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A masand was a representative, religious preacher, and tithe collector in Sikhism.[1][2] They were an officially appointed missionary minister representing the Sikh Guru, who baptized conversions to Sikhism, and collected dasvandh (tithe) as an offering to the Sikh community and religious establishment.[1] A masand forwarded the collected amount to the Sikh guru.

The masand has been described as being territorial deputies or vicars.[3] The appointing of a masand conferred a distinct and unique Sikh status upon specific areas, occasions, and rituals.[3]

Etymology

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The word masand (Punjabi: ਮਸੰਦ) is an adaptation of the Persian term 'masnad' (Punjabi: ਮਸਨਦ),[4] which refers to 'a seat' that is at a lower level than the throne. The Guru was the highest authority while masands were emplaced to spread the message of Sikhism and given the authority to baptize individuals converting to Sikhism. During conversions happening in the absence of the Guru, the new convert would touch the feet of the masand or drink the water they had dipped their toe in, in order to become initiated into the Sikh religion.[5]

History

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Origin and structure

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It is unclear when the masand system started. It began with Guru Amar Das in some accounts,[1] by Guru Ram Das in other accounts,[6][2] or Guru Arjan by still other accounts.[7] A masand was appointed for each religious administrative unit called the Sikh Manji, a system that was founded by Guru Amar Das.[8][9] This system was expanded by later Sikh Gurus.[10]

Role

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The main responsibility of the masands was collecting dasvandh donations and submitting them to the guru on a regular-basis, procuring receipts of donations against them.[11]

Sikh Gurus had established a Masand system of Sikh representatives who taught and spread the teachings of the Sikh Gurus and also collect monetary offering to maintain armed legion of saint-soldiers.[2] It was comparable in its conception to the diocese and wilayats of Christianity and Sufism.[12] Over time, this system became corrupted.[citation needed]The masand system was critical in empowering Sikhism with an independent economic resource pool, that helped pay for gurdwara buildings, for building the Sikh Army and the upkeep of Sikh soldiers, as well routine expenses such as langar (kitchen) which offered a free meal to visitors to the Sikh gurdwaras.[6]

The masands were appointed to collect revenue and gifts from the distant dharamsals and congregations for the central Sikh authority, where they were responsible for bringing it to.[12] The masands from various parishes would congregate with the Sikh guru at his durbar (court) on the occasion of Vaisakhi and present the funds and offerings of the dharamsals under their management to him.[12] They managed distant congregations at a regional and provincial level, such as their finances and inns, and conducted missionary activities.[12] They were assisted in their duties by gumashitas (deputies), which they had the power to appoint.[12] The gumashitas helped manage the group of dharamsals in a province or region, especially ones located in small towns, under the purview of a masand head.[12] Some masands grew in prominence and influence to such a level that even regions falling out of their assigned region were controlled by them, such as in the case of the masands of Patna, Burhanpur and Kabul managing the dharamsals located in Northeast India, South India, and the Pashtun belt region comprising modern-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.[12]

Masands who were unable to attend the meeting with the Sikh Guru at his durbar would present their collections and offerings in the form of a hundi (bill of exchange).[12]

The manji and masand system of revenue collection for gurdwaras and other purposes was a source of major dispute between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughal emperors. For example, Aurangzeb seized the tithe collections by the masands for use by the Mughal treasury, and demolished gurdwaras throughout Punjab to emphasize the Islamic character of the Mughal Empire.[13]

Positions of local masands was not dynastic nor inheritable and it was not a professional duty as they still had to live the life of a householder.[12] They were not allowed to claim divine status for themselves.[12]

Masands should not be confused with manjidars.[12]

