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Operation Shader
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Operation Shader is the operational code name given to the contribution of the United Kingdom in the ongoing military intervention against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. The operation involves the British Army providing ground support and training to allied forces fighting against ISIL, the Royal Air Force providing humanitarian aid airdrops, reconnaissance and airstrikes, and the Royal Navy providing reconnaissance and airstrikes from the UK Carrier Strike group and escort to allied carrier battle groups.[20]
Additionally, UK Special Forces have reportedly operated in Iraq, Syria and Libya.[21]
By January 2019, the Ministry of Defence stated that 1,700 British airstrikes had killed or injured 4,315 enemy fighters in Iraq and Syria, with one civilian casualty.[22] The RAF had also delivered £230 million worth of humanitarian aid.[23] Overall, the operation had resulted in a net cost of £1.75 billion.[24] The number of airstrikes carried out in Iraq and Syria has been second only to the United States, with a report that the Royal Air Force has conducted 20 per cent of all airstrikes.[25][26] The operation is the most intense flying mission the RAF has undertaken in 25 years.[27]
On 28 September 2024 the Ministry of Defence announced that British jets will cease strike operations over Iraq and Syria following the conclusion of the Global Coalition's military mission against Daesh, which will draw to a close over the next 12 months.[28]
Background
[edit]In 2014, the militant group Islamic State made vast territorial gains in Iraq and Syria following several offensives. It declared its captured territory a caliphate within which it enforced a strict interpretation of Sharia. The group, which is designated a terrorist organisation by the United Nations, received widespread condemnation for its human rights abuses and crimes against humanity. The Iraqi government formally requested the United States and wider international community to carry out airstrikes against ISIL in support of their fight on the ground.[29][30] During the 2014 NATO summit in Wales, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry pressed Ministers of Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Turkey and the United Kingdom to support a coalition to combat ISIL militarily and financially.[31][32] The United States launched the Combined Joint Task Force – Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF–OIR) on 17 October with the stated aim of degrading and destroying ISIL.
Iraq
[edit]Humanitarian aid and surveillance
[edit]
On 9 August 2014, following the genocide of Yazidis and other ethnic minorities by ISIL in northern Iraq, the British government deployed the Royal Air Force to conduct humanitarian aid airdrops. The first airdrop was conducted on 9 August, with two Lockheed C-130 Hercules aircraft, flying from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus, airdropping bundles of aid into Mount Sinjar.[33][34] A second airdrop on 12 August had to be aborted due to a perceived risk of injury to civilians.[35] The airdrops were able to resume within 24 hours and two large consignments of aid were airdropped over Mount Sinjar.[36] During the same day, the Ministry of Defence announced the deployment of Tornado GR4 strike aircraft to help coordinate the airdrops using their LITENING III reconnaissance pods; they were not authorized to conduct any airstrikes prior to Parliamentary approval.[37] Four Chinook transport helicopters were also deployed alongside them to participate in any required refugee rescue missions.[38] On 13 August 2014, two C-130 Hercules aircraft dropped a third round of humanitarian aid into Mount Sinjar.[39] This was followed by a fourth and final round on 14 August, bringing the total number of humanitarian aid airdrops conducted by the RAF to seven.[40] The UK suspended its humanitarian aid airdrops on 14 August 2014 due to the "improved humanitarian situation" in Mount Sinjar.[41]
On 16 August 2014, following the suspension of humanitarian aid airdrops, the RAF began shifting its focus from humanitarian relief to surveillance. The Tornado GR4s, which were previously used to help coordinate humanitarian aid airdrops, were re-tasked to gather vital intelligence for anti-ISIL forces. A RC-135 Rivet Joint signals intelligence aircraft was also deployed on what was the type's first operational deployment since entering service.[42] The aircraft was based at RAF Al Udeid in Qatar alongside American aircraft.[43][44] In addition to Tornado and Rivet Joint, the RAF also deployed Reaper, Sentinel, Shadow and Sentry aircraft to fly surveillance missions over Iraq and Syria.[45][46][47]
When asked whether the country would participate in airstrikes or send ground troops, Defence Secretary Michael Fallon stated: "We have not been asked to commit either combat troops on the ground – and we are not going to do that – and we have not been asked to join in other air strikes though we certainly welcome [them]".[48]
Parliamentary approval
[edit]On 20 September 2014, Iraq presented a letter to the UN Security Council (of which the United Kingdom is a permanent member) calling for military assistance in its fight against ISIL, echoing calls they made at the Paris conference on 15 September.[49]
On 26 September 2014, Prime Minister David Cameron recalled Parliament to debate the authorisation of British airstrikes against ISIL in Iraq. Cameron insisted that intervention, at the request of the Iraqi government, to combat a "brutal terrorist organisation" was "morally justified". He went on to state that ISIL was a "direct threat to the United Kingdom" and that British inaction would lead to "more killing" in Iraq. Following a seven-hour debate, Parliament voted overwhelmingly in favour of airstrikes, with 524 votes in favour and 43 against.[50][51] The 43 'No' votes came from 23 Labour MPs, six Conservative MPs, five Scottish National Party MPs, three Social Democratic and Labour Party MPs, two Plaid Cymru MPs, one Liberal Democrat MP, one Green Party MP, and one Respect Party MP.[50] Following the vote, Defence Secretary Michael Fallon told the BBC that the priority would be to stop the slaughter of civilians in Iraq, and that the UK and its allies would be guided by Iraqi and Kurdish intelligence in identifying targets.[50]
Airstrikes
[edit]


The Royal Air Force began conducting armed sorties over Iraq immediately after parliamentary approval, using its six Tornado GR4s stationed at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus.[52] The first airstrike took place on 30 September 2014, when a pair of Tornado GR4s attacked an ISIL heavy weapons position using a Paveway IV laser-guided bomb and an armed pickup truck using a Brimstone missile.
In October 2014, a further two Tornado GR4 strike aircraft and an undisclosed number of armed MQ-9 Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles joined the operation.[53][54] The first MQ-9 Reaper airstrike took place on 10 October 2014.[55] Elsewhere, the Royal Navy tasked Type 45 destroyer HMS Defender to escort the US Navy aircraft carrier USS George H.W. Bush (CVN-77) whilst it launched aircraft into Iraq and Syria.[20]
According to Defence Secretary Michael Fallon, the UK had conducted a "huge number of missions" over Iraq by 13 December 2014, a number which was "second only to the United States" and "five times as many as France".[26] By 5 February 2015, the UK had contributed 6% of all coalition airstrikes in Iraq – a contribution second only to the United States – which the Defence Select Committee nevertheless described as "modest".[56][57]
By 26 September 2015, a full year after the operation first began, Tornado and Reaper aircraft had flown over 1,300 missions against ISIL and had conducted more than 300 airstrikes, killing more than 330 ISIL fighters.[2][58][59] The aircraft had released a combined 311 AGM-114 Hellfire missiles, 117 Brimstone missiles and 540 Paveway IV laser-guided bombs by 24 January 2016.[60] In June 2016, the RAF used its Storm Shadow cruise missiles against ISIL for the first time, attacking a large concrete bunker in Western Iraq.[61]
On 14 March 2017, Forces.net reported that the RAF had conducted more than 1,253 airstrikes in Iraq, a number which remained second only to the United States.[25]
After ISIL were defeated at the Battle of Baghuz Fawqani in March 2019, the RAF only conducted 7 flying missions in the rest of 2019.[62] After a nine-month period of no airstrikes, they resumed once again on 10 April 2020 when two Eurofighter Typhoons, together with an MQ-9 Reaper, identified and engaged ISIL forces in Iraq, about 200 km north of Baghdad.[63] By July 2020, the UK had carried out 40 airstrikes in the past year.
