Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
| Hufu | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
A foreign Sogdian soldier wearing a curved collar (曲领) short robe, Eastern Han, early 3rd century. | |||||||
Figurines from Northern Wei.
On the left: Foreign fashion lapel robes On the right: Foreign-influenced or foreign-style cross-collared robes closing to the left side instead of the right side. Traditionally, Chinese style upper garment closes to the right. | |||||||
| Chinese name | |||||||
| Chinese | 胡服 | ||||||
| Literal meaning | Barbarian clothing | ||||||
| |||||||
| Korean name | |||||||
| Hangul | 호복 | ||||||
| Hanja | 胡服 | ||||||
| |||||||
Hufu (Chinese: 胡服; pinyin: húfú; Korean: 호복; Hanja: 胡服; RR: hobok), also referred as Hu clothing,[1] nomadic dress,[2] 'barbarian' clothing or dress,[3][4] or foreign dress,[5] is a generic term which refers to any clothing which was worn in ancient China and its surrounding regions by non-Han Chinese people.[6][4] This term is also used to refer to clothing of foreign origins in ancient China.[4] The introduction of Hufu-style garments and attire in China occurred by the time of King Wuling of Zhao.[6]
Terminology
[edit]The term 'Hu' was adopted to refer to the non-Han Chinese population which could include the ancient 'Hu' northern nomadic people, such as the Xiongnu,[1] as well as the people from the Western regions such as Sogdians,[7]: 284 the Sasanid Persian, the Turkic people (Tujue), Uyghur (Huihe or Huihu), Tibetans (Tufan), and the Khitans (Qidan) who lived in the north and west regions of the empire.[4]
Cultural significance and distinction
[edit]The traditional way to distinguish between Hufu and Hanfu, Chinese clothing, is by the direction in which the garment collar closes.[8]
Chinese collar customs
[edit]Clothing style which overlaps in the front and closes to the right, known as youren (Chinese: 右衽) originated in China,[9] and was first worn during the Shang dynasty in China.[10][11] The youren collar is an important symbol of the Han Chinese, and traditionally Chinese robes and Chinese jackets must cover the right part of the body.[12] However, the Chinese did also wear clothing which overlaps in the front and is closed on the left side, in a style known as zuoren (Chinese: 左衽). According to the Shuowen Jiezi 《說文解字》, a form of paofu, known as xi (襲), was a robe with a zuoren closure.[13] The coat known as zhe (褶; sometimes referred as xi), typically used as part of the kuzhe, was also a xi (襲) according to the Shiming.[14]
The use of zuoren, however, was typically associated with funeral practices. This can also be found in the chapter Sang da ji 《喪大記》of the Liji《禮記》:
"At both the dressings the sacrificial robes were not placed below the others. They were all placed with the lapel to lie on the left side. The bands were tied firmly, and not in a bow-knot [小斂大斂,祭服不倒,皆左衽結絞不紐]."
According to ancient Chinese beliefs, the only moment a Han Chinese was supposed to close their clothing in the zuoren-style is when they dressed their deceased.[12] This funeral practice stemmed from ancient Chinese beliefs in the yin and yang theory, where it is believed that the left represents the yang aspect and stands for life, whereas the right represents the yin aspect, which stands for death.[15] Based on this belief, the left lapel needs to be outside (i.e. youren) to indicate that the power of the yang is suppressing the yin, and was thus reserved for the clothing of living people.[15] However, if the yin aspect surpasses the yang, which is represented by the zuoren, then this form of clothing is to be worn by the deceased.[15] Therefore, it was taboo in ancient China for a living person to wear zuoren.[15]

The rule of wearing youren was not always respected by the Han Chinese: for example, in the 10th century, some ethnic Han Chinese could be found wearing left-lapel clothing in some areas (such as Northern Hebei);[16] and following the fall of the Yuan dynasty, left lapel ru continued to be worn in some areas of the Ming dynasty despite the dynasty being led by Han Chinese.[17]
Collar customs of ethnic minorities, non-Chinese ethnicities, and foreigners
[edit]
On the other hand, some ethnic minorities, such as the Xianbei,[18]: 407–408 Khitans,[19][20]: 130–135 and other kingdoms such as Goguryeo,[21] who were living in surrounding areas had clothing which generally closed in the zuoren-style in ancient China.[12] This can also be found in the Analects where Confucius himself praised Guan Zhong for preventing the weakened Zhou dynasty from becoming barbarians:[22][23][24]
"But for Guan Zhong, we should now be wearing our hair unbound [pifa], and the lapels of our coats buttoning on the left side [zuoren]. [微管仲,吾其被髮左衽矣]."