Initiators

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The masands would also act as a representative of the Sikh guru when initiating new members into the religion.[14] According to the Dabestan-e Mazaheb, the 'sahlang' term referred to person(s) initiated into the Sikh religion by a masand, who acted as representatives on behalf of the Sikh gurus.[14] Such Sikhs were termed as meli or masandia, and were differentiated from Sikhs who had received their initiation rites directly from a Sikh guru, whom were termed as Khalsa.[14] If the guru was not present in a certain area, water would be poured over the toes of the masand or sangatia responsible for the area of that particular manji (early Sikh religious administrative unit) and the initiates would drink that water instead, a practice known as charan-amrit.[15] If neither the guru or a local religious head is present, such as in a distant or tiny community of Sikhs, then the initiate would dip their toe in water and the local congregation would drink it.[16] This initiation ceremony finds mention in the Vaaran authored by Bhai Gurdas.[15] The ceremony was a way of showing the humbleness of initiates to the faith.[17] This practice continued until 1699, when it was replaced by Guru Gobind Singh's innovation.[15][18][19]

Abolition

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Over time, a few masands became corrupt and started treating themselves as gurus to collect money for their personal motives. Hence, Guru Gobind Singh ordered Sikhs not to recognize those masands as authority figures and prohibited having any type of relationship with them or their deputies.[20] According to early Sikh literature including rehatnamas, the Sikhs, under Guru Gobind's command, punished, beat and killed certain masands whose corruption, exploitation, and greed or inability to deliver sufficient money and resources had affronted the Guru.[21][22]

List of masands

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During the time of Guru Hargobind

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During the time of Guru Tegh Bahadur

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During the time of Guru Gobind Singh

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See also

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  • Manji system, Sikh missionary administrative organization aimed towards the masses
  • Piri system, a sub-system of the Sikh missionary administrative organization aimed towards women
  • Sects of Sikhism

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Masand

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Masands were local representatives appointed by the in the late to administer regional Sikh congregations, disseminate religious teachings, and collect —one-tenth of followers' income—for the Guru's communal initiatives such as langar free kitchens and sacred pools.
Initiated by to support infrastructure like the sarovar at Ramdaspura and formalized under Dev for broader organization, the system evolved from earlier Manji overseers under , enabling Sikhism's propagation to remote areas and fostering community discipline and unity.
While initially effective in linking dispersed sangats to the Guru and funding key institutions like the Harimandir Sahib, the Masands' roles became hereditary, leading to widespread corruption, embezzlement of offerings, and assertions of rival authority that undermined Sikh cohesion.
In response, abolished the institution in 1699, excommunicating corrupt Masands and issuing hukamnamas instructing direct remittance of offerings to , thereby decentralizing administration and paving the way for the Khalsa's direct egalitarian structure.

Terminology

Etymology and Definition

The term masand originates from the Persian word masnad (or masdat), denoting a cushion, , or elevated seat symbolizing proximity to or a position of delegated power. In Sikh usage, this evolved to signify an official appointee acting on behalf of a superior, reflecting the administrative and representational connotations adapted from Mughal-era Persian influences prevalent in the region during the 16th and 17th centuries. Within Sikhism, a masand referred to a designated local agent or steward who connected dispersed Sikh congregations (sangats) directly to the , emphasizing fidelity to central spiritual authority over autonomous . This role was semantically distinct from manjidars, who functioned primarily as regional preachers propagating doctrine under the earlier manji system, whereas masands embodied a more formalized linkage for communal oversight without implying doctrinal preaching as their core semantic identity. Sikh textual references, such as those in historical and Guru-period compositions, underscore masands as reliable intermediaries rather than self-aggrandizing figures, aligning with the term's etymological roots in subservient elevation.

Establishment and Early Development

Initiation by Guru Ram Das

, who succeeded to the guruship in September 1574, recognized the logistical challenges posed by the expanding Sikh congregations dispersed across northern , necessitating a mechanism for centralized collection of dasvandh—the voluntary tithe or offerings from devotees—to sustain communal institutions without requiring constant direct oversight from the Guru. Amid this growth, which included increasing numbers of sangats (congregations) far from the Guru's base, he formalized the Masand system by appointing representatives to oversee propagation of Sikh teachings and resource mobilization. This addressed the limitations of prior decentralized efforts, enabling efficient administration as the faith spread beyond . Building on the manji framework of 22 dioceses established earlier, designated initial Masands—devout tasked with visiting remote sangats—to these regions for monthly collections and instruction in Guru Nanak's doctrines. These appointees, often from trusted Sikh families, facilitated the transport of to the , bypassing unreliable intermediaries and ensuring resources reached central initiatives. Historical accounts attribute this structure's inception to 's tenure, contrasting with varying traditional claims linking precursors to prior . The system's early efficacy is evidenced by its role in funding key expansions, including the maintenance of langar (communal kitchens) serving diverse visitors and the construction of gurdwaras and sacred pools like Amrit Sarovar, excavated starting in 1577 at Ramdaspur (later Amritsar). These efforts supported broader Sikh outreach, with verifiable growth in sangats and infrastructure during 1574–1581, as reflected in Sikh historical narratives and the sustained operation of such institutions. This centralized approach marked a pivotal administrative innovation, enhancing the faith's resilience and propagation amid Mughal-era constraints.

