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Apocrypha
Apocrypha
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The apocryphal letter of Sultan Mehmed II to the Pope (Notes et extraits pour servir à l'histoire des croisades au XVe siècle), published by Nicolae Iorga. Series 4: 1453–1476, Paris; Bucharest, 1915, pages 126–127

Apocrypha (/əˈpɒkrɪfə/) are biblical or related writings not forming part of the accepted canon of scripture, some of which might be of doubtful authorship or authenticity.[1] In Christianity, the word apocryphal (ἀπόκρυφος) was first applied to writings that were to be read privately rather than in the public context of church services. Apocrypha were edifying Christian works that were not always initially included as canonical scripture.

The adjective "apocryphal", meaning of doubtful authenticity, mythical, fictional, is recorded from the late 16th century,[2] then taking on the popular meaning of "false," "spurious," "bad," or "heretical." It may be used for any book which might have scriptural claims but which does not appear in the canon accepted by the author. A related term for both canon and non-canonical texts whose authorship seems incorrect is pseudepigrapha, a term that means "false attribution".[3]

In Christianity, the name "the Apocrypha" is applied to a particular set of books which, when they appear in a Bible, are sometimes placed between the Old and New Testaments in a section called "Apocrypha."[4] The canonicity of such books took longer to determine. Various of these books are accepted by the Catholic Church, Orthodox Churches and the Church of the East, as deuterocanonical. Some Protestant traditions reject them outright; others regard the Apocrypha as non-canonical books that are useful for instruction.[5][6]

Etymology

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The word's origin is the Medieval Latin adjective apocryphus (secret, or non-canonical) from the Greek adjective ἀπόκρυφος, apokryphos, (private) from the verb ἀποκρύπτειν, apokryptein (to hide away).[7]

It comes from Greek and is formed from the combination of apo (away) and kryptein (hide or conceal).[8]

The word apocrypha has undergone a major change in meaning throughout the centuries. The word apocrypha in its ancient Christian usage originally meant a text read in private, rather than in public church settings. In English, it later came to have a sense of the esoteric, suspicious, or heretical, largely because of the Protestant interpretation of the usefulness of non-canonical texts.

Esoteric and metaphorical usage

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The word apocryphal (ἀπόκρυφος) was first applied to writings that were kept secret[9] because they were the vehicles of esoteric knowledge considered too profound or too sacred to be disclosed to anyone other than the initiated. For example, the disciples of the Gnostic Prodicus boasted that they possessed the secret (ἀπόκρυφα) books of Zoroaster. The term in general enjoyed high consideration among the Gnostics (see Acts of Thomas, pp. 10, 27, 44).[10]

The adjective apocryphal is commonly used in modern English to refer to any text or story considered to be of dubious veracity or authority, although it may contain some moral truth. In this broader metaphorical sense, the word suggests a claim that is in the nature of folklore, factoid or urban legend.[citation needed]

Writings of questionable value

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Apocrypha was also applied to writings that were hidden not because of their divinity but because of their questionable value to the church. The early Christian theologian Origen, in his Commentaries on Matthew, distinguishes between writings that were read by the churches and apocryphal writings: γραφὴ μὴ φερομένη μέν ἒν τοῖς κοινοῖς καὶ δεδημοσιευμένοις βιβλίοις εἰκὸς δ' ὅτι ἒν ἀποκρύφοις φερομένη (writing not found in the common and published books on one hand [and] actually found in the secret ones on the other).[11] The meaning of αποκρυφος is here practically equivalent to "excluded from the public use of the church" and prepares the way for an even less favourable use of the word.[10]

Spurious writings

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In general use, the word apocrypha came to mean "of doubtful authenticity".[12] This meaning also appears in Origen's prologue to his commentary on the Song of Songs, of which only the Latin translation survives:

De scripturis his, quae appellantur apocriphae, pro eo quod multa in iis corrupta et contra fidem veram inveniuntur a maioribus tradita non placuit iis dari locum nec admitti ad auctoritatem.[10]
"Concerning these scriptures, which are called apocryphal, for the reason that many things are found in them corrupt and against the true faith handed down by the elders, it has pleased them that they not be given a place nor be admitted to authority."

Writings and objects

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Sinologist Anna Seidel refers to texts and even items produced by ancient Chinese sages as apocryphal and studied their uses during Six Dynasties China (AD 220–589). These artifacts were used as symbols legitimizing and guaranteeing the Emperor's Heavenly Mandate. Examples of these include talismans, charts, writs, tallies, and registers. The first examples were stones, jade pieces, bronze vessels and weapons, but came to include talismans and magic diagrams.[13]

From their roots in Zhou era China (1066–256 BC), these items came to be surpassed in value by texts by the Han dynasty (206 BC – AD 220). Most of these texts have been destroyed as Emperors, particularly during the Han dynasty, collected these legitimizing objects and proscribed, forbade and burnt nearly all of them to prevent them from falling into the hands of political rivals.[13]

Deuterocanonical

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The Gelasian Decree (generally held now as being the work of an anonymous scholar between 519 and 553) refers to religious works by Church Fathers Eusebius, Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria as apocrypha. Augustine defined the word as meaning simply "obscurity of origin", implying that any book of unknown authorship or questionable authenticity would be considered apocryphal. Jerome in Prologus Galeatus declared that all books outside the Hebrew canon were apocryphal. In practice, Jerome treated some books outside the Hebrew canon as if they were canonical, and the Western Church did not accept Jerome's definition of apocrypha, instead retaining the word's prior meaning.[10] As a result, various church authorities labeled different books as apocrypha, treating them with varying levels of regard.

Origen stated that "the canonical books, as the Hebrews have handed them down, are twenty-two".[14] Clement and others cited some apocryphal books as "scripture", "divine scripture", "inspired", and the like. Teachers connected with Palestine and familiar with the Hebrew canon (the protocanon) excluded from the canon all of the Old Testament not found there. This view is reflected in the canon of Melito of Sardis, and in the prefaces and letters of Jerome. A third view was that the books were not as valuable as the canonical scriptures of the Hebrew collection, but were of value for moral uses, as introductory texts for new converts from paganism, and to be read in congregations. They were referred to as "ecclesiastical" works by Rufinus.[10]

In 1546, the Catholic Council of Trent reconfirmed the canon of Augustine, dating to the second and third centuries, declaring "He is also to be anathema who does not receive these entire books, with all their parts, as they have been accustomed to be read in the Catholic Church, and are found in the ancient editions of the Latin Vulgate, as sacred and canonical." The whole of the books in question, with the exception of 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras and the Prayer of Manasseh, were declared canonical at Trent.[10]

The Protestants, in comparison, were diverse in their opinion of the deuterocanon early on. Some considered them divinely inspired, others rejected them. Lutherans and Anglicans retained the books as Christian intertestamental readings and a part of the Bible (in a section called "Apocrypha"), but no doctrine should be based on them.[15] John Wycliffe, a 14th-century Christian Humanist, had declared in his biblical translation that "whatever book is in the Old Testament besides these twenty-five shall be set among the apocrypha, that is, without authority or belief."[10] Nevertheless, his translation of the Bible included the apocrypha and the Epistle of the Laodiceans.[16]

Martin Luther did not class apocryphal books as being scripture, but in the German Luther Bible (1534) the apocrypha are published in a separate section from the other books, although the Lutheran and Anglican lists are different. Anabaptists use the Luther Bible, which contains the intertestamental books; Amish wedding ceremonies include "the retelling of the marriage of Tobias and Sarah in the Apocrypha".[17] The fathers of Anabaptism, such as Menno Simons, quoted "them [the Apocrypha] with the same authority and nearly the same frequency as books of the Hebrew Bible" and the texts regarding the martyrdoms under Antiochus IV in 1 Maccabees and 2 Maccabees are held in high esteem by the Anabaptists, who faced persecution in their history.[18]

In Reformed editions (like the Westminster), readers were warned that these books were not "to be any otherwise approved or made use of than other human writings". A milder distinction was expressed elsewhere, such as in the "argument" introducing them in the Geneva Bible, and in the Sixth Article of the Church of England, where it is said that "the other books the church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners," though not to establish doctrine.[10] Among some Nonconformists, the term apocryphal began to take on extra or altered connotations: not just of dubious authenticity, but having spurious or false content,[19] Protestants, being diverse in theological views, were not unanimous in adopting those meanings.[20][21][6]

Generally, Anabaptists and magisterial Protestants recognize the fourteen books of the Apocrypha as being non-canonical, but useful for reading "for example of life and instruction of manners": a view that continues today throughout the Lutheran Church, the worldwide Anglican Communion, among many other denominations, such as the Methodist Churches and Quaker Yearly Meetings.[20][21][6] Liturgically, the Catholic, Methodist and Anglican churches have a scripture reading from the Book of Tobit in services of Holy Matrimony.[22]

According to the Orthodox Anglican Church:

On the other hand, the Anglican Communion emphatically maintains that the Apocrypha is part of the Bible and is to be read with respect by her members. Two of the hymns used in the American Prayer Book office of Morning Prayer, the Benedictus es and Benedicite, are taken from the Apocrypha. One of the offertory sentences in Holy Communion comes from an apocryphal book (Tob. 4: 8–9). Lessons from the Apocrypha are regularly appointed to be read in the daily, Sunday, and special services of Morning and Evening Prayer. There are altogether 111 such lessons in the latest revised American Prayer Book Lectionary [The books used are: II Esdras, Tobit, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Three Holy Children, and I Maccabees.] The position of the Church is best summarized in the words of Article Six of the Thirty-nine Articles: "In the name of Holy Scripture we do understand those canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, of whose authority there was never any doubt in the Church... And the other Books (as Hierome [St. Jerome] saith) the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine.[23]

Though Protestant Bibles historically include 80 books, 66 of these form the Protestant canon (such as listed in the Westminster Confession of 1646),[24][25] which has been well established for centuries, with many today supporting the use of the Apocrypha and others contending against the Apocrypha using various arguments.[24][26][27]

Buddhism

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Apocryphal Jatakas of the Pāli Canon, such as those belonging to the Paññāsajātaka collection, have been adapted to fit local culture in certain Southeast Asian countries and have been retold with amendments to the plots to better reflect Buddhist morals.[28][29]

Within the Pali tradition, the apocryphal Jatakas of later composition (some dated even to the 19th century) are treated as a separate category of literature from the "official" Jataka stories that have been more-or-less formally canonized from at least the 5th century—as attested to in ample epigraphic and archaeological evidence, such as extant illustrations in bas relief from ancient temple walls.

Christianity

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Intertestamental books

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Copies of the Luther Bible include the deuterocanonical books as an intertestamental section between the Old Testament and New Testament; they are termed the "Apocrypha" in many Protestant Churches.
The contents page in a complete 80 book King James Bible, listing "The Books of the Old Testament", "The Books called Apocrypha", and "The Books of the New Testament".

