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Raqqa
Raqqa
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Raqqa (Arabic: ٱلرَّقَّة, romanizedar-Raqqah, also al-Raḳḳa,is a city in Syria on the North bank of the Euphrates River, about 160 kilometres (99 miles) east of Aleppo. It is located 40 kilometres (25 miles) east of the Tabqa Dam, Syria's largest dam. The Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine city and bishopric Callinicum (formerly a Latin and now a Maronite Catholic titular see) was the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate between 796 and 809, under the reign of Harun al-Rashid. It was also the capital of the Islamic State from 2014 to 2017. With a population of 531,952 based on the 2021 official census, Raqqa is the sixth largest city in Syria.[2]

Key Information

During the Syrian Civil War, the city was captured in 2013 by the Syrian opposition and then by the Islamic State. ISIS made the city its capital in 2014.[3] As a result, the city was hit by airstrikes from the Syrian government, Russia, the United States, and several other countries. Most non-Sunni religious structures in the city were destroyed by ISIS, most notably the Shia Uwais al-Qarni Mosque, while others were converted into Sunni mosques. On 17 October 2017, following a lengthy battle that saw massive destruction to the city, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) declared the liberation of Raqqa from the Islamic State to be complete.[4]

History

[edit]

Hellenistic Nikephorion and Kallinikos

[edit]

The area of Raqqa has been inhabited since remote antiquity, as attested by the mounds (tells) of Tall Zaydan and Tall al-Bi'a, the latter being identified with the Babylonian city Tuttul.[5]

The modern city traces its history to the Hellenistic period, with the foundation of the city of Nikephorion (Ancient Greek: Νικηφόριον, Latinized as Nicephorium). There are two versions regarding the establishment of the city. Pliny, in his Natural History,[6] attributes its founding to Alexander the Great, citing the advantageous location as the rationale behind its establishment. Similarly, Isidore of Charax, in the Parthian Stations, also credits its foundation to Alexander.[7][8][9] Conversely, Appian[10] includes Nikephorion in a list of settlements he attributes to Seleucid King Seleucus I Nicator (reigned 301–281 BC).[9] According to Tacitus,[11] Nikephorion, alongside other cities like Anthemousias, was established by Macedonians and bore a Greek name.[9]

The successor of Seleucus I, Seleucus II Callinicus (r. 246–225 BC), enlarged the city and renamed it after himself as Kallinikos (Καλλίνικος, Latinized as Callinicum).[5]

According to Cassius Dio, during Crassus's preparations for his campaign against the Parthians in the mid-first century BCE, Nikephorion was among the Greek poleis that backed him.[9]

Roman and Byzantine times

[edit]

In Roman times, it was part of the Roman province of Osrhoene but had declined by the fourth century. Rebuilt by Byzantine Emperor Leo I (r. 457–474 AD) in 466, it was named Leontopolis (in Greek Λεοντόπολις or "city of Leo") after him, but the name Kallinikos prevailed.[12] The city played an important role in the Byzantine Empire's relations with Sassanid Persia and the wars fought between the two empires. By treaty, the city was recognized as one of the few official cross-border trading posts between the two empires, along with Nisibis and Artaxata.

The town was near the site of a battle in 531 between Romans and Sasanians, when the latter tried to invade the Roman territories, surprisingly via arid regions in Syria, to turn the tide of the Iberian War. The Persians won the battle, but the casualties on both sides were high. In 542, the city was destroyed by the Persian Emperor Khusrau I (r. 531–579), who razed its fortifications and deported its population to Persia, but it was subsequently rebuilt by Byzantine Emperor Justinian I (r. 527–565). In 580, during another war with Persia, the future Emperor Maurice scored a victory over the Persians near the city during his retreat from an abortive expedition to capture Ctesiphon.[12]

In the last years before it came under Muslim rule, Kallinikos was as important as any other urban center in the region, and based on the physical area that it covered it was only slightly smaller than Damascus.[13]

Early Islamic period

[edit]
The remains of the historic Baghdad gate
The Baghdad Gate, by Ziad Zukkari

In the year 639 or 640, the city fell to the Muslim conqueror Iyad ibn Ghanm.[5] Since then, it has been known by the Arabic name al-Raqqah, or "the morass", after its marshy surroundings at the time.[13] At the surrender of the city, the Christian inhabitants concluded a treaty with Ibn Ghanm that is quoted by al-Baladhuri. The treaty allowed them freedom of worship in their existing churches but forbade the construction of new ones. The city retained an active Christian community well into the Middle Ages (Michael the Syrian records 20 Syriac Orthodox (Jacobite) bishops from the 8th to the 12th centuries[14]), and it had at least four monasteries, of which the Saint Zaccheus Monastery remained the most prominent one.[5] The city's Jewish community also survived until at least the 12th century, when the traveller Benjamin of Tudela visited it and attended its synagogue.[5] At least during the Umayyad period, the city was also home to a small Sabian community.[15]