In March 2021, a series of airstrikes were carried out by the RAF against ISIL hidden within caves in Northern Iraq. The initial sorties saw the first-time combat use of the Storm Shadow cruise missile by the Eurofighter Typhoon, followed by up to 20 Paveway IV laser-guided bombs in the days after.[64] The remains of a Storm Shadow cruise missile were later discovered in Northern Iraq and reported in Iraqi media, however it is not known whether these remains belonged to an RAF missile or one from the French Air Force.[65]
The Royal Navy deployed UK Carrier Strike Group 21, a carrier strike group centred around the aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth, on a debut operational deployment in June 2021. Operating from the eastern Mediterranean, the aircraft carrier launched its embarked RAF and US Marine Corps F-35B Lightning II multirole combat aircraft over Iraq and Syria.[66] Whilst the MOD made little comment regarding airstrikes, the United States Naval Institute confirmed they had taken place.[67] By early July, the carrier strike group had ended its support and continued on its primary tasking to the Indo-Pacific via the Suez Canal.[68]
Between January 2019 and January 2021, British airstrikes in Iraq and Syria killed at least 67 ISIS militants and injured a further four.[19]
In 2022, the UK conducted a total of two airstrikes in Iraq.[69] In 2023, the UK struck two ISIL targets in northeastern Iraq in support of an Iraqi security forces operation.[70]
On 21 April 2024, a pair of Typhoons struck a rocket launcher which was targeting coalition forces in northwestern Iraq.[71]
Training mission
[edit]
In October 2014, the British Government agreed to send 12 members of the 2nd Battalion, The Yorkshire Regiment (2 YORKS) into Irbil to train Peshmerga on how to use UK-supplied heavy machine guns.[72] The number of British troops involved in this training mission eventually rose from 12 to 50 before being bolstered by an additional batch of British troops numbering in the "low hundreds".[26] It was also disclosed that a small team of "combat-ready" troops were sent along with them to provide force protection.[26] By 2016, an additional 30 troops were deployed to train Iraqi forces, which brought the total number of deployed British troops in Iraq to 300.[73] The British Army had also trained over 31,000 Iraqi and Peshmerga fighters.[74]
In 2016, a squadron of up to 80 Royal Engineers was deployed to help construct better training facilities at the Al Asad Airbase.[74] This was followed by a six-month deployment of 44 Royal Engineers of 5 Armoured Engineer Squadron, 22 Engineer Regiment to Al Asad Airbase in 2017. This brought the number of British personnel at the base to more than 300 and the total in Iraq to around 600.[75]
In January 2017, the BBC reported that L/Cpl Scott Hetherington died in a "shooting accident" at Camp Taji, Iraq. Hetherington was a member of the Force Protection Platoon, Blenheim Company, 2nd Battalion Duke of Lancaster's Regiment; he was the first British soldier to die in Iraq in almost eight years. About 150 soldiers from the battalion were being deployed to Iraq for a period of six months, forming part of a 500-strong force being sent to train Iraqi and Kurdish security forces.[11]
In January 2020, amid heightened tensions between the United States and Iran following the Baghdad International Airport airstrike, which killed the senior Iranian military commander, Qasem Soleimani, the British Army training mission in Iraq was temporarily suspended due to safety concerns.[76] Around two months later, a rocket attack on the Iraqi military base Camp Taji, hosting British, American and Australian military personnel, resulted in the death of three soldiers, including one Briton. She was later identified as L/Cpl Brodie Gillon of the Royal Army Medical Corps and reservist of the Scottish and North Irish Yeomanry.[77] At the time of the attack, the training mission was still suspended and had been scaled down in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.[78] An Iranian-backed militia was believed to be responsible for the attack and was subsequently targeted by an American retaliatory airstrike.[79]
Elements of the Welsh Guards were deployed to Erbil, Iraq between June and December 2022.[80]
In February 2023, the 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards returned from an operational tour in Iraq, providing protection for UK personnel deployed on Operation Shader.[81]
Ground support
[edit]Following the start of aerial operations, there was public concern regarding mission creep and the involvement of British combat troops in what some feared could become another protracted ground war, similar to the Iraq War and the War in Afghanistan.[82][83] The British government made persistent assurances that no British troops would be committed on the ground in a combat role, instead focusing on training and non-combat support. The only exception to this was the deployment of 2nd Battalion, The Yorkshire Regiment (2 YORKS) to Irbil which helped secure an area for a possible helicopter refugee rescue mission in 2014. The battalion, which at the time was the Cyprus-based Theatre Reserve Battalion (TRB) for Operation Herrick in Afghanistan, had left Irbil within 24 hours.[84] Beyond the scope of regular ground forces, British special forces are widely believed to have been involved, including in combat.[85][86]
Outcome
[edit]On 10 December 2017, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announced that Islamic State had been completely "evicted" from Iraq after losing control of all of its territory.[4] Despite this, British Defence Secretary Ben Wallace insisted that ISIL remained the "most significant threat" to the UK and its potential resurgence in future remained a concern.[87] For that reason, UK military aircraft continue to patrol the skies over Iraq almost daily.[87]
On 28 September 2024, the UK's role in Iraq and Syria would evolve following the conclusion of the Global Coalition's military mission against Daesh. Over the following year, the UK would transition into a bilateral security partnership with Iraq and cease further missions there.[88]
Syria
[edit]Preceding events
[edit]Prior to Operation Shader, the House of Commons voted on whether or not take military action against the Syrian Government in response to the Ghouta chemical attack in 2013. The House voted against taking military action — the first time a British government had been blocked from taking military action by Parliament.[89] Whilst the outcome was widely reported as a defeat for Prime Minister David Cameron, a spokesman for the Prime Minister nevertheless stated that he had "not ruled anything out" in relation to airstrikes against ISIL.[90] Cameron later elaborated that there was a case for airstrikes in Syria but conceded that any airstrikes would require another House of Commons vote unless it was to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe.[91]
In 2013, two British aid workers, David Haines and Alan Henning, were kidnapped by armed groups in two separate incidents in Syria whilst carrying out humanitarian aid work. In September 2014, ISIL executed an American hostage and threatened to execute Haines if the United States did not end its military interventions in Iraq and Syria. Prime Minister David Cameron condemned the terrorists and stated the UK would "never give into terrorism", adding that ISIL would "be squeezed out of existence".[92][93] ISIL subsequently released a video of Haines being beheaded by an ISIL executioner — an as-yet unidentified British national which the media named Jihadi John. Cameron reacted by stating: "We will do everything in our power to hunt down these murderers and ensure they face justice, however long it takes."[94] An intense manhunt involving MI5, Scotland Yard and the CIA began in an effort to identify John. In October 2014, John executed Henning in retaliation for the UK carrying out airstrikes in Iraq.[95] John was subsequently identified as Mohammed Emwazi, a Kuwaiti-born British national who previously lived in London.
In 2014, the Ministry of Defence confirmed that surveillance missions were being flown over Syria by the Royal Air Force, including via MQ-9 Reaper drones based in Cyprus.[96][47] In November, a US drone strike targeted and killed Emwazi in Raqqa with support from the Royal Air Force. Prime Minister David Cameron confirmed his death and stated it was an "act of self-defence" achieved through working "hand in glove, round the clock" with the United States.[97]
In 2015, Cameron made repeated calls for airstrikes in Syria following the 2015 Sousse attacks which were perpetrated by ISIL and left 30 Britons dead. These calls were echoed by the Defence Secretary, Michael Fallon, who claimed that there was an "illogicality" of British forces observing the Iraq-Syria border whilst ISIL did not. Fallon stated that the UK did not need the backing of Parliament to launch airstrikes in Syria but the House of Commons would have the final say.[98] The Prime Minister later stated that the UK was committed to destroying the caliphate in both Iraq and Syria.[99] It later emerged that British pilots were taking part in airstrikes in Syria whilst embedded with US and Canadian forces.[100][101] However, British forces themselves remained committed to surveillance and, by November, its Reaper drones had been responsible for 30% of all coalition aerial surveillance in Syria.[102]

