are more likely to sexually abuse children" and an analysis by John Aravosis [who?] concluded that FRC "cherry-picks and distorts evidence as part of a deliberate campaign to smear the LGBT community."[85] Some scientists whose work is cited by the socially conservative group the American College of Pediatricians – which was created following the American Academy of Pediatrics' endorsement of adoption by same-sex couples and to which FRC points for evidence supporting its positions – have said the organization has distorted or misrepresented their work[86] and the organization has been criticized by Psychology Today for making "false statements ... that have the potential to harm LGBT youth".[84] The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) designated the FRC as a hate group in its Winter 2010 Intelligence Report.[87] Mother Jones reported that "The Southern Poverty Law Center's classification of FRC as a hate group stems from FRC's more than decade-long insistence that gay people are more likely to molest children. ... Research from non-ideological outfits is actually firm in concluding the opposite."[72]

In 2017, at the council-sponsored Values Voter Summit, a tote bag was distributed to all attendees that included a copy of a flyer entitled "The Health Hazards of Homosexuality" written by MassResistance, which the SPLC has also designated as a hate group.[88]

An amicus brief submitted in relation to United States v. Windsor (which struck down part of the Defense of Marriage Act) argued that DOMA did not discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation,[89] and their amicus brief in Obergefell v. Hodges argued against same-sex marriage.[90] An article written by Travis Weber, the director of the Council's Center for Religious Liberty, was highly critical of both Supreme Court decisions.[91]

Same-sex marriage cases

[edit]

The FRC, on January 28, 2013, issued an amicus brief in support of the Proposition 8 and the Defense of Marriage Act cases before the Supreme Court,[89] arguing for the court to uphold DOMA banning federal recognition of same-sex unions and Proposition 8 banning gay marriage in California.[92] On June 26, 2013, the Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Windsor that the Defense of Marriage Act unconstitutionally deprived gay and lesbian couples of liberty, and in Hollingsworth v. Perry that Proposition 8's proponents had no standing to defend the law, leaving in place a lower-court ruling overturning the ban.[93]

Project 2025

[edit]

FRC is a member of the advisory board of Project 2025,[94] a collection of conservative and right-wing policy proposals from the Heritage Foundation to reshape the United States federal government and consolidate executive power should the Republican nominee win the 2024 presidential election.[95]

Publishing and lobbying activities

[edit]
Family Research Council Building in Washington, D.C.

Family Research Council is a member of ProtectMarriage.com, a coalition formed to sponsor California Proposition 8 to restrict marriage to opposite-sex couples only, which passed in 2008 (but was later struck down as unconstitutional by a federal court in California).[96]

The Council publishes The Washington Stand, a periodical of news and commentary from the council's perspective.[97]

Justice Sunday

[edit]
Main article: Justice Sunday (conservative Christian event)

Justice Sunday was the name for three religious conferences organized by FRC and Focus on the Family in 2005 and 2006. According to FRC, the purpose of the events was to "request an end to filibusters of judicial nominees that were based, at least in part, on the nominees' religious views or imputed inability to decide cases on the basis of the law regardless of their beliefs."[98]

Pray Vote Stand Summit

[edit]

Every fall, FRC Action (the political action group affiliated with FRC) holds an annual summit composed for conservative Christian activists and evangelical voters in Washington, D.C. The summit has been a place for social conservatives across the nation to hear Republican presidential hopefuls' platforms. Since 2007 a straw poll has been taken as a means of providing an early prediction of which candidate will win the endorsement of Christian conservatives.[99]

Ugandan Resolution

[edit]

In 2010, FRC paid $25,000 to congressional lobbyists for what they described as "Res.1064 Ugandan Resolution Pro-homosexual promotion" in a lobbying disclosure report.[15] The US House of Representatives resolution condemned the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill,[100] a bill which, among other things, would have imposed either the death penalty or life imprisonment for sexual relations between persons of the same sex.[12][13][14][101]

Following exposure of the lobbying contribution in June 2010, FRC issued a statement denying that they were trying to kill the bill, but rather that they wanted to change the language of the bill "to remove sweeping and inaccurate assertions that homosexual conduct is internationally recognized as a fundamental human right." They further stated, "FRC does not support the Uganda bill, and does not support the death penalty for homosexuality – nor any other penalty which would have the effect of inhibiting compassionate pastoral, psychological, and medical care and treatment for those who experience same-sex attractions or who engage in homosexual conduct".[102] The Ugandan Resolution was revived by Uganda's President Museveni in 2012. On 1 August 2014, however, the Constitutional Court of Uganda ruled the act invalid on procedural grounds.[103]

The FRC used one of Museveni's speeches in an e-mail to its supporters praising Uganda's commitment to Christian faith and "national repentance" around the time that he reintroduced the Anti-Homosexuality Bill. The speech did not refer to homosexuality specifically, but did mention "sexual immorality" among the sins for which Ugandans must repent.[104]

Controversies and criticism

[edit]

2010 listing as a hate group by SPLC

[edit]

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) designated FRC as a hate group in the winter 2010 issue of its magazine, Intelligence Report. Aside from statements made earlier in the year by Sprigg and Perkins (see Statements on homosexuality), the SPLC described FRC as a "font of anti-gay propaganda throughout its history".[105][106]

