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Hulegu Khan, also known as Hülegü or Hulagu[n 1] (c. 1217 – 8 February 1265), was a Mongol ruler who conquered much of Western Asia. As a son of Tolui and the Keraite princess Sorghaghtani Beki, he was a grandson of Genghis Khan and brother of Ariq Böke, Möngke Khan, and Kublai Khan.

Key Information

Hulegu's army greatly expanded the southwestern portion of the Mongol Empire, founding the Ilkhanate in Persia. Under Hulegu's leadership, the Mongols sacked and destroyed Baghdad, ending the Islamic Golden Age and the Abbasid dynasty. They also weakened Damascus, causing a shift of Islamic influence to the Mamluk Sultanate in Cairo.

Background

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Hulegu was born to Tolui, one of Genghis Khan's sons, and Sorghaghtani Beki, an influential Keraite princess and a niece of Toghrul in 1217.[3] Not much is known of Hulegu's childhood except of an anecdote given in Jami' al-Tawarikh and he once met his grandfather Genghis Khan with Kublai in 1224.

Military campaigns

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The siege of Alamût in 1256
A Mughal painting of Hulegu's siege of Alamut

Hulegu's brother Möngke Khan had been installed as Great Khan in 1251. Möngke charged Hulegu with leading a massive Mongol army to conquer or destroy the remaining Muslim states in southwestern Asia. Hulegu's campaign sought the subjugation of the Lurs of southern Iran,[3] the destruction of the Nizari Ismaili state (the Assassins), the submission or destruction of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad, the submission or destruction of the Ayyubid states in Syria based in Damascus, and finally, the submission or destruction of the Bahri Mamluke Sultanate of Egypt.[4] Möngke ordered Hulegu to treat kindly those who submitted and utterly destroy those who did not. Hulegu vigorously carried out the latter part of these instructions.

Hulegu marched out with perhaps the largest Mongol army ever assembled – by order of Möngke, two-tenths of the empire's fighting men were gathered for Hulegu's army[5] in 1253. He arrived at Transoxiana in 1255. He easily destroyed the Lurs, and the Assassins surrendered their impregnable fortress of Alamut without a fight, accepting a deal that spared the lives of their people in early 1256. He chose Azerbaijan as his power base, while ordering Baiju to retreat to Anatolia. From at least 1257 onwards, Muslims and Christians of every major religious variety in Europe, the Middle East, and mainland Asia were a part of Hulegu's army.[6]

Siege of Baghdad

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Main article: Siege of Baghdad

Hulegu's Mongol army set out for Baghdad in November 1257. Once near the city he divided his forces to threaten the city on both the east and west banks of the Tigris. Hulegu demanded surrender, but the caliph, Al-Musta'sim, refused. Due to the treason of Abu Alquma, an advisor to Al-Musta'sim, an uprising in the Baghdad army took place and Siege of Baghdad began. The attacking Mongols broke dikes and flooded the ground behind the caliph's army, trapping them. Much of the army was slaughtered or drowned.

The Mongols under Chinese general Guo Kan laid siege to the city on 29 January 1258,[7] constructing a palisade and a ditch and wheeling up siege engines and catapults. The battle was short by siege standards. By 5 February the Mongols controlled a stretch of the wall. The caliph tried to negotiate but was refused. On 10 February Baghdad surrendered. The Mongols swept into the city on 13 February and began a week of destruction. The Grand Library of Baghdad (also called 'Bayt al-Hikmah), containing countless precious historical documents and books on subjects ranging from medicine to astronomy, was destroyed. Citizens attempted to flee but were intercepted by Mongol soldiers.

Hulegu (left) imprisons the Caliph among his treasures to starve him to death. Medieval depiction from "Le livre des merveilles", 15th century.

Death counts vary widely and cannot be easily substantiated: A low estimate is about 90,000 dead;[8] higher estimates range from 200,000 to a million.[9] The Mongols looted and then destroyed buildings. Mosques, palaces, libraries, hospitals—grand buildings that had been the work of generations—were burned to the ground. The caliph was captured and forced to watch as his citizens were murdered and his treasury plundered. Il Milione, a book on the travels of Venetian merchant Marco Polo, states that Hulegu starved the caliph to death, but there is no corroborating evidence for that. Most historians believe the Mongol and Muslim accounts that the caliph was rolled up in a rug and the Mongols rode their horses over him, as they believed that the earth would be offended if touched by royal blood. All but one of his sons were killed. Baghdad underwent a severe decline in importance after the siege, although according to historian Michal Biran, Hulegu ordered the city rebuilt and the libraries were reopened within two years.[10][11] Smaller states in the region hastened to reassure Hulegu of their loyalty, and the Mongols turned to Syria in 1259, conquering the Ayyubid dynasty and sending advance patrols as far ahead as Gaza.

A thousand squads of northern Chinese sappers accompanied Hulegu during his conquest of the Middle East.[12]

Conquest of Syria (1260)

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See also: Mongol invasions of the Levant and Mongol raids into Palestine
Hulegu and Queen Doquz Qatun depicted as the new Constantine and Helen in a Syriac bible.[13][14]

In 1260 Mongol forces combined with those of their Christian vassals in the region, including the army of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia under Hethum I, King of Armenia and the Franks of Bohemond VI of Antioch. This force conquered Muslim Syria, a domain of the Ayyubid dynasty. They captured Aleppo by siege and, under the Christian general Kitbuqa, seized Damascus on 1 March 1260.[a] A Christian Mass was celebrated in the Umayyad Mosque and numerous mosques were profaned. Many historical accounts describe the three Christian rulers Hethum, Bohemond, and Kitbuqa entering the city of Damascus together in triumph,[15][16] though some modern historians such as David Morgan have questioned this story as apocryphal.[17]

The invasion effectively destroyed the Ayyubids, which was until then a powerful dynasty that had ruled large parts of the Levant, Egypt, and the Arabian Peninsula. The last Ayyubid king, An-Nasir Yusuf, had been killed by Hulegu this same year.[18] With Baghdad ravaged and Damascus weakened, the center of Islamic power shifted to the Mamluk sultan's capital of Cairo.