In September 2015, Prime Minister David Cameron announced that two British-born Islamic State fighters, Rayeed Khan and Rahoul Amin, were targeted and killed in Syria by a Royal Air Force Reaper drone. During a statement in Parliament, the Prime Minister explained that it was a "lawful act of self defence" as the two fighters had been plotting attacks against the United Kingdom.[103] The Ministry of Defence later clarified that the strike was not part of Operation Shader.[104]
Airstrikes
[edit]

In November 2015, following the November 2015 Paris attacks and the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2249, David Cameron made his first case to Parliament for the UK to conduct airstrikes against ISIL in Syria. He argued that the United Kingdom would be safer by conducting airstrikes and that the UK could not outsource its security to allies. The Prime Minister went on to state that he would not hold a vote on airstrikes until he was sure he could win it.[105][106] In the days following, French President François Hollande and French Defense Secretary Jean-Yves Le Drian made calls for Britain to join airstrikes.[107] This was followed by an appeal from the Russian Ambassador to the UK, Alexander Vladimirovich Yakovenko.[108]
In December 2015, the House of Commons held a ten-hour debate on participating in airstrikes against ISIL in Syria with a final vote. The debate ended with 397 votes in favour of airstrikes and 223 against.[109][110][111] Hours after the vote, four Tornado GR4 strike aircraft left Cyprus and attacked ISIL positions in Syria for the first time, aided by a Voyager aerial refuelling tanker and an MQ-9 Reaper drone. The aircraft attacked Omar oilfield in Eastern Syria, one of the largest sources of financial income for ISIL.[55][112] Defence Secretary Michael Fallon subsequently announced that the Royal Air Force would be "doubling its strike force" with six Eurofighter Typhoon multi-role fighters and two more Tornado GR4 strike aircraft.[113]
By 24 January 2016, the RAF had used 7 Hellfire missiles, 9 Brimstone missiles and 34 Paveway IV laser-guided bombs in Syria.[60]
Forces.net reported that as of 14 March 2017, Britain had carried out 85 strikes in Syria, a number second only to the United States.[25]
In June 2021, the Royal Navy deployed a carrier strike group, UK Carrier Strike Group 21, centred around the aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth to support anti-ISIL operations. A joint force of RAF and US Marine Corps F-35B Lightning II combat aircraft began launching combat sorties over Syria from the aircraft carrier whilst in the eastern Mediterranean.[114] Airstrikes were confirmed by the United States Naval Institute.[67] By early July, the carrier strike group had withdrawn and headed east via the Suez Canal.[68]
On 14 December 2021, an RAF Typhoon shot down a hostile drone which posed a threat to Coalition forces at the Al-Tanf military base in Southern Syria. It was the RAF's first air-to-air engagement in combat conducted by a Typhoon. An ASRAAM short-range air-to-air missile was used in the engagement.[115]
In December 2022, the RAF carried out a drone strike which killed a leading member of ISIL in al-Bab, Syria. The individual's activity was related to chemical and biological weapons.[116] This was the only UK airstrike to occur in Syria in 2022.[69]
In June 2024, the RAF carried out a drone strike against a known member of ISIL in an undisclosed area of the Syrian desert.[117] This was followed by a similar strike in Aleppo during March 2025.[118]
Training mission
[edit]In 2016, a team of 75 British military trainers were deployed to Turkey and other nearby countries in the anti-ISIL coalition to assist with the US-led training programme in Syria. The training programme provided small arms, infantry tactics and medical training to Syrian moderate opposition forces for over three years.[45] Additionally, British forces reportedly helped in the building up of a mechanised battalion in Southern Syria, consisting of tribal fighters to combat Bashar al-Assad's army.[119]
Ground support
[edit]In May 2015, surveillance by UK Special Forces had reportedly confirmed the presence of a senior ISIL leader, named Abu Sayyaf, in al-Amr, Syria, after which US Special Operations Forces conducted an operation to capture him. The operation resulted in his death and the capture of his wife Umm Sayyaf.[120] During the same year, UK Special Forces reportedly killed six ISIL fighters during a rescue operation.[121] It was also reported that the UK had supplied anti-ISIL forces with 500,000 rounds of ammunition.[2]
In 2016, The Telegraph reported that UK Special Forces had been operating on the frontline in Syria; in particular in May when they frequently crossed the border from Jordan to support a New Syrian Army unit composed of former Syrian Special Forces defending the village of al-Tanf against ISIL attacks. The New Syrian Army captured the village in that month and faced regular ISIL attacks. British forces also helped rebuild the base following a suicide attack.[122] The New Syrian Army acknowledged that UK Special Forces had provided training, weapons and other equipment; an independent source confirmed that UK Special Forces were operating against ISIL in Syria, Iraq and Libya.[123] In August, BBC News released exclusive images showing UK Special Forces operating in Syria.[124] The pictures, which dated from June, were taken following an attack by ISIL on the New Syrian Army base of Al Tanaf and appear to be showing UK Special Forces securing the base's perimeter.[123][125] UK Special Forces in Syria were reportedly engaged in wide-ranging roles that included surveillance, advisory and combat, in relatively small numbers.[123]
In 2018, a member of UK Special Forces was killed in Syria, along with an American soldier, by "explosives" carried by allied American forces following an accidental detonation. This was the first British soldier to die in active duty during operations against ISIL.[12]
In 2019, two British special forces soldiers were reportedly injured in an attack carried out by ISIL while supporting the Syrian Democratic Forces' Deir ez-Zor campaign; one Kurd also died.[126]
Outcome
[edit]On 23 March 2019, following the Battle of Baghuz Fawqani, Islamic State lost its final significant territory in Syria to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) backed by the US and its coalition partners, including the UK. This was widely announced as the "defeat of ISIL" by the SDF and its allies.[127] British Prime Minister Theresa May praised the courage of the British Armed Forces and its allies and stated: "The liberation of the last Daesh-held territory wouldn't have been possible without the immense courage of UK military and our allies".[128] Major General Chris Ghika, Deputy Commander Strategy and Information of CJTF-OIR, stated that "Operation Shader would remain" as ISIL was not "leaderless or rudderless" despite its losses. He added that he could not predict how the losses would affect the terror threat posed by ISIL to the UK.[128]
Libya
[edit]In 2015, following the rise of Islamic State in Libya, Prime Minister David Cameron confirmed the UK was prepared to intervene militarily, especially if there was an imminent threat to British lives.[129][130][131] However, the intervention would be pending the formation of a stable unity government in Libya.[132][3] The Royal Air Force began carrying out reconnaissance missions over Libya, which the media reported as being in preparation for an intervention.[3] One such reconnaissance flight, which involved a Boeing RC-135, reportedly targeted and jammed an Islamic State communications frequency emitting from a stronghold in Sirte.[133][134] Leaked reports and Libyan officials have also confirmed the presence of UK Special Forces on the ground and in combat.[135][136][137][138][139][140] An official statement by King Abdullah II of Jordan corroborated these reports and disclosed UK Special Forces had carried out joint operations with their Jordanian counterparts.[141] Additionally, 20 British troops were deployed to neighbouring Tunisia to help guard its border with Libya.[21]
Deployed forces
[edit]In 2019, there were approximately 1,350 UK military personnel deployed on Operation Shader, with approximately 400 based in Iraq.[142]
British Army
[edit]
The British Army had a total of 1,920 personnel deployed in 2018.[143] This included at least one infantry battalion on a six-month rotation to provide training support and force protection. These units operate from three main sites in Iraq: Camp Taji near Baghdad,[144] Union III in Baghdad and Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan.[142] British troops have also been based at Al Asad Airbase[145] and Besmaya Range Complex.[146]
The units involved have included:
- 2nd Battalion, The Yorkshire Regiment (2 YORKS) (during 2014)[84][147]
- 2nd Battalion, The Princess of Wales's Royal Regiment (2 PWRR) (during 2015)[148][149]
- 1st Battalion, The Rifles (1 RIFLES) (July 2015 – December 2016)[150]
- 4th Battalion, The Rifles (October 2016 – March 2017)[151]
- 2nd Battalion, The Duke of Lancaster's Regiment (2 LANCS) (December 2016 – July 2017)[152][153]
- The Highlanders, 4th Battalion, Royal Regiment of Scotland (4 SCOTS) (July 2017 – December 2017)[154][155]
- The Royal Highland Fusiliers, 2nd Battalion, The Royal Regiment of Scotland (2 SCOTS) (December 2017 – June 2018).[156][157]
- 5 Armoured Engineer Squadron, 22 Engineer Regiment (during 2017)[145]
- 2nd Battalion, The Rifles (2 RIFLES) (July 2017 – January 2018)[158]
- 3rd Battalion, The Rifles (3 RIFLES) (November 2018 – July 2019)[158][159]
