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Roy Marcus Cohn (/koʊn/ KOHN; February 20, 1927 – August 2, 1986) was an American lawyer and prosecutor. He first gained fame as a prosecutor of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in their trials (1952–53) and as Senator Joseph McCarthy's chief counsel during the Army–McCarthy hearings in 1954. Cohn had been assisting McCarthy's investigations of suspected communists. In the 1970s and during the 1980s, he became a prominent legal and political fixer in New York City.[2][3] He represented and mentored Donald Trump during Trump's early business career.[4]

Key Information

Cohn was born in the Bronx in New York City and educated at Columbia University. He rose to prominence as a U.S. Department of Justice prosecutor at the espionage trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, where he successfully prosecuted the Rosenbergs, which led to their conviction and execution in 1953. After his time as prosecuting chief counsel during the McCarthy trials, his reputation deteriorated during the late 1950s to late 1970s as he settled in New York City and became a private lawyer to many clients, including real estate magnates, political operatives, Catholic clergy and organized crime.

In 1986, Cohn was disbarred by the Appellate Division of the New York State Supreme Court for unethical conduct after attempting to defraud a dying client by forcing him to sign a will amendment leaving his fortune to Cohn.[5] Cohn died five weeks later from AIDS-related complications, having vehemently denied that he was HIV-positive.[6] Cohn has been the subject of many media portrayals before and since his death.

Early life and education

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Born to an affluent Jewish family in the Bronx, New York City, Cohn was the only child of Dora (née Marcus)[7] and Justice Albert C. Cohn; Cohn's father was an assistant district attorney of Bronx County at the time, and was later appointed as a judge of the Appellate Division of the New York State Supreme Court.[8][1] His maternal great-uncle was Joshua Lionel Cowen, the founder and long-time owner of the Lionel Corporation, a manufacturer of toy trains.[9] A botched pediatric surgery to modify the appearance of his nose left Cohn with a prominent scar.[10]

Cohn and his mother were close; they lived together until her death in 1967 and she was constantly attentive to his grades, appearance and relationships.[11] When Cohn's father insisted that his son be sent to a summer camp, his mother rented a house near the camp and her presence cast a pall over his experience. In personal interactions, Cohn showed tenderness which was absent from his public persona, but he was vain and deeply insecure.[11]

Cohn's maternal grandfather Joseph S. Marcus founded the Bank of United States in 1913. The bank failed in 1931 during the Great Depression, and its then-president Bernie Marcus, Cohn's uncle, was convicted of fraud. Bernie Marcus was imprisoned at Sing Sing, and the young Cohn frequently visited him there.[12]

After attending Fieldston School and the Horace Mann School and completing studies at Columbia University in 1946, Cohn graduated from Columbia Law School at the age of 20.[13][14][15]

Early career

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After graduating from law school, Cohn worked as a clerk for the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York for two years. In May 1948, at age 21, he was old enough to be admitted to the New York bar.[16] He became an assistant U.S. attorney later that month.[17][18] That same year, Cohn also became a board member of the American Jewish League Against Communism.[19]

As an Assistant U.S. Attorney, Cohn helped to secure convictions in a number of well-publicized trials of accused Soviet moles. One of the first began in December 1950 with the prosecution of William Remington, a former Commerce Department employee and member of the War Production Board who had been charged with espionage following the defection of former KGB handler Elizabeth Bentley.[20] Although an indictment for espionage could not be secured, Remington had denied his long-time membership in the Communist Party USA under oath on two separate occasions and was later convicted of perjury in two separate trials.[20]

While working in Irving H. Saypol's office for the Southern District of New York, Cohn assisted with the prosecutor's case against 11 senior members of the American Communist Party for advocating for the violent overthrow of the U.S. Federal Government, under the Smith Act.[21]

Rosenberg trial

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Main article: Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Ethel and Julius Rosenberg after their jury conviction in 1951

Cohn played a prominent role in the 1951 espionage trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Cohn's direct examination of Ethel's brother, David Greenglass, produced testimony that was central to the Rosenbergs' conviction and subsequent execution. Greenglass testified that he had assisted the espionage activities of his brother-in-law by acting as a courier of classified documents that had been stolen from the Manhattan Project by Klaus Fuchs.

Greenglass would later change his story and allege that he committed perjury at the trial in order "to protect himself and his wife, Ruth, and that he was encouraged by the prosecution to do so."[22] Cohn always took great pride in the Rosenberg verdict and claimed to have played an even greater part than his public role. He said in his autobiography that his own influence had led to both Chief Prosecutor Saypol and Judge Irving Kaufman being appointed to the case. Cohn further said that Kaufman imposed the death penalty based on his personal recommendation.[23] Cohn denied, however, participation in any illegal ex parte discussions.[24][25]

Consensus among historians is that Julius Rosenberg was guilty of being a highly valued NKVD spymaster against the United States, but that his trial was marred by prosecutorial misconduct—mainly by Cohn—and that the Rosenbergs should not have been executed.[26][27] Distilling this consensus, Harvard Law School professor Alan Dershowitz wrote that the Rosenbergs were "guilty—and framed."[28]

Work with Joseph McCarthy

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Main article: Army–McCarthy hearings
Roy Cohn, Joseph McCarthy, and G. David Schine in 1953

The Rosenberg trial brought the 24-year-old Cohn to the attention of Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) director J. Edgar Hoover. With support from Hoover and Cardinal Spellman, Hearst columnist George Sokolsky convinced Joseph McCarthy to hire Cohn as his chief counsel, choosing him over Robert F. Kennedy.[29][30] Cohn assisted McCarthy with his work for the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, becoming known for his aggressive questioning of suspected Communists. Cohn preferred not to hold hearings in open forums, which went well with McCarthy's preference for holding "executive sessions" and "off-the-record" sessions away from the Capitol to minimize public scrutiny and to question witnesses with relative impunity.[31] Cohn was given free rein in pursuit of many investigations, with McCarthy joining in only for the more publicized sessions.[32]

Cohn played a major role in McCarthy's anti-Communist hearings.[33] During the Lavender Scare, Cohn and McCarthy alleged that Soviet Bloc intelligence services had blackmailed multiple U.S. Federal Government employees into committing espionage in return for not exposing their closeted homosexuality.[33] In response, President Dwight Eisenhower signed Executive Order 10450 on April 27, 1953, to ban homosexuals, whom he considered a national security risk, from being employed by the federal government. According to David L. Marcus, Cohn's cousin, many Federal employees in Washington, D.C., who were exposed as homosexuals by Cohn and McCarthy committed suicide. As time went on, it became well known that Cohn was himself gay, although he always denied it.[34] McCarthy and Cohn were responsible for the firing of many gay men from government employment, and strong-armed opponents into silence using rumors of their homosexuality.[35] Former U.S. Senator Alan K. Simpson wrote: "The so-called 'Red Scare' has been the main focus of most historians of that period of time. A lesser-known element…and one that harmed far more people was the witch-hunt McCarthy and others conducted against homosexuals."[36]

Senator Joseph McCarthy chats with Cohn at the Army–McCarthy hearings in 1954

Sokolsky introduced G. David Schine, an anti-Communist propagandist, to Cohn, who invited him to join McCarthy's staff as an unpaid consultant.[30] When Schine was drafted into the US Army in 1953, Cohn made extensive efforts to procure special treatment for him, even threatening to "wreck the Army" if his demands were not met.[37] That conflict, along with McCarthy's claims that there were Communists in the Defense Department, led to the Army–McCarthy hearings of 1954, during which the Army charged Cohn and McCarthy with using improper pressure on Schine's behalf, and McCarthy and Cohn countercharged that the Army was holding Schine "hostage" in an attempt to squelch McCarthy's investigations into Communists in the Army. The Army-McCarthy hearings ultimately contributed to McCarthy's censure by the Senate later that year. After resigning from McCarthy's staff, Cohn returned to New York and entered private practice as an attorney.[38]