Initial Structure and Organization

established the Masand system by appointing representatives to oversee regional manjis, building upon the manji framework introduced by to enable scalable delegation of administrative and propagative duties across expanding Sikh communities. These Masands functioned as local deputies, managing congregations in defined territories while maintaining direct linkage to the central Guru authority in . To ensure accountability, Masands were obligated to report to the at major annual assemblies, such as , delivering collected offerings and regional updates for the Guru's personal review, which prevented autonomy and reinforced hierarchical oversight. This periodic convergence allowed the Guru to audit operations firsthand, aligning local activities with core Sikh principles without reliance on intermediaries. Masands were strictly temporary agents, prohibited from asserting divine status or personal authority equivalent to the , thereby preserving the singular spiritual leadership and averting cult-like deviations. Their emphasized as a pragmatic tool for growth rather than power diffusion. The framework complemented the pre-existing Piri system under the manjis, where —often women missionaries—prioritized spiritual instruction and community outreach, while Masands emphasized coordination and resource transmission, creating a balanced operational duality for early Sikh organization. This integration fostered efficiency without overlap, supporting the faith's expansion through specialized yet interconnected roles.

Roles and Responsibilities

Administrative and Financial Duties

The Masands served as the primary agents for financial collection within the Sikh community, tasked with gathering , the prescribed one-tenth portion of ' income or produce offered as voluntary contributions to support the Guru's initiatives. This system, instituted under and formalized by subsequent Gurus, required Masands to collect these offerings from local sangats (congregations) across their assigned regions, issue receipts to donors, and remit the bulk periodically to the central authority at . The collections funded communal infrastructure, missionary work, and the Guru's court, with Masands maintaining detailed accounts to ensure transparency in transactions. In addition to collection, Masands handled the administrative oversight of local Sikh institutions, including the maintenance of dharamsals (early gurdwaras) and langars (community kitchens), where they coordinated for daily operations and ensured the continuity of seva (voluntary service). They managed property holdings donated to the faith, such as land for agricultural support of langars, while keeping meticulous records of assets and expenditures, which were subject to review during annual submissions to the . This localized management allowed for efficient resource distribution without constant central intervention, though all major decisions on property disposition required Guru approval. Masands also facilitated logistical coordination for major communal gatherings, organizing Sikh participation in annual diwans (assemblies) at , where they arranged travel, accommodations, and provisioning for pilgrims from distant regions. These events, held on auspicious dates like or Baisakhi, served as occasions for Masands to present financial reports and receive directives, reinforcing the centralized yet decentralized administrative framework. Such duties extended to guiding delegations on routes to the Guru's darbar, minimizing disruptions from regional authorities and ensuring safe convergence of the sangat.

Religious and Communal Functions

Masands functioned as religious preachers responsible for disseminating the Gurus' teachings to dispersed Sikh populations, thereby enabling the propagation of beyond central . Appointed by in the late 16th century, they conducted discourses known as katha in local sangats (congregations), elucidating scriptural principles and ethical conduct to foster spiritual understanding among followers. In regional centers, Masands initiated prospective into the faith, guiding them through foundational practices and integrating them into community networks, which supported the organic growth of Sikh demographics through outreach. This decentralized approach linked remote devotees to the Guru's authority, creating self-sustaining sangats that emphasized collective worship and mutual support, empirically contributing to Sikhism's expansion into areas like , , and beyond by the early 17th century. Communally, Masands mediated interpersonal and familial disputes within their jurisdictions, applying Sikh tenets to resolve conflicts and maintain harmony, while enforcing maryada—the —by advising on adherence to rituals such as daily prayers and communal langar (free kitchen) participation. Their oversight ensured local sangats operated as cohesive units, reinforcing social bonds and religious discipline without direct oversight from the , thus causal to the resilience and proliferation of Sikh communal structures.