As evidence, the SPLC cited a 1999 publication by FRC, Homosexual Activists Work to Normalize Sex With Boys, which stated: "one of the primary goals of the homosexual rights movement is to abolish all age of consent laws and to eventually recognize pedophiles as the 'prophets' of a new sexual order."[106][107] The report said FRC senior research fellows Tim Dailey and Peter Sprigg (2001) had "pushed false accusations linking gay men to pedophilia".[106][87]

FRC President Tony Perkins called the "hate" designation a political attack on FRC by a "liberal organization".[108] On December 15, 2010, FRC ran an open letter as an advertisement in two Washington, D.C., newspapers disputing the SPLC's action; in a press release, FRC called the allegation "intolerance pure and simple" and said it was dedicated to upholding "Judeo-Christian moral views, including marriage as the union of a man and a woman".[109] In response, SPLC spokesman Mark Potok emphasized the factual evidence upon which the SPLC had taken the step of making the designation.[110]

A shooting incident in the lobby of FRC headquarters in 2012 (see above) prompted further comments on the SPLC's 'hate group' listing. Dana Milbank, columnist for The Washington Post, referred to the incident as "a madman's act" for which the SPLC should not be blamed, but called its classification of FRC as a hate group "reckless" and said that "it's absurd to put the group, as the law center does, in the same category as Aryan Nations, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, Stormfront and the Westboro Baptist Church."[111][112] David Sessions, writing for the Daily Beast, noted that FRC's hostile, false depiction of LGBT people invited strong pushback; "the FRC cannot wage an all-out rhetorical war against the 'gay agenda' and then accuse its critics of being too harsh."[6]

Tufts University political science professor Jeffrey Berry described himself as "not comfortable" with the designation: "There's probably some things that have been said by one or two individuals that qualify as hate speech. But overall, it's not seen as a hate group."[113] Journalist Adam Serwer of Mother Jones argued that the description, while subjective, was justified by the "FRC's record of purveying stereotypes, prejudice, and junk science as a justification for public policy that would deny gays and lesbians equal rights and criminalize their conduct."[72]

Tax status

[edit]

In 2020, the FRC asked the IRS to consider it as an “association of churches,” and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) approved that status change. As part of this request, the FRC had to claim that it conducts weddings, baptisms and funerals. The FRC continues to be a nonprofit 501(c)(3) organization, but as a church, it is shielded from public inspection as it no longer must submit an annual Form 990 to the IRS.[114]

George Alan Rekers

[edit]

George Rekers was a founding board member in 1983. In May 2010, Rekers employed a male prostitute as a travel companion for a two-week vacation in Europe.[115][116] Rekers denied any inappropriate conduct and suggestions that he was gay. The male escort told CNN he had given Rekers "sexual massages" while traveling together in Europe.[117][118] Rekers subsequently resigned from the board of the National Association for Research & Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH).[119]

Josh Duggar

[edit]

On June 18, 2013, it was announced that Josh Duggar of the television show 19 Kids and Counting would serve as the executive director of FRC Action, the non-profit and tax-exempt legislative action arm of Family Research Council.[26] FRC President Tony Perkins said at the time that the hiring was aimed to tap into the popularity of Duggar's television show, and that "The big part of Josh's focus is going to be building our grass-roots across the country."[10] Published reports listed Duggar as a lobbyist for the group.[120]

Duggar resigned on May 21, 2015, when a scandal involving his past molestation of five underage girls – including some of his sisters – became public knowledge. In reference to Duggar's resignation, Perkins said "Josh believes that the situation will make it difficult for him to be effective in his current work."[121][122][123]

List of presidents

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See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Family Research Council

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The Family Research Council (FRC) is a nonprofit research and educational organization founded in 1983 to articulate and advance a family-centered philosophy of public life informed by a biblical worldview. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., FRC focuses on policy research and analysis addressing issues such as the sanctity of human life, the definition of marriage as between one man and one woman, religious liberty, and opposition to pornography and embryonic stem-cell research. Originally inspired by James Dobson following a 1980 White House conference on families, the group merged with Focus on the Family in 1988 before becoming independent in 1992, and has since grown its influence through expert networks, grassroots mobilization, and congressional testimony. Under President Tony Perkins, who has led since 2003, FRC has advocated for legislation protecting traditional family structures and has contributed to efforts defending pro-life policies and religious freedoms in federal branches. The organization has encountered controversy, particularly from left-leaning advocacy groups like the Southern Poverty Law Center, which designated FRC an "anti-LGBT hate group" for its positions critiquing homosexual behavior—a label FRC contests as a misrepresentation of its biblically grounded advocacy distinguishing acts from persons, and one criticized for inflating policy disputes into hate designations amid the SPLC's own credibility issues, including recent disassociation by the FBI.