[edit]

After resigning from McCarthy's staff, Cohn had a 30-year career as an attorney in New York City. His clients included Donald Trump;[39] New York Yankees baseball club owner George Steinbrenner;[4] Aristotle Onassis;[40] Mafia figures Tony Salerno, Carmine Galante, John Gotti[41] and Mario Gigante; Studio 54 owners Steve Rubell and Ian Schrager; the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York; Texas financier and philanthropist Shearn Moody Jr.;[42] and business owner Richard Dupont. Dupont, then 48, was convicted of aggravated harassment and attempted grand larceny for his attempts at coercing further representation by Cohn for a bogus claim to property ownership in a case against the actual owner of 644 Greenwich Street, Manhattan, where Dupont had operated Big Gym, and from where he had been evicted in January 1979.[43] Cohn's other clients included retired Harvard Law School professor Alan Dershowitz, who has referenced Cohn as "the quintessential fixer".[44]

Indictments

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In the 1960s, Robert Morgenthau as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District indicted Cohn three times in six years on various charges. He was acquitted on all charges.[1]

In September 1963, Cohn and attorney Murray Gottesman were indicted for perjury and obstruction of justice, alleging that they had obstructed a federal investigation into allegations that Samuel S. Garfield and others defrauded United Dye and Chemical Corporation out of $5 million.[45][46] On July 17, 1964, Cohn and Gottesman were acquitted on all charges.[47] In January 1969, he was again indicted for conspiracy, extortion and blackmail. According to the indictment Cohn blackmailed some of the shareholders of Fifth Avenue Coach Lines into selling their shares which led B.S.F. Company taking control of bus routes of the Fifth Avenue Coach Lines.[48] Judge Inzer Bass Wyatt dismissed the blackmail charge against Cohn.[49] Cohn was acquitted.[50]

Political activities

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Cohn with President Ronald Reagan and Nancy Reagan at the White House in 1982

In 1979, Cohn became a member of the Western Goals Foundation; he served on the board of directors with Edward Teller.[51] Although he was registered as a Democrat, Cohn supported most of the Republican presidents of his time and Republicans in major offices across New York.[1] He maintained close ties in conservative political circles, serving as an informal advisor to Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan.[52] While aligning himself with Republicans he simultaneously forged close ties to Democrats including New York mayor Ed Koch,[51] New York secretary of state Carmine DeSapio,[40] and Brooklyn party boss Meade Esposito.[53]

In 1972, he helped Nixon discredit the candidacy of George McGovern's Vice Presidential running mate Thomas Eagleton by leaking Eagleton's medical records to the press. Eagleton's medical record unveiled that he had been treated for depression.[54][55]

During the years of debate over the passage of New York's first gay rights bill, Cohn would align himself with the Archdiocese of New York and express his conviction that "homosexual teachers are a grave threat to our children".[56][57][58]

Association with Ronald Reagan

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President Reagan meets with Rupert Murdoch, Roy Cohn, and Thomas Bolan at the White House in 1983

Cohn worked on the 1980 Reagan campaign, where he befriended Roger Stone.[59] Cohn aided Roger Stone in Ronald Reagan's presidential campaign in 1979–1980, helping Stone arrange for John B. Anderson to get the nomination of the Liberal Party of New York, a move that would help split the opposition to Reagan in the state. Stone said Cohn gave him a suitcase that Stone avoided opening and, as instructed by Cohn, he dropped it off at the office of a lawyer influential in Liberal Party circles. Reagan carried the state with 46% of the vote to Carter's 44%, with Anderson taking over 7% of the vote. Speaking after the statute of limitations for bribery had expired, Stone said, "I paid his law firm. Legal fees. I don't know what he did for the money, but whatever it was, the Liberal Party reached its right conclusion out of a matter of principle."[60]

Rupert Murdoch was a client, and Cohn repeatedly pressured President Ronald Reagan to further Murdoch's interests. He is credited with introducing Trump and Murdoch, in the mid-1970s, marking the beginning of what was to be a long association between the two.[61]

Representation of Donald Trump

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Main article: Personal and business legal affairs of Donald Trump

In 1971, Donald Trump first undertook large construction projects in Manhattan.[62] In 1973, the Justice Department accused Trump of violating the Fair Housing Act in 39 of his properties.[63] The government alleged that Trump's corporation quoted different rental terms and conditions and made false "no vacancy" statements to Black applicants for apartments it managed in Brooklyn, Queens, and Staten Island.[64] Representing Trump, Cohn filed a countersuit against the government for $100 million, asserting that the charges were "irresponsible and baseless".[63][65] The countersuit was unsuccessful.[66] Trump settled the charges out of court in 1975, saying he was satisfied that the agreement did not "compel the Trump organization to accept persons on welfare as tenants unless as qualified as any other tenant."[63] The corporation was required to send a bi-weekly list of vacancies to the New York Urban League, a civil rights group, and give the league priority for certain locations.[64] In 1978, the Trump Organization was again in court for violating terms of the 1975 settlement; Cohn called the new charges "nothing more than a rehash of complaints by a couple of planted malcontents." Trump denied the charges.[64][66][67]

While representing Trump, Cohn also represented mobster Anthony Salerno, who along with other mobsters controlled the concrete unions in New York. Cohn is alleged to have introduced Salerno to Trump, which later led to Salerno's aiding Trump in the construction of Trump Tower by providing concrete at reduced prices.[68]

In his 1987 book The Art of the Deal Trump wrote about "all the hundreds of 'respectable' guys who made careers out of boasting about their uncompromising integrity but have absolutely no loyalty …. What I liked most about Roy Cohn was that he would do just the opposite."[69]

Lionel trains

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Cohn was the grand-nephew of Joshua Lionel Cowen, founder of the Lionel model train company. By 1959, Cowen and his son Lawrence had become involved in a family dispute over control of the company. In October 1959, Cohn and a group of investors stepped in and gained control of the company, having bought 200,000 of the firm's 700,000 shares, which were purchased by his syndicate from the Cowens and on the open market over a three-month period prior to the takeover.[70] Under Cohn's three-and-a-half-year leadership, Lionel was plagued by declining sales, quality-control problems and huge financial losses. In 1963, Cohn was forced to resign from the company after losing a proxy fight.[71]

Disbarment and death

[edit]

In 1986, a five-judge panel of the Appellate Division of the New York State Supreme Court disbarred Cohn for unethical and unprofessional conduct, including misappropriation of clients' funds, lying on a bar application, and falsifying a change to a will. The last charge arose from an incident in 1975, when Cohn entered the hospital room of the dying and unconscious Lewis Rosenstiel, forced a pen into his hand, and lifted it to a document appointing himself and Cathy Frank, Rosenstiel's granddaughter, executors. The resulting marks were determined in court to be indecipherable and in no way a valid signature.[5] Despite the disbarment, many famous people showed up as character witnesses, including Barbara Walters, Firing Line host William F. Buckley Jr., and Donald Trump.[72]

AIDS Memorial Quilt panel for Roy Cohn, 1988

In 1984, Cohn was diagnosed with AIDS and attempted to keep his condition secret while receiving experimental drug treatment.[73] He participated in clinical trials of AZT, a drug initially synthesized to treat cancer but later developed as the first anti-HIV agent for AIDS patients. He insisted until his dying day that he was ill with liver cancer.[74] He died on August 2, 1986, at a hospital at the National Institutes of Health campus in Bethesda, Maryland to complications from AIDS, at the age of 59.[6] After his death, the IRS seized almost everything he had including his house, cars, bank accounts, and other personal property and assets.[75] According to Roger Stone, Cohn's "absolute goal was to die completely broke and owing millions to the IRS. He succeeded in that."[76] One of the things that the IRS did not seize was a pair of knockoff diamond cuff links, given to him by his client and friend Donald Trump.[77]