Ibn Ghanm's successor as governor of Raqqa and the Jazira, Sa'id ibn Amir ibn Hidhyam, built the city's first mosque. The building was later enlarged to monumental proportions, measuring some 73 by 108 metres (240 by 354 feet), with a square brick minaret added later, possibly in the mid-10th century. The mosque survived until the early 20th century, being described by the German archaeologist Ernst Herzfeld in 1907, but has since vanished.[5] Many companions of Muhammad lived in Raqqa.

In 656, during the First Fitna, the Battle of Siffin, the decisive clash between Ali and the Umayyad Mu'awiya took place about 45 kilometres (28 mi) west of Raqqa. The tombs of several of Ali's followers (such as Ammar ibn Yasir and Uwais al-Qarani) are in Raqqa and have become sites of pilgrimage.[5] The city also contained a column with Ali's autograph, but it was removed in the 12th century and taken to Aleppo's Ghawth Mosque.[5]

The Islamic conquest of the region did not disrupt the existing trade routes too much, and new Byzantine coins continued to make their way into Raqqa until about 655–8.[16] The Byzantine government may have seen the area as just temporarily in rebellion.[16] Byzantine coinage probably continued to circulate until at least the 690s, if not even longer.[16]

Raqqa appears to have remained an important regional center under Umayyad rule.[16] The Umayyads invested in agriculture in the region, expanding the amount of irrigated farmland and setting the stage for an "economic blossoming" during and after their rule.[16]

The strategic importance of Raqqa grew during the wars at the end of the Umayyad Caliphate and the beginning of the Abbasid Caliphate. Raqqa lay on the crossroads between Syria and Iraq and the road between Damascus, Palmyra and the temporary seat of the caliphate Resafa, al-Ruha'.

Abbasid period

[edit]

In 770-1 (155 AH), the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur made the decision to build a new garrison city, called al-Rāfiqah ("the companion"), about 200 metres (660 feet)[citation needed] west of Raqqa as part of a general investment in strengthening the empire's fortifications.[13][15] The most critical part of this project was to secure the northwestern frontier with the Byzantine Empire, and al-Rafiqah was its largest and most important construction.[13] It also happens to be the only one that survives to the present day.[13] Although most of the interior layout of al-Rafiqah has since been built over, and much of its fortifications have also been demolished, about 2,660 metres (8,730 feet) of its massive city walls are still standing, as well as its congregational mosque – the first in the world to be built from scratch on "a coherent, integrated plan" and a major influence on later mosque architecture.[13]

Although al-Mansur had conceived the vision for al-Rafiqah in 770–1, it wasn't until the next year that construction actually started.[13] The caliph sent his son and eventual successor al-Mahdi to personally supervise the construction of the new city that year.[13] The chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius indicates that workmen were brought from all over Mesopotamia to work on the construction, hinting at the monumental scale of this project.[13] According to al-Tabari, the plan of al-Rafiqah was basically the same as that of Baghdad: it was built with "the same gates, intervallum (fuṣūl), squares, and streets" as the recently built Abbasid capital.[13] In practice, there were some significant differences between the two: al-Rafiqah was somewhat smaller but more heavily fortified than Baghdad, and its shape was more elongated along a north–south axis instead of the famously round city of Baghdad.[13] Construction continued at al-Rafiqah at least until 774–5, when al-Mahdi was again sent to check on its progress.[13]

At least at the beginning of the construction work on al-Rafiqah, the indigenous residents of Raqqa were hostile to the military settlement – they expected a rise in their own cost of living.[15] The newcomers were soldiers from Khorasan, in contrast to the Christians and Arabs who lived in the old city.[15]

By 785, the old market of Raqqa had probably become physically too small to serve the needs of both it and al-Rafiqah.[15] That year, Ali ibn Sulayman, the city's governor, moved the market from the old city of Raqqa to the agricultural land between the two cities.[15] This probably marks the start of al-Muhtariqa, the industrial and commercial suburb located between the two (see below).[15] (The old market, associated with the Umayyad caliph Hisham, had been just north of the old city, outside the Bāb al-Ruhā' – near the later industrial site of Tall Aswad.)[15]