Based on Confucius' sayings, pifa zuoren (simplified Chinese: 被发左衽; traditional Chinese: 被髮左衽; pinyin: bèifà zuǒrèn; lit. 'unbound hair left lapel'), bound hair and coats which closed on the left side in the zuoren-style, was associated with the clothing customs of the northern nomadic ethnic groups who were considered as barbarians.[22] During his time, unbound hair and clothing closing to the left were the clothing customs of the northern nomadic ethnic groups which were considered as barbarians by the Han Chinese.[22] Moreover, from the standpoint of the Huaxia culture, pifa was a way to reject refined culture and being turned into a barbarian.[25]: 101
By the Han dynasty, since Confucius himself was the first person to use the phrase pifa zuoren to refer to Non-Zhou dynasty people, this phrase became a common metaphor for primitiveness.[25]: 103 When used by the ancient Chinese literati, the concept of pifa zuoren became a phrase, which held the symbolic of foreign people who were living a barbarous and civilized lifestyle; this concept also became a way to emphasize the customs differences between the Han people and other ethnic minorities and draw the line to distinguish who were considered as civilized and barbarians.[25]: 103 The zuoren thus also became a reference to Hufu, Hufu-style, and/or to the rule of foreign nationalities;[12] for example, as observed in the Liao dynasty[26]: 267 and in the female clothing of the Yuan dynasty when it was a common practice for some Chinese women to change the direction of their collar to the left side.[17] Some non-Chinese ethnicity who adopted Hanfu-style sometimes maintain their left lapels, such as the Khitans in the Liao dynasty.[26]: 267
History
[edit]Warring States period
[edit]Hufuqishe policy
[edit]
During the Warring States period, King Wuling of Zhao (r. 326–298 BC) instituted the Hufuqishe (Chinese: 胡服騎射; lit. 'Hu clothing and mounted archery') policies which involved the adoption of Hufu to facilitate horse riding.[1][10] During this period, the term 'Hufu' was coined after the 'Hu' people, who were northern nomadic people.[1]
In the Shiji《史記》, Zhao Shijia (lit. 'Hereditary Family of Zhao'), it is said that King Wuling undertook those sartorial reforms in the 19th year of his reign in 307 BCE.[1] However, according to the Bamboo Annals, an annalistic history of Wei unearthed from a Wei King tomb in 279 BC, the Zhao court had ordered commanders, officers, and their families, and garrison guards to adopt Hefu (Chinese: 貉服) in 302 BC.[1] The term 'He' used in the Bamboo Annals is a synonym of the term 'Hu' which refers to the northern nomadic people.[1]
Under this sartorial and military reform, all the soldiers of King Wuling had to wear the uniforms of Donghu, Linhu, and Loufan in battles.[28]: 257 The choice to adopt cavalry and the departure from the chariot warfare from the 8th to 5th century BC showed the influence of the Xiongnu, who were the northern neighbour of the Zhao state.[1] The reality or the extent of King Wuling's reforms is a disputed subject among historians.[1]
The Hufu adopted by King Wuling can be described as shangxi xiaku (Chinese: 上褶下袴; pinyin: shangxi xiaku; lit. 'short coat on upper body', 'trousers on lower body');[29] this form of attire is described as being composed of trousers, a (short[10][30][28]: 257 ) shirt or jacket with tighter (tubular-shaped[30]) sleeves,[1][2] xue (Chinese: 靴; lit. 'boots'),[10][28]: 257 belt,[28]: 257 [30] and belt buckle.[28]: 257
However, the Hufu-style trousers introduced by King Wuling were characterized with loose rises and differed from the indigenous ku (Chinese: 袴) of the Chinese; the Hufu-style trousers could be described as form of kun (Chinese: 裈); the kun were trousers which had rise to cover the crotch areas.[31] A conical cap which resembles Scythian hats was also adopted as part of the Hufuqishe.[29] Of note of importance, although the Hufu-style attire adopted by King Wuling appears to be similar to Scythian clothing, the Hufu which appears in classical Chinese text were actually different from the historical Scythian clothing.[29] For example, the hat adopted by King Wuling was less pointy that the Scythian hat and were decorated with a marten tail.[29]
In the Warring States period, the wearing of short upper garment worn by the Chinese which is belted with a woven silk band and had a right-opening also influenced the Hufu; this form of attire was worn together with trousers allowing greater ease of movement.[32] This form of clothing attire was most likely worn by peasants and labourers.[32]
Influence of Hufu-style kun on the development of Chinese trousers, ku
[edit]Prior to the introduction of Hufu by King Wuling, Chinese people wore the traditional Chinese clothing system which consisted of the combination of yi (Chinese: 衣) or ru (Chinese: 襦), both of which were upper garment which typically closed to the right in a style known as jiaoling youren (Chinese: 交領右衽),[33] the indigenous Chinese trousers referred as ku (Chinese: 袴), also known as jingyi (Chinese: 胫衣), which were in the form of knee-high trousers which were tied to the calves of the wearer allowing the thighs to be exposed and appeared as early as the Neolithic period and was the original form of ku trousers) in early time, and chang (裳, a lower skirt) which is the predecessor of qun (裙), to hide the lower body.[29][31] People could also wear yichang (衣裳) without wearing ku.[31]
The type of trousers introduced by King Wuling in Central China was referred as kun (裈) instead of ku; the kun were trousers with loose rise (i.e. which cover the crotch areas) which was first used among the military troops.[31] As the kun-trousers did not conform to the traditional culture of the Han, the kun was mainly worn by warriors and servants, but kun were not used by the general population as people found it hard to adjust the use of kun in their daily activities.[31] The kun however influenced the development of jingyi by transforming the jingyi into becoming longer, stretched up to the thighs regions, and the waist become enclosed however the rise and rear of those trousers were open which allowed for the purpose of urinating and defecting; this then became the pattern of ku-rousers.[31] This form of ku-trousers was more accepted in the Han tradition than the kun, and evolved into other forms of ku trousers of the later dynasties, such as qiongku (trousers with hip and rise area closed in the front and tied at the back with multiple strings) which was designed in the Western Han dynasty.[31]
Kun trousers introduced by King Wuling later developed into other forms of trousers in the later period, such as dashao (trousers with extremely wide legs) which appeared in the Han dynasty and dakouku (trousers which were tied under the knees).[31] These forms of trousers were Chinese innovations.[31]
Han dynasty
[edit]Some forms of hanfu worn in the Eastern Han dynasty started to be influenced by the costumes of the Hu (胡) people and the gown with round collar started to appear.[34] However, in this period, the round collar gown was more commonly used as an under-garment.[34]
Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern dynasties
[edit]This was a period of cultural integration and cultural exchange between the Han Chinese and the other ethnic groups.[30] The Han Chinese living in the South liked the driving clothing of the Northern minorities which was composed of trousers and xi (a close-fitting short robe with round neck and tight sleeves).[30] The northern nomads also introduced their leather boots (Chinese: 靴; pinyin: xue),[7]: 317 quekua (Chinese: 缺胯; a type of crotch-length garment which was a long jacket with tight sleeves but less overlap compared to the traditional clothing worn by the Chinese allowing greater ease of movement; the collar was either round and snug or slightly plunged allowing the undershirt to be visible) and the hood and cape ensemble in China.[7]: 317 However, not all stylistic innovations in clothing came from the Northern minorities in this period.[7]: 317 For example, the trousers tied with chords below the knee worn in the kuxi (褲褶; lit. 'trousers and jacket') during the Six dynasties were Chinese inventions and were not nomadic clothing.[7]: 317 The Kuzhe (袴褶) of the late Northern dynasties was a creation of Han culture which was developed through the assimilation of non-Han culture.[31]
Influences of the Xianbei and ban of Xianbei clothing
[edit]During the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern dynasties, northern nomadic peoples introduced other styles of round collar (Chinese: 盤領; pinyin: panling)[35] robe in China.[7] The round collar robe introduced by the Xianbei had tight sleeves which allowed for greater ease of riding when horse riding.[7] Since the Northern Wei dynasty, the shapes of the Han Chinese robes started to be influenced by the round collar robes.[36] The Xianbei were originally a branch of the Donghu which were defeated by the Xiongnu but they later claimed to be descendant of the Yellow Emperor as the Chinese.[37] The Northern Wei period was a period of cultural integration between the Xianbei and the Han Chinese; the Xianbei ruling elites adopted Chinese clothing and Chinese customs while the Han Chinese started to integrate some of the Xianbei's nomadic style clothing which included high boots and round-collar robes with narrow sleeves into Han clothing.[38]: 183, 185–186 In the murals of Lou Rui tomb of Northern Qi (dated to 570), a procession of riders appear to be clothed in quekua and wearing boots and headgear.[7]: 317 However, the other figures found in the tomb of Lou Rui are dressed in styles closer to the traditional Hanfu style, showing wide sleeves and lapels closing to the right side.[38]: 187
- Xianbei clothing
-
Xianbei women typically wore a long robe under a jacket instead of trousers and boots.[39] Xianbei clothing had zuoren opening (i.e. closed on the left side).