Hulegu intended to send forces southward through Palestine toward Cairo. So he had a threatening letter delivered by an envoy to the Mamluk Sultan Qutuz in Cairo demanding that Qutuz open his city or it would be destroyed like Baghdad. Then, because food and fodder in Syria had become insufficient to supply his full force, and because it was a regular Mongol practice to move troops to the cooler highlands for the summer,[19] Hulegu withdrew his main force to Iran near Azerbaijan, leaving behind one tumen (10,000 men or less) under Kitbuqa, accompanied by Armenian, Georgian, and Frankish volunteers, which Hulegu considered sufficient. Hulegu then personally departed for Mongolia to play his role in the imperial succession conflict occasioned by the death some eight months earlier of Great Khan Möngke. But upon receiving news of how few Mongols now remained in the region, Qutuz quickly assembled his well-trained and equipped 20,000-strong army at Cairo and invaded Palestine.[20][unreliable source?] He then allied himself with a fellow Mamluk leader, Baybars in Syria, who not only needed to protect his own future from the Mongols but was eager to avenge for Islam the Mongol capture of Damascus, looting of Baghdad, and conquest of Syria.

The Mongols, for their part, attempted to form a Frankish-Mongol alliance with (or at least, demand the submission of) the remnant of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, now centered on Acre, but Pope Alexander IV had forbidden such an alliance. Tensions between Franks and Mongols also increased when Julian of Sidon caused an incident resulting in the death of one of Kitbuqa's grandsons. Angered, Kitbuqa had sacked Sidon. The Barons of Acre, contacted by the Mongols, had also been approached by the Mamluks, seeking military assistance against the Mongols. Although the Mamluks were traditional enemies of the Franks, the Barons of Acre recognized the Mongols as the more immediate menace. Instead of taking sides, the Crusaders opted for a position of cautious neutrality between the two forces. In an unusual move, however, they allowed the Egyptian Mamluks to march northward without hindrance through Crusader territory and even let them camp near Acre to resupply.

Battle of Ain Jalut

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Main article: Battle of Ain Jalut
Hulegu leading his army

When news arrived that the Mongols had crossed the Jordan River in 1260, Sultan Qutuz and his forces proceeded southeast toward the 'Spring of Goliath' (Known in Arabic as 'Ain Jalut') in the Jezreel Valley. They met the Mongol army of about 12,000 in the Battle of Ain Jalut and fought relentlessly for many hours. The Mamluk leader Baybars mostly implemented hit-and-run tactics in an attempt to lure the Mongol forces into chasing him. Baybars and Qutuz had hidden the bulk of their forces in the hills to wait in ambush for the Mongols to come into range. The Mongol leader Kitbuqa, already provoked by the constant fleeing of Baybars and his troops, decided to march forwards with all his troops on the trail of the fleeing Egyptians. When the Mongols reached the highlands, Egyptians appeared from hiding, and the Mongols found themselves surrounded by enemy forces as the hidden troops hit them from the sides and Qutuz attacked the Mongol rear. Estimates of the size of the Egyptian army range from 24,000 to 120,000. The Mongols broke free of the trap and even mounted a temporarily successful counterattack, but their numbers had been depleted to the point that the outcome was inevitable. Refusing to surrender, the whole Mongol army that had remained in the region, including Kitbuqa, were cut down and killed that day. The battle of Ain Jalut established a high-water mark for the Mongol conquest.

Civil War

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Main article: Berke–Hulegu war
Coin of Hulegu, with the symbol of a hare

After the succession was settled and his brother Kublai Khan was established as Great Khan, Hulegu returned to his lands by 1262. When he massed his armies to attack the Mamluks and avenge the defeat at Ain Jalut, however, he was instead drawn into civil war with Batu Khan's brother Berke. Berke Khan, a Muslim convert and the grandson of Genghis Khan, had promised retribution in his rage after Hulegu's sack of Baghdad and allied himself with the Mamluks. He initiated a large series of raids on Hulegu's territories, led by Nogai Khan. Hulegu suffered a severe defeat in an attempted invasion north of the Caucasus in 1263. This was the first open war between Mongols and signaled the end of the unified empire. In retaliation for his failure, Hulegu killed Berke's ortogh, and Berke did the same in return.[21]

Even while Berke was Muslim, out of Mongol brotherhood he at first resisted the idea of fighting Hulegu. He said, "Mongols are killed by Mongol swords. If we were united, then we would have conquered all of the world." But the economic situation of the Golden Horde due to the actions of the Ilkhanate led him to declare jihad because the Ilkhanids were hogging the wealth of North Iran and because of the Ilkhanate's demands for the Golden Horde not to sell slaves to the Mamluks.[22]

Communications with Europe

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See also: Franco-Mongol alliance

Hulegu's mother Sorghaghtani successfully navigated Mongol politics, arranging for all of her sons to become Mongol leaders. She was a Christian of the Church of the East (often referred to as "Nestorianism") and Hulegu was friendly to Christianity. Hulegu's favorite wife, Doquz Khatun, was also a Christian, as was his closest friend and general, Kitbuqa. Hulegu sent multiple communications to Europe in an attempt to establish a Franco-Mongol alliance against the Muslims. In 1262, he sent his secretary Rychaldus and an embassy to "all kings and princes overseas". The embassy was apparently intercepted in Sicily by Manfred, King of Sicily, who was allied with the Mamluk Sultanate and in conflict with Pope Urban IV, and Rychaldus was returned by ship.[23]

On 10 April 1262, Hulegu sent a letter, through John the Hungarian, to Louis IX of France, offering an alliance.[24] It is unclear whether the letter ever reached Louis IX in Paris – the only manuscript known to have survived was in Vienna, Austria.[25] The letter stated Hulegu's intention to capture Jerusalem for the benefit of the Pope and asked for Louis to send a fleet against Egypt:

From the head of the Mongol army, anxious to devastate the perfidious nation of the Saracens, with the good-will support of the Christian faith (...) so that you, who are the rulers of the coasts on the other side of the sea, endeavor to deny a refuge for the Infidels, your enemies and ours, by having your subjects diligently patrol the seas.