During the Apostolic Age many Jewish texts of Hellenistic origin existed within Judaism and were frequently used by Christians. Patristic authorities frequently recognized these books as important to the emergence of Christianity, but the inspired authority and value of the apocrypha remained widely disputed.[citation needed] Christians included several of these books in the canons of the Christian Bibles, calling them the "apocrypha" or the "hidden books".[citation needed]

In the sixteenth century, during the Protestant Reformation, the canonical validity of the intertestamental books was challenged and fourteen books were classed in 80 book Protestant Bibles as an intertestamental section called the Apocrypha, which straddles the Old Testament and New Testament. Prior to 1629, all English-language Protestant Bibles included the Old Testament, Apocrypha, and New Testament; examples include the "Matthew's Bible (1537), the Great Bible (1539), the Geneva Bible (1560), the Bishop's Bible (1568), and the King James Bible (1611)".[24]

Fourteen out of eighty biblical books comprise the Protestant Apocrypha, first published as such in Luther's Bible (1534). Many of these texts are considered canonical Old Testament books by the Catholic Church, affirmed by the Council of Rome (AD 382) and later reaffirmed by the Council of Trent (1545–63); all of the books of the Protestant Apocrypha are considered canonical by the Eastern Orthodox Church and are referred to as anagignoskomena per the Synod of Jerusalem (1672). The Lutheran Churches normatively include in the Bible the Apocrypha as an intertestamental section between the Old Testament and the New Testament; the systematic theologian Martin Chemnitz, a leading figure in the development of Evangelical Lutheranism "separated Scripture into two categories: those from which the Church makes doctrine and those from which the Church does not."[30] The Book of Concord, the compendium of Evangelical Lutheran doctrine, quotes passages from the Apocrypha/Deuterocanon.[30] The Dietrich Catechism, widely used in Evangelical Lutheranism, affirms that apart from the canonical books, the Lutheran Bible includes the apocrypha.[30] To this date, scripture readings from the Apocrypha are included in the lectionaries of the Lutheran Churches and the Anglican Churches.[31][32]

Anabaptists use the Luther Bible, which contains the intertestamental books; Amish wedding ceremonies include "the retelling of the marriage of Tobias and Sarah in the Apocrypha".[17] The Anglican Communion accepts the Protestant Apocrypha "for instruction in life and manners, but not for the establishment of doctrine (Article VI in the Thirty-Nine Articles)",[33] and many "lectionary readings in The Book of Common Prayer are taken from the Apocrypha", with these lessons being "read in the same ways as those from the Old Testament".[34]

The first Methodist liturgical book, The Sunday Service of the Methodists, employs verses from the Apocrypha, such as in the Eucharistic liturgy.[21] The Protestant Apocrypha contains three books (1 Esdras, 2 Esdras and the Prayer of Manasseh) that are accepted by many Eastern Orthodox Churches and Oriental Orthodox Churches as canonical, but are regarded as non-canonical by the Catholic Church and are therefore not included in modern Catholic Bibles.[35]

In the 1800s, the British and Foreign Bible Society did not regularly publish the intertestamental section in its Bibles, citing the cost of printing the Apocrypha in addition to the Old Testament and New Testament as a major factor; this legacy came to characterize English-language Bibles in Great Britain and the Americas, unlike in Europe where Protestant Bibles are printed with 80 books in three sections: the Old Testament, Apocrypha, and New Testament.[36][37]

In the present-day, "English Bibles with the Apocrypha are becoming more popular again", usually being printed as intertestamental books.[24] The Revised Common Lectionary, in use by most mainline Protestants including Methodists and Moravians, lists readings from the Apocrypha in the liturgical calendar, although alternate Old Testament scripture lessons are provided.[38]

The status of the deuterocanonicals remains unchanged in Catholic and Orthodox Christianity, though there is a difference in number of these books between these two branches of Christianity.[39] Some authorities began using term deuterocanonical to refer to this traditional intertestamental collection as books of "the second canon".[40] These books are often seen as helping to explain the theological and cultural transitions that took place between the Old and New Testaments. They are also sometimes called "intertestamental" by religious groups who do not recognize Hellenistic Judaism as belonging with either Jewish or Christian testaments.[citation needed]

Slightly varying collections of apocryphal, deuterocanonical or intertestamental books of the Bible form part of the Catholic, Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox canons. The deuterocanonical or intertestamental books of the Catholic Church include Tobit, Judith, Baruch, Sirach, 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees, Wisdom and additions to Esther, Daniel, and Baruch.

The Book of Enoch is included in the biblical canon of the Oriental Orthodox churches of Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Epistle of Jude alludes to a story in the book of Enoch, and some believe the use of this book also appears in the four gospels and 1 Peter.[41][42] While Jesus and his disciples sometimes used phrases also featured in some of the Apocryphal books,[43][dubiousdiscuss] the Book of Enoch was never referenced by Jesus. The genuineness and inspiration of Enoch were believed in by the writer of the Epistle of Barnabas, Irenaeus, Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria[10] and many others of the early church.[citation needed] The Epistles of Paul and the Gospels also show influences from the Book of Jubilees,[citation needed] which is part of the Ethiopian canon, as well as the Assumption of Moses and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs,[citation needed] which are included in no biblical canon.

Canonicity

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The establishment of a largely settled uniform canon was a process of centuries, and what the term canon (as well as apocrypha) precisely meant also saw development. The canonical process took place with believers recognizing writings as being inspired by God from known or accepted origins, subsequently being followed by official affirmation of what had become largely established through the study and debate of the writings.[19]

The first ecclesiastical decree on the Catholic Church's canonical books of the Sacred Scriptures is attributed to the Council of Rome (382), and is correspondent to that of Trent.[44] Martin Luther, like Jerome, favored the Masoretic canon for the Old Testament, excluding apocryphal books in the Luther Bible as unworthy to be properly called scripture, but included most of them in a separate section.[45] Luther did not include the deuterocanonical books in his Old Testament, terming them "Apocrypha, that are books which are not considered equal to the Holy Scriptures, but are useful and good to read."[46]

The Eastern Orthodox Church accepts four other books into its canon than what are contained in the Catholic canon: Psalm 151, the Prayer of Manasseh, 3 Maccabees, and 1 Esdras.[47]

Disputes

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The status of the books that the Catholic Church terms Deuterocanonicals (second canon) and Protestantism refers to as Apocrypha has been an issue of disagreement that preceded the Reformation. Many believe that the pre-Christian-era Jewish translation (into Greek) of holy scriptures known as the Septuagint, a Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures originally compiled around 280 BC, originally included the apocryphal writings in dispute, with little distinction made between them and the rest of the Old Testament. Others argue that the Septuagint of the first century did not contain these books but they were added later by Christians.[48][49]

The earliest extant manuscripts of the Septuagint are from the fourth century, and suffer greatly from a lack of uniformity as regards containing apocryphal books,[50][51][52] and some also contain books classed as pseudepigrapha, from which texts were cited by some early writers in the second and later centuries as being scripture.[19]

While a few scholars conclude that the Jewish canon was the achievement of the Hasmonean dynasty,[53] it is generally considered not to have been finalized until about 100 AD[54] or somewhat later, at which time considerations of Greek language and beginnings of Christian acceptance of the Septuagint weighed against some of the texts. Some were not accepted by the Jews as part of the Hebrew Bible canon and the Apocrypha is not part of the historical Jewish canon[clarification needed].

Early church fathers such as Athanasius, Melito, Origen, and Cyril of Jerusalem, spoke against the canonicity of much or all of the apocrypha,[48] but the most weighty opposition was the fourth century Catholic scholar Jerome who preferred the Hebrew canon, whereas Augustine and others preferred the wider (Greek) canon,[55] with both having followers in the generations that followed. The Catholic Encyclopedia states as regards the Middle Ages,

In the Latin Church, all through the Middle Ages [5th century to the 15th century] we find evidence of hesitation about the character of the deuterocanonicals. There is a current friendly to them, another one distinctly unfavourable to their authority and sacredness, while wavering between the two are a number of writers whose veneration for these books is tempered by some perplexity as to their exact standing, and among those we note St. Thomas Aquinas. Few are found to unequivocally acknowledge their canonicity.

The prevailing attitude of Western medieval authors is substantially that of the Greek Fathers.[56]

The wider Christian canon accepted by Augustine became the more established canon in the western Church[57] after being promulgated for use in the Easter Letter of Athanasius (circa 372 A.D.), the Synod of Rome (382 A.D., but its Decretum Gelasianum is generally considered to be a much later addition[58]) and the local councils of Carthage and Hippo in north Africa (391 and 393 A.D). Athanasius called canonical all books of the Hebrew Bible including Baruch, while excluding Esther. He adds that "there are certain books which the Fathers had appointed to be read to catechumens for edification and instruction; these are the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Didache, or Doctrine of the Apostles, and the Shepherd of Hermas. All others are apocrypha and the inventions of heretics (Festal Epistle for 367)".[59]

Nevertheless, none of these constituted indisputable definitions, and significant scholarly doubts and disagreements about the nature of the Apocrypha continued for centuries and even into Trent,[60][61][62] which provided the first infallible definition of the Catholic canon in 1546.[63][64]

In the 16th century, the Protestant reformers challenged the canonicity of the books and partial-books found in the surviving Septuagint but not in the Masoretic Text. In response to this challenge, after the death of Martin Luther (February 8, 1546) the ecumenical Council of Trent officially ("infallibly") declared these books (called "deuterocanonical" by Catholics) to be part of the canon in April, 1546 A.D.[65] While the Protestant Reformers rejected the parts of the canon that were not part of the Hebrew Bible, they included the four New Testament books Luther considered of doubtful canonicity along with the Apocrypha in his non-binding Luther's canon (although most were separately included in his Bible,[19] as they were in some editions of the KJV bible until 1947).[66]

Protestantism therefore established a 66 book canon with the 39 books based on the ancient Hebrew canon, along with the traditional 27 books of the New Testament. Protestants also rejected the Catholic term "deuterocanonical" for these writings, preferring to apply the term "apocryphal", which was already in use for other early and disputed writings. As today (but along with other reasons),[48] various reformers argued that those books contained doctrinal or other errors and thus should not have been added to the canon for that reason. The differences between canons can be seen under Biblical canon and Development of the Christian biblical canon.

Explaining the Eastern Orthodox Church's canon is made difficult because of differences of perspective with the Roman Catholic church in the interpretation of how it was done. Those differences (in matters of jurisdictional authority) were contributing factors in the separation of the Roman Catholics and Orthodox around 1054, but the formation of the canon that Trent would later officially definitively settle was largely complete by the fifth century, if not settled, six centuries before the separation.[citation needed] In the eastern part of the church, it took much of the fifth century also to come to agreement, but in the end it was accomplished. The canonical books thus established by the undivided church became the predominant canon for what was later to become Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox alike.[citation needed]

The East already differed from the West in not considering every question of canon yet settled, and it subsequently adopted a few more books into its Old Testament. It also allowed consideration of yet a few more to continue not fully decided, which led in some cases to adoption in one or more jurisdictions, but not all. Thus, there are today a few remaining differences of canon among Orthodox, and all Orthodox accept a few more books than appear in the Catholic canon. The Psalms of Solomon, 3 Maccabees, 4 Maccabees, the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Book of Odes, the Prayer of Manasseh and Psalm 151 are included in some copies of the Septuagint,[67] some of which are accepted as canonical by Eastern Orthodox and some other churches. Protestants accept none of these additional books as canon, but see them having roughly the same status as the other Apocrypha.[citation needed]

Eastern Orthodoxy uses a different definition than the Roman Catholic Church does for the books of its canon that it calls deuterocanonical, referring to them as a class of books with less authority than other books of the Old Testament.[68][69] In contrast, the Catholic Church uses this term to refer to a class of books that were added to its canon later than the other books in its Old Testament canon, considering them all of equal authority.