-
The cape and hood was another nomad outfit which was distinctively Xianbei.[39]
-
The cape and hood was another nomad outfit which was distinctively Xianbei.[39]
-
A form of kuxi. The cross collar closing to the left showing foreign influence or style instead of the right closing. The trousers are however Chinese trousers.
-
Riders from the murals from the Tomb of Lou Rui appear to be wearing quekua.
The Xianbei rulers continued to wear own distinctive Xianbei clothing in order to maintain their ethnic identity and avoid merging with the Chinese majority population.[7]: 284, 319 However, under the sinicization policies under Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei, Hufu (Northern barbarian clothing) was banned.[40][41] This ban of Hufu also included the ban on Xianbei clothing.[42] The ban also included non-Han language at Northern Wei court, and the changing of the royal family surname Tuoba to Yuan.[42] Many members of the Tuoba Xianbei adopted Han Chinese clothing, language, surnames and customs.[42][28]: 131 However, this sinicization policies were also met with opposition by other ethnic minority groups.[28]: 131 After the fall of the Northern Wei, male figures started to reappear wearing Xianbei-style clothing on Buddhist monuments and tomb murals; however, the Xianbei-style clothing worn by women are no longer seen in the art of China after the year 500 AD.[2] These re-emerging Xianbei clothing following the fall of the Northern Wei also showed minor changes.[18]: 407–409 After the year 500 AD, women would appear in Chinese-style clothing while men could be found dressed in either Xianbei-style or Chinese-style clothing.[2] In the tomb of Xu Xianxiu (d. 571 AD), Xu Xianxiu, a Northern Qi aristocrat, is depicted wearing Xianbei-style tunic, trousers, and boots and what appears to be a cloak of Central Asian fashion while his wife is wear a Chinese-style robe.[2][43] Some female servants depicted on the tomb mural of Xu Xianxiu appear to be dressed in clothing which looks closer to the Xianbei style garment than the Chinese-style clothing due to the use of narrow sleeves; however, this form of clothing is not representative of the Xianbei style clothing worn before the year 500 AD.[2]
Influences of Sogdians
[edit]
The Sogdians were also called Hu (Chinese: 胡) in Chinese.[7]: 284 The Sogdians and their descendants (mostly from the merchants class) living in China during this period also wore a form of knee-length yuanlingpao-like kaftan that retained their own ethnic characteristics but with some East Asian influences (i.e. Chinese and early Turks).[44] Under the influence and the demands of the Chinese population, most Sogdian attire in China had to be closed to the right.[44] Their robes would often be buttoned up the neck forming the round collar but occasionally the collar (or lower button) would be undone to form lapel robes (Chinese: 翻领胡服; pinyin: Fānlǐng húfú; lit. 'Non-Chinese lapel robes').[44][36] Lapels robes were popular in Central regions (in the Sogdian regions), Qiuci and Gaochang but originated in Western Asia but spread eastwards through the Sogdians in Central Asia.[36] The Sogdians living in Central Asia and China wore turned-down lapel robes which was popular the Sogdian region of Central Asia in the Western Asia.[44] The Sogdians in China and Sogdia had both lapels down following the Iranian tradition or the tradition of the Saka people living in the Khotan Oasis.[44] It was also not rare for Chinese Sogdians to wear their robes with only the left lapel which was a distinguishing feature as the only left lapel robe was rarely found in Sogdia.[44] These lapels robes appeared as early as in Northern Wei depictions and are (for now) the earliest depictions of Xianbei or Han Chinese people wearing lapels robes; these lapels robes became a popular form of fashion in Northern Qi in the Han regions for both men and women.[36] This dressing customs of wearing lapel robe was later inherited and developed in the subsequent dynasties, in the Tang and Sui dynasties.[36]
Tang dynasty
[edit]The Tang dynasty also saw the ready acceptance and syncretization with Chinese practice, of elements of foreign culture by the Han Chinese. The foreign influences prevalent during Tang China included cultures from Gandhara, Turkestan, Persia and Greece. The stylistic influences of these cultures were fused into Tang-style clothing without any one particular culture having especial prominence.[45][46] An example of foreign influence on Tang's women clothing is the use of garment with a low-cut neckline.[28]: 272 However, just like women in the Tang dynasty period incorporated Central Asian-styles in their clothing, Central Asian women also wore some Han Chinese-style clothing from the Tang dynasty and combined elements of the Han Chinese-style attire and ornament aesthetic in their ethnic attire.[47][48]
Yuanlingshan, lapel robes, and foreign-influences on headwear
[edit]
In the Tang dynasty, the descendants of the Xianbei and the other non-Chinese people who ruled northern China from 304 to 581 AD lost their ethnic identity and became Chinese; the term Han was used to refer to all people of the Tang dynasty instead of describing the population ruled by the Xianbei elites during the Northern dynasties.[49] The round-collar jacket and gown, tied with a belt at the waist, became a typical form of fashion for both Tang dynasty men and women as it was fashionable for women to dress like men in the Tang dynasty.[50]: 34–36 [51]
The Hufu, which was popular in this period was the clothing worn by the Tartars and the people who lived in the Western regions,[52]: 2 was brought from the Silk Road.[52]: 1 In the early Tang dynasty, the influence of hufu was described as a pastiche of Turkic, Uyghur, Sogdian and Sasanid Persian clothing.[4] Hufu-style in this period included jacket with open-front with narrow-fitting sleeves, striped, tapered trousers, woven boots, and weimao (i.e. wide-brimmed hat with an attached gauze veil).[4] Other forms of Hufu included: mili (羃䍦), a burqua-like headwear, veil-less hat called humao.