— Letter from Hulegu to Saint Louis.[26]

Despite many attempts, neither Hulegu nor his successors were able to form an alliance with Europe, although Mongol culture in the West was in vogue in the 13th century. Many new-born children in Italy were named after Mongol rulers, including Hulegu: names such as Can Grande ("Great Khan"), Alaone (Hulegu), Argone (Arghun), and Cassano (Ghazan) are recorded.[27]

Family

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Hulegu had fourteen wives and concubines with at least 21 issues with them:

Principal wives:

  • Guyuk Khatun (died in Mongolia before reaching Iran) – daughter of Toralchi Güregen of the Oirat tribe and Checheikhen Khatun
    • Jumghur (died en route to Iran in 1270s)
    • Bulughan agha – married Jorma Güregen, son of Jochi (from Tatar tribe, brother of Nukdan khatun) and Chechagan Khatun, daughter of Temüge (Otchi Noyon)
  • Qutui Khatun – daughter of Chigu Noyan of Khongirad tribe and Tümelün behi (daughter of Genghis khan and Börte)
    • Takshin (d. 12 September 1270 of urinary incontinence)
    • Tekuder (1246–1284)
    • Todogaj Khatun[28] – married to Tengiz Güregen, married secondly to Sulamish his son, married thirdly to Chichak, son of Sulamish
  • Yesunchin Khatun (d. January/February 1272) – a lady from the Suldus tribe
  • Dokuz Khatun, daughter of Uyku (son of Toghrul) and widow of Tolui
  • Öljei Khatun – half-sister of Guyuk, daughter of Toralchi Güregen of the Oirat tribe
    • Möngke Temür (b. 23 October 1256, d. 26 April 1282)
    • Jamai Khatun – married Jorma Güregen after her sister Bulughan's death
    • Manggugan Khatun – married firstly to her cousin Chakar Güregen (son of Buqa Timur and niece of Öljei Khatun), married secondly to his son Taraghai
    • Baba Khatun – married to Lagzi Güregen, son of Arghun Aqa

Concubines:

  • Nogachin Aghchi, a lady from Cathay; from camp of Qutui Khatun
  • Tuqtani (or Toqiyatai) Egechi (d. 20 February 1292) – sister of Irinjin, niece of Dokuz Khatun
  • Boraqchin Agachi, from camp of Qutui Khatun
    • Taraghai (died by lightning strike on his way to Iran in 1260s)
      • Baydu
      • Eshil – married to Tuq Temür and then his brother (son of Abdullah Aqa, a general of Abaqa)
  • Arighan Agachi (d. 8 February 1265) – daughter of Tengiz Güregen; from camp of Qutui Khatun
  • Ajuja Agachi, a lady from China or Khitans, from camp of Dokuz Khatun
  • Yeshichin Agachi, a lady from the Kür'lüüt tribe; from camp of Qutui Khatun
    • Yesüder – Viceroy of Khorasan during Abaqa's reign
      • A daughter (married to Esen Buqa Güregen, son of Noqai Yarghuchi)
      • Khabash – posthumous son
  • El Agachi – a lady from the Khongirad tribe; from camp of Dokuz Khatun
    • Hulachu (executed by Arghun in October 1289)[29]
      • Suleiman (executed with his father)
      • Kuchuk (died in infancy after a long illness)
      • Khoja (died in infancy)
      • Qutluq Buqa (died in infancy)
      • 3 daughter
    • Shiba'uchi (d. Winter 1282)
  • Irqan Agachi (Tribe unknown)
    • Taraghai Khatun – married to Taghai Timur (renamed Musa) of Khongirad (son of Shigu Güregen) and Temülun Khatun (daughter of Genghis Khan)
  • Mangligach Agachi (Tribe unknown)
    • Qutluqqan Khatun – married firstly to Yesu Buqa Güregen, son of Urughtu Noyan of the Dörben tribe, married secondly Tukel, son of Yesu Buqa
  • A concubine from Qutui Khatun's camp:
    • Toqai Timur (d. 1289)[29]
      • Qurumushi
      • Hajji
The funeral of Hulegu (Bibliothèque nationale de France)

Death

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Hulegu Khan fell seriously ill in January 1265 and died the following month on the banks of Zarrineh River (then called Jaghatu) and was buried on Shahi Island in Lake Urmia. His funeral was the only Ilkhanate funeral to feature human sacrifice.[30] His tomb has never been found.[31]

Legacy

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Hulegu Khan laid the foundations of the Ilkhanate and thus paved the way for the later Safavid dynastic state, and ultimately the modern country of Iran. Hulegu's conquests also opened Iran to both European influence from the west and Buddhist influence from the east. Thus, combined with patronage from his successors, would develop Iran's distinctive excellence in architecture. Under Hulegu's dynasty, Iranian historians began writing in Persian rather than Arabic.[32] It is recorded however that he converted to Buddhism as he neared death,[33] against the will of Doquz Khatun.[34] The erection of a Buddhist temple at Ḵoy testifies his interest in that religion.[3] Recent translations of various Tibetan monks' letters and epistles to Hulegu confirms that he was a lifelong Buddhist, following the Kagyu school.[35]

Hulegu also patronized Nasir al-Din Tusi and his researches in Maragheh observatory. Another of his proteges were Juvayni brothers Ata Malik and Shams al-Din Juvayni. His reign as the ruler of Ilkhanate was peaceful and tolerant to diversity.[36]

[edit]

Notes

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References

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[edit]
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Hulegu Khan

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Hülegü Khan (c. 1217 – 8 February 1265) was a Mongol conqueror who founded the , a major successor khanate of the encompassing Persia, , and parts of and the . As the grandson of and brother to Great Khan Möngke, he commanded vast armies dispatched westward to secure submission from regional powers. His forces decisively eliminated the Nizari Ismaili sect by compelling the surrender of their fortress in 1256, effectively dismantling their network of mountain strongholds. In 1258, Hülegü's led to the city's devastating sack, the execution of Caliph , and the termination of the after over five centuries. These victories consolidated Mongol authority in the Islamic heartlands, fostering administrative innovations and cultural exchanges under Ilkhanid rule despite the widespread destruction and loss of life.