New Testament apocrypha

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New Testament apocrypha—books similar to those in the New Testament but almost universally rejected by Catholics, Orthodox and Protestants—include several gospels and lives of apostles. Some were written by early Jewish Christians (see the Gospel according to the Hebrews). Others of these were produced by Gnostic authors or members of other groups later defined as heterodox. Many texts believed lost for centuries were unearthed in the 19th and 20th centuries, producing lively speculation about their importance in early Christianity among religious scholars,[citation needed] while many others survive only in the form of quotations from them in other writings; for some, no more than the title is known. Artists and theologians have drawn upon the New Testament apocrypha for such matters as the names of Dismas and Gestas and details about the Three Wise Men. The first explicit mention of the perpetual virginity of Mary is found in the pseudepigraphical Infancy Gospel of James.

Before the fifth century, the Christian writings that were then under discussion for inclusion in the canon but had not yet been accepted were classified in a group known as the ancient antilegomenae. These were all candidates for the New Testament and included several books that were eventually accepted, such as: The Epistle to the Hebrews, 2 Peter, 3 John and the Revelation of John (Apocalypse). None of those accepted books can be considered Apocryphal now, since all Christendom accepts them as canonical. Of the uncanonized ones, the Early Church considered some heretical but viewed others quite positively.[10]

Some Christians, in an extension of the meaning, might also consider the non-heretical books to be "apocryphal" along the manner of Martin Luther: not canon, but useful to read. This category includes books such as the Epistle of Barnabas, the Didache, and The Shepherd of Hermas, which are sometimes referred to as the Apostolic Fathers. The Gnostic tradition was a prolific source of apocryphal gospels.[10]

While these writings borrowed the characteristic poetic features of apocalyptic literature from Judaism, Gnostic sects largely insisted on allegorical interpretations based on a secret apostolic tradition. With them, these apocryphal books were highly esteemed. A well-known Gnostic apocryphal book is the Gospel of Thomas, the only complete text of which was found in the Egyptian town of Nag Hammadi in 1945. The Gospel of Judas, a Gnostic gospel, also received much media attention when it was reconstructed in 2006.

Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestants all agree on the canon of the New Testament.[70] The Ethiopian Orthodox have in the past also included I & II Clement and Shepherd of Hermas in their New Testament canon.

List of Sixty

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The List of Sixty, dating to around the 7th century, lists sixty books that the author claimed were the complete canonical scriptures. The unknown author also lists many apocryphal books that are not included amongst the sixty. These books are:[3]

Islam

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Hadith, the supposed reports of the words, actions, and silent approval of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, are accused by some Muslims of being fabrications (pseudepigrapha) created in the 8th and 9th centuries AD, and falsely attributed to Muhammad.[71][72][73] Historically, some sects of the Kharijites also rejected the hadiths, while Mu'tazilites rejected the hadiths as the basis for Islamic law, while at the same time accepting the Sunnah and Ijma.[74] The main points of internal Islamic criticism of hadith literature are based on questions regarding its authenticity. However, Muslim criticism of hadith is also based on arguments and criticisms of Islamic theology and philosophy.

Traditionally, some sects of the Kharijites have rejected Hadith. There are some who even oppose the writing of Hadith for fear that it will compete with or even replace the Quran. Mu'tazilite followers also reject hadith as the basis for Islamic law, while simultaneously accepting the Sunnah and ijma.[74] For Mu'tazilites, the basic argument for rejecting hadith is that "because of its nature as the transmission of individuals, [it] cannot be a sure path to our understanding of the Prophet's teachings, unlike the Quran whose transmission has a general consensus among Muslims". Some Muslim critics of hadith have even gone so far as to completely reject them as fundamental texts of Islamic beliefs and instead adhere solely to Quran. This movement is also known as Quranism.

Judaism

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The Jewish apocrypha, known in Hebrew as הספרים החיצונים (Sefarim Hachizonim: "the external books"), are books written in large part by Jews, especially during the Second Temple period, not accepted as sacred manuscripts when the Hebrew Bible was canonized. Some of these books are considered sacred by some Christians, and are included in their versions of the Old Testament. The Jewish apocrypha is distinctive from the New Testament apocrypha and biblical apocrypha as it is the only one of these collections that works within a Jewish theological framework.[75]

Although Orthodox Jews believe in the exclusive canonization of the current 24 books in the Hebrew Bible, they also consider the Oral Torah, which they believe was handed down from Moses, to be authoritative. Some argue that the Sadducees, unlike the Pharisees but like the Samaritans, seem to have maintained an earlier and smaller number of texts as canonical, preferring to hold to only what was written in the Law of Moses (the Torah),[76] making most of the presently accepted canon, both Jewish and Christian, apocryphal in their eyes.[citation needed] Others believe that it is often mistakenly asserted that the Sadducees only accepted the Pentateuch (Torah).[77] The Essenes in Judea and the Therapeutae in Egypt were said to have a secret literature (see Dead Sea Scrolls).[citation needed]

Other traditions maintained different customs regarding canonicity.[78] The Ethiopian Jews, for instance, seem to have retained a spread of canonical texts similar to the Ethiopian Orthodox Christians.[79][80]

Taoism

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Prophetic texts called the Ch'an-wei were written by Han dynasty (206 BC – AD 220) Taoist priests to legitimize as well as curb imperial power.[13] They deal with treasure objects that were part of the Zhou (1066–256 BC) royal treasures. Emerging from the instability of the Warring States period (476–221 BC), ancient Chinese scholars saw the centralized rule of the Zhou as an ideal model for the new Han empire to emulate.

The Ch'an-wei are texts written by Han scholars about the Zhou royal treasures, only they were not written to record history for its own sake, but for legitimizing the current imperial reign. These texts took the form of stories about texts and objects being conferred upon the Emperors by Heaven and comprising these ancient sage-king's (this is how the Zhou emperors were referred to by this time, about 500 years after their peak) royal regalia.[13] The desired effect was to confirm the Han emperor's Heavenly Mandate through the continuity offered by his possession of these same sacred talismans.

It is because of this politicized recording of their history that it is difficult to retrace the exact origins of these objects. What is known is that these texts were most likely produced by a class of literati called the fangshi. These were a class of nobles who were not part of the state administration; they were considered specialists or occultists, for example diviners, astrologers, alchemists or healers.[13] It is from this class of nobles that the first Taoist priests are believed to have emerged. Seidel points out, however, that the scarcity of sources relating to the formation of early Taoism make the exact link between the apocryphal texts and the Taoist beliefs unclear.[13]

See also

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Notes

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References

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from Grokipedia
The Apocrypha denotes a body of ancient Jewish and early Christian writings excluded from the canonical and most Protestant Old Testaments, though incorporated as in Catholic and Eastern Orthodox canons. The term derives from the Greek apokryphos, meaning "hidden" or "obscure," originally referring to esoteric texts but later connoting spurious or unauthentic works due to doubts over their authorship and inspirational status. Composed largely during the from the third century BCE to the first century CE, these texts encompass historical narratives, , and apocalyptic visions, such as Tobit, Judith, and 1-2 , providing insights into but lacking the prophetic endorsement and self-attesting divine authority ascribed to protocanonical scriptures. Protestant reformers, including Martin Luther, relegated the Apocrypha to a separate section in Bibles like the Luther Bible and early King James editions, viewing them as edifying but non-inspired due to internal contradictions, historical inaccuracies, and doctrines like purgatory unsupported by canonical texts. Catholic tradition affirms their canonicity based on Septuagint inclusion and early church usage, yet scholarly analysis highlights pseudonymity and late composition in many apocryphal works, undermining claims of apostolic origin. New Testament apocrypha, including non-canonical gospels and acts, similarly face rejection for fabricating events absent from eyewitness accounts and containing Gnostic influences incompatible with orthodox theology. These texts' enduring study illuminates religious development and textual transmission, though their exclusion from core scripture stems from rigorous criteria prioritizing empirical historical corroboration and theological consistency over ecclesiastical tradition alone.

Definition and Terminology

Etymological Origins

The term Apocrypha originates from the apocrypha (scripta), the neuter plural of apocryphus, denoting "secret" or "not approved for public reading." This Latin form derives directly from the apokryphos (ἀπόκρυφος), meaning "hidden," "obscure," or "concealed," composed of apo- ("away") and kryptein ("to hide"). In early Christian usage, the adjective apokryphos described writings intended for private edification rather than communal worship or authoritative scripture, implying a deliberate veiling from general dissemination due to their esoteric nature or disputed provenance. By the patristic era, around the CE, the term began applied to specific Jewish-Hellenistic texts excluded from the Hebrew canon but circulated among Greek-speaking communities, such as those translated in the circa 3rd–2nd centuries BCE. The plural noun form entered English via in the , initially retaining the sense of "hidden things" before evolving to signify non-canonical or pseudepigraphic works by the .

Core Meanings and Distinctions from Pseudepigrapha

The term apocrypha originates from the Late Latin apocrypha, borrowed from the Greek apokryphos, meaning "hidden," "obscured," or "stored away." In its core religious usage, particularly within Judeo-Christian traditions, it denotes a body of ancient texts excluded from the primary scriptural canon due to questions of authenticity, authorship, or doctrinal alignment, often viewed as edifying but not divinely inspired or authoritative for doctrine. These writings, dating largely to the intertestamental period (circa 300 BCE to 100 CE), include narratives, wisdom literature, and historical accounts that circulated among Jewish and early Christian communities but failed to achieve universal canonical acceptance. In , the Apocrypha specifically comprises 14–15 books present in the (the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, completed by around 100 BCE) and the Latin but absent from the Hebrew Bible's finalized by Jewish rabbis around 100 CE. Examples include Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and 1–2 Maccabees, which address themes like piety, martyrdom, and Hellenistic Jewish resistance but contain historical inaccuracies or theological elements diverging from , such as prayers for the dead in 2 12:43–46. Beyond scripture, the term extends secularly to any writings of dubious , such as forged documents or unverified historical claims, emphasizing concealment from public scrutiny rather than outright deception. Apocrypha differ from pseudepigrapha in scope, attribution, and reception: while both emerged in the Second Temple era, apocrypha were integrated into major scriptural collections like the and accepted as deuterocanonical by Catholic and Orthodox traditions, reflecting broader circulation without explicit false authorship claims. , by contrast, explicitly involve false ascription to authoritative figures (e.g., , Jubilees, or attributed to biblical patriarchs), serving sectarian or apocalyptic purposes and never achieving status in Jewish or major Christian Bibles due to evident forgeries and esoteric content. Some apocryphal texts exhibit pseudepigraphic traits, like pseudonymously linked to , but the categories are distinguished by the apocrypha's historical inclusion in Vulgate-based canons versus the pseudepigrapha's consistent marginalization as non-scriptural vehicles for heterodox ideas.

Secular and Metaphorical Applications

The adjective apocryphal, derived from the noun apocrypha, has evolved in secular English to denote writings, stories, or claims of doubtful authenticity, spurious origin, or unverifiable truth, irrespective of religious context. This usage emphasizes narratives that gain widespread circulation and belief despite lacking empirical corroboration, often serving as cautionary examples in historiography and . For instance, in evaluating historical anecdotes, scholars apply the term to dismiss accounts traceable to biased or fabricated sources, such as early biographies embellished for moral edification. In literature and folklore studies, apocryphal describes embedded tales or attributions that enhance a figure's legend but fail rigorous scrutiny. A prominent example is the story of chopping down a cherry tree and confessing with "I cannot tell a lie," fabricated by Mason Weems in his 1806 Life of Washington to instill virtues in youth, with no basis in contemporary records or Washington's own writings. Similarly, the quip "" ascribed to during the is apocryphal, as the phrase appears in Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Confessions (written circa 1767, predating her influence) and reflects anti-aristocratic propaganda rather than her documented statements. Metaphorically, apocryphal critiques unsubstantiated claims in modern discourse, such as urban legends or in debates. In scientific and skeptical inquiry, it flags unverified assertions, like the oft-repeated but apocryphal tale of failing mathematics in school, contradicted by his school records showing proficiency from age 12. This application underscores a commitment to source verification, distinguishing from fact-based reasoning in fields ranging from to .