Almost all figurines and mural paintings depicting female court attendants dressed in men's clothing are wearing Hufu.[53] During this period, the yuanlingpao could be turned into a lapel robe (influenced by those worn by the Sogdians) by unbuttoning the robes and the lapel robes could be turned into the yuanlingpao when buttoned.[36] In some unearthed pottery figures wearing lapel robes dating from the Tang dynasty, it found that the yuanlingpao had three buttons on the collar.[36] The double overturned lapels with tight-fitting sleeves were known as kuapao (Chinese: 袴袍; a robe which originated from Central Asia[54]), and similarly to the yuanlingshan, the kuapao could be ornate with trims decorated with patterns at the front, sleeve-cuffs and along the lapels.[53] The kuapao[55] was worn by men, but it could be used as a main garment for cross-dressing female attendant or they could be draped on the shoulders of both men and women like a cloak.[53][54] The lapel robes worn during the Tang dynasty was categorized as Hufu instead of Hanfu; the use of these styles of robes showed the popularity of Hufu during the Tang dynasty, especially during the Wuzetian period (684–704 AD).[50]: 27 The Yuanlingpao however was categorized as Han clothing.[51]
It also popular for people to use fabrics (such as brocade) to decorate the collars, sleeves and front and their gowns; this clothing decoration customs is known as 'partial decorations of gowns' and was influenced by the Sogdians of Central Asia who had entered China since the Northern and Southern dynasties period.[56] Influenced by foreign cultures,[56] some yuanlingshan[57] could also be decorated with Central Asian roundels (i.e. a form of partial decoration) which would run down at the centre of the robe.[53]
Huihuzhuang/Uyghur clothing
[edit]
It was also fashionable for noble women to wear Huihuzhuang (回鶻装; Uyghur dress, which is sometimes referred as Huihu-style), a turned-down lapel voluminous robes with tight sleeves which were slim-fitting, after the An Lushan Rebellion (755–763 AD).[58][59][60][61] In 840 AD, the Uyghur empire collapsed, the Uyghur refugees fled to Xinjiang and to the Southeast of Tang frontier to seek refuge, and in 843 AD, all the Uighur living in China had to wear Chinese-style clothing.[62]
Fading of Hufu in Tang
[edit]After the High Tang dynasty period, the influences of Hufu progressively started to fade and the clothing started to become more and more loose.[52]: 2 and more traditional Han style clothing was restored.[63]
Song, Liao, Western Xia, Jin dynasties
[edit]The Jin dynasty was founded by the Jurchens.[64] In 1126, the Jurchen orders all Chinese people living in the conquered areas to shave their hair on the front and to dress only in Jurchen style.[65][66]: 281 The order to adopt Jurchen hairstyle and clothing style was an Inner Asian practice of forcing people who were living on conquered lands to show their subservience to their conquerors.[65] The order to change into Jurchen hairstyle and clothing was reinforced in 1129.[66]: 281 This order however does not appear to have been observed in a strict manner.[66]: 281 Under Hailing Wang, who was Pro-Chinese emperor, Chinese people in Honan were allowed to wear Chinese clothing.[66]: 281 Under Emperor Shizong, the Jurchen were prohibited to be dressed in Chinese fashion and were forbidden from adopting Chinese personal and last names; this was because during his time (1161–1189), many Jurchen appeared to have adopted Chinese behaviours while the Jurchen had forgotten their own national traditions.[66]: 281 By 1170, Chinese men had adopted either Jurchen or mixed Jurchen-Han clothing; Chinese women, especially elite women, however maintained Han-style clothing although the clothing were outdated according to the standards of the Song dynasty.[67] The rulers of Jin gradually abandoned their own customs, including clothing and language for Chinese ones, especially after having moved their capital to Kaifeng.[64]
Yuan dynasty
[edit]
Mongol clothing
[edit]The Mongol of the Yuan dynasty impacted the clothing worn by the Chinese.[68] According to Song Lian (1310–1381),
"When the Song dynasty collapsed and the Yuan dynasty was founded, people's clothing changed to square and conical straw hats and clothes with narrow sleeves".[68]
Different styles of Mongol clothing were shared and used among different social classes.[68] However, Han Chinese clothing continued to co-exist along with Mongol clothing.[69] During this period, men's casual clothing follows those of the Han Chinese; aristocrats women mainly worn Mongol clothing while common women wore ruqun and banbi.[69] Example of Mongol clothing and hats which influenced the Han Chinese were the boli hat (Chinese: 钹笠帽), terlig, jisün, Mongol-style dahu.[68]
Goryeoyang/Goryeo-style
[edit]The customs of Goryeo clothing became popular at the end of the Yuan dynasty among Mongol rulers, aristocrats, queens and imperial concubines in the capital city.[69][70] The fashion trend was dubbed goryeoyang (高麗樣) and was described by being a banryeong banbi (方領半臂),[71] the suggested modern interpretation of the physical appearance of such garment (square collar short-sleeved upper garment[72]) was based on the same poem and was drawn in a 2005 study by senior researcher Choi.[73]
Ming dynasty
[edit]
Following the fall of the Yuan dynasty, Emperor Taizu promulgated an imperial edict to restore Tang-style clothing and hats in the first year of his reign.[68][74] In the twenty fourth year of Hongwu (1391), there was an imperial edict which banned the wearing of Hufu; this was specifically for women of gentry.[68] Several other bans were made regarding the wearing of nomad clothing, which was recorded in the Ming dynasty historical records (for example, in 1442, 1491, etc.).[68] Throughout the Ming dynasty period, there were several prohibitions on Mongol style clothing; however, certain clothing of the Ming dynasty influenced or derived from the Mongol clothing continued to be used, such as yesa and dahu.[68]
Qing dynasty
[edit]Clothing categorized as Hufu
[edit]- Xiongnu clothing
- Xianbei clothing
- Sogdian clothing in China
- Maweiqun – a crinoline-like underskirt imported in Ming dynasty from Joseon
- Yuan dynasty Mongol clothing: terlig
Influences
[edit]Clothing influenced by Hufu and/or Hufu which were adopted and localized into Hanfu are:
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ The wuguan (武冠) is a military guan, which was derived from the zhaohuiwenguan, the guan which was used by King Huiwen of Zhao. King Huiwen wore the same guan as his father, King Wuling of Zhao, which was a hufu-style hat decorated with marten tail.