Early Life and Rise

Birth and Family Background

Hülegü Khan was born around 1217 as the son of , the youngest and fourth son of , and , a Keraite princess renowned for her political acumen and Nestorian Christian faith. , who commanded the keshig () during 's campaigns and inherited the Mongol homeland after his father's death in 1227, provided Hülegü with direct ties to the empire's founding lineage. , daughter of a Kerait noble and widow after 's death in 1232, actively promoted her sons' interests within the Mongol aristocracy, converting her influence toward ensuring their prominence amid succession struggles. As the third or fourth surviving son of and Sorghaghtani—following Möngke (born 1209) and Kublai (born 1215), and preceding —Hülegü belonged to the clan's Toluid branch, which produced three Great Khans and vied for supremacy after Ögedei's line waned. This fraternal network positioned him within the empire's core power structure, where familial alliances and maternal advocacy shaped early Mongol imperial dynamics. Hülegü's upbringing amid the nomadic elite emphasized martial training and administrative oversight, reflecting the Toluid emphasis on loyalty to the khanate's expansive conquests.

Education and Early Military Experience

Hulagu was born circa 1217 as the fifth son of , 's youngest son, and , a Kerait princess raised in the Nestorian Christian tradition but who adhered to Mongol customs. His early upbringing occurred in the nomadic environment of the Mongol heartland, where noble sons were groomed for leadership through immersion in life, including , , and communal rituals that fostered and resilience. In 1224, at about age nine, Hulagu accompanied his brother Kublai to meet returning from campaigns in Transoxania and ; Genghis ritually anointed their bowstring fingers with fat from slain game, symbolizing their into status. As with other Mongol princes, Hulagu's education lacked formal institutions but centered on practical mastery of warfare essentials: from horseback, across vast distances, wrestling, and strategic coordination via organized hunts that replicated army maneuvers on a smaller scale. These skills were honed from childhood under familial oversight, preparing him for command without recorded scholarly pursuits beyond basic literacy in the Uighur-Mongol script used for administrative tallies. Prior to 1251, Hulagu's experience remained domestic, focused on securing Toluid appanages against local threats and rebellions in eastern rather than distant conquests led by his uncles Ögedei and Güyük; this period built his logistical acumen in managing tumens (units of 10,000 warriors) and vast herds essential for sustaining campaigns.

Appointment by Mongke Khan

, elected Great Khan in July 1251 following a in the Mongol homeland, initiated comprehensive plans for imperial expansion, including directives for campaigns in the western Islamic lands. He appointed his younger brother Hulagu, a seasoned Mongol prince and fifth son of , to command the expedition aimed at eliminating the Nizari Ismaili strongholds in Persia and compelling submission from the centered in . This commission, formalized around 1252–1253, granted Hulagu extensive authority over military operations, civil administration, and resource allocation in the targeted regions, with explicit instructions to raze resistant fortresses and enforce Mongol through conquest or negotiated vassalage. The appointed force under Hulagu comprised approximately 100,000 to 150,000 personnel, including core Mongol tumens, allied contingents from Chagatai and Jochid uluses, and specialized units of Chinese engineers for machinery alongside Persian and Arab experts. Departing from in 1253, the army traversed over three years, reaching Persia by late 1255 or early 1256, with Hulagu accompanied by his Nestorian Christian consort Dokuz and select royal kin to underscore the dynastic stakes. Möngke's orders emphasized total eradication of the Ismailis unless they surrendered unconditionally, while demanding the Caliph personally attend a Mongol assembly or risk obliteration, reflecting the empire's strategy of psychological intimidation fused with overwhelming force.

Campaigns in Western Asia

Destruction of the Nizari Ismailis

In early 1256, Hülegü Khan, leading an army estimated at over 100,000 troops, initiated his campaign against the Nizari Ismaili strongholds in Persia as part of the broader Mongol objectives assigned by his brother, Great Khan Möngke. The Nizaris, a Shi'i Ismaili sect centered in mountainous fortresses like Alamut and Maymun-Diz, had maintained a network of approximately 100 castles and were notorious for targeted assassinations against political and religious figures, prompting Mongol demands for their submission. Hülegü's forces first subdued minor resistances in regions such as Quhistan and Qumis before converging on the core Alamut territories. The Nizari imam , who had assumed leadership in December 1255 following his father Ala ad-Din Muhammad III's death, faced immediate pressure as Mongol envoys demanded . Besieged at his stronghold of Maymun-Diz in autumn 1256, Khurshah capitulated after negotiations failed, pledging the submission of all Nizari fortresses to avert total annihilation. He dispatched orders for castles including to yield, leading to the rapid capitulation of most defenses without prolonged combat; Mongol engineers deployed trebuchets and other engines only against isolated holdouts like Girdkuh, which resisted until 1257. Alamut, the symbolic heart of Nizari power since Hassan-i Sabbah's capture in 1090, fell to forces on , 1256, marking the effective end of the Ismaili state. Hülegü initially treated Khurshah with deference to ensure compliance, but once surrenders were secured, he ordered the imam's execution along with much of his family—reportedly by trampling under horses or precipitous execution—eliminating the leadership cadre. The systematically razed fortresses, demolished towers, and incinerated vast libraries, including 's collection of scientific and philosophical manuscripts, resulting in irrecoverable cultural losses. Surviving Nizaris were dispersed or absorbed into Mongol administration, with some communities persisting covertly in Persia and , though the centralized polity ceased to exist. Hülegü's contemporary chronicler , who accompanied the campaign, documented the events in his Tarikh-i Jahangushay, emphasizing the ' strategic use of psychological and overwhelming to dismantle the Nizari network efficiently. This operation, completed with minimal Mongol casualties due to preemptive surrenders, cleared the path for subsequent advances against the .