Selection and Accountability Mechanisms

Masands were selected and appointed directly by the , primarily from among trusted and devout demonstrating loyalty, administrative capability, and commitment to Sikh principles, ensuring alignment with the Guru's vision for . This emphasized merit and personal qualities over familial ties, with no provision for hereditary succession to prevent entrenchment of power and maintain the system's responsiveness to the Guru's authority. To enforce , Masands were required to convene annually at the Guru's headquarters, such as Chak Ram Das, on the first day of Baisakhi to render detailed accounts of their collections, expenditures, and activities, facilitating direct oversight and verification by the or designated representatives. This mechanism preserved a clear chain of authority, allowing for the prompt replacement of underperforming or disloyal Masands to sustain effective governance and prevent deviations from communal objectives. Personal enrichment was strictly curtailed, with Masands permitted only modest allowances for sustenance while obligated to remit all collected offerings—such as tithes—to the central authority without appropriation, reflecting Sikh and incentivizing service-oriented conduct over . These prohibitions aimed to align individual incentives with welfare, mitigating risks of abuse through ongoing subordination to the Guru's ethical and administrative directives.

Historical Expansion

Under Guru Arjan and Guru Hargobind

(1581–1606) reorganized the Masand system to enhance its administrative efficiency and financial reliability amid the expanding . He instituted the principle, urging followers to contribute one-tenth of their income or produce, which Masands gathered from their regions and delivered to during festivals such as and Baisakhi to fund communal infrastructure and scriptural projects. This reform secured steady revenue streams, supporting the completion of the Harmandir Sahib and the compilation of the Adi Granth in 1604, with Masands tasked to propagate the new scripture by distributing copies and instructing local congregations in its hymns. Following Guru Arjan's martyrdom on May 30, 1606, under Emperor Jahangir's orders, (1606–1644) adapted the system to the Panth's militarization, symbolized by his adoption of miri-piri (temporal and spiritual authority). Masands received additional mandates for recruiting and training in martial skills, bolstering defenses against Mughal aggression during conflicts including the Battle of in 1628 and engagements at Lahira and Kartarpur in 1634. They upheld meticulous records of collections and activities to ensure accountability, facilitating the Panth's territorial outreach and resilience despite , as the network linked distant outposts to the Guru's center at Kiratpur. This period marked the system's maturation, bridging devotional propagation with defensive preparedness.

Under Guru Har Rai and Guru Har Krishan

During the guruship of , spanning 1644 to 1661, the Masand system provided organizational continuity for Sikh propagation, with the Guru appointing committed individuals such as Suthre , Sahiba, Sangtia, and others to regional posts in an effort to address nascent issues of reported among some incumbents. Masands facilitated quiet work and the collection of offerings, which sustained the Guru's base at Kiratpur and supported peaceful initiatives, including the expansion of herbal dispensaries amid a deliberate avoidance of political confrontations with Mughal authorities. This period saw no structural overhaul, emphasizing stability through decentralized preaching networks that extended Sikh outreach without militaristic expansion. Guru Har Krishan's brief tenure from 1661 to 1664, marked by his youth and summons to , relied heavily on the established Masand framework for administrative support and local coordination, enabling outreach to diverse communities in the imperial capital where he offered guidance and during a . Masands, including figures like Gurbakhsh in , maintained financial collections that ensured steady inflows to the 's circle, funding communal sustenance despite the successor dispute involving rival claimants like . Verifiable records indicate minimal alterations to the system owing to the Guru's short reign and health challenges, preserving operational steadiness in an era of relative isolation from broader power centers.