Cohn is buried in Union Field Cemetery in Queens, New York. His tombstone describes him as a lawyer and a patriot.[1][78] His AIDS Memorial Quilt panel is white with the words "Roy Cohn. Bully. Coward. Victim" written on it, with "Roy Cohn" in black letters, "victim" in blue, "bully" in red and "coward" in yellow.[79]

Personal life

[edit]
Cohn (left) as a political aide at the Steinbrenner event in 1980

Cohn dated Barbara Walters in college and remained friends with her.[40] SI Newhouse, heir to the Condé Nast publishing empire, was Cohn's classmate at Horace Mann, and they remained lifelong friends. Cohn described Generoso Pope as "a second father".[80] Cohn exchanged Christmas gifts with FBI director J. Edgar Hoover;[40] they attended parties with their mutual friend, Lewis Rosenstiel, founder of liquor company Schenley Industries.[81] Cohn referred to Donald Trump as his best friend. Cohn told journalists that Trump phoned him 15 to 20 times a day[12] and according to Christine Seymour, his long-time switchboard operator, Trump was the last person to speak to Cohn on the phone before he died in 1986.[82]

Cohn had many influential social contacts.[83] According to Seymour, he had frequent phone calls with Nancy Reagan, and former CIA director William Casey "called Roy almost daily during [Reagan's] 1st election."[82] Both Casey and Cohn were reportedly close with Craig J. Spence, an influential Republican lobbyist.[84] He was a friend of Republican strategist Roger Stone whom he worked with on the Reagan Campaign and reportedly hosted a birthday party for Stone.[85] Cohn met Alan Dershowitz when they worked together on the Claus von Bülow case and praised Dershowitz's support for Israel.[86] Cohn was also friends with Estée Lauder,[1] William F. Buckley Jr.,[87] and New York City mayor Abraham Beame.[40][88]

Sexuality

[edit]

When Cohn recruited G. David Schine as chief consultant to the McCarthy staff, speculation arose that Schine and Cohn had a sexual relationship.[89][90] Schine's chauffeur later volunteered to testify that he had seen the two "engaged in homosexual acts" in the back of his limousine,[91] though there was no evidence that Schine ever had any romantic feelings for Cohn. During this period, Schine dated the actress Piper Laurie,[92] and he eventually married Hillevi Rombin, a former Miss Universe, with whom he had six children.[93][94] During the Army–McCarthy hearings, Cohn denied having any "special interest" in Schine or being bound to him "closer than to the ordinary friend".[90] Joseph Welch, the Army's attorney in the hearings, made an apparent reference to Cohn's homosexuality. After asking a witness, at McCarthy's request, if a photo entered as evidence "came from a pixie", Welch defined "pixie" as "a close relative of a fairy". Pixie was the brand-name of a popular inexpensive amateur camera of the era; while "fairy" is a derogatory term for a homosexual man. The people at the hearing recognized the implication, and found it amusing; Cohn later called the remark "malicious", "wicked", and "indecent".[90]

The young Cohn also attached himself to several older powerful men who, in return, provided Cohn with assistance. One of them may have been New York's Cardinal Francis Spellman, whose own alleged homosexuality has been a subject of controversy in the Catholic Church.[95] Although Cohn always denied his homosexuality in public, he had a few known boyfriends over the course of his life, including his assistant Russell Eldridge, who died from AIDS in 1984, and Peter Fraser, Cohn's partner for the last two years of his life, who was 30 years his junior.[89][96] Speculation about Cohn's sexuality intensified following his death from AIDS in 1986.[1] In a 2008 article published in The New Yorker, Jeffrey Toobin quotes Cohn associate Roger Stone: "Roy was not gay. He was a man who liked having sex with men. Gays were weak, effeminate. He always seemed to have these young blond boys around. It just wasn't discussed. He was interested in power and access."[76]

Sexual blackmail allegations

[edit]

Some of Cohn's former clients, including Bill Bonanno, son of Joseph Bonanno, credit him with having compromising photographs of former FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. Because Hoover knew the pictures existed, Cohn told Bonanno, Hoover feared being blackmailed.[97][98] Other organized crime figures have corroborated these allegations.[99]

Reputation

[edit]

In 1978, Ken Auletta wrote in an Esquire profile of Cohn: "He fights his cases as if they were his own. It is war. If he feels his adversary has been unfair, it is war to the death. No white flags. No Mr. Nice Guy. Prospective clients who want to kill their husband, torture a business partner, break the government's legs, hire Roy Cohn. He is a legal executioner—the toughest, meanest, loyalest, vilest, and one of the most brilliant lawyers in America."[40]

In a New York Times column about Matt Tyrnauer's film Where's My Roy Cohn?, Maureen Dowd wrote, "Roy Cohn understood the political value of wrapping himself in the flag. He made good copy. He knew how to manipulate the press and dictate stories to the New York tabloids. He surrounded himself with gorgeous women. There was always something of a nefarious nature going on. He was like a caged animal who would go after you the minute the cage door was opened."[100]

Several people have asserted that Cohn had considerable influence on the presidency of Donald Trump. Ivy Meeropol, director of Bully, Coward, Victim: The Story of Roy Cohn, said "Cohn really paved the way for Trump and set him up with the right people, introduced him to Paul Manafort and Roger Stone—the people who helped him get to the White House."[101][102]

Vanity Fair's Marie Brenner wrote in an article about Cohn's mentorship of Trump: "Cohn—possessed of a keen intellect, unlike Trump—could keep a jury spellbound. When he was indicted for bribery, in 1969, his lawyer suffered a heart attack near the end of the trial. Cohn deftly stepped in and did a seven-hour closing argument—never once referring to a notepad.... When Cohn spoke, he would fix you with a hypnotic stare. His eyes were the palest blue, all the more startling because they appeared to protrude from the sides of his head. While Al Pacino's version of Cohn (in Mike Nichols's 2003 HBO adaptation of Tony Kushner's Angels in America) captured Cohn's intensity, it failed to convey his child-like yearning to be liked."[12]

Media portrayals

[edit]

Theatre

[edit]

Cohn inspired several fictional portrayals after his death. Probably the best known is in Tony Kushner's Angels in America (1991), which portrays Cohn as a closeted, power-hungry hypocrite haunted by the ghost of Ethel Rosenberg as he denies dying of AIDS. In the initial Broadway production, the role was played by Ron Leibman; in the HBO miniseries (2003), Cohn is played by Al Pacino; and in the 2010 Off-Broadway revival by the Signature Theatre Company in Manhattan, the role was reprised by Frank Wood.[103] Nathan Lane played Cohn in the 2017 Royal National Theatre production and the 2018 Broadway production.[104][105] Cohn is also a character in Kushner's one-act play, G. David Schine in Hell (1996). That play may have been inspired in part by the National Lampoon comic strip "Roy Cohn in Hell" (February 1987), which depicts Cohn joining Hoover and Senator McCarthy in the underworld. In the early 1990s, Cohn was one of two subjects of Ron Vawter's one-man show Roy Cohn/Jack Smith; his part was written by Gary Indiana.[106]

Cinema, music, and television

[edit]

Cohn had been played numerous times on both film and television. Cinematic portrayals include the following:

Year Actor Project Notes Ref.
1977 George Wyner Tail Gunner Joe NBC television film [107]
1985 Joe Pantoliano Robert Kennedy and His Times CBS miniseries [108]
1992 James Woods Citizen Cohn HBO television film [109]
2003 Al Pacino Angels in America HBO miniseries [110]
2023 Will Brill Fellow Travelers Showtime miniseries [111][112][113]
2024 Jeremy Strong The Apprentice Film [114]

Cohn was the subject of two 2019 documentaries: Bully, Coward, Victim: The Story of Roy Cohn, directed by Ivy Meeropol (a documentary filmmaker and granddaughter of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg)[115] and Matt Tyrnauer's Where's My Roy Cohn?[116] David Moreland appears as Cohn in The X-Files episode "Travelers" (1998). Roland Blum, played by Michael Sheen, is a dishonest lawyer inspired by Cohn, who appears in "The One Inspired by Roy Cohn", Season 3, Episode 2 of The Good Fight.[117] Cohn is name checked in the Billy Joel song "We Didn't Start the Fire".[118] The Apprentice is a 2024 independent biographical drama film that examines Trump's career as a real estate businessman in New York City in the 1970s and 1980s, including his relationship with Roy Cohn portraying himself as Trump's attorney and mentor; the film was nominated for two Academy Awards, including for Jeremy Strong's portrayal of Cohn.[119][120] The film explores their friendship while Cohn is shown leading an actively gay lifestyle in New York City while forming a closer business relationship with Trump.[121]

Bibliography

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Roy Cohn

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Roy Marcus Cohn (February 20, 1927 – August 2, 1986) was an American lawyer who rose to prominence as a federal in the espionage trial of , securing their conviction and execution for transmitting atomic secrets to the during the early . Appointed chief counsel to U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy's subcommittee on investigations in 1953, Cohn played a central role in probing alleged communist infiltration of the U.S. government and military, employing aggressive interrogation tactics that intensified the Second Red Scare but contributed to McCarthy's eventual censure by the . In private practice after 1954, Cohn built a high-profile New York law firm representing figures, developers, and celebrities, while wielding influence as a political fixer through connections in both parties; he notably mentored starting in the 1970s, advising him on countering a federal housing discrimination lawsuit by aggressive litigation and public denial, principles Trump later applied in business and politics. Cohn's career was defined by his unyielding combativeness and willingness to exploit legal and media pressures, earning him loyalty from clients but enmity from adversaries who viewed his methods as unethical. Facing multiple investigations, he was disbarred in June 1986 for defrauding a dying client of $100,000 by misappropriating trust funds, among other professional misconduct charges, just weeks before his death. Cohn, who maintained a homosexual lifestyle amid the era's stigmas, succumbed to AIDS-related complications at age 59, publicly insisting to the end that he suffered from rather than acknowledging the disease despite evident symptoms and treatment.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Roy Cohn was born on February 20, 1927, at Woman's Hospital in Manhattan, New York City, as the only child of Albert C. Cohn and Dora Marcus Cohn. His parents were part of New York's Jewish elite; his father, Albert Cohn (1885–1959), served as a justice on the New York State Supreme Court and held significant influence within the Democratic Party, including roles in Tammany Hall politics. Albert had married Dora in 1924, integrating into her family's established wealth from banking interests on the Marcus side. Dora Marcus Cohn (1892–1967), Cohn's mother, came from a family that amassed a fortune in before suffering losses during the 1929 stock market crash, when their bank failed. Despite this setback, the family maintained an affluent lifestyle, with Dora actively involved in Democratic Party women's organizations and local precinct activities in . Cohn's great-uncle on his mother's side, (originally Cohn), co-founded the , known for model trains, which added to the family's connections in business circles. Raised in a privileged environment amid the economic turbulence of the , Cohn experienced a sheltered childhood in , doted on by his mother, who exerted strong influence over his early years. The family's Jewish heritage shaped his upbringing, though specific details of religious observance remain limited in primary accounts. This background immersed young Cohn in worlds of , , and from an early age, fostering his precocious interest in power dynamics. Roy Cohn attended the elite preparatory institutions Fieldston School and in , where he demonstrated early academic aptitude. Following this, he enrolled at Columbia College, completing his in 1946 at age 19. Cohn then entered , accelerating his coursework to graduate with a (LL.B.) in 1947, still at age 20—a feat enabled by his prior completion of undergraduate requirements and the era's flexible academic pacing for high achievers. This rapid progression through Columbia's programs underscored Cohn's intellectual precocity, though contemporary accounts emphasize his family's influence in facilitating such advancement rather than standout scholastic honors or publications. Upon graduation, Cohn could not immediately practice due to New York's age requirement for bar admission; he waited until turning 21 in February 1948 to pass the bar exam and gain entry to the state bar. His legal training thus centered on Columbia's rigorous , which at the time integrated instruction with emphasis on constitutional and —preparing him for subsequent roles in public prosecution.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Appointments

Roy Cohn was admitted to the New York bar in at age 21 and soon thereafter appointed as an in the Southern District of New York, under Irving H. Saypol. This position came shortly after Cohn's graduation from in 1947, leveraging his family's judicial connections—his father, Albert Cohn, served as a justice on the . At the time, Cohn was not yet eligible to vote, as the remained 21 until 1971, underscoring his precocious entry into federal prosecution amid postwar concerns over Soviet espionage. In this role, Cohn focused on high-profile cases targeting alleged Communist infiltration, assisting in the 1949 trial of eleven senior leaders prosecuted under the for conspiracy to advocate the violent overthrow of the U.S. government. The defendants, including and ten others, were convicted after a nine-month , with sentences ranging from three to five years; Cohn's involvement helped secure these outcomes through aggressive evidentiary strategies emphasizing wartime sedition risks. Cohn's tenure, spanning roughly 1948 to early 1951, positioned him as a key player in the Department's anti-subversion efforts, where he developed tactics for leveraging classified and witness testimony in espionage prosecutions. His work under Saypol, who prioritized Communist threats following revelations of Soviet atomic spying, reflected the era's causal prioritization of over procedural leniency, though critics later questioned the prosecutorial zeal's alignment with norms. By , Cohn's reputation for securing convictions in politically charged cases had elevated his profile, paving the way for his lead role in the trial later that year.

Initial Prosecutions and Rising Prominence

In 1948, shortly after his admission to the New York bar at age 21, Roy Cohn joined the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York as an assistant federal prosecutor under U.S. Attorney Irving H. Saypol. His early assignments focused on cases involving alleged communist activities, reflecting the intensifying scrutiny of domestic subversion. Cohn contributed to the high-profile prosecution of eleven leaders of the , charged under the for conspiring to advocate the violent overthrow of the U.S. government. The trial, which began in 1949 in New York federal court, resulted in guilty verdicts for all defendants on October 14, 1951, following testimony from undercover informants and evidence of party advocacy for Marxist-Leninist revolution. These convictions, upheld on appeal, marked a significant early victory in federal efforts to curb communist organizing, with Cohn handling aspects of witness examination and case preparation. Another key case was the 1950 perjury trial of William W. Remington, a former U.S. Commerce Department economist accused of lying to a about his communist affiliations. Cohn, as lead assistant prosecutor, presented testimony from witnesses including , who alleged Remington's involvement in Soviet espionage networks. Remington was convicted on two counts of on January 23, 1951, receiving a three-year sentence, though he was later retried and reconvicted after a successful on procedural grounds. These successes established Cohn's reputation for tenacity and effectiveness in anti-communist litigation, earning him promotion to chief assistant U.S. attorney by and positioning him for lead roles in subsequent cases. At age 24, his rapid ascent highlighted his aggressive courtroom tactics, including rigorous cross-examinations and emphasis on credibility amid broader concerns over Soviet infiltration validated by decrypted Venona cables.