Siege and Destruction of Baghdad

Following the subjugation of the in 1256, Hulagu Khan redirected his expeditionary force toward , the political and cultural center of the , as mandated by Great Khan Möngke to extend Mongol dominion over the Islamic realms. In late 1257, Hulagu dispatched an envoy to Caliph al-Mustaʿṣim billah, demanding submission, annual tribute of 2,000 dinars, the provision of against other Muslim rulers, and the dispatch of royal heirs as hostages; the caliph's dismissive response, reportedly enclosing the envoy's letter in a insulting reply, precipitated the . The Mongol army, numbering around 200,000 troops including auxiliary forces from Armenian, Georgian, and Chinese engineers, encircled on January 29, 1258, initiating a that exploited the city's outdated fortifications and internal divisions. Hulagu's forces deployed massive trebuchets and catapults to bombard the walls, while sappers undermined defenses and engineers diverted the River's canals to flood the surrounding moats and agricultural lands, severely hampering resupply and morale within the city. Despite a of approximately 50,000 under the command of the Ibn al-Alqami, who allegedly undermined defenses due to Shi'a sympathies, the eastern walls were breached after six days of intense combat from February 4 onward. Al-Mustaʿṣim, facing collapse, surrendered unconditionally on February 10, 1258, leading his entourage to the Mongol camp. Upon surrender, Hulagu initially issued decrees sparing the lives of judges (qadis), scholars, nobles, Shi'a descendants of , and Nestorian Christians, reflecting selective Mongol policies toward useful administrators and religious minorities; however, these protections proved limited as the sack unfolded. The caliph and his sons were executed shortly thereafter, with al-Mustaʿṣim reportedly confined without food until death or trampled to death while enclosed in a carpet to avoid spilling royal blood directly on the , per accounts drawing from Persian historians like Juvayni and later European observers. The ensuing plunder and destruction lasted approximately one week, transforming the once-prosperous metropolis into ruins, with Hulagu himself estimating over 200,000 deaths among the population, though contemporary figures vary widely up to 800,000 due to massacres, drownings, and . Mongol troops systematically looted palaces, mosques, and markets, setting fires that razed much of the urban fabric, while the River reportedly ran black with ink from the millions of volumes destroyed in libraries such as the , where texts accumulated over five centuries were cast into the waters in such quantities that they allegedly formed a temporary bridge capable of supporting a horseman. This devastation not only eradicated the Abbasid Caliphate's temporal authority after 524 years but also inflicted profound cultural losses, severing Baghdad's role as a hub of Islamic scholarship and engineering.

Advance into Syria and Defeat at Ain Jalut

Following the destruction of Baghdad in February 1258, Hulagu Khan directed his forces westward into in late 1259, crossing the River after securing the submissions of and . His army sacked en route and laid to on January 18, 1260 (2 Safar 658 AH). The city walls fell after a six-day bombardment with siege engines, surrendering on January 24, 1260, though the citadel held out for several more weeks until mid-February; a week-long ensued, with widespread looting and slaughter of the populace. Hulagu's vanguard, commanded by Ket Buqa Noyan, then advanced on , which surrendered without a fight in early —reportedly on —amid offers of and tribute from the city's leaders, who greeted the with gifts and the keys to the gates. This peaceful capitulation spared Damascus the fate of , though Mongol garrisons were imposed to enforce submission across . Hulagu, learning of his brother Möngke Khan's death in August 1259, withdrew the majority of his army—estimated at over 100,000 troops initially for the western campaign—eastward in spring 1260 to secure his claim in the ensuing Mongol succession struggle, leaving Ket Buqa with a reduced force of approximately 20,000 to consolidate control in the . The lingering Mongol presence prompted demands for submission from the of ; Saif ad-Din Qutuz executed the envoys in defiance, mobilizing an army under his command and that of his deputy . In July 1260, the Mamluks—numbering around 20,000, primarily elite slave cavalry—advanced northward into , where they encountered Ket Buqa's forces encamped near Ain Jalut (Goliath's Spring) southeast of . On September 3, 1260 (25 658 AH), the Mamluks initiated battle with a to lure the Mongol heavy cavalry into pursuit, then unleashed hidden reserves in an that shattered the Mongol lines; Ket Buqa was captured in the rout and executed shortly after. This victory represented the first open-field defeat of a since the empire's inception, stemming from the ' numerical disadvantage, overextension without Hulagu's main force, and the Mamluks' tactical adaptation of Mongol feigned-retreat maneuvers against them. It preserved as an independent power and precluded further Mongol incursions southward, though Hulagu later sought revenge without recapturing .

Founding and Rule of the Ilkhanate

Territorial Consolidation and Administration

Following the victory at the on 3 September 1260, Hulagu withdrew his forces from to prioritize consolidation of the conquered territories in Persia, (), and adjacent regions, thereby establishing the as a distinct Mongol polity centered on these areas. He selected in as his primary residence and administrative hub by late 1260, leveraging its strategic position for governance and defense against rivals such as the . This shift marked a transition from conquest to stabilization, including the suppression of local revolts and the integration of fragmented Persian principalities under centralized Mongol oversight. Hulagu's administrative structure combined Mongol military hierarchies with Persian bureaucratic expertise, appointing experienced officials to manage while subordinating them to noyans (tribal commanders). In 1259, he designated ʿAlāʾ-al-Din ʿAṭāʾ Malek Juvayni, a Persian administrator, as (shihna) of to oversee reconstruction and revenue extraction in the Abbasid ruins. Arghun Aqa, a pre-existing Mongol of western Asian finances since the 1240s, retained authority over taxation and the diwan (financial bureau) under Hulagu, ensuring continuity in fiscal operations across Persia and . By 1262, Hulagu elevated Šams-al-Din Muhammad Juvayni to sahb-e divan (chief financial minister), who implemented revenue reforms to stabilize the post-conquest economy. This privileged Mongol oversight to prevent among local elites, though it required collegial consultation with aristocratic commanders to mitigate internal dissent. Fiscal administration emphasized systematic taxation to fund the standing army and campaigns, building on empire-wide censuses initiated under in the 1250s; Hulagu enforced property assessments and qubchur (household levies) on sedentary populations, yielding revenues estimated at millions of dinars annually from Iraqi farmlands alone. governance involved dividing forces into tumens (units of ), with detachments garrisoned in key cities like and to enforce order and deter incursions. Border security was bolstered through conflicts, such as the 1262-1263 war against Khan's forces in the , which secured Azerbaijan's flanks and affirmed Ilkhanid sovereignty over contested pastoral lands. Hulagu also initiated infrastructural policies indicative of administrative foresight, commissioning the in 1259 under al-Din Tusi's direction to advance astronomical and calendrical sciences, which aided in standardizing measurements for taxation and . Selective tolerance toward Christian communities—sparing them during the 1258 sack—facilitated alliances and administrative cooperation in diverse territories, though Islamic institutions faced heavier impositions to offset war damages. These measures laid the groundwork for the Ilkhanate's endurance, blending coercive Mongol extraction with adaptive Persian mechanisms until Hulagu's death in 1265.