- 1st Battalion, Grenadier Guards (June 2018 – November 2018)[160]
- 1st Battalion, Irish Guards (2020)[161]
- 1st Battalion, Welsh Guards (November 2021)[162]
Royal Air Force
[edit]


In 2018, the RAF had 1,950 personnel deployed on Operation Shader.[163] No. 83 Expeditionary Air Group based at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar is responsible for command and control and has four Expeditionary Air Wings assigned to it.[142][47][148]
- No. 83 Expeditionary Air Group
- No. 901 Expeditionary Air Wing at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar[164]
- 2 x RC-135W Airseeker reconnaissance aircraft from No. 51 Squadron stationed at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar[45][165]
- No. 903 Expeditionary Air Wing at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus comprising:
- 9 x Typhoon FGR4 multirole fighter aircraft (6 active, 3 reserve).[166][167] Bolstered by additional aircraft in April 2024 due to tensions with Iran.[168]
- 1 x Hercules C4/C5 transport aircraft[39]
- 2 x Voyager KC3 tanker aircraft[169][170] Bolstered by additional aircraft in April 2024 due to tensions with Iran.[168]
- 10 x MQ-9A Reaper unmanned combat aerial vehicles from 13 Squadron and No. 39 Squadron stationed in Kuwait[46][171]
- 1 x Atlas C1 transport aircraft from No. LXX Squadron[172]
- 1 x C-17A Globemaster III transport aircraft from No. 99 Squadron[173]
- 1 x Shadow R1 reconnaissance aircraft from No 14 Squadron[46]
- Elements of the RAF Police
- Elements of No. 51 Squadron RAF Regiment[174]
- Elements of No II Squadron RAF Regiment
- Elements of Tactical Supply Wing
- Elements of 1 Air Mobility Wing
- No. 901 Expeditionary Air Wing at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar[164]
Withdrawn assets
- 4 x Chinook HC4 transport helicopters[38] (August 2014)[169]
- 1 x Lockheed C-130 Hercules transport aircraft (August 2014)[169]
- 8 x Tornado GR4 strike aircraft (August 2014 – February 2019)[37][53][175]
- 2 x Sentinel R1 ISTAR aircraft from No. V(AC) Squadron[45] (March 2015 – February 2021)[176]
- 6 x F-35B Lightning from No. 617 Squadron RAF[177] (June 2019 – July 2019)[178]
- 2 x Sentry AEW1 AEW&C aircraft from No. 8 Squadron[47][179] (March 2015 – August 2021)[180]
Royal Navy
[edit]
The Royal Navy routinely deploys a frigate or destroyer to the Middle East to carry out maritime security operations in support of Operation Kipion. These ships have occasionally provided escort to allied carrier strike groups involved in strike operations.[20][181] In June 2021, the Royal Navy contributed its own carrier strike group and carried out maritime strike operations against ISIL for the first time.[182] Additionally, the Royal Fleet Auxiliary has resupplied coalition warships and, in 2016, operated airborne surveillance and control (ASaC) helicopters.[183]
- Type 45 destroyers
- HMS Defender (October – December 2014, December 2015 – July 2016)[20][184][185]
- HMS Dauntless (January – May 2015)[186][187]
- HMS Duncan (July – December 2015, April 2019)[188][189][190]
- HMS Daring (August 2016 – 2017)[191][192]
- HMS Diamond (September – November 2018)[193][194]
- Type 23 frigates
- HMS Kent (December 2014 – May 2015)[181][187]
- HMS St Albans (January – June 2016)[195]
- An unnamed Astute-class or Trafalgar-class nuclear-powered attack submarine in 2014,[196] likely HMS Tireless.[197]
- Fort Victoria-class replenishment oiler RFA Fort Victoria (2016)[183]
- Sea King ASaC7 helicopters[183]
- Fort Rosalie-class replenishment ship RFA Fort Rosalie (2018)[198]
- UK Carrier Strike Group 21 (June – July 2021)[68]
- Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth
- 8 x F-35B Lightning multirole combat aircraft from No. 617 Squadron RAF[182]
- 10 x F-35B Lightning multirole combat aircraft from US Marine Fighter Attack Squadron 211[182]
- 2 x Wildcat HMA2 surveillance/attack helicopters[114]
- 3 x Merlin HC4 transport/rescue helicopters[114]
- 3 x Merlin HM2 Crowsnest airborne surveillance and control (ASaC) helicopters[114]
- Type 45 destroyers HMS Diamond and HMS Defender[182]
- Type 23 frigates HMS Richmond and HMS Kent[182]
- Astute-class nuclear-powered attack submarine HMS Artful[182][199]
- Fort Victoria-class replenishment oiler RFA Fort Victoria[182]
- Tide-class tanker RFA Tidesurge[182]
- Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth
Tri-Service
[edit]Reactions
[edit]Domestic
[edit]On 26 September 2014, prior to the parliamentary vote on airstrikes in Iraq, Labour Party MP and Shadow Education Minister, Rushanara Ali, wrote to Labour Leader Ed Miliband to announce her resignation as Shadow Minister, in advance of her deliberate abstention in the vote. In the letter, she wrote that "I appreciate the sincerity of members of parliament from all sides of the House who today support military action against ISIL. I know that British Muslims stand united in the total condemnation of the murders that ISIL have committed. However, there is a genuine belief in Muslim and non-Muslim communities that military action will only create further bloodshed and further pain for the people of Iraq." Ali also added in the letter her concerns that the potential effect military actions might have on the radicalisations of British Muslims had not been thought through.[202][203]
Anti-war groups, including Stop the War Coalition (StWC), planned a protest march through London on 4 October 2014 in response to Operation Shader. A spokesman of StWC said "All evidence shows that all interventions will just cause more violence". The StWC website argued that the previous two interventions in Iraq had "helped create the current chaos".[citation needed] StWC held another protest in London on 1 December 2015, ahead of the parliamentary vote on airstrikes in Syria.[204]
On 3 December 2015, it was reported that several Labour Party MPs had received death threats and abuse for their support for airstrikes in Syria.[205] On 15 October 2021, long-serving British politician and Member of Parliament (MP) David Amess was attacked and murdered by Islamist Ali Harbi Ali. At court, Ali claimed he attacked Amess in response to him voting in favour of airstrikes in Syria.[206]
International
[edit]The United States welcomed the UK's involvement in the anti-ISIL coalition, with President Barack Obama stating: "Since the beginning of the counter-ISIL campaign the United Kingdom has been one of our most valued partners".[207] Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated he welcomed British airstrikes in Syria, adding "more universal efforts against Islamic State would be more effective".[208] Russian Ambassador to the United Kingdom, Alexander Vladimirovich Yakovenko, made calls for British airstrikes in Iraq.[108]
Islamic State
[edit]On 3 October 2014, ISIL executed British aid worker Alan Henning in response to British airstrikes in Iraq.[95] The group has also claimed responsibility for several terrorist attacks, including the 2017 Manchester Arena bombing and Westminster attack, which it claimed were in retaliation for British military action in the Middle East.[209][210][211] In the same year, ISIL also claimed responsibility for the Parsons Green train bombing, with the assailant previously blaming his father's death in Iraq on the UK.[212] ISIL claimed responsibility for the 2020 Streatham stabbing, stating it was in response to its calls to "attack citizens of coalition countries".[213]
Service medal
[edit]It was reported that Shadow Defence Secretary Nia Griffith called for a specific award for those who have served in Operation Shader, after visiting troops deployed on the Operation and speaking to armed forces based at RAF Akrotiri. The proposal was submitted for review by the Operational Recognition Board at the Permanent Joint Headquarters.[25]
On 20 September 2017, Defence Secretary Michael Fallon announced that the "Op Shader Medal" will be awarded to those serving in Iraq and Syria. He used the announcement to highlight a lack of recognition for those personnel deployed on the operation, but not located directly within the award criteria; such as Coalition Staff in Kuwait/Turkey and RAF Reaper pilots elsewhere in the Middle East.[214]
Following the announcement, a Defence Instruction and Notice (DIN) was released confirming the eligibility, medal design and production timeline.
The eligibility is 30 Days Continuous Service within the boundaries of Iraq and Syria (45 Days Accumulated) from 9 August 2014[215] to a date yet to be set.
The medal will remain a "Coin"; the same one was used for the medals for Afghanistan and the Congo. The Awards are differentiated by the Ribbon and the clasp (if any). The Ribbons for all iterations of the OSM bear a central group of 5 stripes in light blue, dark blue and red (a broader band in the centre), to represent the 3 Services. These are flanked by a colour specifically chosen to represent the campaign. In the case of the OSM "Iraq & Syria" a recommendation will be made that this outer stripe is Air Superiority Grey, in recognition of the large number of RAF airframes participating in the operation.
Although entitlement has already been agreed, distribution of the medal will not begin until September 2018 due to financial reasons. All 3,600+ outstanding medals from 2014 to 2018 expected to be received by December 2018.
On 1 July 2018, a pre-release if the OSM (Iraq & Syria) was published by a medal manufacturer, showing the finalised ribbon (MOD Approved) and stating a release date of 18 July 2018. It is expected the full size medals will begin being presentated in line with this date.