Historical Development

Ancient and Intertestamental Contexts

The apocryphal texts emerged primarily during the Second Temple period of (c. 516 BCE–70 CE), a time marked by political subjugation under Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman rule, which stimulated diverse literary production among Jewish communities. These writings, including historical narratives, , and apocalyptic visions, were composed largely between the third century BCE and the first century CE, filling the intertestamental gap after the prophetic books of the ceased around 400 BCE. They reflect the cultural and religious challenges faced by , such as maintaining covenantal fidelity amid foreign domination, rather than serving as concealed esoteric knowledge, despite the Greek term apokryphos implying "hidden." In the ancient Near Eastern context preceding full Hellenistic influence, post-exilic under Persian oversight (539–333 BCE) saw initial literary expansions, but the bulk of apocryphal output accelerated after Alexander the Great's conquest in 332 BCE, which disseminated Greek philosophy, language, and governance across the region. Hellenistic rulers like the Ptolemies in and Seleucids in fostered diaspora Jewish centers, particularly in , where Greek-speaking Jews produced texts adapting biblical motifs to address assimilation pressures. For instance, the translation (c. 3rd–2nd centuries BCE) incorporated apocryphal books alongside Hebrew scriptures, indicating their circulation in Hellenistic Jewish circles. The intertestamental era (c. 400 BCE–1st century CE) witnessed intensified production amid events like the Maccabean Revolt (167–160 BCE) against Seleucid Hellenization under Antiochus IV, which inspired historical accounts such as 1 Maccabees (composed c. 100 BCE) detailing Jewish resistance and rededication of the Temple. Wisdom texts like Sirach (c. 180 BCE) and the Wisdom of Solomon (c. 1st century BCE) engaged Greek philosophical ideas while reinforcing Torah observance, evidencing a synthesis aimed at bolstering Jewish identity in multicultural environments. Apocalyptic works, responding to eschatological hopes amid oppression, proliferated in this period, portraying divine interventions against imperial powers. These texts, often pseudonymous or attributed to ancient figures, were not uniformly viewed as authoritative but served didactic and communal purposes in synagogues and sects like the Essenes.

Role in Early Canon Formation Processes

Early Christian canon formation unfolded gradually from the second to the fifth centuries, with apocryphal texts exerting influence through their inclusion in the , the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures widely used by Hellenistic Jews and adopted by the church. This version encompassed books such as Tobit, Judith, additions to and Daniel, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and 1-2 , which were composed between approximately 200 BCE and 100 CE and reflected intertestamental Jewish thought. New Testament writers, including Paul and the authors of , alluded to themes from these texts (e.g., Wisdom's portrayal of the righteous sufferer in Hebrews 1:3), though direct quotations are rare, indicating familiarity without formal endorsement. The 's prevalence in early Christian liturgy and citation—evidenced in over 300 New Testament references to Old Testament passages, many matching the Greek rather than Hebrew variants—facilitated the provisional acceptance of apocryphal material as edifying, even amid emerging distinctions between core prophetic writings and supplementary ones. Church fathers displayed inconsistent treatment, reflecting a process driven by criteria like apostolic origins, doctrinal harmony with the "rule of faith," and communal usage rather than a centralized decree. Melito of Sardis, in his canon list circa 170 CE, adhered to the Hebrew canon of 22 books, excluding apocrypha. Origen (c. 185-254 CE) similarly prioritized the Hebrew texts in his but permitted apocryphal readings for moral instruction, noting their utility without equating them to inspired prophecy. Jerome (c. 347-420 CE), in his prefaces, rejected apocryphal books as non-canonical due to their absence from the Hebrew canon and perceived historical inaccuracies, such as contradictions in Tobit regarding chronology. Conversely, figures like and cited apocrypha authoritatively; Augustine, at the Councils of Hippo (393 CE) and (397 CE), advocated their inclusion based on ecclesiastical tradition and the Septuagint's apostolic precedent, influencing North African practice. This variability underscores how apocrypha functioned as disputed texts, tested against emerging standards but not universally deemed equivalent to . For —gospels, acts, epistles, and apocalypses like the Gospel of Thomas (mid-second century) or — the role was primarily negative, serving to delineate boundaries amid Gnostic and sectarian forgeries. The (c. 170-200 CE), one of the earliest canon lists, rejected such works for lacking apostolic authorship and promoting heterodox views, such as . Athanasius' 39th Festal Letter (367 CE) explicitly listed the 27 books while warning against apocryphal additions that "falsely bear the name of apostles," prioritizing texts with widespread church attestation. Regional synods, including Laodicea (c. 363 CE), omitted apocryphal NT writings, reinforcing exclusion based on their late composition and conflict with core christological tenets. Apocrypha thus highlighted the church's sifting mechanism, where provisional circulation gave way to rejection as canons stabilized around orthodox, antiquity-attested documents. No before (451 CE) formally codified the apocrypha's status, leaving their role ambiguous: integral to devotional life via codices like Sinaiticus and Vaticanus (fourth century), which intersperse them with books, yet vulnerable to for lacking Hebrew originals or prophetic claims. This fluidity contributed to later divergences, as invoked early hesitations (e.g., Jerome's) to them, while Catholic and Orthodox traditions upheld broader acceptance rooted in patristic consensus and usage. The process reveals canon formation as pragmatic, shaped by textual availability, theological utility, and resistance to rather than dogmatic .

Reformation-Era Rejections and Debates

During the Protestant Reformation, reformers questioned the canonicity of the Old Testament books known as the Apocrypha or deuterocanonicals, arguing they lacked the authority of the protocanonical books due to their absence from the Hebrew canon finalized by Jewish authorities around the first century AD. Martin Luther, in his 1534 German Bible translation, included these books in a separate section titled "Apocrypha," describing them as "books which are not held equal to the Holy Scriptures, but are useful and good to read for the edification of Christians." Luther translated the texts but subordinated them, citing their non-inclusion in the Hebrew Bible and potential doctrinal inconsistencies, such as teachings on purgatory in 2 Maccabees that conflicted with his doctrine of justification by faith alone. John Calvin similarly rejected the Apocrypha as canonical, stating in his writings that "these books, called Apocrypha, have always been distinguished from the writings which are acknowledged to be " due to their lack of prophetic authority and historical inaccuracies. Other reformers, including Zwingli and , aligned with this view, emphasizing the Hebrew canon as the standard for the , as it predated and excluded these works composed in Greek or later periods. Protestant confessions, such as the (1647), later formalized this rejection, limiting the to 39 books matching the Jewish Tanakh. In response, the at the on April 8, 1546, in its fourth session, decreed the inclusion of the as fully canonical alongside the protocanonicals, affirming the Vulgate's traditional list to counter Protestant challenges. This decree listed Tobit, Judith, , Sirach, Baruch, and 1-2 , plus additions to and , as sacred Scripture, invoking on those denying their inspiration. Debates centered on criteria for canonicity: Protestants prioritized internal consistency with revealed doctrine, apostolic attestation, and the Jewish canon, noting sparse New Testament quotations from the Apocrypha and perceived errors like the suicide of the in contradicting biblical ethics. Catholics defended their status via early church usage, prevalence in the apostolic era, and patristic acceptance, though figures like had earlier distinguished them. These exchanges highlighted deeper divisions over scriptural authority, with Protestants viewing the Apocrypha as edifying but non-inspired, while Catholics integrated them as divinely revealed.

Apocrypha in Judaism

Exclusion from the Hebrew Bible Canon

The canon of the , or Tanakh, comprising 24 books grouped into , , and , emerged through a gradual process of recognition among Jewish communities by the first century CE, excluding apocryphal texts such as Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and 1–2 Maccabees. This exclusion stemmed from criteria emphasizing prophetic origin, linguistic authenticity, and communal acceptance, with the prophetic era viewed as concluding around 400 BCE following and the reforms of and . Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, writing circa 94 CE in Against Apion, articulated the fixed nature of the canon, listing 22 books (equivalent to the 24-book Tanakh, with some texts combined) as the sole authoritative records "justly believed to be divine," encompassing history from creation to Artaxerxes I. He explicitly rejected post-Artaxerxes compositions, including apocryphal works from the second and first centuries BCE, as lacking equivalent trustworthiness due to the cessation of divine prophecy and inspiration. Josephus emphasized that no alterations were permitted, underscoring a closed corpus that precluded later Hellenistic-era texts. Linguistic considerations further reinforced exclusion, as canonical books were required to originate in Hebrew (or for portions like Daniel and ), whereas most apocryphal works were composed in Greek or lacked verified Hebrew originals used in Jewish worship. For instance, Wisdom of and exhibit Greek philosophical influences and stylistic traits absent from earlier prophetic writings. Rabbinic sources, such as the Babylonian Talmud's tractate Baba Bathra 14b–15a, catalog the Tanakh's books without reference to apocrypha, reflecting Pharisaic consensus post-70 CE Temple destruction, when surviving authorities at Yavneh prioritized texts integral to lectionaries and halakhic tradition. Doctrinal and historical discrepancies also played a role; apocryphal texts contain elements diverging from Torah-centric , such as 12:43–46 advocating prayers and sacrifices for the dead to atone for sins—a practice unsupported in core Tanakh teachings—and Tobit 12:9 suggesting almsgiving expiates sin, which did not elevate to scriptural status. Historical anachronisms, like Judith's misplacement of Nebuchadnezzar as an Assyrian king, undermined claims of prophetic veracity. Although fragments of some apocrypha (e.g., Tobit in ) appeared at , they were not treated as miqra (scriptural readings), indicating selective preservation rather than endorsement. This exclusion persisted in Jewish tradition, with apocryphal books occasionally cited in extracanonical rabbinic works like but never as authoritative for law or doctrine, distinguishing them from the Tanakh's role in defining covenantal identity. The process lacked a single but reflected empirical consensus among scribes and sages, prioritizing texts with unbroken chains of transmission from prophetic figures.