History

Founding and Early Development

The Family Research Council (FRC) was established in as a nonprofit research and educational organization dedicated to advancing a family-centered philosophy of public life through policy research and analysis informed by a biblical . Its founding stemmed from a 1980 White House Conference on Families, where Dr. , founder of , and eight other Christian leaders identified the need for expert input on family policy amid growing cultural and political challenges to traditional family structures. Gerald P. Regier was appointed as the inaugural president, with an initial focus on connecting pro-family scholars and policymakers to influence federal legislation and executive actions. In its early years, FRC conducted congressional testimony, produced policy reports for government officials, filed legal briefs, facilitated appointments to advisory panels, and provided media commentary to counter narratives perceived as undermining , , and human life. The organization emphasized articulating the societal benefits of intact , drawing on empirical data regarding family stability's correlations with child outcomes, economic , and community health, while critiquing policies that prioritized over familial interdependence. By the late , FRC had grown its influence in , through strategic networking and research dissemination, setting the stage for deeper integration with aligned advocacy efforts.

Separation from Focus on the Family

In 1988, the Family Research Council (FRC) merged with (FotF), becoming a division of the larger organization under the leadership of Gary L. Bauer, who served as president. This integration provided FRC access to FotF's extensive resources, grassroots network, and visibility, enabling expanded advocacy on issues aligned with traditional . By 1992, FRC separated from FotF to regain operational independence, establishing a new that shared three members, including FotF founder , with FotF's board. The move allowed FRC greater autonomy in pursuing its policy research and efforts without the constraints of FotF's broader . Bauer continued as FRC president following the separation, focusing the group on Washington, D.C.-based political engagement. The separation was also influenced by concerns that FRC's increasing political activism, including direct lobbying, could jeopardize FotF's tax-exempt status under 501(c)(3) regulations, which limit partisan activities for such nonprofits. This administrative split enabled FRC to intensify its role as a policy arm while preserving FotF's emphasis on educational and media outreach. Post-separation, FRC maintained ideological alignment with FotF but operated as a distinct entity dedicated to influencing legislation on family-related issues.

Major Events and Challenges

In 2010, the Southern Poverty Law Center designated the Family Research Council as an anti-LGBT hate group, asserting that FRC promoted discredited research and false claims intended to dehumanize LGBTQ individuals through opposition to same-sex marriage and related policies. FRC rejected the classification as defamatory, contending it falsely equated advocacy for traditional marriage and family structures with the ideologies of neo-Nazis or the Ku Klux Klan, and highlighted SPLC's pattern of targeting conservative organizations without evidence of violence or hatred. The designation gained notoriety following the August 15, 2012, attack at FRC's , headquarters, where Floyd Lee Corkins II, a 28-year-old volunteer at an LGBTQ community center, entered armed with a 9mm , 15 rounds of , and boxes of sandwiches as a symbolic protest. Corkins shot security guard Leo Johnson in the ; Johnson wrestled the away and held Corkins until police arrived, preventing further casualties despite sustaining a non-life-threatening . During interrogation, Corkins stated his intent to "kill as many as possible" and "hurt all the people here," citing FRC's opposition to gay rights and referencing SPLC's hate group map as influencing his target selection. Corkins pleaded guilty in 2013 to charges including with to kill and the use of a in a crime of , with the court classifying the incident as an act of ; he was sentenced to 85 years, with 25 years minimum mandatory. FRC President Tony Perkins publicly blamed SPLC for fostering a climate of hostility by equating policy disagreements with hatred, arguing the label provided ideological justification for against the organization. intensified scrutiny of SPLC's methodologies, with subsequent congressional inquiries questioning its credibility and influence on federal agencies in identifying threats.

Organizational Structure and Leadership

Key Leaders and Presidents


The Family Research Council was founded in 1981 by , a clinical and broadcaster who established , in collaboration with other Christian leaders seeking to advance family-centered public policy from a biblical perspective. While Dobson did not serve as president, his foundational influence shaped FRC's mission to provide research and advocacy countering perceived threats to traditional family structures. Gerald P. Regier served as the organization's first president beginning in 1983. During his tenure, Regier prioritized linking pro-family policy experts with government officials, arranging congressional testimony, and offering media commentary to influence legislation on family-related issues. Gary L. Bauer became the second president in 1988, following FRC's merger with . A former Under Secretary of Education and advisor in the Reagan administration, Bauer enhanced FRC's visibility, cultivated a nationwide network of activists, and directed the establishment of offices in , and ; he led the organization until 1999. Kenneth L. Connor, a attorney and prominent pro-life advocate, held the position of third president from 2000 to 2003. Connor directed efforts on core issues including the sanctity of life, marriage defined as between one man and one woman, religious liberty, and policies supporting the elderly, while initiating programs like the Witherspoon Fellowship to engage scholars. Tony R. Perkins has served as the fourth president since August 2003, marking the longest tenure in FRC's history. Prior to joining, Perkins was a two-term member of the Legislature, where he authored the nation's first law in 1997 to strengthen marital commitments; a U.S. Marine Corps and former , he has broadened FRC's legislative reach, launched initiatives like Church Ministries to mobilize pastors, and hosts the daily Washington Watch with Tony Perkins to analyze policy developments. Under Perkins, FRC has intensified focus on judicial nominations, religious freedom protections, and opposition to policies viewed as undermining traditional marriage and family norms.