Raqqa and al-Rāfiqah merged into one urban complex, together larger than the former Umayyad capital, Damascus. In 796, the caliph Harun al-Rashid chose Raqqa/al-Rafiqah as his imperial residence. For about 13 years, Raqqa was the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate, which stretched from Northern Africa to Central Asia, but the main administrative body remained in Baghdad. The palace area of Raqqa covered an area of about 10 square kilometres (3.9 sq mi) north of the twin cities. One of the founding fathers of the Hanafi school of law, Muḥammad ash-Shaibānī, was chief qadi (judge) in Raqqa. The splendour of the court in Raqqa is documented in several poems, collected by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahāni in his "Book of Songs" (Kitāb al-Aghāni). Only the small, restored so-called Eastern Palace at the fringes of the palace district gives an impression of Abbasid architecture. Some of the palace complexes dating to the period have been excavated by a German team on behalf of the director general of antiquities. There was also a thriving industrial complex located between the twin cities. Both German and English teams have excavated parts of the industrial complex, revealing comprehensive evidence for pottery and glass production. Apart from large dumps of debris, the evidence consisted of pottery and glass workshops, containing the remains of pottery kilns and glass furnaces.[17]

Ewer, late 12th–first half of the 13th century, from Raqqa. Metropolitan Museum of Art.[18]

Approximately 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) west of Raqqa lay the unfinished victory monument Heraqla from the time of Harun al-Rashid. It is said to commemorate the conquest of the Byzantine city of Herakleia in Asia Minor in 806. Other theories connect it with cosmological events. The monument is preserved in a substructure of a square building in the centre of a circular walled enclosure, 500 metres (1,600 ft) in diameter. However, the upper part was never finished because of the sudden death of Harun al-Rashid in Greater Khorasan.

Harun al-Rashid also invested in the water supply in Raqqa.[19] Under his rule, canals were dug along the Euphrates and Balikh rivers; they brought water from the area around Saruj to be used for domestic and agricultural purposes, as well as to supply the palace gardens with water.[19] Meanwhile, the influx of residents generated plenty of demand for food, goods, and services, stimulating the economy and resulting in intensified activity in Raqqa's rural hinterland.[19] Rural towns such as Hisn Maslama, Tall Mahra, and al-Jarud flourished and reached their peak size.[19] The surrounding countryside at this time was "one of the richest agricultural areas of the empire, with an extensive system of irrigation canals".[19]

After the return of the court to Baghdad in 809, Raqqa remained the capital of the western part of the Abbasid Caliphate.

Geography of Abbasid Raqqa

[edit]

The name "Raqqa" was used both for the entire urban sprawl, or more specifically for the old city of Raqqa aka Kallinikos.[15] The old city was also known by the name al-Raqqah al-Bayḍā'.[16] It had "almost rectangular" walls, although their entire extent is not known.[15] Where the gates were located is also unknown.[15] This area had a predominantly indigenous population.[15]

Al-Rafiqah
[edit]

Somewhat to the west of Raqqa proper was al-Rāfiqah, which had horseshoe-shaped walls.[15] Al-Rafiqah represents the location of present-day Raqqa; at some point the main center shifted here.[15] The earliest evidence for this shift is a Fatimid dinar minted at Raqqa in 1010–1011, which uses the name Raqqa rather than the official Abbasid name of al-Rafiqah.[20] The writer Ibn al-Sam'ani also recorded this shift over a century later.[20] During Raqqa's rapid growth in the late 20th century, al-Rafiqah was almost completely built over with new construction, and today almost nothing remains of the Abbasid city.[13]

Still, about 2,660 metres (8,730 feet) of the original 4,580-metre (15,030-foot) city walls remain today, indicating the massive scale of al-Rafiqah's fortifications.[13] The 6.20-metre-thick walls themselves consisted of mud brick on a stone foundation, and their exterior was further reinforced by a stabilized burnt-brick cladding.[13] The walls had 132 towers.[13] Like the Abbasid capital of Baghdad, al-Rafiqah was protected by a series of outer defenses, which together made up a triple line of defense that any attackers would have to get through.[13] A second, outer wall, itself 4.5 m thick, was built beyond the first wall (at a distance of 20.8 m).[13] Beyond that, there was a 15.9-metre--wide moat.[13] Both the outer wall and the moat were bulldozed in the 1970s or 80s to make room for new construction.[13]