Patronage of Scholars and Infrastructure

Hulagu Khan demonstrated notable patronage toward Persian scholars, particularly in the fields of astronomy and mathematics, as part of his efforts to legitimize Ilkhanid rule through cultural and intellectual integration. Following the 1256 conquest of the Nizari Ismaili stronghold at , he spared and recruited key figures such as , a prominent Shi'ite scholar and polymath previously affiliated with the Ismailis, appointing him to administrative roles including oversight of religious endowments (waqfs). Al-Tusi, in turn, advised Hulagu on scientific matters, leveraging his influence to secure resources for intellectual pursuits amid the Mongol ruler's campaigns. This support extended to other astronomers like Mu'ayyid al-Din al-'Urdi, fostering a collaborative environment that drew scholars from across the Islamic world and beyond, including a Chinese astronomer named Fao Munji. A cornerstone of Hulagu's infrastructural initiatives was the establishment of the in northwestern , construction of which began in 1259 on a hilltop site selected for its suitability, with al-Tusi as director. Funded directly by Hulagu, the facility represented one of the earliest purpose-built astronomical observatories in the Islamic world, equipped with large-scale instruments such as a mural quadrant over 4 meters in and a solstitial , enabling precise observations that contributed to the compilation of the Zij-i Ilkhani astronomical tables completed posthumously under his successors. The observatory's operations, sustained until around 1316, advanced geocentric models with innovations like al-Tusi's "couple" mechanism for planetary motion, influencing later European astronomy, though its remote location and political disruptions limited long-term impact. Beyond astronomy, Hulagu's patronage included support for libraries and scriptoria, where scholars produced works in Persian and under Ilkhanid auspices, reflecting a pragmatic policy of harnessing local expertise for administrative and cultural stability. Infrastructural efforts, however, were more selectively focused; while broader Mongol policies under Hulagu emphasized military logistics over widespread civilian projects, the initiative exemplified targeted investments in scientific infrastructure to enhance the Ilkhanate's prestige and utility in calendrical and astrological computations essential for rulership. No extensive records detail large-scale canal restorations or urban rebuilding directly attributable to Hulagu, as his reign prioritized conquest and consolidation over such endeavors.

Religious Policies and Tolerance

![Hulagu Khan and his wife Doquz Khatun in a Syriac Bible][float-right]
Hulagu Khan followed traditional Mongol Tengrism, the shamanistic faith centered on the sky god Tengri, though he exhibited sympathies toward Nestorian Christianity due to the influence of his mother Sorghaghtani Beki and principal wife Doquz Khatun, both adherents of that denomination. No verified conversion to Christianity occurred, despite papal overtures from Urban IV in 1263 suggesting possible inclinations. Accounts indicate late-life interest in Buddhism, with a temple constructed near his burial site at Khoy following his death in 1265. His policies reflected broader Mongol pragmatism: granted to compliant subjects who paid , irrespective of , while resistance—regardless of —invited severe . This manifested in favoritism toward ; during the 1258 sack of , Hulagu exempted Nestorian communities from the general , directing them to seek refuge in churches declared off-limits to Mongol forces, an intervention attributed to Doquz Khatun's advocacy. Similar protections extended to and Shi'i in , sparing them from the estimated hundreds of thousands slain, primarily Sunni partisans of the Abbasid Caliph , whom Hulagu executed after the city's fall on February 10, 1258. In Aleppo's 1260 , and again received leniency amid the devastation. Toward Islam, Hulagu displayed no systematic animus beyond enforcing submission; the annihilation of the in 1256–60 targeted a militant sect viewed as a strategic threat by both and regional powers, not merely a religious purge. Post-conquest, Muslim populations under rule faced standard Mongol taxation without coerced conversion, aligning with the empire's multi-confessional administration. He patronized Muslim astronomers like Nasir al-Din Tusi, commissioning the in 1259 for scientific pursuits transcending faith. Conflicts arose with Muslim Khan of the over the Caliph's death, underscoring political rather than doctrinal divides. This approach sustained diverse religious practices in the until later rulers like adopted in 1295.

Diplomatic and Familial Relations

Interactions with European Powers

During the Mongol advance into in early 1260, Hülagü Khan's forces under general received the submission of Bohemond VI, and , who provided military support alongside Armenian allies from Cilician . This cooperation facilitated the rapid capture of in January 1260 and the surrender of on March 1, 1260, weakening Ayyubid control in the region. However, the of Acre permitted Mamluk forces to traverse their territory en route to the in September 1260, contributing to Kitbuqa's defeat and Hülagü's subsequent withdrawal of main forces from . Hülagü's Nestorian Christian wife, , influenced policies favoring Eastern Christians, including the sparing of Christian communities during the sack of in 1258, which fostered perceptions among some European observers of Mongol potential as allies against Muslim powers. In 1262, from his residence in Maragha, Hülagü dispatched a letter to King via envoy John the Hungarian, proposing a joint campaign against the Mamluks: the would provide a fleet to attack and , in exchange for restored access to under Mongol overlordship, with implicit threats of consequences for non-compliance. The mission was reportedly intercepted in by King Manfred, preventing delivery to Louis IX in . In response to reports of Hülagü's overtures, issued the bull Exultavit cor nostrum in 1263 or 1264, expressing optimism about Hülagü's rumored inclination toward and pledging support against the Saracens contingent on verified conversion. No formal materialized under Hülagü's rule (d. 1265), as European powers remained wary of Mongol intentions and demands for submission.