On 18 July 2018, Secretary of State for Defence Gavin Williamson presented the Operation Shader Medal, officially known as the Operational Service Medal Iraq and Syria. It has its own distinct ribbon and clasp.[216] He also announced that Her Majesty the Queen had approved an extension to the eligibility criteria for the medal to include personnel outside of the 'conventional area of operations' in Iraq and Syria which would include the Royal Air Force's MQ-9 Reaper crews.[217]
See also
[edit]- United Kingdom and ISIL
- International military intervention against ISIL
- Operation Okra – Australian operation against ISIL
- Operation Impact – Canadian operation against ISIL
- Opération Chammal – French operation against ISIL
- Operation Inherent Resolve – US operation against ISIL
- 2018 missile strikes against Syria - The British, French and American strikes against Syria in 2018
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External links
[edit]Operation Shader
View on GrokipediaOperation Shader is the operational codename for the United Kingdom's military contribution to the multinational coalition's campaign to defeat the Islamic State, known as Daesh, in Iraq and Syria, which began in September 2014 as part of Operation Inherent Resolve.[1] The operation integrated Royal Air Force airstrikes, British Army training for Iraqi and Kurdish ground forces, Royal Navy maritime support, and intelligence operations across all three services to degrade Daesh's territorial control, disrupt its financing, and prevent foreign fighter flows.[2][1] Key achievements include the RAF conducting over 10,000 sorties that struck more than 1,400 targets, accounting for approximately 20 percent of all coalition airstrikes—second only to the United States—and providing training to over 111,000 Iraqi security forces personnel, contributing to the territorial defeat of Daesh's self-proclaimed caliphate by 2019.[1][2] While the coalition's combat mission in Iraq transitioned to advisory support in September 2024 following the restoration of Iraqi security and services, RAF patrols and strikes persist against residual Daesh threats in Syria, underscoring the operation's role in enabling local forces to reclaim and stabilize liberated areas with minimal reported UK-attributable civilian casualties.[1][2]
Origins and Mandate
Threat of ISIS and Initial Triggers
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) exploited the power vacuum in northern Iraq following the 2011 U.S. withdrawal and the subsequent disintegration of Iraqi security forces, launching a major offensive in early June 2014 that captured key cities including Tikrit and then Mosul on June 10.[3] Mosul, Iraq's second-largest city with an estimated population exceeding 1.5 million, fell with minimal resistance as approximately 30,000 Iraqi troops abandoned their positions, allowing ISIS to seize vast quantities of U.S.-supplied military equipment including tanks, artillery, and small arms, which bolstered its operational capacity and projected an image of unstoppable momentum.[4] This rapid expansion controlled roughly 40% of Iraqi territory by mid-2014, providing ISIS with revenue from oil fields, taxation, and extortion estimated at $2 billion annually, enabling sustained military campaigns and global outreach.[3] On June 29, 2014, ISIS formally declared a caliphate spanning its holdings in Iraq and Syria, renaming itself simply the Islamic State and designating leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as caliph, a move that rejected national borders and appealed to jihadists worldwide by claiming religious legitimacy over rival groups like al-Qaeda.[5] This declaration amplified ISIS's propaganda apparatus, which disseminated videos and statements via social media to recruit foreign fighters—over 20,000 from more than 80 countries by late 2014, including an estimated 500-700 British nationals—while directing plots for attacks in the West to avenge perceived crusader aggression.[6] The caliphate's pseudo-state infrastructure, including governance and media production, facilitated planning of external operations, transforming ISIS from a regional insurgency into a transnational threat capable of inspiring lone-actor attacks without direct command.[7] Direct threats to the United Kingdom materialized through ISIS's execution of Western hostages and explicit calls for violence against British targets; on August 19, 2014, the group released a video depicting the beheading of American journalist James Foley, captured in Syria in 2012, as retaliation for U.S. actions and a warning to other Western powers including the UK.[8] British intelligence assessed ISIS's ideology as driving nascent plots, prompting the UK to elevate its national terror threat level from substantial to severe on August 29, 2014, reflecting heightened risks from returnee fighters and homegrown radicals radicalized online. These triggers aligned with the U.S.-initiated Operation Inherent Resolve, which commenced airstrikes against ISIS in Iraq on June 15, 2014, to protect civilians and Iraqi forces, establishing a multinational framework that underscored the collective security imperative against ISIS's expansionist ambitions.Parliamentary Approvals and Legal Basis
In August 2014, the UK Cabinet authorized the initial deployment of Royal Air Force assets, including Tornado GR4 jets and Voyager tankers, to support reconnaissance and humanitarian air drops in Iraq at the request of the Iraqi government amid the rapid advance of Islamic State forces. This executive decision preceded broader military engagement and reflected the government's assessment of an urgent humanitarian crisis and threat to regional stability.[9] On 26 September 2014, the House of Commons was recalled for an emergency debate and voted 524 to 43 in favor of a government motion authorizing UK air strikes against Islamic State targets in Iraq as part of an international coalition effort.[10][9] The motion explicitly precluded the deployment of UK armed forces in ground combat operations, limiting involvement to air power, training, and advisory roles to Iraqi security forces, thereby adhering to conventions of parliamentary oversight for sustained military commitments.[10] The legal basis for the intervention rested on the invitation extended by the sovereign Iraqi government, which invoked collective self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter against the non-state actor Islamic State, whose territorial control and attacks constituted an armed attack on Iraq's integrity.[11] This framework treated Islamic State's actions as an extension of transnational terrorism justifying assistance to the victim state, distinct from interventions requiring UN Security Council authorization for threats to international peace. UN Security Council Resolution 2170 (2014), adopted on 15 August, reinforced this by condemning Islamic State's abuses and urging states to counter its recruitment and financing, though it stopped short of endorsing coercive force.[12]Stated Objectives and Rules of Engagement
The stated objectives of Operation Shader, as articulated in the UK's parliamentary motion of 26 September 2014, centered on supporting the Iraqi government's request for military assistance to restore territorial integrity against ISIS through targeted airstrikes, with the explicit aim of degrading and ultimately defeating the group's capabilities in Iraq.[13] This initial mandate emphasized enabling Iraqi Security Forces to regain control of seized territories, thereby denying ISIS a base for operations that could threaten regional stability and UK national security by facilitating external terrorist attacks.[14] Upon parliamentary extension to Syria on 2 December 2015, objectives expanded to include disrupting ISIS command and control structures, interdicting supply lines, and preventing the group from projecting power beyond its caliphate, all while prioritizing the territorial denial necessary to mitigate direct threats to the UK homeland.[15] Rules of engagement (RoE) for RAF operations under Shader were governed by stringent protocols requiring positive identification of targets as combatants or military objectives, verifiable intelligence to confirm hostile intent, and rigorous proportionality assessments to minimize civilian casualties and collateral damage to infrastructure.[16] These rules, informed by lessons from prior engagements like Afghanistan, mandated the use of precision-guided munitions and real-time dynamic targeting only where immediate threats justified engagement, with static targets subject to higher command approval to ensure compliance with international humanitarian law principles of distinction and necessity.[17] Success metrics outlined in official doctrine focused on confirmed enemy kills, destruction of command nodes, and degradation of logistics, while evolution from initial humanitarian reconnaissance in August 2014 to sustained counter-ISIS strikes reflected a shift toward proactive territorial containment without ground combat involvement.[18]Operations in Iraq
Humanitarian and Surveillance Missions (2014)
In August 2014, the United Kingdom launched initial humanitarian operations in Iraq under Operation Shader in response to Islamic State (ISIS) advances that included the mass persecution and displacement of Yazidi communities, with thousands trapped on Mount Sinjar without access to food or water following ISIS assaults beginning on August 3.[19][20] The Royal Air Force (RAF) conducted its first airdrop of humanitarian aid—consisting of bottled water and emergency rations—on August 10 using C-130J Hercules aircraft, targeting the stranded civilians to mitigate immediate risks of dehydration and starvation.[21] Subsequent drops followed on August 11 and 12, delivering over 7,000 water bottles and 1,400 ready-to-eat meals to support up to 40,000 displaced individuals, as assessed by UK intelligence confirming the humanitarian crisis's scale.[22][23] To facilitate these relief efforts and monitor ISIS movements, the RAF deployed Voyager (A330 MRTT) tanker aircraft alongside RC-135W Rivet Joint platforms for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) missions starting in mid-August, providing real-time electronic intelligence and aerial refueling support over northern Iraq.[24][25] These assets verified ISIS tactics, including the deliberate use of sieges to induce starvation in besieged areas such as Amerli and surrounding Yazidi regions, where militants restricted supplies to coerce surrenders or force displacements, as corroborated by intercepted communications and ground reports.[26] Concurrently, UK Special Air Service (SAS) teams conducted on-ground intelligence gathering to assess threats like ISIS's capture of Mosul Dam on August 7, which risked catastrophic flooding downstream due to potential sabotage of the aging structure, informing coalition responses to avert humanitarian disaster.[26] These non-kinetic missions emphasized ISR over kinetic action, with Voyager and Rivet Joint flights enabling persistent overhead monitoring of ISIS convoys and positions amid the Yazidi crisis and dam threat, while avoiding direct engagement until parliamentary authorization on September 26.[27] By late September, as ISIS continued offensives, the surveillance operations evolved into armed reconnaissance patrols, setting the stage for initial airstrikes without yet conducting them.[27]Initial Airstrikes and Escalation