Although al-Rafiqah covered a much smaller area than the round city of Baghdad (less than half), it was much more heavily fortified because of its location close to the Byzantine frontier.[13] The walls of al-Rafiqah were built a meter thicker than Baghdad's, and it had more (and larger) defensive towers.[13]

The north gate of al-Rafiqah, excavated and partly rebuilt in the 1990s, is the earliest surviving city gate from the Abbasid period.[13] Its name was probably the Bāb Ḥarrān, or the Harran Gate.[13] Its basic layout is "a tower gate with a rectangular room and a deep entrance niche".[13] The structure is 18 metres (59 feet) tall, with a ramp on the west side leading up to the top.[13] The gateway was built from stone up to a height of about 2m (above that it was built from brick), while the door opening itself measures 4m.[13] Archaeologists found two door posts made out of solid iron still standing in place here.[13] These probably represent the last traces of a pair of massive iron doors, like the ones that historical texts often mention as part of the entryways to early Islamic cities and palaces.[13] For Raqqa in particular, although not necessarily the Bab Harran itself, different traditions mention an iron gate that originally was part of the Byzantine city of Amorion before being carried off to Samarra in 838 after the Abbasids captured and destroyed the city.[13] This door was then installed at the Bāb al-'Āmma, the main entrance to the caliph al-Mu'tasim's newly built palace.[13] This door then supposedly found its way to Raqqa sometime later during the 9th century,[13] before then being removed in 964[16] by Sayf al-Dawla, the Hamdanid ruler of Aleppo, to renovate the Bāb Qinnasrīn in his capital.[13] It was then destroyed when the Mongols captured Aleppo in 1260, and its fragments were then taken by the Mamluk sultan Baibars to the citadels of Damascus and Cairo.[13]

Al-Rafiqah itself was laid out on a north–south axis, roughly aligned with the qibla.[13] A major north–south street connected the Bab Harran in the north with al-Rafiqah's Great Mosque, right at the center of the walled city.[13] The mosque measures 108×93 m, about the same size as the Abbasid mosque built at Baghdad a decade earlier.[13] However, its materials are more sophisticated: whereas the Baghdad mosque was originally made from mud bricks with wooden columns and ceiling, the al-Rafiqah mosque is entirely made out of kiln-fired bricks.[13] The roof of al-Rafiqah's mosque was also gabled, in contrast with the flat-roofed Baghdad mosque, showing an influence from earlier Umayyad mosque architecture in Syria, such as the Great Mosque of Damascus.[13] The al-Rafiqah mosque was renovated in 1165–6 by Nur ad-Din Mahmud Zengi, but an archaeological sounding revealed that this renovation did not change the basic structure, so its origins can be firmly dated to the Abbasid period.[13]

The al-Rafiqah mosque represents an important step in the history of mosque architecture.[13] Earlier mosques had mostly been repurposed from earlier pre-Muslim structures, like the Great Mosque of Damascus, or featured a very rudimentary design, such as the original mosque at Baghdad.[13] The al-Rafiqah mosque was the first to be built entirely from scratch on a coherent plan.[13] It had an important influence on later mosque architecture, beginning in 808 when Harun al-Rashid – who was living in Raqqa at the time and would have been familiar with the al-Rafiqah mosque – had the original mosque at Baghdad rebuilt, adopting features of the design at al-Rafiqah.[13] Later mosques such as the Great Mosque of Samarra and the Mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo also contain traces of its influence.[13]

Al-Muhtariqa
[edit]

Between Raqqa and al-Rafiqah was a large commercial and industrial area, which was called "al-Raqqa al-Muḥtariqa", or "the burning Raqqa", probably because of all the thick smoke coming from pottery kilns and glass furnaces.[15] This smoke may have affected Raqqa/Kallinikos and influenced its decline.[15] It appears that al-Muqaddasi viewed this district as its own distinct city (i.e. madina or misr), which according to legal norms at the time meant that it had to have a separate congregational mosque, and it had to be separated from other urban precincts by some sort of clearly defined boundary.[15] The congregational mosque may have been the "mosque suspended on columns", or perhaps the Samarran complex near the Bab al-Sibal.[15]

Eventually a wall was built on the north side of al-Muhtariqa, probably to protect the central commercial district from Bedouin raids.[15] This is probably the wall that Tahir ibn al-Husayn built while he was governor, in the year following 1 October 815 according to the accounts of Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus.[15] The wall, as visible in old aerial photographs, did not cover the industrial sites north of Raqqa/Kallinikos, leaving them unprotected.[15] Stefan Heidemann suggested that this may have been because those areas were exclusively used for industry, with no houses and no valuables to loot.[15]