Key Texts and Their Jewish Reception

The principal apocryphal texts originating from Jewish authors during the Second Temple period include 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees, Tobit, Judith, Sirach (also known as Ecclesiasticus or Wisdom of Ben Sira), Wisdom of Solomon, and Baruch, along with additions to books like Daniel and Esther. These works, composed primarily between the 3rd and 1st centuries BCE, were written in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek and addressed themes of piety, history, wisdom, and resistance to Hellenistic influence. Despite their Jewish provenance, they were systematically excluded from the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) canon by rabbinic authorities by the 2nd century CE, as they lacked prophetic authorship, were often in Greek rather than Hebrew, and did not meet criteria of divine inspiration or universal acceptance in the Palestinian Jewish tradition. 1 and 2 Maccabees, dating to circa 100 BCE, provide historical accounts of the against Seleucid rule from 167–160 BCE, detailing military campaigns and religious rededication of the Temple, which forms the basis for observance. In Jewish reception, these books were valued for their historical insights into Hasmonean independence but deemed non-prophetic and thus non-canonical; does not cite them as authoritative scripture, viewing them instead as secular history or edifying narrative without binding halakhic force. Contemporary Orthodox Jewish perspectives regard them as literary and historical sources rather than sacred texts, with 1 Maccabees occasionally referenced for factual events but not integrated into or . The , composed by Jesus ben Sira around 180 BCE in Hebrew and later translated into Greek, offers ethical wisdom teachings akin to Proverbs, emphasizing observance and fear of God. Its Hebrew fragments were discovered at and , indicating circulation among some Jews, and it was quoted approvingly in rabbinic sources like the (e.g., Avot 3:17) and under the name "," suggesting partial esteem for its moral content. However, its own Greek prologue explicitly states it was not counted among the "writings that cause strife," reflecting early recognition of its extracanonical status, and later rabbis excluded it due to perceived inconsistencies with core doctrines, such as limited emphasis on . Despite this, its influence persisted in Jewish ethical discourse, with phrases echoed in medieval works. Tobit and Judith, both likely from the 2nd century BCE, narrate tales of piety and divine deliverance—Tobit involving exile, charity, and angelic intervention, and Judith depicting a widow's heroic decapitation of an Assyrian general. Aramaic fragments of Tobit appear among the Dead Sea Scrolls, evidencing use in some pre-rabbinic Jewish communities, but neither was accepted into the canon; rabbinic tradition dismissed them as legendary fiction lacking historical verifiability or prophetic weight, with Josephus noting their non-use among Jews. Wisdom of Solomon and Baruch, attributed pseudepigraphically to Solomon and Jeremiah respectively (circa 1st century BCE–1st CE), promote wisdom theology and repentance but were rejected for their Hellenistic philosophical tones and late composition, seen as incompatible with the Tanakh's criteria. Overall, while these texts informed historical understanding and select ethical ideas in rabbinic literature, their non-canonical status stemmed from a deliberate rabbinic prioritization of texts with unbroken Hebrew transmission and perceived divine authority, prioritizing causal fidelity to Mosaic tradition over post-prophetic innovations.

Influence on Rabbinic Literature

The Book of Sirach, also known as Ecclesiasticus or Ben Sira, exerted notable influence on rabbinic literature despite its exclusion from the Hebrew canon, with direct quotations appearing in the Babylonian Talmud and midrashic texts. For instance, the Talmud in Sanhedrin 100b references Sirach's teachings on ethics and wisdom, where Rav Joseph remarks that if the sages had not concealed the book, its beneficial portions could be interpreted more freely, indicating selective appreciation for its moral content while rejecting its full authority. These quotations, numbering over a dozen across rabbinic sources, include proverbs on humility, family, and piety, such as warnings against trusting wealth or physical strength, which parallel broader Jewish ethical traditions but originate from Ben Sira's Hellenistic-era composition around 180 BCE. Ben Sira also serves as an early source for halakhic customs later formalized, like blessings over meals, demonstrating practical integration into rabbinic practice without canonical endorsement. Other apocryphal texts show subtler parallels rather than direct citations. The , composed circa 225–175 BCE, shares thematic echoes with Talmudic , such as a negative formulation of the in Tobit 4:15 mirroring Shabbat 31a, which advises avoiding harm to others to prevent reciprocal injury, though rabbinic versions derive independently from principles. Similarly, the Wisdom of Solomon's philosophical emphasis on divine justice and immortality finds loose conceptual affinities in midrashic expansions of Proverbs and , but lacks explicit rabbinic attribution, reflecting caution toward its Platonic influences amid post-Temple rabbinic prioritization of prophetic texts. The Books of , detailing the Hasmonean revolt from 167–160 BCE, had minimal direct impact on classical , where the family is termed "sons of Hashmonay" rather than Maccabees, and narratives draw from oral traditions preserved in works like Megillat Ta'anit instead of the apocryphal accounts. This selective engagement underscores 's causal focus on Torah-centric , incorporating apocryphal elements only where they reinforced halakhic or aggadic utility, while systematically marginalizing texts viewed as extraneous to revelation. Overall, such influences highlight a pragmatic rabbinic approach: valuing empirical from Second Temple-era writings for ethical guidance but subordinating them to canonical authority to maintain interpretive coherence.

Apocrypha in Christianity

Old Testament Apocrypha (Deuterocanonical Books)

The Apocrypha, referred to as by Catholic and Eastern Orthodox , comprise writings produced primarily during the that were included in the , the Greek translation of Jewish scriptures widely used by Hellenistic Jews and early . These texts, absent from the canon finalized by around the 1st-2nd centuries CE, number seven full books along with additions to canonical books like Daniel and ; Protestants generally classify them as non-canonical Apocrypha useful for historical insight but not divinely inspired doctrine. Their composition dates range from approximately the BCE to the 1st CE, often in Greek or reflecting Semitic originals, addressing themes of , , and amid Jewish life under foreign rule.

Contents and Historical Placement

The deuterocanonical corpus includes Tobit (ca. 225-175 BCE, narrative of piety and divine providence), Judith (ca. 150 BCE, story of a Jewish widow's heroism against Assyrian forces), Wisdom of Solomon (ca. 1st century BCE, philosophical reflections on righteousness and immortality), Sirach (Ecclesiasticus, ca. 180 BCE, ethical teachings originally in Hebrew), Baruch (ca. 200-100 BCE, attributed to Jeremiah's scribe with exhortations to exile), 1 Maccabees (ca. 100 BCE, historical account of the Jewish revolt against Seleucids from 167 BCE), and 2 Maccabees (ca. 124 BCE, abridged history emphasizing martyrdom and resurrection). Additions encompass Greek expansions to Daniel (e.g., Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, ca. 2nd-1st century BCE) and Esther (ca. 1st century BCE insertions with prayers). These works were integrated into Septuagint manuscripts from the 2nd century BCE onward, reflecting their circulation among diaspora Jews, though not uniformly accepted in Palestinian Jewish traditions that prioritized Hebrew texts. Historically, these books emerged during Hellenistic influence post-Alexander the Great (d. 323 BCE), blending Jewish with Greek literary forms; for instance, document the (167-160 BCE), providing primary evidence of Hanukkah's origins absent from protocanonical scriptures. While some, like Sirach, preserve Semitic fragments (e.g., Hebrew manuscripts discovered at and ), most survive fully in Greek, raising questions among scholars about original languages and authorship claims, such as Baruch's pseudepigraphic tie to the 6th century BCE. Their placement in Christian Old Testaments mirrors order, between historical and prophetic books, underscoring their role as a bridge to the era rather than prophetic fulfillment.

Evidence of Usage in Early Christianity

Early Christian communities, reliant on the for Greek-speaking audiences, incorporated these books into liturgical and doctrinal contexts, as evidenced by quotations from like (ca. 96 CE, alluding to Judith) and (ca. 185-254 CE, citing Baruch alongside protocanonicals). Councils such as Hippo (393 CE) and (397 CE), attended by Augustine, affirmed their canonicity within the , listing them alongside the 39 Hebrew books. Papias (ca. 60-130 CE) and (ca. 180 CE) referenced Wisdom and Tobit in ways paralleling scriptural authority, while the (ca. 170 CE) implies broader acceptance of Septuagint contents. However, usage was not unanimous; (ca. 347-420 CE), in his preface, distinguished them as edifying but not , echoing Jewish Hebrew canon preferences and noting their absence from direct quotations—unlike over 300 protocanonical allusions. Despite this, Eastern fathers like Athanasius (Festal Letter 39, 367 CE) included some for private reading, and their presence in codices like Vaticanus and Sinaiticus (4th century CE) confirms widespread inclusion. This patristic evidence, spanning diverse regions, supports their doctrinal role in , such as 12:43-46 informing prayers for the dead, until critiques emphasized Hebrew provenance and prophetic silence.

Contents and Historical Placement

The , comprising the core of the Apocrypha accepted in Catholic and Eastern Orthodox canons, include Tobit, Judith, (of Solomon), Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Baruch (with the ), 1 , and 2 , alongside Greek additions to the books of Daniel (Prayer of and Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, ) and (six extended chapters with prayers and decrees). These texts were composed between approximately 250 BCE and 50 BCE, during the following the conquests of , reflecting Jewish life under Persian, Ptolemaic, and Seleucid rule. Most originated in the or , with some written in Hebrew or (later translated to Greek) and others directly in Koine Greek, distinguishing them from the protocanonical Hebrew Scriptures. These works span genres including historical narratives, , and prophetic exhortations, often blending moral instruction with accounts of amid persecution. Tobit, dated to around 225–175 BCE, recounts the trials of the pious Jew Tobit in Assyrian exile and his son Tobias's journey guided by the angel , emphasizing almsgiving, prayer, and healing through ritual use of fish organs to exorcise a demon afflicting Tobias's bride Sarah. Judith, composed circa 150 BCE during the Maccabean era despite its 6th-century BCE setting, depicts the widow Judith decapitating the Assyrian general to thwart an invasion of , highlighting themes of female heroism, , and trust in . Wisdom of Solomon, likely from the late 1st century BCE in , personifies divine wisdom as a guiding spirit, contrasting righteous with the of and oppression, while Sirach, authored by Jesus ben Sira around 180 BCE in (with a Greek translation by his grandson circa 132 BCE), offers practical ethical teachings on topics from family relations to humility, akin to Proverbs but with Hellenistic influences. Baruch, dated 200–100 BCE and pseudepigraphically attributed to Jeremiah's scribe, combines a of Israel's sins with praises of wisdom and a denunciation of in the appended . The books provide historical accounts of the Jewish revolt against Seleucid : (circa 100 BCE) chronicles the military campaigns of and his brothers from 175–134 BCE, detailing temple rededication and Hasmonean independence; (also circa 100 BCE, abridging Jason of Cyrene's work) emphasizes martyrdom, resurrection hopes, and divine intervention in the same events (180–161 BCE), including the torture deaths of and the seven brothers. expand the Babylonian exile narrative with liturgical prayers during the fiery furnace ordeal, Susanna's vindication via Daniel's wisdom against false accusers, and exposures of idol worship involving Bel and a dragon. Esther's supplements insert explicit references to , Mordecai's dream, and prayers absent in the Hebrew version, framing the story with theological emphasis. Historically, these texts circulated among Greek-speaking Jews via the Septuagint translation (initiated circa 250 BCE in Alexandria), which encompassed the Hebrew canon plus such writings, but were excluded from the rabbinic Hebrew Bible canon formalized around 100 CE at Jamnia, reflecting a preference for pre-Hellenistic prophetic books in Hebrew. Early Christian communities inherited them through the Septuagint, with citations in patristic works, though their placement varied: integrated in Vulgate Old Testaments by Jerome (late 4th century CE) but noted as non-Hebraic, and affirmed as canonical at councils like Rome (382 CE) and Trent (1546 CE). Protestant reformers, following Jerome and Jewish criteria, relegated them to apocryphal status for edification but not doctrine, as seen in Luther's 1534 Bible.