Affiliated Entities and Operations

The Family Research Council operates primarily as a 501(c)(3) headquartered in Washington, D.C., focused on research, education, and from a biblical . Its core operations encompass producing policy analyses, educational resources, and media content to influence legislation and cultural discourse on issues such as , , religious , and the sanctity of life. This includes maintaining The Washington Stand as an online platform for news and commentary aligned with these priorities. A key affiliated entity is FRC Action, a 501(c)(4) legislative affiliate established in to complement FRC's nonpartisan educational mission by engaging in direct , , and voter efforts. FRC Action analyzes candidate records, endorses aligned politicians, and activates networks of supporters, including pastors and allied groups, to promote policies supporting faith, family, and freedom. It is led by figures such as Chairman Tony Perkins, who also serves as FRC's president, ensuring coordination between the entities while adhering to separate statuses that restrict FRC Action's activities to permissible and political engagement. FRC Action further operates a associated political action committee (PAC), FRC Action PAC, which facilitates candidate contributions and endorsements during election cycles, reporting expenditures such as $13,705 in the cycle. At the state level, FRC partners with independent Family Policy Councils (FPCs) across various states to support pro-family initiatives, including legislative outreach and community mobilization; these FPCs share FRC's core beliefs but maintain no corporate or financial ties to FRC or each other, functioning autonomously while benefiting from shared resources like training and policy guidance. This decentralized approach extends FRC's operational reach without direct control, emphasizing collaboration with state legislators and local leaders on issues like religious liberty protections and family policy reforms.

Core Principles and Positions

Sanctity of Life and Human Dignity

The Family Research Council (FRC) asserts that every human possesses inherent dignity derived from being created in the , as stated in Genesis 1:26, which forms the basis for a moral society and underpins their advocacy for protecting from conception to natural death. This view rejects utilitarian assessments of human worth, emphasizing instead that dignity is not contingent on age, ability, or productivity but is an absolute endowment that demands societal safeguards against threats to vulnerable populations. FRC's Center for Human Dignity, led by Director Mary Szoch, coordinates research, policy analysis, and public education to advance these principles, focusing on bioethical issues where human value is contested. On abortion, FRC maintains that the procedure violates the sanctity of prenatal human life, drawing from biblical texts such as and Exodus 21:22-25 to argue that the unborn are fully human persons deserving protection equivalent to those born. The organization has actively supported legislative efforts to restrict elective s, including state-level measures post the 2022 Dobbs v. decision that overturned , and critiques cultural shifts that normalize abortion as a form of reproductive healthcare. FRC also opposes public funding for abortion providers and promotes alternatives like and pregnancy support, viewing these as consistent with affirming human dignity. Regarding end-of-life issues, FRC opposes and physician-assisted , contending that intentionally hastening undermines the intrinsic and opens pathways to , particularly for the elderly, disabled, or economically disadvantaged. They advocate for and as ethical means to alleviate suffering without forfeiting life, criticizing legalization proposals—such as those debated in in 2022 or the in 2025—as slippery slopes that erode protections for the vulnerable. FRC's position aligns with a "pro-life until natural " framework, urging policies that prioritize in dying through compassionate care rather than state-sanctioned termination.

Marriage, Family, and Human Sexuality

The Family Research Council (FRC) advocates for defined as the lifelong union between one man and one woman, viewing it as the foundational for , , and childrearing. This position draws from biblical principles, asserting that reflects God's design for complementary sexes and procreation. FRC argues that redefining undermines social stability, citing evidence from studies showing higher rates of , , and emotional instability among children raised outside intact, biological two-parent families. FRC emphasizes the family unit—comprising a married mother and father—as optimal for child development, supported by longitudinal data indicating better educational, psychological, and economic outcomes for children in such structures compared to single-parent or same-sex households. They oppose policies promoting no-fault divorce expansions or cohabitation as equivalents to marriage, contending these erode family integrity and societal cohesion. In response to legislative efforts like the 2022 Respect for Marriage Act, which codified same-sex marriage federally, FRC President Tony Perkins criticized it as disregarding religious liberty and biological realities. On human sexuality, FRC maintains that sexual expression belongs exclusively within heterosexual marriage, rejecting , , and non-heterosexual acts as deviations from natural and scriptural norms. They cite twin studies and behavioral research questioning the immutability of , arguing it often correlates with environmental factors rather than fixed , and oppose equating it with immutable traits like race for legal protections. Regarding transgenderism, FRC distinguishes biological sex as binary and immutable, providing resources to counter ideologies in schools and policy, emphasizing potential harms of affirming interventions like blockers on youth. FRC does not support including "" or "" as protected categories in anti-discrimination laws, viewing such measures as infringing on freedoms of association and expression.