Under Guru Tegh Bahadur

During 's guruship from 1664 to 1675, the Masand system facilitated the expansion of Sikh organizational reach into eastern regions of , including , , and areas now comprising , amid the Guru's extensive travels to renew faith among existing congregations and establish new preaching centers known as manjis. These journeys, spanning over a decade, necessitated reliance on Masands to maintain administrative and financial continuity in and distant locales, where they collected offerings and coordinated local sangats in the Guru's absence. The prolonged absences of from central led to heightened local decision-making by Masands, who assumed greater authority in managing community affairs, preaching Sikh tenets, and safeguarding Sikh identity against emerging Mughal pressures. This , while enabling operational resilience, introduced early strains on central oversight, as evidenced by incidents where Masands resisted the Guru's direct authority, such as barring his entry to the Darbar in during a visit. Notable Masands during this period included Bulaki, stationed in , who handled collections from eastern sangats but exhibited autonomy in remitting funds; and Shihan, a Masand aligned with rival claimant Dhir Mal, who attempted to assassinate by firing at him, prompting intervention by another Masand, Baba Makhan Shah of Kathiawad. Guru Tegh Bahadur further bolstered the network by adding three new bakshishis, or missionary divisions, to integrate these far-flung operations, though such extensions amplified opportunities for localized deviations from centralized directives.

Corruption and Abuses

Emergence of Misconduct

Following the era of (1585–1644), the Masand system exhibited initial signs of degradation, as agents in remote territories increasingly deviated from their roles as faithful representatives tasked with collecting offerings and disseminating Sikh teachings. The geographical expanse of Sikh communities, spanning regions far from the Guru's seat at Kiratpur, diminished direct supervision, enabling Masands to exploit their delegated authority without immediate repercussions. This unchecked delegation inherently misaligned incentives, transforming positions meant for selfless service into avenues for personal accumulation, as documented in analyses of the system's evolution. Empirical evidence from Sikh historical records indicates that Masands began retaining (one-tenth offerings) and other contributions for private use, a practice rooted in the principal-agent problem where distant operatives faced no routine audits or replacements. By the mid-to-late , under Gurus Har Rai (1630–1661) and Har Krishan (1656–1664), this led to widespread , as the lack of centralized oversight allowed funds intended for communal welfare to be diverted, eroding the system's foundational accountability. Contemporary observer Mohsin Fani's Dabistan-i-Mazahib (c. 1640s–1660s) reflects this shift, portraying Masands as wielding and wealth, indicative of emerging feudal-like hierarchies detached from Guru-centric directives. Nepotism compounded these causal factors, with Masand offices transitioning to hereditary control by the late 1600s, installing kin lacking merit or ideological commitment, which perpetuated self-serving behaviors over merit-based delegation. The initial community acquiescence stemmed from the system's prior successes in facilitating Sikh institutional growth during expansive phases, fostering a lag in systemic critique despite mounting irregularities. This tolerance, however, masked the underlying incentive distortions, where autonomy without reciprocal loyalty to the Guru's vision predictably yielded , as later affirmed in Guru Gobind Singh's own assessments of the pre-reform state.

Specific Instances of Corruption

One notable instance of Masand abuse occurred during the tenure of (1664–1675), when Masand , aligned with the rival claimant Dhir Mal, orchestrated an armed assault on the Guru at around 1670. Shihan led a band of approximately 100 assailants to ransack the Guru's residence and fired upon him while he rested, though the shot merely grazed his shoulder; this conspiracy stemmed from Dhir Mal's resentment over the Guru's succession and aimed to eliminate him physically. By the late 17th century, reports documented Masands systematically diverting offerings—intended as one-tenth contributions from for communal and -supported causes—toward personal enrichment, enabling lavish lifestyles marked by opulent residences and self-aggrandizement. Some Masands elevated themselves to guru-like status, soliciting worship, fabricating doctrines, and withholding funds from the Guru, thereby undermining centralized authority and Sikh egalitarian principles. Sikh hukamnamas and condemned "deceiver Masands" for additional misconduct, including exploitation through , physical against dissenters, and immoral acts such as sexual impropriety within their dioceses, which eroded trust and prompted direct appeals from Sikhs to the . These abuses peaked around 1675–1708, culminating in Guru Gobind Singh's summons of Masands to circa 1698, where those proven corrupt faced punishments ranging from flogging to execution for offenses like and . Exaggerated narratives of ordering the mass burning or boiling alive of hundreds of Masands lack corroboration in primary historical records, which instead describe targeted for verified perpetrators rather than wholesale executions; symbolic destruction of Masand thrones (), representing usurped authority, served to ritualize the eradication of institutionalized without indiscriminate violence.