Evidence of Usage in Early Christianity

Early Christian writers demonstrated familiarity with the through allusions and quotations, treating them alongside in some cases. The (c. 60-90 AD) contains an in 11:35-36 to the martyrdom of a mother and her seven sons in 7, describing those "tortured, refusing to accept release, that they might rise again to a better life," which parallels the Maccabean narrative of hope under torture. Similarly, James 1:19 echoes Sirach 5:11 in advising to be "quick to hear, slow to speak, slow to anger." These references indicate circulation of the texts within Jewish-Christian communities using the , though the does not explicitly cite them as "Scripture" in the manner of . The provide further evidence of usage. (c. 96 AD) in his quotes Judith 8:19 alongside to affirm in trials. By the second century, of Lyons (c. 180 AD) invoked Baruch 4:36-5:9 in Against Heresies to describe the ingathering of nations, presenting it as prophetic authority. (c. 200 AD) referenced 1:1 and in defenses of and martyrdom, integrating them into theological arguments without distinction from canonical prophets. (c. 185-254 AD), despite noting Jewish rejection of some books, included Tobit, Judith, and in his and cited Sirach and as scriptural in homilies. Third- and fourth-century manuscripts confirm inclusion in Christian scriptural collections. (c. 325-350 AD) and (c. 330-360 AD), among the earliest complete Bibles, incorporate Tobit, Judith, , Sirach, Baruch, 1-2 Maccabees, and additions to Daniel and within the Old Testament sequence. These codices reflect the tradition dominant in Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian communities, where deuterocanonical texts comprised part of the liturgical readings by Origen's era (third century). However, not all patristic authors equated them with full inspiration; (c. 347-420 AD), in his , distinguished them as useful for edification but not for establishing doctrine, citing their absence from the Hebrew canon. Liturgical evidence underscores practical usage. Deuterocanonical passages appear in early catechetical and homiletic texts, with and Sirach influencing baptismal and ethical instructions, as seen in of Carthage's (c. 200-258 AD) appeals to Tobit for almsgiving's salvific role. This integration in worship and teaching persisted in Eastern and Western traditions, though debates over precise canonicity emerged by the late fourth century, as evidenced by the (c. 492-496 AD) listing them separately for private reading. Overall, the evidence points to widespread acceptance for devotional and doctrinal purposes in pre-Nicene , tempered by varying views on authoritative parity with .

New Testament Apocrypha

The apocrypha encompass a diverse array of early Christian writings produced largely between the second and fifth centuries AD, excluding pseudepigraphal compositions attributed to apostolic figures but lacking verifiable ties to the first-century authors of the . These texts, often imitating genres, emerged in contexts of theological diversity, including proto-orthodox, Gnostic, and other sectarian traditions, but were systematically excluded from the New Testament canon by the fourth century due to criteria emphasizing apostolic origin, doctrinal harmony with core teachings (such as the bodily and ), and consistent liturgical use across churches. Early church leaders like of Caesarea categorized many as spurious or heretical, reflecting a consensus against their , as evidenced by lists such as Athanasius's 39th Festal Letter in 367 AD, which affirmed the 27-book canon without them. Modern scholarship, while valuing them for insights into early Christian pluralism, acknowledges their secondary status, often highlighting anachronistic elements and reliance on legend over as factors in their non-inclusion.

Categories: Gospels, Acts, Epistles, Apocalypses

Apocryphal gospels primarily consist of narrative expansions or alternative accounts of ' life, sayings, infancy, or post-resurrection appearances, often supplementing or challenging the Synoptic and Johannine traditions with material deemed fanciful or theologically deviant by early evaluators. Apocryphal acts focus on the missionary exploits, martyrdoms, and miracles of apostles, portraying them in dramatic, sometimes novelistic styles that emphasize or feats beyond canonical precedents. Apocryphal epistles include purported letters between apostles or to figures like Seneca, typically fewer in number and scrutinized for linguistic and historical mismatches indicating pseudonymous authorship. Apocryphal apocalypses reveal purported visions of end times, judgment, or heavenly realms, akin to but often featuring graphic depictions of punishment that diverge from orthodox .

Notable Examples and Themes

Among apocryphal gospels, the Gospel of Thomas (dated to around 140–180 AD) collects 114 logia attributed to , emphasizing esoteric wisdom and Gnostic-like interpretations that prioritize secret knowledge over narrative redemption, influencing later Manichaean thought but rejected for its docetic undertones. The Infancy Gospel of Thomas (second century AD) depicts a child performing coercive , such as animating clay birds or striking playmates dead, themes that underscore divine power but introduce ethical inconsistencies absent in portrayals. The Gospel of Peter (late second century fragment) narrates the with a talking and giant angels, elements cited by early critics like Serapion of Antioch (c. 190 AD) as interpolated fiction promoting , the view denying ' full humanity. In apocryphal acts, the (c. 160–190 AD), including the subtext , portrays the virgin martyr baptizing herself and resisting marriage, promoting encratite asceticism that church fathers like condemned as spurious and contrary to Pauline . The (third century AD) features the apostle's Indian missions with hymns and miracles, blending with dualistic themes that later informed Nestorian traditions but were sidelined for syncretic elements. Apocryphal epistles, such as the (c. 70–130 AD, though debated), allegorizes Old Testament laws in anti-Jewish terms, reflecting early but excluded for its speculative lacking direct apostolic attestation. Apocryphal apocalypses include the (c. 100–150 AD), which vividly describes torments in hell tailored to sins, influencing medieval but critiqued by of (third century) for inconsistencies with and potential Montanist origins. The (third–fourth century) details heavenly tours, echoing but expanding into lurid visions rejected as late fabrications. Common themes across these texts involve elaboration on apostolic legacies, veneration of relics and martyrs, and speculative , providing historical windows into diversity but underscoring the canon's formation through rigorous sifting for to eyewitness origins and orthodox creeds. While some contemporary academics, often from institutions with secular or progressive leanings, portray these as suppressed alternatives reflecting egalitarian or mystical , primary patristic evidence prioritizes their exclusion to preserve doctrinal coherence against emerging heresies.

Categories: Gospels, Acts, Epistles, Apocalypses

New Testament apocrypha are conventionally grouped into categories paralleling the canonical New Testament: gospels, acts, epistles, and apocalypses, with additional miscellaneous works; this classification reflects their purported genres rather than authorship or orthodoxy. These texts, mostly composed between the late 1st and 4th centuries CE, were excluded from the canon due to criteria such as apostolic origin, doctrinal consistency with accepted scriptures, and widespread ecclesiastical usage, as determined by councils like those at Hippo (393 CE) and Carthage (397 CE). Apocryphal gospels comprise narrative or sayings collections about ' life, ministry, death, or post-resurrection appearances, often emphasizing esoteric knowledge or infancy miracles absent from accounts. Key examples include the Gospel of Thomas (ca. 140–180 CE), a collection of 114 logia attributed to discovered in 1945 at , which lacks narrative structure and shows Gnostic influences by prioritizing secret wisdom over historical events; and the Gospel of Peter (late 2nd century CE), a fragmentary passion narrative depicting a talking and docetic elements suggesting ' incorporeality during . Other notable texts are the (mid-2nd century CE), detailing childhood miracles like animating clay birds, and the Gospel of Mary (2nd century CE), focusing on Mary's visionary dialogues with the risen Christ. These were rejected for late composition, pseudepigraphic attribution, and conflicts with orthodox Christology, as critiqued by early fathers like Serapion of Antioch (ca. 190 CE) who condemned the Gospel of Peter for . Apocryphal acts narrate the missionary travels, miracles, and martyrdoms of apostles, typically from the late 2nd to early 3rd centuries CE, blending adventure with ascetic or encratite themes promoting and world-renunciation. Prominent examples are the (ca. 100–160 CE), which includes the story of , a disciple resisting marriage, but was deemed forged by (ca. 200 CE) for promoting continence over Pauline marriage allowances; the (late 2nd century CE), featuring Peter's contest with and a resurrected dog preaching repentance; and the (early 3rd century CE), set in with hymns and twin motifs reflecting Syriac Christian traditions. These works, often Gnostic-leaning, were suppressed for sensationalism and deviations from apostolic portrayals, with fragments surviving in Coptic and Syriac manuscripts despite condemnations at the (ca. 500 CE). Apocryphal epistles consist of purported letters attributed to apostles or Christ himself, addressing ethical, theological, or correspondence themes, generally dated from the 1st to 4th centuries CE but lacking verifiable apostolic provenance. Examples include the Epistle of Barnabas (ca. 70–132 CE), an allegorical treatise reinterpreting Jewish law as obsolete shadows of Christ, cited by some early fathers like Clement of Alexandria but ultimately excluded for its supersessionist excesses and non-apostolic style; the Correspondence of Paul and Seneca (4th century CE), a forged exchange claiming to link Christian and Stoic thought; and the Epistle to the Laodiceans (ca. 4th century CE), a short Pauline pastiche interpolating canonical phrases without new content. Authenticity was doubted due to linguistic anachronisms, doctrinal variances, and absence from early lists like the Muratorian Fragment (ca. 170 CE), rendering them marginal even in patristic citations. Apocryphal apocalypses envision end-times visions, judgments, or heavenly tours ascribed to apostles, echoing Revelation's style but often with heterodox , composed mainly in the 2nd–3rd centuries CE. Representative texts are the (ca. 100–150 CE), describing graphic postmortem punishments and rewards, briefly considered by some like but rejected at the 3rd-century council in Arabia for overly literal depictions; the (ca. 3rd–4th century CE), a visionary ascent through heavens and hells influencing later Visio Pauli traditions; and the First Apocalypse of James (mid-2nd century CE), a Gnostic dialogue on secret teachings from . Exclusion stemmed from pseudepigraphy, sensationalism, and incompatibility with , as evidenced by Eusebius's (ca. 325 CE) categorization of such works as spurious.

Notable Examples and Themes

Among the apocryphal gospels, the Gospel of Thomas stands out as a collection of 114 sayings attributed to Jesus, lacking narrative elements such as his birth, death, or resurrection, and emphasizing secret teachings about the Kingdom of God accessible through inner enlightenment. Composed likely in the mid-second century AD, it reflects Gnostic themes of esoteric knowledge (gnosis) over historical events, diverging from canonical accounts by promoting a dualistic view where salvation comes from recognizing divine sparks within rather than through Christ's bodily incarnation and atonement. Similarly, the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, dated to the mid-second century, depicts a young Jesus performing miracles like animating clay birds and striking playmates dead in fits of anger, themes that expand legendarily on his childhood but introduce a volatile, divine-child motif inconsistent with canonical portrayals of humility and obedience. Apocryphal acts often highlight asceticism and female discipleship, as in the Acts of Paul and Thecla from the late second century, where Thecla rejects marriage and family to follow Paul, enduring trials like exposure to beasts that miraculously fail due to her faith, promoting encratite ideals of celibacy and bodily renunciation as paths to purity. These narratives blend adventure with doctrinal emphasis on continence over procreation, contrasting Pauline epistles that affirm marriage as honorable, and were critiqued by early figures like Tertullian for pseudepigraphic attribution to Paul. Themes of martyrdom and divine intervention recur, underscoring a shift from apostolic mission to romanticized hagiography. In epistles, the Shepherd of Hermas, a second-century visionary text, features moral parables through angelic revelations urging repentance and church discipline, influential in early communities but ultimately excluded for its late composition and supplemental rather than authoritative status relative to apostolic writings. Apocalypses like the Apocalypse of Peter, from around 100-150 AD, provide graphic tours of heaven and hell, detailing punishments such as blasphemers hung by tongues over fire, which early fathers like Dionysius of Alexandria noted for vivid eschatology but rejected due to doctrinal inconsistencies, such as overly literalistic or universalist leanings not aligned with canonical prophecy. Overall, these texts exhibit docetic tendencies—denying Jesus' full humanity, as in the Gospel of Peter's portrayal of a floating cross—and Gnostic dualism elevating spirit over matter, themes that early church councils deemed incompatible with orthodox Christology grounded in eyewitness testimony.