- ^ The heguan is a type of military guan, decorated with two pheasant feathers, which is possibly derived from the hufu-style hat adopted by King Wuling of Zhao as part of the hufuqishe policy
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Paul van Els; Sarah A. Queen, eds. (2017). Between history and philosophy : anecdotes in early China. Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 121–122. ISBN 978-1-4384-6613-2. OCLC 967791392.
- ^ a b c d e f LINGLEY, KATE A. (2010). "NATURALIZING THE EXOTIC: On the Changing Meanings of Ethnic Dress in Medieval China". Ars Orientalis. 38: 50–80. ISSN 0571-1371. JSTOR 29550020.
- ^ Abramson, Marc Samuel (2008). Ethnic identity in Tang China. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-8122-0101-7. OCLC 802057634.
- ^ a b c d e f Chen, Buyun (2019). Empire of style : silk and fashion in Tang China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. pp. 92–93. ISBN 978-0-295-74531-2. OCLC 1101879641.
- ^ Silberstein, Rachel (2020). A fashionable century : textile artistry and commerce in the late Qing. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 266. ISBN 978-0-295-74719-4. OCLC 1121420666.
- ^ a b Xu, Zhuoyun (2012). Timothy Danforth Baker; Michael S. Duke (eds.). China : a new cultural history. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-231-15920-3. OCLC 730906510.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Dien, Albert E. (2007). Six dynasties civilization. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-07404-8. OCLC 72868060.
- ^ Xu, Jing (2016). Sem Vermeersch (ed.). A Chinese traveler in medieval Korea : Xu Jing's illustrated account of the Xuanhe embassy to Koryo. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press. pp. 331–332. ISBN 978-0-8248-6683-9. OCLC 950971983.
- ^ Yu, Song-Ok (1980). "A Comparative Study on the Upper Garment in the Ancient East and West". Journal of the Korean Society of Costume. 3: 29–46. ISSN 1229-6880.
- ^ a b c d Zhao, Yin (2014). Xinzhi Cai (ed.). Snapshots of Chinese culture. Los Angeles: Bridge21 Publications. ISBN 978-1-62643-003-7. OCLC 912499249.
- ^ Kidd, Laura K.; Lee, Younsoo (2002). "The Style Characteristics of the Hwalot, with a Focus on One Robe from the Collection of the Honolulu Academy of Arts". Clothing and Textiles Research Journal. 20 (1): 1–14. doi:10.1177/0887302x0202000101. ISSN 0887-302X. S2CID 110839493.
- ^ a b c d Ma, Xiaofang (2018). "Study on the Aesthetics of Han Chinese Clothing Culture in the TV Play q Nirvana in Fireq". Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2018). Atlantis Press. pp. 639–643. doi:10.2991/iccessh-18.2018.143. ISBN 978-94-6252-528-3.
- ^ "說文解字「襲」". www.shuowen.org. Retrieved 2022-07-11.
- ^ "Shiming《釋衣服》". ctext.org. Retrieved 2022-07-11.
- ^ a b c d Shi, Songge (2021). Travelling With Hanfu: A Social Media Analysis of Contemporary Chinese Travelling for Artistic Photographs (Thesis).
- ^ Zhang, Ling (2016). The River, the Plain, and the State: An Environmental Drama in Northern Song China, 1048-1128. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9781316659298.002. ISBN 978-1-316-65929-8.[permanent dead link]
- ^ a b The Museum of Far East Antique Bulletin 70. Östasiatiska museet. 1998. p. 208.
- ^ a b Dien, Albert E.; Knapp, Keith N., eds. (2019-11-07). The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 2: The Six Dynasties, 220–589 (1 ed.). Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781139107334. ISBN 978-1-139-10733-4. S2CID 243128615.
- ^ Shea, Eiren L. (2021-12-15). "Intentional Identities: Liao Women's Dress and Cultural and Political Power". Acta Via Serica. 6 (2): 37–60. doi:10.22679/AVS.2021.6.2.003.
- ^ Xun Zhou; Chunming Gao, eds. (1987). 5000 years of Chinese costumes. San Francisco, CA: China Books & Periodicals. ISBN 0-8351-1822-3. OCLC 19814728.
- ^ Lee, Samuel Songhoon (2013). Hanbok : Timeless fashion tradition. Seoul, Korea: Han'guk Kukche Kyoryu Chaedan. ISBN 978-1-62412-056-5. OCLC 944510449.
- ^ a b c Kang, Chae-ŏn (2006). Suzanne Lee (ed.). The land of scholars : two thousand years of Korean Confucianism (1st ed.). Paramus, New Jersey: Homa & Sekey Books. ISBN 1-931907-30-7. OCLC 60931394.
- ^ "論語 : 憲問 - 微管仲,吾其被髮左衽矣。 - 中國哲學書電子化計劃". ctext.org (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2022-02-07.
- ^ Shoshana-Rose Marzel; Guy Stiebel, eds. (2015). Dress and ideology : fashioning identity from antiquity to the present. London: Bloomsbury. p. 41. ISBN 978-1-4725-5808-4. OCLC 895162445.
- ^ a b c Tse, Wicky W. K. (2018). The collapse of China's later Han Dynasty, 25-220 CE : the northwest borderlands and the edge of empire. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-53231-8. OCLC 1042329243.
- ^ a b Kuhn, Dieter (2009). The age of Confucian rule : the Song transformation of China. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03146-3. OCLC 192050158.
- ^ "Figure of a Charioteer 4th–3rd century B.C." www.metmuseum.org. Retrieved 2021-12-30.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Zhang, Qizhi (2015). An introduction to Chinese history and culture. Heidelberg: Springer. ISBN 978-3-662-46482-3. OCLC 907676443.
- ^ a b c d e f Rui, Chuanming (2021). On the ancient history of the Silk Road. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. pp. 23–26. ISBN 978-981-12-3296-1. OCLC 1225977015.
- ^ a b c d e Feng, Ge (2015). Zhengming Du (ed.). Traditional Chinese rites and rituals. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-4438-8783-0. OCLC 935642485.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Xu, Rui; Sparks, Diane (2011). "Symbolism and Evolution of Ku-form in Chinese Costume". Research Journal of Textile and Apparel. 15 (1): 11–21. doi:10.1108/rjta-15-01-2011-b002. ISSN 1560-6074.
- ^ a b Sheng, Angela (1995). "The Disappearance of Silk Weaves with Weft Effects in Early China". Chinese Science (12): 41–76. ISSN 0361-9001. JSTOR 43290485.