Community Responses and Internal Criticisms

Within the Sikh community, dissatisfaction with Masand misconduct manifested through direct appeals to the Gurus, prompting periodic accountability measures prior to systemic overhaul. During Guru Tegh Bahadur's tenure (1665–1675), for instance, the Masand Harji, responsible for Sri Harmandir Sahib, engaged in embezzlement by hoarding offerings and barring the Guru himself from the premises to conceal his actions, leading to community outcry and subsequent intervention by the Guru to remove him. Such petitions underscored an internal drive for self-correction, where the sangat highlighted deviations from Guru-mandated duties like transparent collection and propagation of Sikh principles. Literary critiques from within the further amplified these concerns, emphasizing deviations from core loyalty to the . Bhai Gurdas II, a associated with the later Gurus, composed verses portraying the Masands' as a barrier to direct sangat-Guru connection, advocating a return to unmediated devotion amid emerging abuses. These works reflected broader Sikh intellectual engagement with the system's flaws, attributing chaos in the partly to Masand overreach, as echoed in contemporary narratives linking such critiques to the need for Guru-centric reforms. Factional tensions arose as not all Masands were deemed irredeemable; loyal appointees defended the framework's value for coordinating distant congregations, cautioning against abrupt decentralization that could fragment outreach efforts. This internal debate highlighted risks of unchecked local authority versus the efficiencies of delegated representation, with reformers pushing for stricter oversight while defenders pointed to successful propagations under earlier Gurus like Arjan (1581–1606). Community responses thus bridged recognition of abuses with measured advocacy for retention of viable elements, fostering pre-abolition feedback that informed evolving Panthic governance.

Abolition and Aftermath

Prelude to Abolition Under

In the late 1690s, confronted the deepening within the Masand system, where representatives increasingly withheld offerings, misrepresented contributions by substituting inferior materials like for , and retained gifts intended for the Guru's darbar. This misconduct exacerbated fund shortfalls critical for sustaining Sikh military efforts against mounting Mughal and hill rajah aggressions, as Masands prioritized personal enrichment over communal obligations. By 1698, reports of such betrayals, including Masands denying access to sacred spaces like the Harimandir Sahib and engaging in extortionate lending practices, underscored the system's failure to maintain amid existential threats to the Sikh community. To address these issues, issued multiple hukamnamas in 1698 and early 1699, summoning all Masands to along with their Sikh constituents for accountability, particularly ahead of the Baisakhi assembly on March 20, 1699. These edicts, such as those documented in collections numbering 46 and 50, explicitly directed to bypass Masands and deliver offerings directly to the Guru, revealing widespread disloyalty as many Masands evaded the call or arrived without the expected resources. This summoning served as an implicit loyalty test, exposing intermediaries who had grown independent and self-serving, thereby necessitating a structural overhaul to eliminate hierarchical buffers that diluted direct Guru-Sikh bonds. The cumulative evidence of these failures, set against the imperative for unified resistance to Mughal incursions, prompted an ideological pivot toward unmediated ties between the and the faithful, laying the groundwork for the Khalsa's formation as a decentralized yet cohesive force free from corrupt delegation. This reset prioritized empirical verification of devotion through personal initiative over reliance on appointed agents, ensuring resources and allegiance flowed directly to fortify the community's resilience.