Five main streets have been identified in al-Muhtariqa.[15] The northernmost runs eastward from the east gate of al-Rafiqah, called the Bāb al-Sibāl, past the still-unlocated northwestern corner of Raqqa/Kallinikos, and then along the north side of Raqqa/Kallinikos before finally ending around Tall Aswad in the northeast.[15] It passes by several mounds of medieval industrial debris in this area exist.[15] These include Tall Fukhkhār, a ceramic producing site; as well as Tall Ballūr, Tall Abī 'Alī, and Tall Zujāj, which were all glass workshops.[15] Henderson and McLoughlin suggested Tall Ballur may have later been a production site again during the late 11th century after 150 years of abandonment, and Tonghini and Henderson suggested the same for Tall Fukhkhar, although Heidemann considered the latter improbable.[15]

At the eastern end of this northern street, and to the northeast of Raqqa/Kallinikos, was Tall Aswad.[15] This was the largest and easternmost center of pottery production, and probably the oldest among the industrial mounds excavated.[15] It is a large mound consisting of ruins of kilns, potsherds, wasters, and industrial debris.[15] The site had many kilns producing pottery of various types including unglazed, moulded, and high-quality glazed.[15] It lay at the eastern end of the northernmost main road.[15] Its location was probably chosen because it was downwind from the rest of the city, so that the wind wouldn't blow smoke from its kilns over residents' houses.[15] However, this site was also vulnerable and exposed to nomadic attacks, which may have ultimately been the reason for its abandonment.[15] The latest coin find from here is from 825/6, and Tall Aswad probably declined in the first half of the 9th century.[15]

At the western end of the street, right outside the Bab al-Sibal, there was a 200x200m square compound which was probably built during the Samarran period.[15] It featured two rows of small rooms on different levels that were probably rows of shops.[15] There was also some construction to the north of this complex.[15]

The 2nd street runs southeast from the Bab al-Sibal towards the also-still-unlocated western gate of Raqqa/Kallinikos.[15] Like the 1st street, it appears to cut deep into the flat-topped tell formed by centuries of debris.[15] Further south was the southwestern gate of Raqqa/Kallinikos, which was called the Bāb al-Hajarayn.[15] This gate led to a cemetery where people who died in the Battle of Siffin were interred.[15] The most important of the tombs here was that of Uways al-Qarani, considered the "patron saint" of Raqqa; his tomb survived until the late 20th century when it was torn down and replaced with the new Uways al-Qarani mosque.[21][13] His name also became applied to the entire cemetery.[21]

West of the Bab al-Hajarayn was the mosque called the Masjid al-Janā'iz, also called the Mashhad al-Janā'iz.[15] This building is still unlocated.[15] Its existence is known from the 10th until the 13th centuries.[15] According to al-Qushayri, the Masjid al-Jana'iz was founded by a descendant of Muhammad named Abu Abdallah, a Khorasani who lived by the Bab al-Hajarayn near the city's moat.[15]

The 3rd street starts further south, from the unnamed Gate #2 on the east side of al-Rafiqah.[15] It crosses the 2nd street and probably converged with the 1st street at the northwestern corner of Raqqa/Kallinikos, where there was likely a gate.[15]

The 4th and 5th streets both have their west end at the Bab Baghdad.[15] Together, they mark the southern end of the al-Muhtariqa area.[15] Since the Bab Baghdad is a comparatively newer structure, probably from the late 11th or 12th century, these two streets might have also been built later.[15] The 4th street runs northeast toward the northwest corner of Raqqa/Kallinikos, where it probably converged with the 1st and 3rd streets.[15] As for the 5th street, it goes southeast, cutting through the Siffin cemetery and passing by the southwest corner of Raqqa/Kallinikos.[15]

The settlement of al-Muhtariqa probably began in 785, when the city's governor Ali ibn Sulayman transferred Raqqa's market from Raqqa/Kallinikos to somewhere between it and al-Rafiqah.[15] Before then, this area had been used for agriculture.[15] Later, al-Muhtariqa was expanded when Harun al-Rashid made Raqqa his capital, in order to serve the newly increased demand for luxury and everyday goods.[15]

When al-Muhtariqa finally declined and became abandoned is not clear.[15] Physical evidence includes coins, as late as 825–6 at Tall Aswad and 840–1 at Tall Zujaj, and pottery remains, which at both sites include fragments of the so-called "Samarra ware" in the upper layers, so activity at those sites must have continued at least until that period.[15] Based on the account of Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi in the 880s (see below), al-Muhtariqa was probably still active at least until that point.[15]