Anti-Communist Prosecutions

The Rosenberg Espionage Trial

The espionage trial of began on March 6, 1951, in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, charging the couple with conspiracy to commit by passing classified information, including atomic bomb secrets, to the . Roy Cohn, then a 24-year-old assistant U.S. attorney under prosecutor Irving Saypol, played a key role in the prosecution team, conducting examinations of critical witnesses and advocating aggressively for severe penalties amid fears of Soviet infiltration. Central evidence came from Ethel's brother, , a machinist at Los Alamos who testified that Julius recruited him in 1944 to spy, providing sketches and data on the atomic bomb's implosion lens and high-explosive lenses, which Greenglass delivered via courier . Cohn directly questioned Greenglass during , eliciting details of Julius's role in relaying this information to Soviet contacts, corroborated by Gold's confession and FBI investigations revealing a broader ring. Declassified decrypts later confirmed Julius as a Soviet agent codenamed "Liberal" or "Antenna," coordinating espionage including atomic secrets that aided Soviet bomb development by 1949. Ethel's involvement rested primarily on Greenglass's testimony that she typed Julius's notes from his reports, though Greenglass later admitted in 2001 altering his account from grand jury testimony to implicate her more directly under pressure to reduce his own sentence. Cohn and the prosecution portrayed her as an active participant to leverage pressure on Julius to name co-conspirators, a tactic reflective of the era's anti-communist prosecutions where family members were sometimes charged to extract cooperation. Recent declassifications, including a 2021 memo from prosecutor Myles Lane, indicate Ethel was aware of and urged her husband's activities but did not directly transmit secrets, suggesting her conviction aligned with conspiracy charges yet her execution was disproportionate. The jury convicted Julius, , and co-defendant of conspiracy to commit on March 29, 1951, after a seven-day , with Judge sentencing them to death on April 5, 1951, citing the gravity of aiding a wartime . Cohn lobbied vigorously for , reportedly communicating with Kaufman and emphasizing the death penalty's deterrent value against atomic , a stance that propelled his national profile despite later criticisms of prosecutorial overreach. Appeals failed, and the Rosenbergs were executed by at Prison on June 19, 1953, marking the first U.S. civilians put to death for during peacetime. While Julius's guilt is undisputed based on multiple sources, Ethel's case highlights tensions in evidentiary standards, with Cohn's tactics exemplifying the prosecutorial zeal that defined McCarthy-era pursuits.

Service as Chief Counsel to Joseph McCarthy

In January 1953, Roy Cohn resigned from the U.S. Department of Justice to join Senator as chief counsel to the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, earning an annual salary of $11,700. McCarthy, who chaired the subcommittee, tasked Cohn with leading probes into alleged communist infiltration within government agencies, including the State Department, the Voice of America, and the U.S. Army Signal Corps. Cohn directed staff efforts to identify and interrogate individuals suspected of communist sympathies or affiliations, often employing aggressive tactics such as demanding loyalty oaths and pursuing leads from FBI reports. A pivotal aspect of Cohn's tenure involved the recruitment of , a 26-year-old associate and friend, as an unpaid consultant to the subcommittee in 1953. Following Schine's induction into the U.S. Army in November 1953, Cohn and McCarthy sought preferential treatment for him, including requests for Schine's assignment to duties, exemption from routine tasks, and access to special privileges like private quarters and laundry services. These demands escalated into public accusations by the Army in March 1954, charging McCarthy and Cohn with using subcommittee influence to pressure military officials, thereby sparking the Army-McCarthy hearings. The Army-McCarthy hearings, spanning 36 days from April 22 to June 17, 1954, were broadcast on television to an estimated audience of 20 million viewers and marked a in Cohn's service. During the proceedings, Cohn faced intense scrutiny for his role in the Schine matter, including documented instances of threats to Army personnel and withhold contracts unless demands were met. The hearings culminated in Army counsel Joseph Welch's rebuke of McCarthy on June 9, 1954—"Have you no sense of decency, sir?"—which amplified public criticism of the subcommittee's methods and contributed to McCarthy's in December 1954. Cohn resigned from the subcommittee shortly after the hearings concluded, amid the fallout that diminished McCarthy's influence.

Private Practice in New York

Building a Power Broker Network

Following his resignation from Senator Joseph McCarthy's staff in the summer of 1954 amid the Senate's of McCarthy, Roy Cohn returned to and acquired the established firm Saxe & Bacon, reorienting it toward his aggressive style of practice. This move capitalized on Cohn's lingering national profile from high-profile anti-communist prosecutions, enabling him to draw clients who valued results over conventional ethics. Cohn leveraged his father Albert C. Cohn's longstanding influence as a New York State Supreme Court justice and Bronx Democratic Party operative to penetrate local power centers, securing access to judges, prosecutors, and political figures essential for case outcomes. These familial ties, combined with Cohn's own contacts from federal service—including residual rapport with FBI elements—facilitated informal interventions, such as influencing bail decisions or plea negotiations, which burnished his reputation among clients facing legal jeopardy. In the late 1950s and 1960s, Cohn expanded his influence by representing associates, including figures from New York's major families, thereby embedding himself in the city's underworld ecosystem where legal fixes and protection rackets intersected with legitimate business. This clientele provided reciprocal favors, such as introductions to union leaders and developers reliant on labor stability, while Cohn's courtroom tenacity—marked by relentless cross-examinations and counter-suits—deterred adversaries and amplified his fixer persona. By the 1970s, Cohn's web of alliances spanned City Hall, courtrooms, and elite social circles, where he hosted gatherings at his townhouse to broker deals and extract loyalty, often rewarding allies with and punishing foes through orchestrated scrutiny. This reciprocal system, rooted in personal leverage rather than institutional reform, positioned Cohn as an indispensable intermediary for navigating New York's intertwined political, criminal, and commercial spheres. In his private practice in , established after leaving Senator Joseph McCarthy's staff in 1954, Roy Cohn built a clientele that spanned business tycoons, figures, and institutional entities, leveraging his connections and reputation for aggressive advocacy. Key clients included real estate developer , whom Cohn began representing in 1973 amid a U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit alleging in apartment rentals; Cohn advised Trump to countersue the government for $100 million in , a move that pressured a 1975 settlement requiring nondiscriminatory practices but no admission of wrongdoing. Other prominent clients were New York Yankees principal owner , for whom Cohn handled legal matters related to business and political controversies, and leaders of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York, including in property and financial disputes. Cohn also represented major organized crime leaders, such as Genovese family boss Anthony "Fat Tony" Salerno and Gambino family head Paul Castellano, providing counsel in racketeering investigations and trials during the 1970s and 1980s. For Salerno, Cohn's efforts included challenging federal probes into labor union corruption tied to the Lucchese and Genovese families, though Salerno was later convicted in the 1986 Mafia Commission Trial after Cohn's death. These representations drew scrutiny from federal authorities, who viewed Cohn as a "consigliere" to mob interests, but he maintained that his role was strictly legal defense without involvement in criminal activity. Cohn's legal tactics emphasized unrelenting aggression and psychological leverage, instructing clients to reject settlements, deny allegations outright, and respond to lawsuits with aggressive countersuits to shift pressure onto opponents. He advocated exploiting procedural delays, campaigns, and personal attacks on judges or prosecutors to undermine adversary credibility, as seen in the Trump DOJ case where countersuing escalated media attention and negotiation leverage. These methods often yielded favorable outcomes, such as out-of-court resolutions or reduced charges for clients, but relied on operating in ethical gray areas, including witness intimidation allegations that later factored into Cohn's 1986 disbarment. Cohn summarized his approach as prioritizing victory over conventional norms: "I don't care what the law is; tell me who the judge is."