Religious Liberty and Civil Society

The Family Research Council (FRC) asserts that religious liberty constitutes the freedom to hold personal religious beliefs and to live in accordance with them without undue government interference, viewing it as a cornerstone of American rooted in the First Amendment. This principle, according to FRC, enables individuals and institutions to operate in public life while maintaining fidelity to faith-based convictions, particularly in areas such as , , and healthcare. FRC emphasizes that encroachments on this liberty, often through mandates prioritizing nondiscrimination based on or , undermine the voluntary associations and moral frameworks essential to . FRC has documented rising threats to religious freedom domestically, publishing reports that catalog acts of hostility against churches and individuals. For instance, their 2024 edition of Free to Believe? The Intensifying Intolerance Toward in the West analyzes government-perpetrated violations using open-source , highlighting patterns in Western nations including the . Similarly, FRC's tracking of , , and legal actions against U.S. churches recorded at least 915 incidents between January 2018 and November 2023, with updates in subsequent editions indicating persistent escalation. In the military context, FRC advocates for service members' to express without reprisal, opposing policies that subordinate religious expression to inclusivity training. On , FRC promotes policies aligned with a biblical , contending that robust family structures, ethical , and faith-informed institutions foster social stability and limit state overreach. They critique expansions of government authority in areas like courts, , and as eroding the mediating role of civil institutions such as churches and families. FRC opposes measures like the Equality Act, which they argue would compel religious organizations to violate by enforcing participation in events or services conflicting with traditional beliefs on marriage and sexuality, thereby prioritizing individual autonomy over communal moral order. Through and voter guides, FRC urges support for preserving exemptions for faith-based entities, positioning religious as vital to a pluralistic where voluntary , rather than , sustains . Internationally, FRC extends its advocacy to global religious freedom, supporting U.S. policies that condition on protections for persecuted believers and criticizing regimes that suppress faith communities, as detailed in their resources on the topic. This holistic approach underscores FRC's belief that civil society's health depends on reciprocal freedoms, where religious groups contribute to public welfare—through charity, education, and —unhindered by secular impositions.

Education and Cultural Issues

The Family Research Council asserts that parents hold primary over their children's , moral upbringing, and , with intervention limited to cases of demonstrable or . This underpins FRC's advocacy for robust parental rights, emphasizing that public schools must not undermine parental values or . FRC supports policies maximizing parental choice in , including access to public schools, private secular institutions, religious schools, and , as affirmed in their praise for the U.S. Supreme Court's 2020 decision in Espinoza v. Department of Revenue, which protected religious options in programs. Local control of is prioritized to align schooling with community priorities rather than centralized mandates. FRC opposes the infusion of political agendas into curricula, advocating for instruction focused on foundational knowledge and skills without ideological propaganda. Specifically, the organization critiques (CRT) as "state-sponsored racism" that divides students by race and promotes guilt or privilege narratives unsupported by empirical historical analysis. On gender ideology, FRC maintains that biological sex at birth determines identity and rejects "" as a protected category in school policies, arguing there is no evidence for long-term benefits from affirming transitions in minors through hormones or surgery. They provide resources for parents to counter transgender policies and teachings in public s, viewing such elements as cultural overreach that confuses children and erodes parental authority. FRC has also highlighted concerns over sexually explicit materials, including , in school libraries, supporting parental efforts to remove such content as seen in campaigns against books deemed inappropriate for minors. In cultural terms, FRC envisions an educational and societal framework where principles foster human dignity, family stability, and religious liberty, countering perceived decays like the normalization of or family fragmentation. Their positions stem from a biblical that prioritizes empirical realities of —such as the risks of early or identity experimentation—over progressive narratives often advanced in academia and media, which FRC attributes to institutional biases favoring secular ideologies. This includes promoting curricula that reinforce traditional values like personal responsibility and , while critiquing cultural influences that, in their analysis, correlate with declining family structures and youth outcomes.

Advocacy and Activities

Research and Publications

The Family Research Council (FRC) conducts policy-oriented research and disseminates findings through issue analyses, reports, brochures, and periodicals focused on topics such as , , religious liberty, and the sanctity of life. These publications typically integrate statistical compilations, reviews of existing studies, legal interpretations, and appeals to principles to substantiate positions advocating for traditional family structures and opposition to policies like and . FRC's output is produced internally by staff researchers and affiliates, often without external , aiming to influence and discourse rather than academic scholarship. Notable examples include the 2019 issue analysis "No Proof of Harm," which examined 79 studies on change efforts (SOCE) and argued that the reviewed evidence does not demonstrate inherent harm from such interventions, countering claims by opponents of . FRC has also compiled empirical trackers, such as documenting 915 verified acts of hostility against U.S. churches—including , , and disruptions—from 2018 to November 2023, drawing from news reports and official records to highlight patterns of . In October 2025, FRC partnered with the Cultural Research Center at to release a survey-based study revealing shifts in U.S. churchgoers' views on issues like biblical worldview adherence, with data indicating declining alignment with traditional doctrines amid cultural pressures. Other outputs encompass brochures like "Biblical Principles for Pro-Life Engagement," which outlines scriptural arguments for fetal and restrictions, and periodic FRC Magazine editions addressing current events through a family-policy lens, such as the March 2020 issue on threats. FRC's research has drawn scrutiny for selective citation of data favoring conservative conclusions, with critics from organizations like the alleging reliance on discredited sources in areas like LGBTQ+ issues; however, FRC maintains its analyses prioritize comprehensive review of available evidence over ideological conformity. Such critiques reflect broader institutional biases in media and advocacy monitoring, where conservative viewpoints are often framed as fringe despite empirical support in cited studies. FRC disseminates these materials via its website, email subscriptions, and voter guides to equip policymakers and activists.