Conflicts with the Golden Horde and Internal Strife

The tensions between Hulagu Khan and Khan of the originated from Hulagu's occupation of Jochid-claimed territories in the and during his western campaigns, compounded by the Ilkhanate's withholding of revenues owed to the Horde, executions of Jochid princes, and attacks on Horde soldiers. , having converted to around 1252, was additionally outraged by Hulagu's destruction of in 1258 and the execution of Abbasid Caliph al-Mustaʿṣim, viewing these acts as desecrations of Muslim lands. Economic frictions, including Ilkhanid trade restrictions and resource hoarding, further exacerbated the rift. Open warfare broke out in the winter of 1261–1262, marking the first major inter-Mongol conflict since the empire's expansion under . In early 1262, Hulagu marched northward through the Pass with his army to challenge 's forces directly. , in turn, dispatched his nephew Nogai to lead the Golden Horde's offensive, while forging an alliance with the against the . The decisive clash occurred at the Battle of the Terek River in late 1262, where Nogai's forces ambushed Hulagu's troops, routing them and inflicting severe losses. During the retreat, Hulagu's son Abaqa pursued the victors but suffered defeat, with numerous Ilkhanid soldiers drowning while crossing the frozen Terek River. Berke pressed the advantage, advancing as far as Derbent, though Hulagu regrouped in Azerbaijan and received 30,000 reinforcements from his brother Kublai Khan. This war underscored profound internal divisions within the Mongol Empire, intertwining with the following Möngke Khan's death in 1259; Hulagu aligned with Kublai against , whom supported, thereby accelerating the ulus's fragmentation into rival khanates. The conflict's intensity waned after Hulagu's death on 8 February 1265, preventing a planned full-scale invasion, and Berke's own death in 1266 created a that shifted focus to successors like Nogai. Sporadic hostilities persisted, but the war effectively severed sustained cooperation between the and .

Marriages, Offspring, and Succession Planning

Hulagu Khan's principal wife was , a princess and Nestorian Christian, whose marriage to him predated his major western campaigns and whose influence contributed to his relatively tolerant stance toward Christian communities. She accompanied him during conquests and died in 1265, shortly after his own passing. Hulagu maintained additional consorts, including the concubine Irqan Egachi, in accordance with Mongol customs permitting multiple unions for political and reproductive purposes. Primary sources, such as the 14th-century historian Rashid al-Din, record that Hulagu fathered 14 sons and 7 daughters, though genealogical listings sometimes enumerate up to 15 sons. Prominent offspring included his eldest son Abaqa, born to the consort ; Ahmad Tegüder (later Ahmad); and Yoshmut, with daughters such as Todagu Khatun, who married her cousin Ahmad Tegüder. These children solidified alliances through intermarriages within the broader Mongol imperial family. Succession transitioned smoothly to Abaqa upon Hulagu's death on 8 February 1265, reflecting implicit designation of the senior capable son in line with Toluid branch precedents, though Mongol elective elements persisted. A brief challenge from the younger Yoshmut was resolved in Abaqa's favor via assembly, ensuring continuity of Hulagu's without prolonged strife. This arrangement entrenched the dynastic line descending from Hulagu, distinct from rival khanates.

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Final Years and Health Decline

In the early 1260s, Hulagu focused on consolidating his rule amid escalating tensions with Khan of the , culminating in open warfare over the and regions starting in 1262. These campaigns diverted resources from further western expansions and strained Ilkhanid forces, though Hulagu maintained strategic alliances, including a to in 1262 seeking support against the Mamluks. Hulagu reportedly suffered from , with the frequency of seizures intensifying in his later years. In 1264, the sighting of a further unsettled him, interpreted by contemporaries as a portent of misfortune. This period of omens preceded a rapid health deterioration; he fell seriously ill in January 1265 while near . Hulagu died on February 8, 1265, on the banks of the (then known as the Jaghatu). Some accounts attribute the immediate cause to a , though primary chronicles like Rashid al-Din and Juvayni emphasize the suddenness of his decline without specifying .

Burial and Speculated Tomb Sites

Hulagu Khan died on 8 February 1265 at his winter quarters near the sources of the Zarrīna-rūd in , likely in the vicinity of Maragha. Contemporary Persian chronicles record that his body was interred on (Jazīreh-ye Shāhī, meaning "Royal Island") in , northwestern , to safeguard it and the accompanying royal treasury from rivals. These accounts describe the burial occurring in a mountainous section of the island, reflecting Mongol traditions of secretive sepulture to prevent desecration, akin to practices under . The interment reportedly involved transporting the corpse across the lake , with participants sworn to and measures taken to erase traces of the site. Persian sources, including those from the Ilkhanid , unanimously locate the and on this island, though details vary slightly on the exact method of concealment, such as potential rock-cut chambers. Unlike later Ilkhanid rulers whose are known, Hulagu's site has evaded discovery, with no verified archaeological remains despite the island's relative . Speculation persists regarding alternative or precise locations within , fueled by the island's submersion risks due to fluctuating water levels and seismic activity in the region. Some scholars propose examining submerged or eroded features on , but environmental changes and lack of targeted excavations have hindered progress. A from the Mongol period discovered in Maragha has been noted for its stylistic parallels to Ilkhanid funerary architecture, though it is not attributed to Hulagu himself. These unconfirmed sites underscore the challenges in verifying medieval Mongol burial practices through material evidence alone.