The initial kinetic operations of Operation Shader commenced on 30 September 2014, when two Royal Air Force Tornado GR4 aircraft, supported by a Voyager tanker and protected by Typhoon fighters, conducted the first airstrikes against Islamic State positions in Iraq.[28] These strikes targeted a convoy of armed pickup trucks and a heavy truck mounting a howitzer south-west of Baghdad, using Paveway IV guided bombs, and were reported as successful by the UK Ministry of Defence.[28] [29] The action followed parliamentary approval on 26 September and integrated UK forces into the US-led coalition's Operation Inherent Resolve, enabling coordinated intelligence sharing and deconfliction to support Iraqi ground forces.[30] Subsequent airstrikes rapidly escalated, with RAF aircraft conducting increasing numbers of sorties focused on disrupting Islamic State logistics, including vehicle convoys and oil extraction facilities that funded their operations.[31] By 2015, UK contributions had grown to hundreds of sorties annually over Iraq, often striking time-sensitive targets identified through joint coalition reconnaissance, which contributed to halting Islamic State advances and facilitating Iraqi Security Forces' counteroffensives, such as retreats from positions around Baghdad and subsequent territorial recoveries.[15] These operations emphasized precision to minimize civilian risk, with Paveway bombs and Brimstone missiles employed against high-value assets like oil tankers and refineries, aligning with broader coalition efforts to sever Islamic State's economic lifelines.[31] The airstrikes demonstrated empirical effectiveness in degrading Islamic State's capabilities, notably through the destruction of financial infrastructure; coalition attacks, including UK strikes on oil convoys and facilities, contributed to reducing Islamic State's oil-derived revenue from an estimated peak of up to $3 million per day in mid-2014 to under $1 million daily by late 2015, cumulatively denying the group billions in potential funding over the campaign's initial phase.[32] [33] This revenue collapse forced Islamic State to rely more on extortion and foreign donations, weakening their sustainment of territorial control and enabling ground partners to exploit momentum from air-enabled disruptions.[34]Training and Capacity-Building for Iraqi Forces
As part of Operation Shader, initiated in September 2014 at the invitation of the Iraqi government, the United Kingdom deployed military advisors to train Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) and Kurdish Peshmerga units, focusing on building sustainable capabilities to combat ISIS without committing British ground combat troops.[1][35] Approximately 400 UK personnel were based in Iraq for this purpose, embedded within training teams across multiple sites, emphasizing skills such as weapons maintenance, counter-improvised explosive device (IED) tactics, and basic infantry operations.[36][37] By March 2020, British troops had trained over 100,000 Iraqi and Peshmerga personnel, enabling these forces to conduct independent operations and hold recaptured territories more effectively after major offensives like the 2016-2017 battles for Mosul and Tal Afar.[38] Training programs prioritized practical, localized instruction, including target identification for threats like suicide bombers, which contributed to improved force resilience against ISIS guerrilla tactics post-territorial defeat in Iraq by December 2017.[39] This approach aligned with coalition strategies to transition security responsibilities to local partners, reducing the need for ongoing Western advisory presence.[1] Efforts targeted both the ISF, which integrated diverse Shia, Sunni, and minority elements, and the Peshmerga, whose decentralized structure required tailored modules on combined arms coordination to address vulnerabilities exposed during early ISIS advances in 2014.[37] Verifiable outcomes included enhanced territorial control, with trained units demonstrating greater ability to prevent ISIS resurgence in cleared areas through 2019, as evidenced by sustained Iraqi-led patrols and reduced coalition dependency.[36] However, challenges persisted, including equipment shortages and internal Iraqi political frictions, which limited full operational independence despite training inputs.[35] In line with exit strategies, UK advisory numbers began drawdown in 2020, shifting to bilateral and NATO-linked programs by 2021, reflecting Iraq's progress toward self-reliance while maintaining minimal presence for counter-ISIS persistence operations.[38][1] This evolution underscored the emphasis on capacity-building as a core pillar of Operation Shader, prioritizing long-term local empowerment over prolonged foreign involvement.[36]Close Air Support in Major Battles
In the Battle of Tikrit from March to April 2015, RAF Tornado GR4 aircraft under Operation Shader provided close air support to Iraqi ground forces advancing against ISIS positions, employing Brimstone missiles against terrorist targets in the urban environment.[40] These precision-guided munitions enabled strikes on dynamic threats, contributing to the disruption of ISIS defenses and supporting the recapture of the city.[40] During the 2016 offensive to liberate Fallujah, UK forces as part of the coalition delivered air support that aided Iraqi security forces in overcoming ISIS fortifications, with RAF assets conducting reconnaissance and targeted strikes to neutralize militant strongholds.[41] The use of precision weaponry in this urban battle minimized risks to advancing troops by focusing on verified enemy positions, enhancing ground maneuverability against entrenched fighters.[41] The Battle of Mosul (October 2016–July 2017) saw extensive RAF close air support, with Typhoon and Tornado aircraft delivering Paveway IV guided bombs and Brimstone missiles against ISIS vehicle convoys, command posts, and firing points in densely populated areas.[42][43] Brimstone's fire-and-forget capability allowed for rapid engagement of moving targets, achieving high destruction rates of jihadist assets while integrated with joint terminal attack controllers to reduce friendly fire incidents.[44][45] This tactical precision broke key ISIS defensive lines, facilitating Iraqi advances and the evacuation of civilians from besieged districts despite human shield tactics employed by militants.[42]Post-Caliphate Persistence and Drawdown Efforts
Following the territorial collapse of the ISIS caliphate in March 2019, Operation Shader activities in Iraq shifted toward low-intensity operations targeting remnant ISIS elements, including sleeper cells and leadership networks, while emphasizing advisory support to Iraqi security forces.[1] UK personnel focused on intelligence sharing, training, and enabling Iraqi-led counter-terrorism efforts, with Royal Air Force assets conducting occasional precision strikes informed by ground intelligence on ISIS hideouts and movements.[46] For example, on April 28, 2020, RAF Typhoon aircraft, supported by Voyager tankers, struck Daesh militants concealed in cave complexes in northern Iraq as part of coalition operations against persistent threats.[46] Armed reconnaissance patrols persisted from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus, sustaining surveillance over Iraq to detect and disrupt ISIS financing networks, weapon caches, and mobility, amid intelligence indicating ongoing insurgent activity in rural and border areas.[47] These efforts contributed to coalition-wide metrics of ISIS degradation, including the neutralization of mid-level operatives and prevention of territorial recovery, though official UK-specific post-2019 strike tallies remain limited in public disclosure.[48] By May 2024, parliamentary statements affirmed Operation Shader's role in bolstering Iraqi forces against Daesh, with UK advisory teams embedded to enhance local capabilities amid stabilized frontlines.[49] Drawdown signals emerged in September 2024, when the US and Iraq agreed to conclude the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS's military mission in Iraq over the subsequent 12 months, prompting the UK to align by ceasing RAF airstrikes within Iraq under Operation Shader.[1][50] This transition reflected Iraqi forces' increased self-sufficiency following years of coalition capacity-building, with over 1,400 UK airstrikes cumulatively conducted against ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria since 2014.[50] However, bilateral UK-Iraq security cooperation endured into 2025, prioritizing counter-terrorism advisory roles to address residual Daesh threats without fixed coalition combat deployments.[1] As of early 2025, operations emphasized disruption of ISIS resurgence risks, leveraging intelligence to target financing and logistics amid governance challenges in former ISIS-held areas.[48]Operations in Syria
Legal Extension and Preceding Debates
The parliamentary debates preceding the extension of Operation Shader to Syria intensified following the ISIS-claimed coordinated terrorist attacks in Paris on 13 November 2015, which resulted in 130 deaths and demonstrated the group's ability to orchestrate mass-casualty operations from its strongholds in eastern Syria.[51] UK government statements emphasized ISIS's transnational threat, including the involvement of approximately 700 British nationals in the group and plots against UK targets, arguing that Syrian territory served as a sanctuary enabling such attacks despite Iraqi invitations for coalition support.[52] These discussions contrasted the consensual legal framework in Iraq—where the government explicitly requested assistance—with Syria's fragmented sovereignty, where the Assad regime controlled limited areas and failed to counter ISIS effectively, creating ungoverned spaces exploited by the militants.[53] On 2 December 2015, the House of Commons approved a government motion authorizing airstrikes against ISIS in Syria by a vote of 397 to 223, following a ten-hour debate that highlighted the operation's necessity to prevent ISIS from using Syria as a base for further attacks on the UK and allies.[52] The motion explicitly confined military action to targeting ISIS infrastructure and fighters, with no objectives related to overthrowing the Assad regime, distinguishing it from prior debates in 2013 that rejected intervention against Syrian government forces.[51] The government's legal rationale invoked Article 51 of the UN Charter for collective self-defence, positing that ISIS's cross-border attacks from Syria justified action in support of Iraq's territorial integrity, even absent formal consent from Damascus, as the Assad regime was considered unwilling or unable to address the threat.[53] Individual self-defence was also cited, given ISIS's declaration of war on the UK and its demonstrated intent and capability to strike British interests, as evidenced by plots involving returning foreign fighters.[53] UN Security Council Resolution 2249, adopted unanimously on 20 November 2015, condemned ISIS and called for states to take "all necessary measures" against its threats but stopped short of authorizing force, leaving room for interpretive debate on its binding nature.[53] Critics, including some legal scholars and opposition MPs, contended that the absence of Syrian government invitation or explicit UN mandate undermined the action's lawfulness under international norms, though the government maintained that the terrorist threat's immediacy overrode such requirements.[52]Airstrikes Targeting ISIS Strongholds