Lobbying and Political Initiatives

The Family Research Council engages in primarily through its legislative affiliate, FRC Action, which educates lawmakers and mobilizes support on policies advancing faith, family, and freedom, including opposition to abortion, defense of traditional marriage, and protection of religious liberty. As a 501(c)(3) entity, FRC allocates only an insubstantial portion of its resources to direct to maintain tax-exempt status, emphasizing instead indirect advocacy such as policy briefings, congressional testimony, and coordination with allied groups. FRC Action supplements this by influencing federal and state officials through dissemination and voter efforts. FRC Action operates a connected political action committee, FRC Action PAC, which endorses candidates based on alignment with organizational priorities like pro-life stances and religious protections. In the 2024 election cycle, the PAC endorsed 66 candidates, 1 Senate candidate, and 1 , including Rep. Barry Moore (R-AL) as a "100 Percent Member" for his voting record. Earlier cycles saw endorsements such as Missouri Attorney General candidates in 2018 and Gov. . The PAC also produces voter guides and scorecards evaluating legislators' positions on key bills, aiding constituent mobilization during elections. Notable political initiatives include advocacy for the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996, which defined marriage federally as between one man and one woman to counter state-level recognitions of same-sex unions. FRC supported the PROSPER Act in 2018, praising its inclusion of religious freedom safeguards for higher education institutions. More recently, the organization backed North Carolina's HB 805, enacted after a veto override, which defines sex based on biological criteria to protect women and children in sports and facilities. FRC has opposed measures like the Respect for Marriage Act in 2022, arguing it undermines religious liberty by codifying same-sex marriage without adequate conscience protections. These efforts extend to state-level campaigns via affiliated family policy councils, focusing on ballot initiatives and legislative protections for parental rights and against gender-transition procedures for minors.

Events and Mobilization Efforts

The Family Research Council (FRC) has organized annual summits to mobilize conservative religious voters and leaders, including the Values Voter Summit from 2006 to 2020, which featured speeches by prominent Republican figures such as President in 2019 and Senate Majority Leader in 2018. These events aimed to energize attendees around policy issues like religious liberty and traditional , drawing thousands for workshops, debates, and straw polls influencing GOP primaries. In 2021, FRC transitioned to the Pray Vote Stand Summit, co-hosted with FRC Action, as a successor emphasizing prayer, voter engagement, and civic action among pastors and faith communities. The summit, held annually in locations like Washington, D.C., and Chino, California, gathers evangelical leaders for training on ballot initiatives, candidate endorsements, and church mobilization, with the fifth edition scheduled for October 2025. FRC promotes these gatherings to equip participants with resources for local voter turnout drives, including endorsements of candidates aligned with biblical principles on issues like abortion and marriage. FRC's mobilization extends to efforts through programs like Watchmen on the Wall, launched to train pastors in mobilizing congregations for elections, such as urging and turnout in key races. The initiative has supported canvassing and ballot collection assistance in churches, contributing to evangelical participation in cycles like 2018 and 2020, where affiliated groups reported over 1 million contacts. FRC also distributes voter guides via iVoteValues.org, providing issue-based voting recommendations to influence turnout without direct endorsements due to nonprofit status. Additional efforts include regional pastor briefings, roundtables, and the School Board Boot Camp, which train participants for local and elections across all 50 states as of 2021. FRC's Culture Impact Teams further enable church-based mobilization, offering toolkits for events, rallies, and campaigns to advance policy priorities at state and federal levels. These activities focus on sustaining long-term engagement, such as through annual participation to foster civic prayer networks.

International Engagements

The Family Research Council advocates for a U.S. that prioritizes the global protection of human life dignity, traditional marriage and structures, and religious liberty, viewing these as foundational to societal stability and international cooperation. This includes opposition to taxpayer-funded international programs and support for policies countering violence against Christians in countries such as and , where FRC has issued targeted reports documenting persecution and recommending designations like "Country of Particular Concern" for to prompt U.S. action. FRC's international religious freedom initiatives feature annual reports analyzing threats worldwide, including the 2024 edition on intensifying intolerance toward in Western nations, the 2023 assessment of as the foremost violator of religious freedom, and a 2023 overview of religious suppression in . President Tony Perkins, serving as Vice Chair of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom since 2020, influences federal recommendations on global religious liberty through testimony and policy advocacy. FRC engages directly in international forums, such as speaking at events on religious freedom in December 2021 and participating in the in to address family-related health policies. The organization has also co-organized efforts like the "Uniting Nations for a " initiative to promote pro-family policies among international NGOs. FRC expresses support for global pro-family gatherings, including the , which it describes as dedicated to reinforcing the natural family unit against cultural erosion. In solidarity with Israel, FRC has organized trips for leaders and advocates, including a 2014 visit by Perkins to meet Prime Minister and Israel's U.S. ambassador, and promoted group journeys in 2020 featuring FRC affiliates to explore biblical sites and policy alignments. FRC has urged U.S. administrations to affirm Israel's territorial claims in and and mobilized coalitions for prayer events supporting Israel amid conflicts.