Political Involvement

Backing Conservative Campaigns

Cohn actively participated in political campaigns aligned with conservative interests, particularly through his influence in New York Republican circles and national Republican efforts. As a partner in the law firm Curran, Mahoney, Cohn & Stim—led by New York State Republican chairman Thomas J. Curran—Cohn facilitated connections between donors and candidates, leveraging his network to advance Republican objectives. His activism extended beyond business interests, as he stated a personal affinity for politics without ulterior motives. In local New York politics, Cohn backed insurgent candidates challenging reformist dominance, often employing aggressive strategies reminiscent of his earlier prosecutorial tactics. Although registered as a Democrat, Cohn tended to support Republican presidents and aligned with anti-reform factions that resisted liberal shifts in party structures. His efforts included serving as a conduit for big-ticket donors to conservative causes, enhancing fundraising for aligned campaigns. Cohn's political maneuvering also involved the Western Goals Foundation, an anti-communist organization he joined in 1979, which advocated for conservative policies and supported candidates opposing perceived leftist influences. These activities underscored his role as a fixer prioritizing power dynamics over strict partisanship, while consistently favoring outcomes that countered progressive reforms.

Ties to Ronald Reagan

Roy Cohn developed connections to during the latter's 1980 presidential campaign, where Cohn provided support and cultivated relationships within the emerging administration. These ties facilitated Cohn's access to the , including a documented meeting on January 18, 1983, alongside media executive and attorney Thomas Bolan. Cohn also attended receptions hosted by , such as one for the Scholarship Committee in the Blue Room. Cohn leveraged these relationships to lobby on behalf of clients, notably influencing the Reagan administration's nomination of —sister of —to the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York in November 1983. This appointment, confirmed by the in 1983, exemplified Cohn's role in securing federal judicial positions through personal networks rather than formal channels. Cohn reportedly pressed officials for additional favors, including an unsuccessful bid to position Trump in nuclear arms negotiations with the . Cohn's proximity to further underscored his influence, with accounts describing her as a personal acquaintance who hosted or greeted him at events. Despite Cohn's earlier Democratic affiliations, his alignment with Reagan-era reflected pragmatic power-brokering, though his health decline from AIDS limited sustained involvement; he died in August 1986 amid ongoing proceedings. These interactions positioned Cohn as a behind-the-scenes operator bridging New York elites and Washington conservatives during the early .

Mentorship of Donald Trump

Roy Cohn first became associated with in October 1973, when Trump and his father, , retained Cohn to defend their family business, Trump Management Corporation, against a U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit alleging systematic in renting apartments at 39 properties in New York. Cohn responded aggressively by filing a $100 million countersuit against the government for and , a tactic that exemplified his philosophy of counterattacking rather than defending passively. The countersuit was ultimately dismissed, but the case settled in 1975 with Trump Management agreeing to implement fair housing practices without admitting guilt, allowing Trump to publicly frame the outcome as a victory over federal overreach. Following the settlement, Cohn served as Trump's personal attorney and informal mentor for over a decade, providing counsel on real estate ventures, litigation strategies, and navigating New York's power structures through frequent consultations—often 15 to 20 times per day on matters ranging from deal negotiations to personal affairs. Cohn facilitated key introductions to influential figures, including media mogul Rupert Murdoch, and hosted Trump at exclusive venues like Le Club, enhancing his social and business networks. In business dealings, Cohn advised on high-stakes projects, such as Trump's 1975 acquisition of the dilapidated Commodore Hotel, which was redeveloped into the Grand Hyatt with a 40-year tax abatement secured in 1976—the first such incentive under New York City's urban development policies—propelling Trump's Manhattan expansion. Cohn's mentorship emphasized combative legal and rhetorical tactics, instructing Trump to "attack, counterattack, and never apologize," to deny allegations outright, and to prioritize leverage over legal merits—famously summarized in his quip, "Don’t tell me what the law is, tell me who the is." These principles influenced Trump's approach to disputes, including countersuing opponents and refusing settlements without concessions, as seen in subsequent deals like the tax abatement in the early 1980s. Cohn also provided practical guidance, such as drafting a for Trump's 1977 marriage to Zelníčková. Trump attended events with Cohn, including the 1983 opening of , and later reflected on Cohn as a "total winner" who taught him to fight relentlessly until his mentor's decline. The relationship frayed in the mid-1980s as Cohn's health deteriorated following his 1984 AIDS diagnosis, which he publicly attributed to ; Trump reduced contact and publicly distanced himself, reportedly viewing Cohn's vulnerability as a liability. Cohn died on August 2, 1986, with Trump possibly among the last to speak with him, though Trump ceased using Cohn's services by 1984 amid the latter's proceedings. Despite the personal rift, elements of Cohn's adversarial style persisted in Trump's business and political methods.

Private Life

Relationships and Personal Conduct

Cohn was born on February 20, 1927, in to , a of the with ties to the Democratic Party, and Dora Marcus, daughter of a wealthy banking family of Russian Jewish immigrants. His parents' marriage reportedly stemmed from a financial arrangement involving Dora's father bailing out Albert's failing business ventures, though the family maintained an affluent lifestyle in . Cohn had a distant relationship with his parents; his mother, described as domineering, exerted significant influence over his early career, while his father provided political connections but little emotional closeness. Cohn never married or had children, and he publicly denied being homosexual despite evidence of sexual relationships with men, insisting that such encounters did not constitute because of his dominant position of power. He frequented venues like in the 1970s and 1980s, often accompanied by male companions, yet rejected the label of gay, framing himself as heterosexual. One of his most notable personal associations was with , a wealthy heir and McCarthy committee investigator, beginning around 1951; the two traveled together on a 1953 European trip to purge communist influences from U.S. information libraries, prompting speculation of a romantic involvement fueled by Cohn's aggressive efforts to secure Schine preferential treatment after his army draft. Cohn and Schine remained in contact until Cohn's death, though Schine married Hope Page in 1955 and had seven children. In his private conduct, Cohn exhibited traits parallel to his professional ruthlessness, including fierce loyalty to a small inner circle—such as law partner Thomas Bolan and associate —but hypocrisy in persecuting homosexuals during McCarthy-era investigations while concealing his own orientation. He reportedly engaged in or facilitated tactics against perceived enemies, mirroring mafia-style he employed professionally, and maintained a facade of heteronormativity amid rumors of self-loathing over his Jewish and sexual identities. Cohn's blended opulent socializing with Studio 54 co-owners like and high-society figures, yet he shunned vulnerability, even in illness, prioritizing image over candor.

Hobbies and Extracurricular Pursuits

Cohn immersed himself in New York's vibrant nightlife during the 1970s and 1980s, frequenting exclusive clubs that served as hubs for the city's elite social scene. He was a regular patron of , the renowned discotheque famed for its hedonistic atmosphere, where he partied alongside celebrities, fashion designers, and co-owner amid the era's drug-fueled excesses. His pursuits extended to other underground venues, including the , where he appeared with Rubell and designer at performances and gatherings in 1979, reflecting his affinity for the and celebrity-infused . Cohn's involvement in these circles underscored a flamboyant leisure style that intertwined socializing with his broader quest for influence, though specific personal hobbies beyond such outings remain sparsely documented in contemporary accounts.