Canonicity Disputes

Canonicity disputes surrounding apocryphal texts in primarily concern the Old Testament deuterocanonical books, which Protestants and exclude from their canons, while Catholics and Orthodox include them, and the , rejected across major traditions due to questions of authorship and . These debates hinge on criteria such as prophetic inspiration, linguistic origins, historical usage, and doctrinal consistency. Jewish criteria for rejecting deuterocanonical books emphasize the closure of the prophetic era after the prophet Malachi around 400 BCE, limiting the canon to 24 books originally written in Hebrew and recognized by as carrying divine authority. Books like Tobit, Judith, and , composed later (mostly 200-100 BCE) and preserved primarily in Greek via the , lacked this prophetic status and were not part of the Palestinian Jewish canon, as evidenced by the absence of their inclusion in lists from (c. 93 CE) and the lack of citation in as authoritative scripture. Protestants adopted the Jewish Hebrew canon for the during the , rejecting the apocrypha due to its absence from this canon, lack of direct quotation in the (unlike ), and internal inconsistencies such as historical errors (e.g., Tobit's claim of marrying his during Nebuchadnezzar's of , which occurred over a century later) and doctrinal elements conflicting with , including prayers for the dead in 12 interpreted as supporting and almsgiving atoning for sins in Tobit 12:9. classified them as useful for reading but not for establishing , a view formalized in confessions like the Westminster Confession (1647), which deems them non-inspired. Catholic arguments for inclusion rest on the Septuagint's widespread use among Hellenistic and early , including allusions in the (e.g., Hebrews 11:35-36 echoing 2 Maccabees 7), affirmation by early church councils such as Hippo (393 CE) and (397 CE), and the Church's authority to define the canon, culminating in the (1546) dogmatically affirming the deuterocanonicals as inspired scripture equivalent to the . Proponents cite patristic endorsements, like Augustine's acceptance, and argue that Jerome's initial doubts (c. 405 CE) were overruled by ecclesial consensus. Eastern Orthodox traditions maintain a broader canon, incorporating the deuterocanonicals plus additional texts like and , based on the tradition inherited from , with variations across jurisdictions but general acceptance as canonical or anagignoskomena (worthy of reading), as reflected in synodal decisions like the Greek Orthodox Synod of Jerusalem (1672). For , such as the or , disputes center on their late composition (2nd-4th centuries CE), pseudonymous authorship not traceable to apostles, and contradictions with teachings (e.g., docetic in some gospels denying ' physicality), leading to exclusion from early canon lists like the (c. 170 CE) and rejection by councils for lacking apostolic origin and universal church attestation. Doctrinal critiques highlight apocryphal endorsements of practices like (2 Maccabees 14:41-46 praising Razis's ) and magical elements (Tobit 6:6-8 involving fish gall for ), which conflict with biblical prohibitions, alongside historical inaccuracies (e.g., Bel and the Dragon's portrayal of Daniel events not aligning with Babylonian records) and absence of claims to by their authors, undermining claims of inerrancy. Historical analyses note that while apocrypha provided intertestamental context, their non-inclusion in the Hebrew canon and limited early church endorsement—prior to Trent for deuterocanonicals—reflect a cautious approach prioritizing texts with demonstrated prophetic and apostolic pedigree.

Jewish and Protestant Criteria for Rejection

Jewish authorities established the canon of the Tanakh, comprising 24 books, primarily through traditions emphasizing prophetic authorship and original composition in Hebrew or Aramaic, excluding works composed after the era of Malachi around 400 BCE. Books now termed deuterocanonical or Apocrypha, such as Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, were largely written in Greek during the Hellenistic period and lacked attestation in the Palestinian Jewish tradition, leading to their non-inclusion despite occasional use in the Septuagint among diaspora communities. The first-century Jewish historian Flavius Josephus enumerated 22 canonical books, aligning with the Hebrew canon and explicitly omitting the Apocrypha, reflecting a consensus among Pharisaic and rabbinic scholars that these texts did not possess divine inspiration or authoritative status for doctrine. By the second century CE, , such as the , showed no evidence of treating Apocryphal books as scriptural, prioritizing texts with proven liturgical use in synagogues and alignment with core theological tenets like without later doctrinal innovations. Criteria included verification of Hebrew originals, absence of historical or factual errors relative to known events, and continuity with prophetic revelation, criteria unmet by Apocrypha which often contained legendary elements or contradictions with undisputed canonical narratives. Protestant reformers, drawing on the Hebrew canon as the standard for the , rejected the Apocrypha's canonicity following Jerome's fourth-century Vulgate preface, where he translated the books but classified them separately as non-canonical, useful for edification but not for establishing doctrine. This position aligned with the absence of New Testament quotations from Apocryphal texts, unlike frequent citations from the 39 , indicating early Christian recognition of the Hebrew canon as authoritative. Further grounds included internal inconsistencies, such as historical inaccuracies in Tobit and , and teachings conflicting with Protestant emphases on , like or implied in 12:46. Reformers like included the Apocrypha in his 1534 Bible translation for historical value but prefixed it with a disclaimer of its non-inspired status, echoing patristic figures like Athanasius and who questioned its authority. The Westminster Confession of 1647 formalized this rejection, affirming only the Hebrew canon for the based on evidenced by prophetic claims and ecclesiastical reception, excluding books without such validation.

Catholic and Orthodox Arguments for Inclusion

The Catholic Church maintains that the Deuterocanonical books—such as Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Sirach, Baruch, and 1-2 Maccabees, along with additions to Daniel and Esther—were part of the Old Testament canon affirmed by early ecclesiastical councils, including the Council of Rome in 382 AD under Pope Damasus I, which listed these books alongside the protocanonical texts. This canon was subsequently ratified at the Synods of Hippo in 393 AD and Carthage in 397 AD, where bishops, including Augustine, declared it binding for the Church in North Africa, reflecting widespread liturgical and doctrinal usage in the Latin West. These regional councils, while not ecumenical, carried authoritative weight due to their alignment with emerging consensus among Church Fathers who quoted the Deuterocanonicals as scripture, such as Clement of Rome referencing Wisdom and Irenaeus citing Baruch. Catholics argue that the Apostles and early primarily used the , the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures prevalent in the Hellenistic , which incorporated the as integral to the sacred texts quoted in the . For instance, Hebrews 11:35-36 alludes to events in 7, and the 's inclusion of these books provided the scriptural basis for practices like prayers for the dead ( 12:43-46), which informed early Christian funerary rites without contradiction from protocanonical texts. The Church's magisterium, culminating in the Council of Trent's dogmatic definition in 1546, reaffirmed this canon against challenges, emphasizing continuity from apostolic times rather than reliance on the post-Christian Hebrew canon formalized at Jamnia around 90 AD, which excluded Greek-origin texts amid rising rabbinic Pharisaism. Eastern Orthodox traditions similarly uphold the Deuterocanonicals as canonical, viewing them as essential to the Septuagint-based Old Testament inherited from the patristic era, with liturgical readings from books like Wisdom and Sirach embedded in divine services since the Byzantine period. Orthodox synods, such as those referenced in the 1672 Confession of Dositheos, affirm these books' inspiration alongside a slightly broader canon including 3 Maccabees and Psalm 151, arguing that their doctrinal harmony—evident in themes of martyrdom and divine providence—supports Orthodox teachings on intercession and eschatology without introducing heterodox elements. Unlike Protestant reductions, Orthodox apologists contend that exclusion stems from 16th-century innovations rather than primitive tradition, as evidenced by the consistent presence of these texts in Greek codices like Vaticanus (4th century) and Alexandrinus (5th century), which early Church communities treated as authoritative. Both traditions counter claims of late invention by noting the absence of canonical disputes over these books from the 4th to 16th centuries, attributing their to empirical reception in and rather than speculative criteria like Hebrew originals alone. Catholic and Orthodox sources, often drawing from patristic corpora, emphasize that while figures like initially favored the Hebrew canon in his preface (c. 405 AD), he deferred to ecclesiastical authority and included the Deuterocanonicals, underscoring the Church's role in discerning inspiration through lived tradition over individualistic assessments. This ecclesial consensus, they argue, preserves the fuller witness of as reflected in the , avoiding anachronistic imposition of later Jewish recensions onto Christian usage.

Doctrinal and Historical Critiques

Protestant reformers, following Jerome's preference for the Hebrew canon, rejected the Deuterocanonical books due to their absence from the Jewish scriptural collection, which was established by the first century AD and excluded these texts composed primarily between 200 BC and 100 AD. These books, lacking Hebrew originals for most and written in Greek during the intertestamental period after the prophetic era ended around 400 BC, were not recognized as prophetic by Palestinian Jews. Early church fathers like Origen and Athanasius distinguished them from canonical books, and they received inconsistent affirmation in councils prior to Trent in 1546. Doctrinally, critics argue the Apocrypha contain teachings incompatible with the protocanonical and , such as the endorsement of in 14:41-46, where Razis kills himself to avoid capture, contradicting Exodus 20:13's prohibition against . Tobit 12:9 promotes almsgiving as atoning for sins, implying works-based over faith, while 12:43-45 describes prayers and sacrifices for the dead, a practice not commanded in undisputed Scripture. Additional issues include historical inaccuracies, like Tobit's claim of marrying during the before it occurred, and promotion of magical remedies such as fish gall for curing blindness in Tobit 6:6-8, diverging from biblical . The quotes the over 300 times but never cites the Deuterocanonicals as Scripture, unlike frequent allusions to , supporting their non-canonical status on evidentiary grounds. Internal evidence shows no prophetic claims of within these texts, unlike the self-attesting authority in books like or . While useful for historical context on , these doctrinal discrepancies and lack of apostolic endorsement led Reformers like Luther to classify them as edifying but non-inspired, influencing Protestant Bibles to exclude them entirely by the 19th century.

Apocrypha in Other Traditions

Islamic Perspectives on Extracanonical Narratives

In Islamic scholarship, extracanonical narratives from Jewish and Christian traditions, often termed Isra'iliyyat, refer to stories and interpretations derived primarily from pre-Islamic Jewish sources, with some Christian influences, that were transmitted into early Muslim (), prophetic biographies (), and historical works. These materials include elements paralleling , such as tales of prophets' lives not found in the , and were introduced via interactions with and in the and later conquests. Muslim scholars categorized Isra'iliyyat into types: those corroborated by the or authentic (acceptable), those neutral or implausible (permissible to narrate with disclaimer), and those contradictory or fabricated (to be rejected). Prominent exegetes like (d. 923 CE) incorporated Isra'iliyyat extensively in his , drawing from converts and rabbis, but later authorities such as (d. 1373 CE) and Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328 CE) urged caution, emphasizing verification against revelation to avoid (alteration) inherent in prior scriptures. The itself affirms earlier revelations like the and but asserts their textual corruption over time (e.g., Quran 5:13-14), rendering extracanonical texts unreliable unless aligned with Islamic doctrine; thus, Muslims prioritize the and sahih over such narratives. Specific Quranic accounts, such as speaking from the cradle ( 19:29-33) or animating clay birds ( 5:110), exhibit motifs akin to Christian apocrypha like the , yet Islamic tradition views these as divine corrections of distorted oral lore circulating in late antique Arabia, not derivations therefrom. Scholars like (d. 1209 CE) dismissed unsubstantiated Isra'iliyyat as potentially fabricated to undermine , advocating rejection of any conflicting with monotheism or prophetic infallibility. This selective approach underscores a broader Islamic epistemology privileging direct over secondary, human-transmitted traditions from abrogated faiths.