The Royal Air Force initiated airstrikes against ISIS strongholds in Syria on 3 December 2015, shortly after parliamentary authorization, with Tornado GR4 aircraft striking six targets at an ISIS-controlled oilfield in eastern Syria to sever revenue streams from illicit oil production.[54] These initial precision attacks employed Paveway IV guided bombs, focusing on infrastructure critical to ISIS logistics and finances without reported collateral damage.[51] Subsequent RAF operations targeted command nodes, training camps, and weapon storage sites in key strongholds like Raqqa, the de facto ISIS capital, contributing to the degradation of its operational capacity through repeated strikes assessed via battle damage imagery.[18] By mid-2016, RAF Reapers and Tornados had conducted dozens of such missions, expending over 500 munitions in Syria alone in the first year, correlating with observed ISIS territorial contractions and disrupted command structures as reported in coalition assessments.[16] In 2019, Typhoon FGR4 jets progressively supplanted the retiring Tornado fleet, introducing enhanced Brimstone missile capabilities for standoff precision strikes against mobile ISIS elements in stronghold peripheries, maintaining operational tempo amid evolving threats.[55] Throughout, RAF aircraft integrated with U.S.-led coalition assets via real-time data links and airspace deconfliction protocols to mitigate risks in Syria's contested airspace, where multiple actors operated, ensuring strikes aligned with verified intelligence on high-value ISIS infrastructure.[56] This coordination facilitated over 2,000 RAF sorties in Syria by 2020, with munitions releases directly linked to ISIS command disruptions per UK Ministry of Defence evaluations.[18]Advisory Support to Ground Partners
United Kingdom special forces conducted small-scale advisory operations in Syria from 2015 onward as part of Operation Shader, embedding with coalition partners to provide non-combat training to local ground forces combating ISIS, including elements aligned with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). These efforts emphasized practical skills such as urban warfare maneuvers and improvised explosive device (IED) detection and neutralization, enabling proxies to conduct effective operations without direct British combat involvement.[57][58] This advisory role supported SDF-led encirclement strategies that isolated ISIS positions, contributing to measurable territorial advances, such as the constriction of ISIS control in northeastern Syria between 2015 and 2017, while adhering to rules prohibiting UK conventional troops on Syrian soil due to sovereignty constraints absent in Iraq. Unlike the larger-scale training missions for Iraqi Security Forces, Syrian advisories relied on elite, rotational deployments to minimize footprint and risk, reflecting a deliberate proxy-centric model informed by legal debates over intervention without Assad regime consent.[59][60] Empirical evidence of impact includes SDF reports of enhanced tactical proficiency correlating with reduced ISIS breakout attempts during sieges, though attribution to specific UK inputs remains operationally sensitive and unclassified details sparse, underscoring the classified nature of special forces contributions.[61]Operations in Raqqa and Baghouz
The Raqqa campaign, launched by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in June 2017, saw RAF Typhoon FGR4s, Tornado GR4s, and Reaper remotely piloted aircraft deliver precision strikes against ISIS fortifications within the city's urban core. These targeted tunnels, sniper nests, command-and-control nodes, and armored vehicles that ISIS employed to defend its self-proclaimed capital, supporting SDF advances amid intense house-to-house fighting. By September 2017, ongoing RAF operations from bases including RAF Akrotiri had struck Daesh positions across Raqqa and adjacent areas like Dayr az Zawr, degrading defensive capabilities that relied on improvised explosive devices and entrenched fighters.[62] In the final phase of the campaign through October 2017, coalition airpower, including UK contributions under Operation Shader, neutralized over 2,000 ISIS targets in Raqqa province, with RAF assets focusing on dynamic threats such as counterattacks and logistics routes. This enabled the SDF to isolate and overrun the last ISIS holdouts, culminating in the city's capture on October 17, 2017, after ISIS had fortified it with extensive tunnel networks and booby-trapped structures. Without such aerial interdiction, ground forces would have faced prolonged attrition from these defenses, as evidenced by pre-air campaign stalemates in similar urban battles. The Battle of Baghouz in February–March 2019 marked the climactic assault on ISIS's remaining territorial enclave in eastern Syria, where RAF patrols integrated into coalition efforts struck final pockets of resistance, including weapon caches and fleeing convoys along the Euphrates. These operations supported SDF encirclement tactics, leading to the surrender of approximately 30,000 ISIS fighters, families, and supporters by March 23, 2019, and the elimination of key leaders embedded in the shrinking caliphate holdout. UK Typhoons and Reapers conducted armed reconnaissance over Syria during this period, confirming strikes on Daesh remnants that accelerated the collapse of organized resistance.[18] Precision airstrikes in both Raqqa and Baghouz exemplified airpower's causal role in compressing operational timelines: coalition data indicate that integrated air-ground maneuvers destroyed fortified positions and mobility assets, averting scenarios where SDF casualties could have escalated due to unaided assaults on urban kill zones. Analyses of the campaigns show that air-delivered effects reduced ISIS's effective fighting strength by targeting enablers like heavy machine guns and VBIEDs, enabling partner forces to achieve decisive gains in weeks rather than months, as ground-only advances would have succumbed to defensive depth and manpower shortages.[63] This dynamic held despite ISIS's adaptive tactics, underscoring empirical advantages of standoff precision over attrition-based warfare.Ongoing Counter-Daesh Patrols (Post-2019)
Royal Air Force aircraft have sustained armed reconnaissance patrols over Syria since the 2019 territorial defeat of the Daesh caliphate, focusing on intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to detect and neutralize residual insurgent threats. MQ-9 Reaper remotely piloted aircraft played a central role in these missions until their retirement on October 3, 2025, after accumulating over 173,000 flight hours across operations including Syria. These platforms identified Daesh operatives for targeted strikes, such as Hellfire missile engagements against confirmed terrorists during routine patrols.[18][64][65] In response to Daesh's shift to an adaptive insurgency, patrols emphasized monitoring potential transit routes and operative movements to preempt attacks and disrupt networks. By 2023–2024, amid coalition reports of rising Daesh attacks—on pace to double from prior years—RAF Typhoon FGR4s conducted regular patrols over Syria, often in coordination with partners, enabling occasional precision responses to resurgence indicators. Sortie rates remained low, with monthly updates indicating routine ISR dominance over kinetic actions, signaling effective containment of threats without large-scale engagements.[66][67] These efforts aligned with the Global Coalition's phased drawdown post-caliphate, yet persisted into 2025 for proactive threat neutralization, even as Daesh exploited regional instability following the Assad regime's 2024 collapse. UK contributions underscored a commitment to preventing reconstitution, with manned assets assuming Reaper roles to maintain coverage against dispersed cells and camps.[68][61][69]Operations in Libya
Targeted Strikes Against ISIS Affiliates
UK military involvement in Libya under Operation Shader represented a peripheral effort to contain ISIS affiliates who exploited post-2011 instability to establish a stronghold in Sirte by early 2015, declaring it a wilayat (province) and attracting foreign fighters.[70] The UK's approach emphasized intelligence-driven interventions over extensive combat, providing reconnaissance and signals intelligence via assets like the RC-135 Rivet Joint to identify high-value targets such as training camps and command nodes, while avoiding broad entanglement in Libya's civil war. This support complemented US-led airstrikes under Operation Odyssey Lightning, which targeted ISIS positions in Sirte at the GNA's request starting August 2016.[71] UK special forces executed targeted disruptions, including electronic warfare operations to cripple ISIS communications and planning in the Sirte region during 2016.[72] Confirmed kinetic sorties by RAF assets remained under ten, prioritizing precision against exported threats like plots to export fighters or attacks beyond Libya. As Libyan GNA-aligned forces, bolstered by international air support, expelled ISIS from Sirte by December 2016 and dispersed remnants into desert areas, the immediate urban threat subsided.[73] UK operations ceased around 2019, reflecting ISIS's fragmentation and a strategic pivot away from Libya's quagmire toward core counter-ISIS efforts elsewhere.[74]Limited Scope and Cessation
The United Kingdom's military involvement against ISIS in Libya under Operation Shader was confined to small-scale special forces operations, primarily involving SAS teams providing tactical support to Libyan militias battling ISIS in Sirte, without the sustained aerial campaigns or ground training missions deployed in Iraq and Syria.[75] This approach reflected a deliberate strategic choice to prioritize resources against ISIS's core caliphate in the Middle East, where territorial control directly threatened regional stability and UK interests, over expansive commitments in Libya's fragmented political landscape lacking a reliable national partner. Unlike the multi-year advisory roles with Iraqi Security Forces, UK efforts in Libya avoided establishing permanent training elements, limiting exposure to the risks of indefinite entanglement amid competing militias and governance vacuum post-2011 intervention. Empirical indicators underscored the operation's minimal footprint: deployments involved targeted actions, such as SAS personnel destroying an ISIS suicide truck with a guided missile on May 25, 2016, and employing remote weapon systems during engagements in Sirte, correlating with ISIS's progressive loss of coastal strongholds without requiring broader UK resource allocation.[75] By December 2016, Libyan forces, bolstered by international support including UK special operations, expelled ISIS from Sirte—its primary Libyan bastion—reducing the group's capacity to project power from Mediterranean enclaves and justifying operational drawdown. This cessation aligned with the achievement of immediate disruption objectives, as ISIS fighters dispersed into desert redoubts rather than consolidating territorial gains, obviating the need for prolonged UK presence.[76] The Libya experience highlighted lessons in constraining scope to avert mission creep in unstable environments, where overextension could mirror the 2011 NATO campaign's unintended consequences of prolonged chaos without commensurate strategic returns. UK policymakers emphasized non-nation-building tactics, focusing on kinetic disruptions to degrade ISIS logistics and recruitment hubs while deferring stabilization to local actors, a contrast to the embedded advisory model in the Levant that risked deeper involvement amid civil war dynamics. This prioritization preserved operational bandwidth for high-threat theaters, underscoring causal linkages between limited commitments and efficient threat mitigation absent viable ground partners.Deployed Forces and Assets