The palace city
[edit]

When Harun al-Rashid made Raqqa his capital, he built a whole "palace city" to the north of the main city.[13] During the 12 years he resided here, it was built up to an area of 15 square kilometers.[13] Like al-Rafiqah, this area has been almost completely obliterated by new housing construction since the late 20th century.[13] Besides palaces and other buildings, this area included irrigation canals and underground watercourses in order to ensure a constant water supply.[13] Many of the palaces were set in large garden enclosures, with wide avenues and racecourses.[13] Toward the end of Harun al-Rashid's reign, this area was also expanded further to the north.[13]

The central palace of Harun al-Rashid is located about 1 km northeast of al-Rafiqah.[13] Here, a large 340x270m building set in a double garden enclosure probably represents the remains of the Qaṣr as-Salām, or "palace of peace", mentioned in historical sources.[13] This building's original floorplan has been obscured by later construction, but some of its ornate decoration survived to indicate its importance.[13]

East of the Qasr as-Salam is a series of three smaller palaces, each one featuring courtyards, triple audience halls, and small private mosques.[13] These were probably the residences of Harun al-Rashid's family members or close associates.[13] A fresco inscription found in the westernmost of these three palaces names the caliph al-Mu'tasim, who was one of Harun al-Rashid's sons; this may date from a later renovation.[13]

Just south of the palace with al-Mu'tasim's name inscribed is a 150x150m square building that was probably the barracks for the palace guard.[13] It had several identical rooms to serve as living quarters, while the commander of the guards had a central room flanked by three connected courtyards.[13] Excavation at the barracks unearthed "a group of particularly luxurious glass vessels", indicating the high living standards enjoyed even by the lower-ranking members of the caliphal court.[13]

Farther south, at the southeastern corner of the palace complex, was a public square surrounded by several buildings.[13] Some of these buildings were reception halls used for social gatherings.[13] Other buildings were private residences, probably belonging to people who were not part of the caliph's inner circle.[13] On the west side of the square was a building that included a small mosque facing the barracks.[13]

Separate from this palace city and just outside the north gate of al-Rafiqah, there was a 160x130m rectangular building that also had a double enclosure.[13] This may have actually been built earlier than the more monumental complexes further northeast.[13]

Stylistically, like the mosque of al-Rafiqah, the palace complex contains decorative features typical of pre-Islamic Syria.[13] These include stucco friezes depicting vine "scrolls", as well as the "use of decoration to emphasize key architectural features".[13] This indicates that the builders were taking inspiration from previous local styles.[13] The resulting style of Abbasid Raqqa is a transition between pre-Islamic styles and later Abbasid ones, such as the architecture of Samarra after it became the new Abbasid capital in 836.[13]

Monasteries
[edit]

Further north of Tall Aswad was the Dayr al-Zakkā monastery, which was built on top of the ancient settlement mound now called Tall al-Bī'a.[15] This was the most important monastery in the city and the symbol of Christian Raqqa.[15]

A second important monastery was the so-called Monastery of the Columns (dērā d-esṭūnā), also called the Bizūnā monastery.[15] It was somewhere between Raqqa and al-Rafiqah, in the area of al-Muhtariqa.[15] It was burned by the rebels Umar, a former prisoner in Raqqa, and Nasr ibn Shabath, a prominent Bedouin leader, during a violent conflict in 811/2 when Arab auxiliaries were mobilized at Raqqa.[15] However, just a few years later in 818 it was the site of the installation of Patriarch Dionysios I, which indicates that either the monastery was only partly burned down, or that it had already been rebuilt.[15] This monastery was probably replaced later on by the "mosque suspended on columns", as al-Muqaddasi called it.[15] This may have been the congregational mosque of al-Muhtariqa.[15]

Port
[edit]

Abbasid Raqqa had an important river port, which played a vital role in trade and communications.[15] Raqqa's location was ideal for a river port on the upper Euphrates – it was ice-free throughout the year, whereas the early 14th century author al-Dimashqi wrote that the Euphrates sometimes froze further north.[19] Archaeologists have not found evidence of this port, but it may have been south of al-Muhtariqa on the bank of the Euphrates because this would have been a convenient location close to the city's main commercial center.[15] Based on Ibn Sa'd's account of the famous hadith scholar al-Waqidi's visit to Raqqa under Harun al-Rashid, it seems that the port of Raqqa was separated from the city proper by a checkpoint and a "poor, simple guesthouse" (khān nuzūl).[15] Most of the boats used on this part of the Euphrates were probably light carriers called harraqs.[15]