Buddhist Apocryphal Scriptures in East Asia

In , particularly in , Korea, and , apocryphal scriptures—known as wei jing (偽經, "spurious scriptures") or i jing (疑經, "doubtful scriptures")—refer to texts composed indigenously but attributed to Indian or Central Asian origins, often claiming translation from by historical figures. These emerged prominently from the 5th to 8th centuries CE during the indigenization of , when Chinese literati and fabricated sutras to harmonize with Confucian , Daoist cosmology, and local political needs, thereby legitimizing novel interpretations absent in transmitted Indian canons. Production peaked under imperial patronage, such as during the (386–535 CE) and Tang (618–907 CE) dynasties, with estimates of over 50 such texts identified in catalogs like the Kaiyuan shijiao lu (730 CE) by Zhisheng, which flagged anomalies like anachronistic terminology or doctrinal inconsistencies with and sources. Scholars distinguish them via criteria including linguistic markers (e.g., heavy use of idioms foreign to Indian ), historical impossibilities (e.g., references to post- events), and absence of originals or parallel versions in Tibetan or Southeast Asian canons. Identification of apocrypha relied on early catalogs, such as the Zhenyuan xinding shu jing mulu (785–804 CE), which listed 27 spurious sutras, emphasizing philological and doctrinal tests over mere provenance claims. Despite this scrutiny, many circulated widely; for instance, the Renwang bore boluomi jing (Sutra for Humane Kings, composed ca. 5th century CE) integrated state protection rituals with eschatology, influencing imperial in and . Another key example, the Yuanjue jing (Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment, ca. 7th century CE), synthesized and ideas of sudden enlightenment, providing scriptural basis for Chan (Zen) sudden awakening doctrines despite lacking Indian antecedents. The Qixin lun (Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana, ca. 6th century CE), though sometimes debated as a partial translation, exhibits Chinese compositional traits like one-mind blending with indigenous , profoundly shaping East Asian metaphysical frameworks. These texts played a pivotal role in doctrinal innovation, with apocrypha comprising up to 10% of the (e.g., in the Taishō edition of 1924–1932, which retained them for historical value). In Korea, editions like the Goreyeon Daejanggyeong (1011–1087 CE) reprinted Chinese apocrypha, adapting them for Confucian-Buddhist , while in , Kamakura-era (1185–1333 CE) collections at sites like Matsuo Shrine preserved them amid Shinto-Buddhist amalgamation. Their influence persisted in practices like sutras (e.g., Foshuo fumu enzhong jing, ca. CE), which amplified Confucian duties through ghost realm narratives, reprinted in Korean and Vietnamese canons. Modern scholarship, drawing on comparative textual analysis, affirms their indigenous origins but critiques over-reliance on Indian authenticity as ethnocentric, given East Asian Buddhism's adaptive ; nonetheless, their pseudepigraphic nature underscores a pragmatic scriptural economy where efficacy trumped origin.

Taoist and Broader Non-Abrahamic Analogues

In Taoist tradition, analogues to apocryphal texts appear in the extensive corpus of the (Taoist Canon), a collection exceeding 1,400 works compiled across dynasties from the Tang (618–907 CE) to the Ming (1368–1644 CE), encompassing philosophical treatises, ritual manuals, alchemical formulas, and cosmological narratives. Many of these texts claim pseudepigraphic authorship by legendary figures such as (6th century BCE, per traditional accounts) or the , or assert transmission via immortals and deities, despite evident composition in later periods like the (960–1279 CE) or Yuan (1271–1368 CE) dynasties. Such attributions served to legitimize esoteric practices like internal () and longevity elixirs, which diverge from the core philosophical emphasis on natural harmony in the Daodejing and Zhuangzi. Philosophical Daoists, prioritizing these early Warring States-era (475–221 BCE) works, often dismiss later entries as superstitious accretions lacking empirical or first-principles grounding in the dao (way). During the (206 BCE–220 CE), weishu (apocryphal or prognostic texts) emerged as spurious commentaries appended to Confucian classics but infused with proto-Taoist cosmology,阴阳 (yin-yang) dualism, and omens, numbering around 500 by the Eastern Han period before their suppression under (9–23 CE) for promoting heterodox interpretations. These weishu paralleled biblical by blending authentic traditions with fabricated revelations to influence policy and , though their rejection stemmed from institutional criteria rather than doctrinal purity. In religious Daoism (Daojiao), however, such texts integrated into and cults, blurring lines between and extra-canonical without a centralized equivalent to Abrahamic councils. Broader non-Abrahamic analogues manifest in traditions without fixed scriptural closures, where disputed texts function similarly by offering supplementary myths, rituals, or esoterica. In Hinduism, the Vedas (c. 1500–500 BCE) hold shruti (directly revealed) status, while smriti texts like the Puranas (c. 300–1500 CE) and Tantras vary in sectarian acceptance; some Tantric works, emphasizing ritual and deity invocation, face orthodox skepticism for interpolations or un-Vedic innovations, yet persist in Shaiva and Shakta lineages without formal excanonization. Ancient Greek and Roman religions, lacking any canon, produced pseudepigraphic corpora such as the Hermetica (2nd–3rd centuries CE), falsely ascribed to the mythic Hermes Trismegistus for authority in astrology and theurgy, influencing Neoplatonism but dismissed by philosophers like Plotinus (204–270 CE) as Egyptian forgeries devoid of rational causality. These served apocryphal roles by expanding theological speculation beyond Homeric epics and civic cults, often via mystery initiations. Indigenous traditions, such as pre-Columbian Mesoamerican codices (e.g., Maya Popol Vuh variants, transcribed post-16th century), similarly include post-conquest accretions questioned for authenticity amid oral-to-written shifts. Across these, analogues prioritize pragmatic utility—ritual efficacy or cultural adaptation—over textual pedigree, contrasting Abrahamic emphasis on divine inspiration verification.

Scholarly and Cultural Impact

Historical Insights from Apocryphal Texts

Apocryphal texts, composed primarily during the Second Temple period (circa 515 BCE–70 CE), offer valuable glimpses into Jewish history, theology, and societal conditions between the canonical and the . These writings, including the Books of , 1 , and others, document Hellenistic influences on , such as the Seleucid Empire's persecution under (r. 175–164 BCE), which prompted the starting in 167 BCE. While some texts blend historical narrative with theological interpretation, they reveal the persistence of Jewish resistance to assimilation and the evolution of practices like ritual purity and martyrdom. The Books of 1 and 2 Maccabees provide the most direct historical accounts, detailing events from 175 to 134 BCE with a focus on Judas Maccabeus's guerrilla warfare against Seleucid forces, culminating in the rededication of the Jerusalem Temple in 164 BCE—an event commemorated as Hanukkah. 1 Maccabees, likely written by an eyewitness shortly after the Hasmonean dynasty's rise (circa 100 BCE), is regarded by scholars as largely reliable for political and military chronology, corroborated by external sources like Josephus and archaeological evidence of Hasmonean expansions. In contrast, 2 Maccabees emphasizes divine intervention and includes legendary elements, such as miraculous interventions, but still affirms key facts like the desecration of the Temple and the role of figures like Eleazar and the mother with seven sons in promoting martyrdom ideals. These texts illustrate the transition from priestly to dynastic rule under the Hasmoneans, filling gaps in canonical records about Jewish sovereignty post-exile. Pseudepigraphal works like , compiled between the 3rd century BCE and 1st century BCE, disclose ancient Jewish cosmological and eschatological views, including the origins of evil through (Watchers) mating with humans to produce giants, reflecting concerns over moral corruption and prevalent in pre-Christian . This text evidences the development of , with detailed visions of heavenly realms and the , influencing later Jewish and Christian ideas on and the messianic age by the late era. Other apocrypha, such as Tobit, portray diaspora Jewish life under Persian and Hellenistic rule (circa 5th–2nd centuries BCE), highlighting customs like almsgiving and , though its narrative includes folkloric elements like the angel Raphael's interventions, serving more as cultural testimony than strict historiography. Collectively, these sources underscore the diversity of , from Pharisaic-like piety to sectarian , amid foreign domination.

Criticisms of Reliability and Authenticity

Critics argue that the , often termed Apocrypha in Protestant traditions, contain historical inaccuracies that undermine their reliability as authoritative texts. For instance, the depicts Nebuchadnezzar as king of ruling from , whereas historical records confirm he was a Babylonian king whose capital was , with destroyed over a century earlier in 612 BCE. Similarly, the includes geographical errors, such as placing the River near , which contradicts known ancient topography. These anachronisms suggest composition influenced by later Hellenistic contexts rather than eyewitness or prophetic accuracy, as evidenced by the books' dating to the BCE or later. Authenticity concerns arise from pseudepigraphic elements, where texts are falsely attributed to biblical figures to lend authority. The Wisdom of , purportedly by King , employs Greek philosophical concepts like the absent from Solomonic-era Hebrew thought and reflects 1st-century BCE Alexandrian Jewish influences. Baruch is ascribed to Jeremiah's scribe but contains post-exilic references incompatible with a 6th-century BCE origin. Such attributions align with broader pseudepigraphic practices in intertestamental literature, where anonymous authors invoked revered names to promote theological ideas, lacking the self-attested inspiration found in protocanonical prophets. Early Christian attestation further questions reliability, as these texts receive sparse or non-scriptural citations from . (c. 150 CE) and (c. 180 CE) omit them entirely in defenses of doctrine, while even frequent citers like or treat them as edifying but not canonical. and authors quote the Hebrew canon extensively—over 300 allusions—but never the Apocrypha as authoritative, indicating their peripheral status in 1st-century . This pattern, combined with the Jewish rejection at the (c. 90 CE), reflects a consensus on their secondary, non-prophetic nature. Textual transmission exacerbates doubts, with unstable manuscripts prone to interpolations, unlike the more consistent Hebrew Masoretic tradition. While valuable for cultural insights, these factors—empirical errors, forged claims, and limited early endorsement—position the Apocrypha as unreliable for doctrinal or historical certitude, per analyses prioritizing verifiable origins over tradition-bound inclusion.

Recent Discoveries and Ongoing Research

In June 2024, scholars at the deciphered a previously overlooked fragment (P.Hamb.Graec. 1011) containing portions of the , an apocryphal text depicting childhood , such as animating clay sparrows. The fragment, radiocarbon-dated to the 4th or CE, constitutes the earliest surviving copy of this narrative, predating previously known manuscripts by several centuries and suggesting wider early circulation of such stories despite their exclusion from canonical scriptures. In September 2023, the release of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri volume 87 disclosed a fragmentary Greek manuscript (P.Oxy. 5575) preserving sayings of Jesus not found in the canonical Gospels, possibly from an unidentified apocryphal "sayings gospel" akin to the Gospel of Thomas. Dated to the 3rd century CE, the text includes unique phrases like "the shepherd is great in his flock," offering evidence of diverse early Christian traditions circulating in Egypt, though its fragmentary state limits doctrinal reconstruction. This discovery underscores ongoing papyrological efforts at sites like Oxyrhynchus, which have yielded over 500 biblical-related fragments since the 19th century. Current research emphasizes and to reanalyze existing collections, including uncatalogued apocryphal leaves from St. Catherine's Monastery at , where post-1975 "New Finds" have revealed additional Greek and Syriac fragments of texts like the Protevangelium of James. Projects such as the Mount Sinai Archive, ongoing since 2011, facilitate global access and identification of previously obscured variants, aiding of apocryphal works' transmission. Scholarly publications continue to expand apocryphal corpora; for instance, Paul Foster's 2024 review highlights new editions incorporating medieval extensions of New Testament apocrypha up to the 12th century, challenging assumptions of their early cessation. Debates persist on definitional boundaries, with 2025 analyses questioning whether broadening "Christian apocrypha" to include non-narrative or late texts dilutes focus on early, Jesus-centered writings excluded from canon formation. These efforts prioritize empirical manuscript evidence over theological presuppositions, though critics note that many "discoveries" reaffirm apocrypha's secondary status due to inconsistencies with canonical historiography.

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