Controversies and Downfall

Accusations of Professional Misconduct

In 1982, the New York disciplinary authorities initiated proceedings against Cohn for professional misconduct in multiple matters, including client fund mismanagement and misrepresentations. These accusations centered on four distinct cases spanning from the late to the early , which a hearing panel investigated over four years before recommending in 1985. One accusation involved a 1967 from client Iva Schlesinger, a recent divorcée whom Cohn represented; he borrowed $100,000, issuing a at 8% interest, but later claimed it was an advance for future legal services, contradicting over 25 contemporaneous documents. Cohn did not repay the principal until 1984, after misconduct proceedings had commenced, prompting the court to deem his defense untruthful and unethical. A second case concerned the 1971 Pied Piper Yacht Charters , managed by Cohn's firm Saxe, Bacon & Bolan for client Fred A. Coda amid an SEC fraud action against Industrial Gear Manufacturing Co. The firm allegedly misappropriated $219,000 from the funds, violating duties to the client and opposing parties. The third accusation, described by the court as "particularly reprehensible," involved Cohn's 1975 interactions with dying client Lewis S. Rosenstiel, founder of , who suffered from advanced incapacity including vision loss and . While Rosenstiel was hospitalized and unable to manage his affairs, Cohn pressed him to execute a codicil to his will, arranging for witnesses (including nurses) and altering executors and beneficiaries in ways that benefited Cohn's interests or associates, despite Rosenstiel's documented incompetence. The fourth charge stemmed from Cohn's 1982 application to the District of Columbia Bar, where he falsely denied prior professional discipline and misrepresented facts about his practice. On June 24, 1986, the Appellate Division of the unanimously upheld all four charges, citing "dishonesty, fraud, deceit and misrepresentation" and ordering immediate , stating the evidence was "so compelling...as to leave us no recourse." Beyond these, Cohn faced earlier civil suits from former clients alleging overbilling and abandonment, as well as judicial reprimands for courtroom conduct, though none individually prompted . Federal investigations in the 1970s and 1980s probed related issues like and in business dealings, but these did not yield convictions before his death.

Disbarment Proceedings

In the fall of 1982, the initiated disbarment proceedings against Roy Cohn, charging him with professional misconduct and conduct prejudicial to the in four separate matters spanning from 1967 to 1982. The allegations included dishonesty, , deceit, and , prompting a multi-year review by a judicial disciplinary committee affiliated with the Appellate Division of the . The specific charges centered on: (1) borrowing $100,000 from client Iva Schlesinger in 1967 without repaying it until 1984, after the proceedings had commenced; (2) misappropriating $219,000 from an escrow account belonging to Pied Piper Yacht Charters Corporation in 1971, funds intended for stock fraud victims; (3) exerting undue pressure on dying client Lewis S. Rosenstiel in 1976 to sign documents altering control of his multimillion-dollar estate and will; and (4) submitting a false application for admission to the District of Columbia Bar in July 1982 by concealing the pending New York disciplinary charges. Cohn's defense maintained his innocence, asserting that the transactions were approved by the involved parties or aligned with prior understandings, and he denied any intent to deceive. Hearings unfolded over several years, with the disciplinary committee recommending disbarment in mid-1985 based on findings of guilt in the core allegations. Cohn's legal team sought to suspend the process citing his deteriorating health—he had been hospitalized for over two years with what was publicly described as —though medical testimony in October 1985 highlighted his terminal condition without halting the case. A five-judge panel of the Appellate Division reviewed the evidence and, on June 23, 1986, unanimously ordered Cohn's effective immediately, removing his name from the roll of New York attorneys. The court characterized Cohn's actions as "highly unethical" and "unprofessional," deeming his testimony "untruthful, misleading, and evasive," with the Rosenstiel matter labeled "particularly reprehensible" due to the exploitation of a vulnerable client. was justified as essential to preserve public trust in the , overriding considerations of Cohn's long career or health status.

Final Illness and Death

In late 1984, Roy Cohn was diagnosed with AIDS but insisted publicly that his condition was , attributing symptoms including tumors to rather than HIV-related illness. He received early access to azidothymidine (AZT), an experimental drug initially tested for cancer but later recognized as the first antiretroviral therapy for AIDS, under the pretense of cancer treatment. Cohn repeatedly denied rumors of AIDS, emphasizing his heterosexual orientation and rejecting the disease's association with , even as his health deteriorated amid ongoing legal battles. By early 1986, Cohn's physician described his health as "very precarious" following months of treatment, with admissions to facilities like Good Samaritan Hospital for blood transfusions and chemotherapy. On June 23, 1986, a five-judge panel of the New York State Supreme Court's Appellate Division disbarred him for unethical conduct in multiple cases, including dishonesty and misrepresentation, just weeks before his death. His condition worsened rapidly thereafter, leading to hospitalization at New York University Medical Center, where he underwent treatment at the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda for what he claimed was advancing liver cancer. Cohn died on August 2, 1986, at age 59, from AIDS-related complications, having maintained his denial of the disease until the end. Despite his assertions, medical consensus and subsequent reporting confirmed AIDS as the cause, exacerbated by his refusal to acknowledge the amid the era's stigma. His death occurred five weeks after , marking the end of a contentious career shadowed by professional and personal denials.

Legacy and Influence

Contributions to Anti-Communism and Conservatism

Cohn emerged as a key figure in mid-20th-century anti-communist efforts during his tenure as an assistant U.S. Attorney in New York. In 1951, at age 24, he served as a in the trial of , who were charged with conspiracy to commit espionage by transmitting atomic bomb secrets to the . Cohn advocated for the death penalty, arguing the gravity of their betrayal amid the and Soviet nuclear advancements; the Rosenbergs were convicted on March 29, 1951, and executed on June 19, 1953, marking a high-profile victory in countering Soviet infiltration. In January 1953, Cohn joined Senator Joseph McCarthy's staff as chief counsel to the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, directing inquiries into communist subversion within federal agencies. Over the next 18 months, he led aggressive interrogations targeting suspected sympathizers in the State Department, , and U.S. Army, subpoenaing hundreds and compiling lists of alleged security risks. Cohn's partnership with McCarthy amplified public awareness of documented Soviet espionage networks, as later corroborated by declassified decrypts revealing over 300 U.S. spies, though his methods often blurred lines between evidence and innuendo, culminating in the televised Army-McCarthy hearings from April to June 1954. Cohn's anti-communist campaigns contributed to the broader conservative framework by institutionalizing vigilance against ideological threats, influencing tactics of confrontation and loyalty tests that persisted in . Post-government, he applied similar ruthlessness in private practice, defending clients against leftist accusations and advising conservative figures on leveraging media and legal pressure to counter perceived subversive influences, thereby embedding aggressive anti-leftism into American conservatism's strategic .