Economy of Abbasid Raqqa

[edit]

Abbasid Raqqa was an important center of glass and ceramics production.[15] Al-Muqaddasi also mentioned a soapmaking industry at Raqqa, which is connected to the glass industry because both make use of alkali.[15] Minerals used as colorants in glassmaking or glazing pottery may have come from Jabal Bishr to the south, since Yaqut al-Hamawi recorded glassmakers in Aleppo using minerals from Jabal Bishr as a colorant in the early 1200s.[15]

According to Julian Henderson, Raqqa is one of the earliest places where an important shift in glassmaking technology occurred at the turn of the 9th century (i.e. around 800).[15] Before, glassmakers had been using mineral alkali as a flux or purifying agent in the glassmaking process.[15] Around 800, though, Raqqawi glassmakers switched to using plant ashes, which were readily available and much cheaper to obtain.[15] On top of that, the plant ashes contained potassium, which lowered the melting temperature for the glass furnaces, reducing production costs even further.[15] Henderson connects this technological change with the famous alchemist Jabir ibn Hayyan, who is known to have had an interest in glassmaking at around the same time, indicating that he may have been a resident of Raqqa during this period.[15]

The port of Raqqa was probably the main entrepôt (shipment point) where food and goods from northern Syria and Mesopotamia were shipped to before then being exported to Baghdad and the rest of Iraq.[19] For example, Ibn al-Adim noted that olive oil from northern Syria was traded in Raqqa and then shipped downstream to Iraq and the Gulf.[19] One passage written by al-Tanukhi recorded a merchant from Baghdad named al-Marwazi (d. 909 or 910) who speculated in olive oil prices at Raqqa.[19]

Raqqa also had a mint for coins and was the only important mint city in the region from the time of Harun al-Rashid onward.[16] The last dated copper coin from Abbasid Raqqa was struck in 892 (copper coins in general had fallen out of widespread use in the region during the late 9th century), but it continued minting gold and silver coins uninterrupted until at least 934–5.[16] No coins from anywhere in the region have been found for the rest of the 10th century, but some sporadic, debased coins from 11th-century Raqqa have been found.[16]

Decline and period of Bedouin domination

[edit]

Raqqa's fortunes declined in the late 9th century because of continuous warfare between the Abbasids and the Tulunids, and then with the Shia movement of the Qarmatians. Under the Hamdānids in the 940s, the city declined rapidly. From the late 10th century to the early 12th century, Raqqa was controlled by Bedouin dynasties. The Banu Numayr had their pasture in the Diyār Muḍar, and the Banu Uqayl had their centre in Qal'at Ja'bar.

One of the earliest sources to comment on Raqqa's decline is Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi (d. 899), as quoted by Yaqut; he visited Raqqa in 884-5 and wrote that parts of its walls were in ruins at the time.[15] However, the markets and presumably the industrial areas of al-Muhtariqa were still in use then.[15]

Raqqa was conquered by the Hamdanids in 942.[19] As a result, it lost its status as an Abbasid garrison city.[19] This had a severe economic impact on Raqqa and the surrounding region: without the soldiers and their disposable income, the demand for food and goods decreased, and local artisans were deprived of potential customers.[19] In the second half of the 10th century, Raqqa appears to have been eclipsed by Harran as the main city in the region based on mint activity and literary references.[19]

With one notable exception, the Numayrid rulers were essentially Bedouin nomads by lifestyle.[20] They had no interest in cities except as sources of income to be exploited.[20] They resided at nomadic camps (called a ḥillah, like the city in Iraq) in the pasture outside the cities and delegated administration of the cities to ghulam (military slave) governors.[20] During this period of Bedouin rule, the area of settled agriculture shrank while the area allocated to Bedouin pastures grew, and trade routes linking various cities, towns, and villages were threatened by Bedouin raids.[20]

After the death of the Numayrid amir Shabib ibn Waththab in 1039–40, Raqqa and its surrounding fertile pastures became the center of a conflict between the Numayrids and the Mirdasids of Aleppo.[20] Shabib's sister as-Sayyidah al-'Alawiyyah was given Raqqa as an inheritance; through her marriage to the Mirdasid amir Thimal ibn Salih, the city and its territory came under Mirdasid control[20] She ousted the ghulam governor of Raqqa appointed by her brothers al-Muta'in and al-Qawam, who now shared power as Numayrid amirs.[20] However, Shabib's young son Mani' viewed himself as the legitimate heir to his father's lands, including Raqqa.[20] By 1056, he had become an adult and gained power as sole Numayrid amir.[20] He sent a demand to Thimal requesting that Raqqa be handed over to him; Thimal refused, and in April 1056 war broke out between the two sides.[20]