Impact and Achievements

Policy and Legislative Influences

The Family Research Council (FRC) has exerted influence on U.S. federal legislation through policy research, congressional testimony, and advocacy coalitions, particularly in areas aligned with its priorities of protecting unborn life, traditional marriage, and religious liberty. FRC staff contributed to drafting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996, which defined marriage as the union of one man and one woman for federal purposes and allowed states to refuse recognition of same-sex marriages from other states; the bill passed the 342–67 and the 85–14 before being signed into law by President on September 21, 1996. FRC's involvement included providing analytical support during the legislative process, reflecting its role in mobilizing conservative support for measures preserving state authority over marriage definitions. On abortion policy, FRC played a key role in advancing restrictions, including advocacy for the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003, which prohibited a specific late-term procedure after prior vetoes were overridden by evidence of its non-medical necessity; the bill passed the House 282–139 and Senate 64–33, and was signed by President George W. Bush on November 5, 2003. Similarly, FRC supported the Unborn Victims of Violence Act of 2004, recognizing unborn children as separate victims in federal crimes, which passed the House 389–38 and Senate unanimously before Bush's signature on April 1, 2004; FRC President Tony Perkins highlighted its equivalence to child protection laws in public statements urging passage. FRC also endorsed expansions of the Mexico City Policy under President Donald Trump in 2017, which conditioned U.S. foreign aid on recipients not performing or promoting abortions, extending protections to broader global health funding and redirecting resources away from organizations like Planned Parenthood International. FRC has backed born-alive protections, advocating for federal and state laws requiring medical care for infants surviving abortion attempts, such as the reintroduced in multiple Congresses, building on earlier state models to affirm post-birth viability rights. In religious liberty, FRC has lobbied against measures perceived to erode First Amendment protections, such as opposing the Equality Act for potentially mandating participation in events conflicting with faith-based views on sexuality, while endorsing bills like the Free Speech Fairness Act introduced in March 2025 to safeguard expression in public forums. These efforts often involve scorecards tracking congressional votes on family-related bills and partnerships with lawmakers to shape amendments, demonstrating FRC's sustained engagement in legislative processes despite varying success rates amid partisan divides.

Contributions to Public Discourse

The Family Research Council (FRC) has contributed to public discourse through the publication of research reports, policy analyses, and public statements that advocate for traditional views on , structure, and , often drawing on empirical data and biblical principles to challenge prevailing cultural shifts. For instance, in October 2025, FRC released a study in collaboration with the Cultural Research Center at , revealing that U.S. churchgoers exhibit increasing ambivalence toward core issues such as and definitions, with only 37% affirming a biblical worldview on despite rising ; this report highlighted the need for renewed doctrinal emphasis in religious institutions to counteract secular influences. Similarly, FRC's 2021 publication "Biblical Principles for " provides a framework for evaluating and from a scriptural standpoint, arguing that deviations from heterosexual undermine societal stability, and has been referenced in conservative commentaries to frame debates on gender ideology. FRC engages media and legislative discourse via timely statements and testimonies opposing measures perceived as eroding family norms. In December 2022, President Tony Perkins issued a statement critiquing the Respect for Marriage Act's passage, asserting it compelled federal recognition of same-sex unions despite lacking broad societal consensus, thereby influencing conservative critiques of federal overreach in redefining marriage. The organization also tracks and publicizes data on societal trends, such as its August 2025 update to the "Hostility Against Churches" report, documenting over 400 verified acts of vandalism, arson, and other aggressions against U.S. churches from 2018 to 2023, which FRC attributes in part to cultural animus toward traditional religious teachings on sexuality and family; this compilation has informed discussions on religious liberty's erosion amid progressive policy pushes. Through events like the annual Family Policy Lecture series and webcasts, FRC facilitates expert testimonies and activist dialogues on pro-life and family issues, providing platforms for policymakers and scholars to disseminate evidence-based arguments, such as the societal costs of no-fault divorce or embryonic stem-cell research. These efforts position FRC as a countervoice to institutional biases in academia and media, which often prioritize narratives favoring expansive sexual autonomy over data on family breakdown's correlates, like elevated child poverty rates in non-traditional households documented in broader demographic studies FRC cites. Overall, FRC's outputs emphasize causal links between intact nuclear families and societal health, substantiated by longitudinal data on outcomes like educational attainment and crime rates, fostering discourse that prioritizes empirical family stability over ideological redefinitions.

Criticisms and Responses

Designation as Hate Group and Rebuttals

In 2010, the (SPLC) designated the Family Research Council (FRC) as an anti-LGBT hate group, citing the organization's promotion of what SPLC described as "false claims about the LGBT community" including assertions that homosexual conduct is harmful and linked to , as well as opposition to and advocacy for policies like "." The SPLC characterized FRC's positions as part of a broader strategy to "dehumanize LGBTQ people" through anti-gay propaganda and legislative efforts. FRC has rebutted the designation, arguing that SPLC's labeling equates advocacy for traditional marriage and religious liberty with extremism akin to the or neo-Nazis, without evidence of FRC promoting violence or hatred. In response, FRC issued a detailed critique asserting that SPLC selectively misrepresents data on issues like ex-gay therapy efficacy and transmission risks to inflate FRC's positions as bigoted, while ignoring empirical studies supporting FRC's views, such as those linking structure to child outcomes. FRC further contends that the label serves SPLC's by broadening "hate group" criteria to encompass mainstream conservative viewpoints, rather than focusing on genuine threats like violent supremacists. Critics of the SPLC's methodology, including conservative organizations and media outlets, have highlighted the designation's overreach, noting that SPLC's "hate map" has included non-violent policy advocacy groups without evidence of illegal activity or incitement, potentially endangering targets. For instance, in August 2012, Floyd Corkins attacked FRC headquarters, citing SPLC's hate group listing as motivation, wounding a security guard before being subdued; FRC and others argued this demonstrated the label's real-world risks by conflating ideological disagreement with terrorism. Broader scrutiny of SPLC intensified after internal scandals, such as the 2019 firing of co-founder Morris Dees amid allegations of racial and sexual harassment, and reports of the organization's amassed $500 million endowment amid accusations of financial opacity and bias against center-right entities. Investigations, including a 2018 Washington Post analysis, questioned whether SPLC's expansive definitions undermine its credibility as an arbiter of hate, particularly given its history of targeting groups opposing progressive policies on marriage and sexuality without comparable scrutiny of left-leaning extremists. FRC maintains its positions derive from biblically informed empirical data on family stability, rejecting the hate label as ideological suppression rather than objective assessment.