Balanced Assessment of Criticisms

Criticisms of Roy Cohn frequently center on his aggressive tactics during the anti-communist campaigns of the early , portraying them as emblematic of McCarthyite excess that unjustly targeted individuals without sufficient evidence. However, declassified documents from the , which decrypted Soviet communications, substantiate the presence of extensive networks within the U.S. government, including figures like Julius Rosenberg, whom Cohn prosecuted effectively in 1951, securing a conviction based on testimony from co-conspirator and corroborated by later Soviet admissions. While Cohn's insistence on the death penalty for the Rosenbergs—executed on June 19, 1953—drew accusations of overzealousness, the gravity of atomic secrets passed to the USSR accelerating its bomb development justified severe measures in the context of threats, as evidenced by the Rosenbergs' transmission of classified data confirmed in post-Cold War archives. Mainstream narratives often amplify these criticisms while minimizing the empirical reality of Soviet infiltration, reflecting a historical tendency in academia and media to retroactively equate anti-communist vigilance with rather than causal responses to verifiable infiltration. In his role as chief counsel to Senator from 1953 to 1954, Cohn facilitated investigations that identified over 200 suspected communists in government positions, contributing to the removal of individuals with documented ties to Soviet intelligence, though some cases involved unsubstantiated allegations against homosexuals during the overlapping . Detractors, including left-leaning outlets, decry these efforts as a "witch-hunt" that chilled free speech, yet McCarthy's committee, with Cohn's involvement, exposed real subversives like State Department official John Service, whose pro-communist leanings were later validated by archival evidence. The Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, where Cohn's personal favoritism toward draftee backfired, marked a turning point leading to McCarthy's censure, but this episode highlighted procedural overreach rather than wholesale fabrication; Cohn's defensive strategies, while combative, mirrored the high-stakes adversarial nature required against embedded threats, with outcomes including heightened of executive branch loyalty. Cohn's later disbarment by the New York Appellate Division on June 23, 1986—mere weeks before his death—stemmed from four instances of , including toward a terminally ill client, Lewis Rosenstiel, in estate matters and fabrication of documents in other cases, actions deemed "particularly reprehensible" by the court. These violations, occurring amid Cohn's battles with (later identified as AIDS-related), underscore a pattern of prioritizing client victories through expedient means, such as pressuring witnesses or misleading tribunals, which eroded professional standards. Nonetheless, Cohn's career-long success in defending high-profile clients, from mob figures to in the 1970s housing discrimination suit, demonstrates the efficacy of his confrontational style in navigating biased regulatory environments, where defensive aggression often yielded settlements favorable to business interests. Critics from establishment sources frame this as emblematic of , yet the disbarment's timing and focus on isolated ethical breaches overlook Cohn's broader contributions to conservative legal strategies that challenged entrenched bureaucracies, with empirical results in case outcomes validating his methods' utility despite normative lapses. Personal criticisms, including Cohn's private homosexuality juxtaposed against his public denunciations of "homosexual perverts" during McCarthy hearings, fuel charges of , amplified in cultural depictions that link his of AIDS until his 1986 death to broader character flaws. Such assessments, however, conflate private conduct with efficacy; Cohn's anti-communist zeal targeted security risks, not personal morality per se, and his influence on figures like Trump emphasized unapologetic counterattacks against media and legal adversaries, a pragmatic to adversarial systems where restraint often disadvantages the accused. While ethical shortcuts warranted consequences, the preponderance of Cohn's legacy lies in fortifying defenses against ideological threats, with criticisms frequently overstated by sources predisposed to vilify anti-leftist enforcers, as evidenced by selective historical amnesia regarding communism's documented casualties and infiltrations. Roy Cohn's mentorship of in the 1970s profoundly shaped Trump's approach to legal disputes and political confrontations, emphasizing relentless aggression over concession. Cohn advised Trump during the 1973 U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit alleging in , urging a $100 million countersuit against the government rather than settlement, which instilled a philosophy of using litigation as a weapon to intimidate opponents. This tactic, though resulting in a 1975 without admission of guilt, reinforced Cohn's core rules: attack on all fronts, admit nothing, and claim victory regardless of outcome. Cohn's maxim of "attack, attack, attack" extended to political strategy, teaching clients to counter media scrutiny with claims and personal assaults rather than defense, a method Trump applied in his business expansions and later presidential campaigns. Cohn facilitated Trump's entry into New York political circles, securing a $20 million tax abatement for in by leveraging connections and pressure tactics. He also introduced Trump to strategist , influencing long-term campaign operations. These strategies prioritized and endurance in battles, often prolonging conflicts to exhaust adversaries. Beyond Trump, Cohn's influence permeated conservative political networks through his representation of figures like and associations with Ronald Reagan's administration, promoting a combative style in anti-regulatory advocacy and media influence. Cohn's in 1986 for ethical violations, including defrauding a dying client, did not erase his tactical blueprint, which echoed in subsequent high-stakes legal maneuvers by protégés who viewed courts as arenas for dominance rather than justice. Empirical outcomes, such as Trump's survival of multiple impeachments and indictments via denial and counter-narratives, demonstrate the strategy's resilience, though it invited reciprocal escalation from opponents.

Cultural Representations

Depictions in Theater and Literature

Tony Kushner's two-part play Angels in America: Millennium Approaches (1991) and Perestroika (1992) features Roy Cohn as a central character, portraying him as a ruthless, power-obsessed attorney and McCarthy aide who denies his homosexuality despite suffering from AIDS, which he attributes to liver cancer. The work, which won the Pulitzer Prize for Drama in 1993, dramatizes Cohn's final days in 1985–1986, including hallucinations of the ghost of Ethel Rosenberg, whom he prosecuted for espionage, and critiques his conservative ideology through interactions with fictional characters like the nurse Belize. Kushner's depiction emphasizes Cohn's hypocrisy, defining political power as inherently heterosexual and heterosexual men as those who dominate others, while attributing his downfall to personal and moral failings amid the AIDS crisis. Lesser-known theatrical works include Joan Beber's Hunger: In Bed with Roy Cohn (world premiere 2012 at Odyssey Theatre), a fantasy exploring Cohn's deathbed regrets and hunger for power, with appearances by figures like his mother Dora and Julius Rosenberg. Similarly, In Bed with Roy Cohn (2015 production), described as an end-of-life comedy, depicts Cohn receiving imaginary visitors including and while confronting his legacy. In literature, Cohn appears as a in Andrew Paul Greco's A Time for Lies: A Novel of Roy Cohn and the Poisoning of America (2020), which follows a young lawyer drawn into Cohn's orbit during the McCarthy era, framing his influence as corrosive to American politics. These portrayals, predominantly critical and focused on Cohn's personal contradictions and anti-communist zeal, often draw from biographical accounts but amplify dramatic elements for thematic effect, reflecting broader cultural narratives of 1980s and the AIDS .

Portrayals in Film, Television, and Recent Media

Roy Cohn has been depicted in several and productions, often as a ruthless attorney and political operative whose influence extended to figures like and . In the 1992 HBO movie Citizen Cohn, directed by , portrayed Cohn as a combative navigating McCarthyism, the Rosenberg executions, and his later legal battles, emphasizing his aggressive tactics and personal demons amid his battle with AIDS. The film drew from Nicholas von Hoffman's biography, presenting Cohn's career highs and ethical lows, including his , though critics noted its dramatic liberties in condensing his life. A prominent portrayal appears in the 2003 HBO miniseries adaptation of Tony Kushner's play , directed by , where played Cohn as a closeted homosexual dying of AIDS in the , haunted by the ghost of Ethel Rosenberg (). The series, which earned Pacino an Emmy for his intense performance, framed Cohn as a symbol of hypocrisy and denial, linking his anti-communist zeal and homophobia to broader themes of American moral decay during the ; it received critical acclaim but reflected Kushner's interpretive lens, portraying Cohn as a villainous figure without fully exploring counterarguments to his legal strategies. In the 2024 biographical drama The Apprentice, directed by Ali Abbasi, depicted Cohn as Donald Trump's early mentor in 1970s and 1980s New York , teaching him principles like relentless attack and denial in legal and public battles. Strong's performance, nominated for an Academy Award for , humanized Cohn's ferocity with moments of vulnerability during his illness, based on accounts of their real-life partnership amid Trump's DOJ lawsuit over housing discrimination; the film, which premiered at , faced legal challenges from Trump but was defended as grounded in and interviews. Documentaries have also scrutinized Cohn's legacy. The 2019 film Where's My Roy Cohn?, directed by Matt Tyrnauer, chronicles his rise from McCarthy's aide to Trump's advisor, using archival footage and interviews to highlight his manipulative influence on power structures, while attributing Trump's tactics partly to Cohn's playbook of denial and counterattack. Similarly, Bully. Coward. Victim. The Story of Roy Cohn (2019), directed by —granddaughter of Julius Rosenberg—examines Cohn's role in the Rosenbergs' prosecution and his broader ethical lapses, incorporating family perspectives that underscore perceived injustices, though its personal stake invites scrutiny of objectivity. These works, released amid renewed interest in Cohn's Trump connections, often emphasize his villainy but rely on selective narratives from associates and critics.

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