Legacy and Historical Assessments

Short-Term Impacts on Conquered Regions

Hulagu Khan's campaigns beginning in 1253 targeted the Nizari Ismaili strongholds in Persia, culminating in the siege and surrender of in November 1256. The dismantled the fortress, destroyed its renowned library containing thousands of manuscripts, and executed many Ismaili leaders and followers who resisted, effectively eliminating the independent Nizari state and integrating surviving communities under Mongol oversight. This led to immediate political fragmentation in northern Persia, with local power structures collapsed and replaced by Mongol-appointed administrators, though widespread killings disrupted social continuity. In , the siege of from January 29 to February 10, 1258, marked the most devastating short-term impact, with Hulagu's forces breaching the city's defenses and executing Caliph along with his family. Contemporary estimates of the death toll range from 90,000 to over 800,000 civilians and soldiers, reflecting massacres that decimated the urban population and scholarly elite; the Tigris River reportedly ran black with ink from destroyed books and red with blood. The sack razed palaces, mosques, and institutions like the Mustansiriya , while Mongol troops demolished key irrigation canals in , poisoning water sources and abandoning fertile fields, triggering acute agricultural collapse and famine in the surrounding regions. Initial governance involved looting treasuries and installing tax collectors, but the scale of destruction created a and economic paralysis, with 's pre-siege population of around one million reduced by up to 90% in affected areas. Extending into in late 1259, Mongol armies under Hulagu captured after a from September to December, subjecting the city to a week of pillage and following the fall of its , with thousands killed or enslaved as artisans and much of the exterminated for resistance. surrendered in March 1260 without prolonged fighting, receiving amnesty and avoiding wholesale destruction, though Mongol overseers (shahna) were imposed to enforce tribute and maintain order. These conquests halved Syria's urban centers' viability short-term, fostering terror-induced submissions but also enabling rapid Mongol administrative overlays, until Hulagu's withdrawal after Möngke Khan's death in 1259 left the region vulnerable to counteroffensives at Ain Jalut. Overall, the invasions caused depopulation exceeding 10-20% in core areas, severed trade routes, and imposed a reign of fear that prioritized extraction over reconstruction in the immediate years.

Long-Term Effects on Persian and Islamic History

Hulagu's campaigns, culminating in the sack of on February 10, 1258, obliterated the , eliminating its role as the symbolic and political nucleus of and accelerating the decentralization of Islamic authority across fragmented successor states. This event, involving the deaths of an estimated 200,000 to 1,000,000 civilians in alone amid massacres and flooding of the with ink from destroyed libraries, inflicted profound demographic and intellectual losses on the Islamic heartland, contributing to a perceived stagnation in centralized scholarly traditions previously centered there. In Persia, the invasions triggered severe economic disruption through widespread irrigation system destruction and urban depopulation, with regional populations plummeting due to direct violence, , and , hindering agricultural recovery for generations. The establishment of the under Hulagu from 1256 onward imposed initial Mongol dominance but transitioned into a stabilizing force by integrating Persian administrative frameworks, employing local elites, and centralizing rule over a previously anarchic (circa 1220–1254). This model, blending Mongol structure with Persian , laid groundwork for Iran's reemergence as a cohesive political entity, influencing subsequent dynasties through enduring Persianate court traditions. Economically, the Ilkhans facilitated trans-Eurasian trade networks under , reconnecting Persia to Chinese and European markets and spurring urban revival in cities like by the late 13th century. Culturally, the Ilkhanate marked a Persian , with Hulagu's patronage of the (founded 1259) advancing astronomy through collaborations between Persian, Chinese, and Islamic scholars, yielding precise planetary tables that influenced later Islamic science. The realm's viziers, such as Rashid al-Din (d. 1318), commissioned encyclopedic works like the , synthesizing global histories and promoting Persian as a of administration and literature. Khan's in 1295 formalized the dynasty's alignment with Islamic norms, fostering elite conversions and that embedded Mongol rule within Persian-Islamic frameworks, though initial shamanist and Buddhist influences persisted. These developments elevated Persian cultural output, including illuminated manuscripts and , countering earlier devastations and positioning as a hub for multicultural exchange until the Ilkhanate's collapse in 1335.

Controversies: Destruction versus Stabilization

Hulagu Khan's campaigns in the 1250s culminated in the sack of on February 10, 1258, where Mongol forces under his command massacred between 200,000 and 1.6 million inhabitants over several days, according to contemporary accounts compiled by historians like Rashid al-Din. The destruction included the systematic razing of the city's infrastructure, irrigation systems, and cultural institutions such as the , whose books reportedly turned the River black from ink during their disposal. This event ended the , which had long been politically weakened and reduced to symbolic authority, but the scale of violence fueled enduring perceptions of Hulagu as a of Islamic . Critics, drawing from Islamic historiographical traditions, emphasize the long-term demographic and economic devastation, with Baghdad's plummeting and the experiencing depopulation and agricultural decline for decades; some estimates suggest the urban never fully recovered its pre-1258 vitality. However, revisionist analyses question the attribution of the Islamic Golden Age's decline solely to Mongol incursions, noting pre-existing stagnation in Abbasid output and internal factionalism that predated 1258. Hulagu's orders for the assault stemmed from the caliph al-Musta'sim's refusal to submit and prior insults to Mongol envoys, aligning with established practices of exemplary punishment to deter resistance. In contrast, Hulagu's elimination of the Nizari Ismaili state, including the fortress of Alamut in 1256, removed a longstanding source of regional instability through targeted assassinations and sectarian strife that had plagued Persia and Syria for over a century. The establishment of the Ilkhanate under his rule centralized authority over fragmented Iranian polities, integrating Mongol military discipline with Persian administrative expertise to foster relative order and facilitate Silk Road commerce revival. By suppressing rival power centers like the Assassins—prompted by their plots against Mongol leadership—Hulagu imposed a Pax Mongolica that, despite initial brutality, enabled economic recovery and cultural synthesis in Persia, as evidenced by the Ilkhanate's endurance until 1335 and later patronage of Persian arts under successors. The debate centers on causal trade-offs: short-term cataclysm versus long-term consolidation. Traditional Muslim sources portray Hulagu's actions as unmitigated barbarism, amplifying destruction narratives to underscore , while Mongol and later Persian chronicles, such as those by Juwayni, highlight the restorative effects of ending caliphal pretensions and Ismaili terror, which had exacerbated in post-Seljuk . Empirical assessments note that while Baghdad's fall disrupted Mesopotamian and temporarily, the Ilkhanate's administrative reforms and policies under Hulagu's framework mitigated broader collapse, preventing further and enabling Ilkhanid rulers to adopt by the late , thus stabilizing . This duality reflects the Mongol conquest model's reliance on terror for submission followed by institutional imposition, yielding net stabilization in Persia absent prior unified rule.

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