Process of Dismantling the System

In 1698, issued multiple hukamnamas directing Sikh communities to cease recognition of masands as authoritative representatives and to withhold offerings from them, instead delivering contributions directly to . These edicts explicitly instructed sangats to bypass masand intermediaries, forwarding and other tithes personally or through trusted channels to the , thereby initiating the recall of the agents and undermining their operational authority. This step severed the decentralized collection mechanism that had relied on fixed provincial agents, prioritizing unmediated loyalty and transparency in Sikh financial and spiritual affairs. The directives culminated in the summoning of masands to Anandpur for , where their practices were scrutinized amid reports of and self-aggrandizement, leading to the systemic invalidation of their roles without partial reforms. Guru Gobind Singh's approach eschewed selective retention of ostensibly loyal figures, opting instead for wholesale institutional abolition to eliminate entrenched incentives for corruption. By late 1698 and into early 1699, prior to the Baisakhi assembly, the masand framework was formally dissolved, with hukamnamas reinforcing prohibitions on dealings with former agents or their deputies. This methodical dismantling ensured no residual authority lingered, as evidenced by orders like the hukamnama, which mandated direct delivery of specified contributions such as one tola of , excluding masand involvement. Post-abolition, the process transitioned offerings to a direct -sangat model, facilitated by emerging structures that emphasized collective representation over individual agents. Sikh communities were henceforth to remit through personal attendance at key gatherings or via vetted emissaries, fostering accountability via proximity to the and the Panth's martial ethos. This shift eradicated fixed intermediaries, aligning resource flows with verifiable devotion and immediate oversight, as articulated in Gobind Singh's edicts promoting unfiltered allegiance.

Punishments and Reorganization

imposed punishments on Masands found guilty of corruption and oppression, ranging from public reprimands and excommunication to severe penalties for the most egregious offenders, as documented in Sikh historical traditions aimed at restoring . These measures targeted individuals who had exploited their positions for personal gain, such as embezzling offerings meant for the and community welfare, thereby serving as a deterrent against similar within the Sikh organizational framework. Following the identification and punishment of corrupt Masands, Guru Gobind Singh dismantled the entire institution in 1698–1699, transitioning to a decentralized model where Sikhs contributed —voluntary tithes of one-tenth of income—directly to the Guru at , bypassing intermediaries. This reorganization fostered immediate egalitarian accountability, with local Sikh congregations managing propagation and collections under the emerging structure, overseen by the as representatives of the collective community authority. The shift caused short-term disruptions in centralized funding flows, as the prior network of regional agents was eliminated, but these were rapidly mitigated through heightened voluntary participation and direct remittances from the sangat, reinforcing self-reliant communal discipline. By eliminating hierarchical agents prone to abuse, the emphasized causal incentives for integrity, tying contributions to personal devotion rather than delegated trust.

Legacy and Impact

Effects on Sikh Organizational Structure

Following the abolition of the Masand system circa 1699, Sikh shifted toward direct allegiance between the Guru and individual Sikhs, with local sangats assuming greater responsibility for community affairs and without intermediary oversight. Guru Gobind Singh issued hukumnamas instructing Sikhs to remit offerings () directly to or trusted representatives, bypassing former Masand channels and thereby devolving financial and administrative duties to grassroots sangat assemblies. This mitigated risks of localized corruption, as sangats operated under collective accountability aligned with principles of martial and spiritual equality, fostering self-reliant local gurdwaras that handled langar provisions and autonomously. The removal of Masands enhanced Sikh resilience by streamlining incentives, evidenced by the community's ability to sustain operations amid Mughal persecution in the early . Direct Guru-Sikh linkages, reinforced by the Khalsa's formation in 1699, eliminated bottlenecks in resource flow that had previously enabled Masand , allowing sangats to pool contributions efficiently for communal needs. Historical records indicate this structure supported rapid mobilization; for instance, Sikh forces assembled en masse for defensive campaigns, such as the evacuation from Anandpur in , where decentralized sangat networks facilitated swift gathering without reliance on potentially disloyal regional agents. Retained elements like itinerant preachers (dhadis and bhusandhis) continued disseminating teachings regionally but lacked the financial centralization of Masands, preserving doctrinal unity while avoiding power concentrations. Empirical outcomes underscore the model's efficacy: post-abolition, Sikh cohesion propelled organized resistance, culminating in the misls—autonomous warrior bands drawn from sangats—that by the mid-18th century controlled territories, demonstrating structural adaptability absent under the Masand era's hierarchical frailties. This evolution validated the direct Guru-Khalsa paradigm, as intermediary-free sangats aligned local initiatives with panthic goals, evidenced by sustained growth despite intermittent leadership vacuums after 1708.