Royal Air Force Airpower
The Royal Air Force provided the primary airpower for Operation Shader, conducting armed reconnaissance, precision strikes, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions against ISIS targets across Iraq, Syria, and Libya. Operating from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus as the main forward hub, RAF assets enabled sustained operations with quick turnaround times for sorties lasting up to eight hours.[77][78] Initial strike capabilities relied on Tornado GR4 aircraft, armed with Paveway IV laser-guided bombs and Brimstone missiles, which conducted the first Syrian airstrikes in December 2015 targeting oil infrastructure. Following the Tornado's retirement in 2019, Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4 squadrons assumed sole responsibility for fast-jet operations, maintaining daily missions with enhanced multi-role versatility. MQ-9 Reaper remotely piloted aircraft complemented manned platforms by delivering persistent surveillance and precision strikes using Hellfire missiles and GBU-12 bombs.[79][80][40] By October 2016, RAF aircrews had flown over 3,000 armed sorties, releasing munitions including more than 1,000 Brimstone missiles valued at £18.7 million. Continued deployments through the 2020s, supported by advanced targeting systems such as the LITENING pod for positive target identification, ensured high accuracy in dynamic environments, with operations adapting to post-caliphate threats like counter-drone patrols. Air-to-air refueling via Voyager tankers extended sortie endurance, while integration with Poseidon P-8 maritime patrol aircraft enhanced regional awareness in Libya-related efforts.[81][82]Royal Navy Maritime Contributions
The Royal Navy's maritime contributions to Operation Shader primarily involved providing expeditionary platforms, air defence capabilities, and persistent regional presence to enable coalition operations against Daesh in Iraq, Syria, and affiliated areas. Deployments focused on the Mediterranean and Persian Gulf, offering logistical support, force protection, and deterrence without direct surface engagements with ISIS naval assets, which were negligible. These efforts complemented air and ground components by securing sea lines of communication and projecting power from offshore bases.[47] In 2021, HMS Queen Elizabeth spearheaded the UK's Carrier Strike Group deployment to the eastern Mediterranean, marking the first operational use of the Queen Elizabeth-class carriers in combat. On 22 June 2021, F-35B Lightning II jets embarked on the carrier executed initial strikes against Daesh targets as part of Operation Shader, relieving pressure on land-based RAF assets and demonstrating integrated carrier-enabled airpower. This deployment, announced on 3 May 2021, involved up to eight UK F-35Bs alongside allied aircraft, conducting armed reconnaissance and precision strikes in support of ground partners until the group's transit through the region. The carrier's role underscored its function as a mobile sovereign base, capable of sustaining high-tempo operations without reliance on foreign airfields.[83][84] Type 45 Daring-class destroyers provided critical air defence and escort duties, particularly in the Persian Gulf. HMS Defender, for instance, operated from October to December 2014 and again from December 2015 to July 2016, serving as an air warfare guard for US Carrier Strike Group 1, including escorting USS George H.W. Bush during anti-Daesh missions. Equipped with the PAAMS (Principal Anti-Air Missile System) and Sampson radar, these vessels intercepted potential aerial threats, enforced no-fly zones indirectly through radar coverage, and contributed to maritime situational awareness amid regional tensions exacerbated by ISIS activities. Such deployments enhanced coalition force protection and deterred Iranian proxy interference in Gulf shipping lanes vital for Iraqi logistics.[85][47] The Royal Navy maintained a continuous Gulf presence through Operation Kipion, overlapping with Shader since 2014, to deter Daesh affiliates and secure oil transit routes against spillover threats. Type 23 frigates and support vessels rotated through Bahrain's UK Naval Support Facility, conducting maritime security patrols, boarding operations, and intelligence sharing that indirectly supported Shader by stabilizing the maritime domain for humanitarian aid and coalition resupply. This forward presence, involving assets like HMS Montrose alongside destroyers, extended beyond direct ISIS targeting to counter broader instability, including Houthi disruptions, ensuring operational freedom for air and advisory missions. By 2024, this commitment included routine deployments of frigates and minehunters, sustaining UK's regional deterrence posture.[47][85]British Army Ground and Training Elements
The British Army's primary contribution to Operation Shader involved advisory and training roles embedded within the US-led Global Coalition to build the capacity of Iraqi and Kurdish security forces, with deployments concentrated in Iraq and limited advisory presence in Syria to avoid direct combat exposure.[36] Up to approximately 400-500 personnel served as trainers at sites such as Camp Taji, focusing on practical skills including marksmanship on purpose-built ranges, improvised explosive device (IED) identification and defeat, patrolling techniques, and basic logistics to enable partner forces to conduct independent operations against Daesh remnants.[36][86] These efforts trained over 120,000 Iraqi and Kurdish personnel since 2014, with a shift toward mentoring local instructors for sustainability, culminating in the handover of Camp Taji to Iraqi control in July 2020.[86] In Syria, Army involvement remained minimal and non-combat, consisting of small-scale advisory support to vetted partner groups without establishing permanent training bases, prioritizing scalable partnerships over expansive ground commitments.[36] UK Special Forces elements contributed targeting intelligence and liaison for precision strikes, operating in advisory capacities to gather and relay data on Daesh positions while adhering to rules of engagement that precluded direct kinetic engagement.[57] To maintain operational tempo without escalating troop numbers, the Army employed rotation systems drawing from regular units and reserves, deploying specialist teams on six-month cycles to deliver expertise in infantry tactics and sustainment while minimizing long-term footprint and exposure risks.[36] This approach aligned with broader coalition strategy, emphasizing partner enablement over unilateral ground maneuvers, and continued post-caliphate territorial defeat through persistent advisory embeds as of 2020.[86]Tri-Service Logistics and Intelligence
The Royal Air Force's Voyager aircraft provided critical air-to-air refuelling support throughout Operation Shader, enabling extended operational ranges for Typhoon and Tornado fighters conducting strikes against ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria. This capability allowed for increased sortie durations and reduced reliance on forward basing, with Voyagers routinely offloading fuel to coalition partners as well, enhancing overall mission persistence from bases like RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus.[77][87] Intelligence gathering was bolstered by the RC-135W Rivet Joint platform, which debuted operationally in June 2014 to intercept ISIS communications and electronic signals, providing real-time signals intelligence (SIGINT) that informed targeting decisions and disrupted enemy command structures. Rivet Joint missions, flown from RAF bases and integrated with tri-service assets, contributed to the identification of high-value targets by fusing SIGINT with other intelligence feeds, thereby improving strike accuracy and operational tempo.[88][80] Joint Terminal Attack Controllers (JTACs) from the British Army and Royal Marines embedded with partner ground forces, such as Kurdish Peshmerga and Iraqi Security Forces, to coordinate close air support from RAF aircraft in real time. These controllers, qualified across services, directed precision strikes while minimizing risks to friendly forces, leveraging secure communications and laser designation to bridge the gap between ground maneuvers and aerial assets.[78] Strategic airlift via RAF C-17 Globemaster III aircraft sustained supply chains by transporting munitions, spare parts, and personnel directly to theatre, reducing dependence on host-nation infrastructure and enabling rapid resupply amid contested logistics routes. This joint enabler supported sustained operations without overburdening regional partners, with C-17s facilitating the delivery of essential freight for air, land, and maritime elements throughout the campaign.[89][77]Strategic Effectiveness and Outcomes
Territorial Defeat of ISIS Caliphate
Operation Shader contributed to the territorial collapse of the ISIS caliphate by March 2019 through airstrikes that supported local ground partners in reclaiming the entirety of approximately 110,000 square kilometers previously under ISIS control across Iraq and Syria.[90] UK forces targeted ISIS defensive positions and supply lines, enabling advances by Iraqi, Kurdish, and Syrian Democratic Forces that methodically reduced the caliphate's holdings from urban centers like Mosul and Raqqa outward.[2] This attrition-based approach reversed ISIS's territorial momentum, which had seen rapid conquests of over 100,000 square kilometers in 2014 prior to the coalition air campaign's initiation.[90] Airstrikes under Operation Shader degraded ISIS command and control by striking operational hubs and leadership elements, disrupting the group's ability to coordinate defenses against encroaching ground forces.[2] Concurrent targeting of administrative and financial infrastructure, such as oil facilities funding governance, undermined the caliphate's pseudo-state functions, including taxation, propaganda dissemination, and population control mechanisms that sustained its territorial viability.[2] These efforts eroded ISIS's appeal as a functional entity capable of providing services and security, fostering defections and local resistance that accelerated territorial losses.[90] The causal link between sustained air-enabled attrition and ISIS's defeat is evident in the shift from expansion to contraction: unchecked prior to September 2014, the caliphate's domain shrank progressively under coalition pressure, validating intervention's role in halting and reversing gains through superior firepower supporting ground reclamation without large-scale Western boots on the ground.[2][90]