- ^ Ho, Wei; Lee, Eun-Young (2009). "Modem Meaning of Han Chinese Clothing(漢服)". Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association. 11 (1): 99–109. ISSN 1229-7240.
- ^ a b Wang, Fang (2018). "Study on Structure and Craft of Traditional Costumes of Edge". Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Economics and Management, Education, Humanities and Social Sciences (EMEHSS 2018). Atlantis Press. pp. 584–588. doi:10.2991/emehss-18.2018.118. ISBN 978-94-6252-476-7.
- ^ 유, 혜영 (1992). 돈황석굴벽화에 보이는 일반복식의 연구 (Doctoral Thesis). 이화여자대학교 대학원.
- ^ a b c d e f g Zhao, Qiwang (2020). "Western Cultural Factors in Robes of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties as Well as Sui and Tang Dynasties". 2020 3rd International Conference on Arts, Linguistics, Literature and Humanities (ICALLH 2020). Francis Academic Press, UK: 141–147. doi:10.25236/icallh.2020.025 (inactive 12 July 2025).
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link) - ^ Holcombe, Charles (2013-12-01). "The Xianbei in Chinese History". Early Medieval China. 2013 (19): 1–38. doi:10.1179/1529910413Z.0000000006. ISSN 1529-9104. S2CID 162191498.
- ^ a b Ulbe Bosma; Kh Kessler; Leo Lucassen, eds. (2013). Migration and membership regimes in global and historical perspective : an introduction. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-25115-1. OCLC 857803189.
- ^ a b c Dien, Albert E. (2007). Six dynasties civilization. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. pp. 318–319. ISBN 978-0-300-07404-8. OCLC 72868060.
- ^ Thomas S. Mullaney, ed. (2012). Critical Han studies : the history, representation, and identity of China's majority. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. p. 124. ISBN 978-0-9845909-8-8. OCLC 773666283.
- ^ Patricia Buckley Ebrey; Ping Yao; Cong Ellen Zhang, eds. (2019). Chinese funerary biographies : an anthology of remembered lives. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-295-74642-5. OCLC 1100425468.
- ^ a b c Valenstein, Suzanne G. (2007). Metropolitan Museum of Art (ed.). Cultural convergence in the Northern Qi period : a flamboyant Chinese ceramic container : a research monograph. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 75. ISBN 9781588392114. OCLC 865828642.
- ^ Lingley, Kate A (2014). "Silk Road Dress in a Chinese Tomb: Xu Xianxiu and sixth-century cosmopolitanism" (PDF). The Silk Road. 12: 1–13.
- ^ a b c d e f Yatsenko, Sergey A. (2012). "Sogdian Costume in Chinese and Sogdian Art of the 6th-8th centuries". In G. Malinowski; A. Paron; B. Szmoniewski; Wroclaw (eds.). Serica - Da Qin, Studies in Archaeology, Philology and History on Sino-Western Relations (1 ed.). Wydawnictwo GAJT. pp. 101–114. ISBN 9788362584406.
- ^ "China: History of Dress | Encyclopedia.com". www.encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
- ^ Yoon, Ji-Won (2006). "Research of the Foreign Dancing Costumes: From Han to Sui-Tang Dynasty". The Korean Society of Costume. pp. 57–72.
- ^ Shea, Eiren L. (2020). Mongol court dress, identity formation, and global exchange. New York, NY: Routledge. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-429-34065-9. OCLC 1139920835.
- ^ Russell-Smith, Lilla Bikfalvy (2003). "Wives and Patrons: Uygur Political and Artistic Influence in Tenth-Century Dunhuang". Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. 56 (2/4): 401–428. doi:10.1556/AOrient.56.2003.2-4.20. ISSN 0001-6446. JSTOR 23659378.
- ^ Holcombe, Charles (2018). A history of East Asia : from the origins of civilization to the twenty-first century. Cambridge University Press. pp. 99–100. ISBN 978-1-107-11873-7. OCLC 1117553352.
- ^ a b Hua, Mei (2011). Chinese clothing (Updated ed.). Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-18689-6. OCLC 781020660.
- ^ a b Wang, Xinyi; Colbert, François; Legoux, Renaud (2020). "From Niche Interest to Fashion Trend: Hanfu Clothing as a Rising Industry in China". International Journal of Arts Management. 23 (1). Retrieved 1 February 2021.
- ^ a b c "Woman's Costume in the Tang Dynasty". en.chinaculture.org. Retrieved 2022-03-10.
- ^ a b c d Chen, Bu Yun (2013). Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907) (Thesis). Columbia University. doi:10.7916/d8kk9b6d.
- ^ a b James C. Y. Watt; Prudence Oliver Harper; Metropolitan Museum of Art, eds. (2004). China : dawn of a golden age, 200-750 AD. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 311. ISBN 1-58839-126-4. OCLC 55846475.
- ^ "Figure 10. Female attendant Tomb of Xianyutinghui, dated 723."
- ^ a b Zhao, Qiwang (2019). "The Origin of Partial Decorations in Gowns of the Northern Qi and Tang Dynasties". 2nd International Conference on Cultures, Languages and Literatures, and Arts: 342–349.
- ^ "Figure 7. Female attendant Figure 8. Groom Tomb of Princess Jinxiang, dated 724."
- ^ Benn, Charles D. (2002). Daily Life in Traditional China: The Tang Dynasty. Greenwood Press "Daily life through history" series (illustrated ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 106. ISBN 0313309558. ISSN 1080-4749.
- ^ Chen, BuYun (2017). "Material Girls: Silk and Self-Fashioning in Tang China (618–907)". Fashion Theory. 21 (1): 5–33. doi:10.1080/1362704X.2016.1138679. ISSN 1362-704X. S2CID 155949571.
- ^ Chen, Buyun (2013). Toward a definition of "fashion" in Tang China (618-907 CE): BuYun Chen (PhD thesis). Columbia University. doi:10.7916/D8KK9B6D. ISBN 978-3-631-60975-0.
- ^ 臧, 迎春 (2003). 臧, 迎春; 李竹润 (eds.). 中国传统服饰. 五洲传播出版社. ISBN 7508502795.
- ^ Dardess, John W. (2010). Governing China, 150-1850. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-60384-447-5. OCLC 669127176.
- ^ Wan, Li (2016). "The Implicit Beauty and Open Beauty of Tang Dynasty's Aesthetic Taste from Tang Dynasty Noble Women's Clothing Features". Proceedings of the 2016 International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities. Paris, France: Atlantis Press. pp. 352–355. doi:10.2991/iccessh-16.2016.90. ISBN 978-94-6252-215-2.