Scandals Involving Personnel

In May 2015, resigned as executive director of FRC Action, the organization's lobbying affiliate, following the public disclosure of a 2006 , police report alleging that he had molested five underage girls—including four of his sisters—on multiple occasions between 2002 and 2003, when Duggar was aged 14 to 15. Duggar, who had joined FRC Action in 2013, admitted in a statement to "inexcusable" behavior from over a decade prior but emphasized that it predated his professional roles and family life; the had expired, preventing charges at the time of the investigation, which was prompted by media inquiries into the original 2002 complaints. FRC President Tony Perkins announced the resignation on May 21, stating it was accepted to safeguard the group's focus on policy advocacy amid the ensuing publicity. The incident highlighted tensions between FRC's promotion of traditional and the personal conduct of its personnel, as Duggar's family appeared on the reality television series , which emphasized large families and conservative values; the show was subsequently canceled by TLC. Duggar faced no immediate legal consequences from the 2015 revelations but was later convicted in December 2021 of receiving and possessing material, receiving a 12.5-year prison sentence in 2022—developments unrelated to his FRC tenure. In December 2012, Nicole Gaul, a former program manager at FRC, filed a civil in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia alleging workplace retaliation after she reported gender discrimination and by her supervisor, whom she claimed made repeated comments about her clothing, body, and appearance, fostering a hostile environment. Gaul asserted her was terminated days after an internal complaint, ostensibly due to funding shortfalls for her abstinence education initiatives, though she contended this was pretextual. FRC rejected the claims, maintaining the decision was budgetary and unrelated to her grievances; the allegation was withdrawn from the suit, which proceeded on retaliation grounds but yielded no publicly reported admission of liability or settlement details. The Family Research Council (FRC) has faced significant legal scrutiny over its tax-exempt status, particularly following its 2016 reclassification by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) as a church under section 501(c)(3), which exempts it from annual financial disclosures required of other nonprofits. This status, granted amid FRC's advocacy on social issues like opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, prompted criticism from congressional Democrats who argued that FRC functions primarily as a political lobbying entity rather than a religious organization conducting worship services. In August 2022, forty House Democrats, led by Representatives Danny Davis and Barbara Lee, urged the IRS and Treasury Department to investigate whether FRC's church designation violates tax laws prohibiting substantial political activity by exempt organizations. Further calls for review came in July 2024 from Representatives Jared Huffman and Suzan DelBene, who highlighted FRC's lobbying expenditures—totaling over $1 million in recent cycles—as evidence of improper classification. FRC defended the status, asserting it meets IRS criteria through biblical teaching and prayer activities, and dismissed the challenges as politically motivated attempts to suppress conservative viewpoints. Politically, FRC has encountered opposition tied to its designation as an "anti-LGBT hate group" by the (SPLC) since 2010, a label based on FRC's positions against and claims about LGBTQ advocacy's societal impacts, which SPLC deems rooted in discredited sources. This classification drew heightened scrutiny after the August 2012 armed attack on FRC's , headquarters by Floyd Corkins, who cited SPLC's website as motivation for targeting the group as part of a planned mass shooting and protest. Corkins pleaded guilty to charges and received a 25-year sentence, but the incident amplified debates over SPLC's influence, with critics including FRC arguing the label incites violence by equating policy disagreement with extremism. FRC has issued rebuttals documenting SPLC's history of broad labeling, internal scandals—such as the 2019 firing of co-founder amid abuse allegations—and settlements, including a $3.375 million payout in 2018 to a Muslim reformer falsely listed as anti-Muslim. In response to SPLC's role, FRC has advocated for federal agencies to sever ties, citing the FBI's October 2025 decision to end cooperation with SPLC due to its partisan tactics and history of vilifying faith-based groups. FRC petitioned the Department of Justice to investigate SPLC's collaborations with prior administrations, linking them to harassment of parents opposing school curricula. These challenges have not resulted in revocation of FRC's status or successful suits by the group against SPLC, but they underscore ongoing political efforts to marginalize conservative organizations through regulatory and reputational pressure, often amplified by media and advocacy networks aligned against traditional family policies.

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  96. https://www.frc.org/blog/2018/09/world-congress-families-seeks-strengthen-family-unit
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  98. https://www.frc.org/updatearticle/20200227/journey-israel
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