Lessons on Decentralization and Incentives

The Masand system's initial viability depended on the Gurus' proximate oversight, including periodic audits and replacements, which aligned intermediaries' actions with centralized authority by enforcing accountability for collected offerings and propagation duties. As Sikh communities dispersed across distant regions by the early 17th century under , weakened monitoring exacerbated principal-agent dilemmas, where masands—lacking consistent evaluation—diverted funds for personal use, pursued hereditary succession, and even challenged Gurus' legitimacy to consolidate local power. Guru Gobind Singh's abolition of the system in 1699, via hukamnamas instructing direct remittances from , mitigated these incentive misalignments by severing intermediary layers, thereby forestalling entrenched familial priesthoods that plagued other faiths' structures, such as historical papal agencies where agents misrepresented divine mandates for self-interest. This reform empirically sustained Sikhism's resistance to hereditary , contrasting with persistent agency failures in hierarchical religions like Catholicism, where intermediaries' opacity enabled doctrinal distortions and financial abuses over centuries. These dynamics underscore that decentralized thrives under tight principal oversight but falters amid informational asymmetries; favoring linkages, as post-1699 Sikh protocols did, reduces normalized deviations in ostensibly benign institutions by prioritizing verifiable over delegated trust. In truth-oriented systems, such mechanisms preempt the gradual erosion of original mandates, ensuring incentives remain tethered to foundational principles rather than peripheral opportunism.

References

  1. https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIR2408694.pdf
  2. https://sikhheritageeducation.com/rise-and-fall-of-the-masand-system/
  3. https://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Masand_System
  4. https://www.thesikhencyclopedia.com/masands/
  5. https://www.sikhinstitute.org/dharamsala-an-early-sikh-religous-centre.php
  6. https://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Piri_System
  7. https://archive.org/download/ACompleteGuideToSikhism/ACompleteGuideToSikhism.pdf
  8. https://www.sikhnet.com/news/guru-arjan-dev-ji
  9. https://www.sikhphilosophy.net/threads/the-role-of-the-masands-in-sikh-history.51363/
  10. https://sikhreligion.net/Books_eng/SikhReligion.pdf
  11. https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIRTHE2010.pdf
  12. https://www.sikhdharma.org/brief-history-sikh-ministry/
  13. https://academic.oup.com/book/4017/chapter/145661820
  14. https://www.discoversikhism.com/sikh_gurus/sri_guru_har_rai_sahib_ji.html
  15. https://www.sikhnet.com/news/guru-har-krishan-sahib
  16. https://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Journey_of_Guru_Tegh_Bahadur
  17. https://www.sikhmissionarysociety.org/sms/smspublications/GuruTeghBahadurJi-TheTrueStory.pdf
  18. https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIR2308701.pdf
  19. https://www.thesikhencyclopedia.com/shihan/
  20. https://www.sikhs.org/guru9.htm
  21. https://www.academia.edu/95158573/Custodians_of_Sikh_Sacred_Space_and_Wealth_Guru_Gobind_Singhji_and_abolition_of_Masands
  22. https://www.gktoday.in/question/why-did-guru-gobind-singh-abolish-the-masand-system-398047
  23. https://www.basicsofsikhi.com/post/guru-tegh-bahadur-ji
  24. https://academic.oup.com/book/34589/chapter/294152193
  25. https://www.newsbred.com/guru-govind-singh-initiated-khalsa-on-this-day-in-1699/
  26. https://www.reddit.com/r/Sikh/comments/1j4ibim/banur_hukamnama_1698_asking_sikhs_to_come_armed/
  27. https://www.sikhnet.com/news/sikhs-and-dasvandh
  28. https://www.sikhanswers.com/is-there-any-organized-priesthood-in-sikhism/
  29. https://www.emerald.com/ijoes/article/30/3/275/83757/The-principal-agent-problem-between-the-Pope-and
  30. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/227892739_The_Agency_Relationship_in_Churches_An_Empirical_Analysis
  31. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/322618263_An_agency_analysis_of_church-pastor_relations
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