- ^ a b Perkins, Dorothy (2013). Encyclopedia of China : History and Culture. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. p. 250. ISBN 978-1-135-93562-7. OCLC 869091722.
- ^ a b Mote, Frederick W. (1999). Imperial China, 900-1800. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. p. 228. ISBN 0-674-44515-5. OCLC 41285114.
- ^ a b c d e Franke, Herbert; Twitchett, Denis C., eds. (1994). The Cambridge History of China: Volume 6: Alien Regimes and Border States, 907–1368. Vol. 6. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/chol9780521243315. ISBN 978-0-521-24331-5.
- ^ McMahon, Keith (2016). Celestial women : imperial wives and concubines in China from Song to Qing. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 44. ISBN 978-1-4422-5501-2. OCLC 928606357.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Wei, Luo (2018-01-02). "A Preliminary Study of Mongol Costumes in the Ming Dynasty". Social Sciences in China. 39 (1): 165–185. doi:10.1080/02529203.2018.1414417. ISSN 0252-9203. S2CID 149138176.
- ^ a b c "Costume in the Yuan Dynasty---ASEAN---China Center". www.asean-china-center.org. Retrieved 2022-01-05.
- ^ Shaorong, Yang (2004). Traditional Chinese clothing costumes, adornments & culture. Long River Press. p. 6. ISBN 1-59265-019-8. OCLC 491490154.
- ^ Kim, Jinyoung; Lee, Jaeyeong; Lee, Jongoh (2015). "Goryeoyang and Mongolpung in the 13 th –14 th centuries *". Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. 68 (3): 281–292. doi:10.1556/062.2015.68.3.3. ISSN 0001-6446.
- ^ "Figure 1. Goryeoyang dressing with a bangryŏng, banbi and a full-flowing skirt (From historical research and illustration by Choi 2007, p. 183)"
- ^ Choi, Hai-Yaul (2007). "A Study on the Design of Historical Costume for Making Movie & Multimedia -Focused on Rich Women's Costume of Goryeo-Yang and Mongol-Pung in the 13th to 14th Century-". Journal of the Korean Society of Costume. 57 (1): 176–186. ISSN 1229-6880.
- ^ Serruys, Henry (1957). "Remains of Mongol Customs in China During the Early Ming Period". Monumenta Serica. 16 (1–2): 137–190. doi:10.1080/02549948.1957.11730961. ISSN 0254-9948.
- ^ Wallace, Leslie (2020). "Does a feather in your hat barbarian make? Headgear and hairstyles in Han dynasty tomb murals in the Ordos". In Sheri Lullo; Leslie V. Wallace (eds.). The art and archaeology of bodily adornment : studies from Central and East Asian mortuary contexts. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp. 161–175. ISBN 978-1-351-26832-5. OCLC 1090702934.
Hufu (胡服), or "Hu clothing," designates the practical attire of the nomadic Hu peoples from northern and western regions bordering ancient China, consisting of trousers (ku), short upper garments or tunics (xi), tight sleeves, boots, and belts with buckles, optimized for horseback riding and archery.[1][2] This style contrasted sharply with the traditional Han Chinese robes and skirts, which hindered mobility in combat.[1]
In 307 BCE, King Wuling of Zhao (r. 325–299 BCE) decreed the adoption of hufu alongside cavalry tactics—known as "Hufu Qishe"—to equip his forces effectively against steppe nomads, prioritizing empirical military utility over cultural conservatism despite vehement opposition from courtiers who decried it as barbaric and humiliating.[2][1] The reforms yielded decisive advantages, enabling Zhao's expansion into nomadic territories and elevating its status among Warring States, while embedding hufu elements into broader Chinese sartorial evolution, recurrently during eras of intensified frontier interactions like the Han and Tang dynasties.[2][1]
Terminology and Definition
Etymology and Scope
The term hufu (胡服) literally translates to "Hu clothing," where hu (胡) designates northern and western nomadic peoples of the Eurasian steppes, often characterized as barbarians in ancient Chinese texts, and fu (服) refers to attire or dress. This nomenclature first appears in Sima Qian's Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian, compiled circa 94–91 BCE), describing garments adopted by the state of Zhao from these groups during the Warring States period (475–221 BCE).[3] Hufu's historical scope is confined to practical, tight-fitting ensembles suited for mounted warfare and pastoral life, including trousers (kuzi 褲子), short jackets (shangyi 上衣), and belted tunics originating from steppe nomads such as the Xiongnu and other Central Asian tribes. It excludes decorative or sedentary foreign influences, emphasizing utility over aesthetics, as evidenced by archaeological depictions of equestrian figures in these styles from the late Eastern Zhou era.[3]Distinction from Hanfu and Other Attire
Hufu differed fundamentally from Hanfu in its core components and construction, reflecting adaptations to equestrian lifestyles of northern steppe nomads rather than the pedestrian agrarian routines of central plains Han society. Traditional Hanfu typically comprised loose upper garments such as the ru or yi crossed right-over-left at the collar (jiaoling youren style) paired with flowing skirts or long robes (qun or shang), which facilitated ease in warm climates and manual labor but hindered mounted movement.[3] In contrast, Hufu incorporated form-fitting trousers (ku) secured with belt hooks and shorter jackets or tunics, often with alternative collar closures influenced by foreign styles, enabling secure leg coverage for horseback riding without the encumbrance of trailing fabric.[4] These design variances stemmed from causal necessities: nomadic herding and warfare on horseback demanded garments preventing chafing and allowing grip, unlike the sedentary Han emphasis on ritual propriety and thermal regulation through layered drapery.[5] Archaeological evidence underscores Hufu's status as an imported adaptation rather than indigenous evolution from Hanfu precedents. Trousers appear in central Chinese contexts primarily post-Warring States adoption, with pre-existing examples confined to western periphery sites like the Yanghai cemetery in Xinjiang, where 3,300-year-old woollen pants (circa 1200–1000 BCE) exhibit twill weaves and horse-rider optimizations absent in eastern Han agrarian burials.[5] Qin and early Han artifacts, such as bronze figurines and belt fittings from Shaanxi, depict Hu-influenced warriors in pantalons alongside native robe-wearers, indicating selective military integration without widespread Hanfu modification.[3] Textual records in Sima Qian's Shiji corroborate this distinction, portraying Hufu as "barbarian" attire (Hu ren yi fu) distinct from Zhou-Han ritual garb, imported via border contacts rather than evolving from local skirts or wraps.[3] Hufu also served to demarcate ethnic and occupational identities, visually separating mounted warriors or frontier affiliates from Han scholars and farmers clad in expansive Hanfu symbolizing civilized orthodoxy. In depictions from Warring States bronzes, foreign Hu figures wear trousers and jackets evoking steppe origins, contrasting with Han elites in unbound robes denoting scholarly detachment from martial exigencies.[3] This sartorial divide reinforced cultural boundaries, with Hufu adoption often critiqued in historical annals as eroding Han decorum, thereby signaling not just functional divergence but deliberate emulation of non-Han groups for strategic ends.[4] Such markers persisted in Qin-Han military contexts, where trousers denoted cavalry roles tied to Hu tactical imports, distinct from infantry or civilian Hanfu ensembles.[5]Design Features and Functionality
Core Garment Elements
The core elements of Hufu comprised trousers (ku) with a sewn crotch, enabling a secure fit that prevented exposure and facilitated leg extension, as adopted from northern nomadic attire during the Warring States period.[1] These trousers were typically long, extending to the ankles, though regional variations included knee-length versions for scouts or lighter infantry, based on depictions in contemporary artifacts.[6] Paired with the trousers was a short upper garment (yi), characterized by narrow sleeves, side slits for mobility, and often a belted waist secured by hooks or ties, distinguishing it from longer Han robes.[1] Collars were generally closed or featured lapels closing to the left, reflecting foreign stylistic influences evident in Warring States figurines.[6] Materials emphasized practicality, utilizing wool for insulation and flexibility or leather for added durability, in contrast to the silk prevalent in sedentary Chinese clothing, as inferred from nomadic textile traditions and archaeological parallels.[7] Bronze belt hooks unearthed from Warring States sites, such as those in Zhao territory, corroborate the use of belted ensembles.[3]Practical Advantages for Warfare and Mobility
The adoption of hufu, characterized by trousers (ku), fitted jackets with tight sleeves, and belts, markedly enhanced warriors' mobility in equestrian combat by allowing secure leg positioning astride a horse, unlike loose Han robes that restricted thigh flexion and risked entanglement during mounting or rapid maneuvers.[3] This design facilitated greater biomechanical efficiency, as trousers distributed pressure evenly across the rider's legs and pelvis, enabling sustained balance and leg spreading essential for controlling galloping mounts over uneven terrain.[8] Archaeological evidence from Central Asian tombs dating to circa 1000 BCE corroborates trousers' role in promoting such mobility, with woven constructions that minimized chafing and fabric drag during extended rides.[5] In archery from horseback, hufu's streamlined form reduced aerodynamic interference from billowing cloth, permitting archers to draw bows with fuller extension and quicker recovery between shots compared to robe-wearers, whose garments could impede arm swing or catch on bowstrings.[4] Nomadic Hu tactics, reliant on hit-and-run cavalry charges, demanded this parity; Zhao's pre-reform infantry and chariot forces, encumbered by traditional attire, struggled against such fluid assaults from tribes like the Lin Hu and Loufan.[3] The fitted elements of hufu also supported load-bearing for quivers and saddles, enhancing endurance in prolonged skirmishes without the slippage or overheating associated with layered robes. Empirical validation emerged post-307 BCE implementation under King Wuling, when Zhao's reformed cavalry—outfitted in hufu—repelled northern incursions and secured territorial gains, including the annexation of Dai and Yunzhong commanderies from nomadic groups, expanding Zhao's northern frontier by over 1,000 li (approximately 500 km).[9] These outcomes stemmed directly from the attire's enablement of "movable warfare," shifting from static chariot battles to agile pursuits that neutralized Hu advantages in speed and scouting.[3] Such adaptations underscored hufu's causal efficacy against existential threats, prioritizing functional realism over aesthetic conventions of Han dress.[4]Comparative Analysis with Traditional Han Robes
Hufu garments, characterized by trousers (ku), short upper jackets (shangyi) with fitted sleeves, and boots, fundamentally differed from traditional Han robes (shenyi or qufu), which featured long, flowing upper and lower sections fastened with a rightward-crossing collar and often lacked integrated leg coverings suited for mounting horses.[10] This design in Hufu facilitated greater leg mobility and stability during horseback riding, enabling wearers to straddle mounts effectively and maintain balance while drawing composite bows in motion, advantages absent in Han robes that tended to bind or drag during such activities.[11] In combat scenarios, Han robes hindered rapid dismounting, archery release, and evasion maneuvers, as their voluminous fabric restricted joint flexion and increased vulnerability to entanglement, rendering infantry-based Han formations ill-equipped against nomadic horse-archer tactics prevalent on open terrains.[11] Hufu's tailored elements, conversely, supported sustained mounted operations by minimizing drag and permitting tighter weapon handling, reflecting adaptations derived from steppe necessities rather than sedentary ritual priorities. Archaeological depictions, such as pottery figures of warriors, illustrate this through posed riders in trouser ensembles capable of dynamic posture, underscoring empirical suitability for equestrian warfare over robe constraints.[11] Traditional Han robes, typically crafted from silk or lightweight fabrics optimized for agrarian climates, offered limited resistance to prolonged exposure in harsh northern conditions, where moisture could weigh down layers and impede thermoregulation. Hufu, incorporating layered wool, felt, or leather components, provided superior insulation and quick-drying properties against wind, rain, and cold, as evidenced by preserved Xiongnu exemplars from Han-era sites.[12] This pragmatic layering prioritized survival in variable steppes over the aesthetic breadth of Han attire. Critics among Confucian elites often decried Hufu's abbreviated silhouette and foreign motifs as deviations from ritual propriety (li), emphasizing visual conformity to Zhou-era norms while sidelining its instrumental benefits for mobility and endurance. Although Mencius advocated that apparel should first ensure warmth and basic utility before pursuing decorative elegance, such functional imperatives were frequently subordinated to cultural form in contemporaneous objections, highlighting a disconnect between philosophical utility and applied resistance.[13]| Aspect | Traditional Han Robes | Hufu Garments |
|---|---|---|
| Mobility | Loose draping restricts leg/hip flexion for riding | Trousers and fitted uppers enable straddle and archery[11] |
| Combat Utility | Suited for static infantry; prone to snagging | Optimized for mounted evasion and bow draw[11] |
| Climate Adaptation | Silk layers absorb water, less insulating in cold/wet | Layered leather/wool resists elements, faster drying[12] |