Ultimately, though, it was diplomacy that ended up bringing Raqqa back under Mani's control.[20] While this was all happening, conflict was brewing between the Fatimid Caliphate (which Thimal was aligned with) and the Seljuk Empire (which Mani' was aligned with).[20] The Turkic general Arslan al-Basasiri, who supported the Fatimids, had been driven out of Baghdad in December 1055 by the Seljuks and was now continuing anti-Seljuk operations from his new base at al-Rahba nearby.[20] In October 1057, al-Basasiri went north up the Euphrates towards Balis and on the way captured Raqqa from Thimal's forces.[20] At the same time, the Fatimid envoy al-Mu'ayyad fi'l-Din al-Shirazi met with Mani' to secure his support for the Fatimids.[20] In return, al-Basasiri handed over control of Raqqa to Mani'.[20]

Now under Fatimid protection, the Numayrids reached the height of their power.[20] Substantial amounts of Fatimid money were probably transferred into Mani's coffers at this point, which allowed him to undertake major construction projects in his cities and thus present himself as the only urban ruler from the Numayrid dynasty (although the Numayrids in general remained nomadic pastoralists).[20] The biggest projects were in his capital of Harran, but he probably also started some in Raqqa as well.[20] He certainly had a mint active in Raqqa at this point — archaeologists found coins struck in his name in Raqqa, dated to 1058, buried under a collapsed wall in the city's congregational mosque.[20] Remains of a workshop under the same wall may also indicate that restoration work was started on the mosque around the same time.[20] However, it appears that this work was stopped soon after it started.[20] A possible reason is Mani's sudden death in 1062, which left the Numayrids without an effective ruler and dealt a huge blow to their overall political power.[20]

Second blossoming

[edit]

Raqqa experienced a second blossoming, based on agriculture and industrial production, during the Zangid and Ayyubid dynasties during the 12th and the first half of the 13th century. The blue-glazed Raqqa ware dates from this time. The still-visible Bāb Baghdād (Baghdad Gate) and the Qasr al-Banāt (Castle of the Ladies) are notable buildings of the period. The famous ruler 'Imād ad-Dīn Zangī, who was killed in 1146, was initially buried in Raqqa, which was destroyed during the 1260s Mongol invasions of the Levant. There is a report on the killing of the last inhabitants of the ruins of the city in 1288.

Ottoman period

[edit]
Raqqa Museum (pre-Syrian Civil War)

In the 16th century, Raqqa again entered the historical record as an Ottoman customs post on the Euphrates. The eyalet (province) of Raqqa was created in 1586. However, the capital of the eyalet and seat of the Wāli was not Raqqa but Al-Ruha', which is about 160 kilometres (99 mi) north of Raqqa. In the 17th century the famous Ottoman traveler and author Evliya Çelebi only noticed Arab and Turkoman nomad tents in the vicinity of the ruins. The citadel was partially restored in 1683 and again housed a Janissary detachment; over the next decades the province of al-Raqqah became the centre of the Ottoman Empire's tribal settlement (iskân) policy.[22] Between 1800 and 1803, the province was governed by the famous Milli Timur Paşa of the Kurdish Milli tribe.[23]

From the 1820s, Raqqa was a place of wintering for the semi-nomadic Arab 'Afadla tribal confederation and was little more than its extensive archeological remains. It was the establishment in 1864 by the Ottomans of the Karakul Janissary garrison, in the south-east corner of the Abbasid enclosure, that led to the revival of the modern city of Raqqa.[24]

The first families that settled in Raqqa were nicknamed ''The Ghul'' by the surrounding Arab semi-nomadic tribes from whom they bought the right to settle within the Abbasid enclosure, near the Janissary garrison. They used the ancient bricks of the enclosure to build the first buildings of modern Raqqa. They came under the protection of the surrounding Arab semi-nomadic tribes because they feared attacks from other neighboring tribes on their herds.[24] As a result, these families formed two alliances. One joined Kurds of the Mîlan tribe, Arabs of the Dulaim tribe, and possibly Turkomans as well. Most of the Kurdish families came from an area called ''Nahid Al-Jilab'', which is 20 kilometres (12 miles) northeast of Şanliurfa.[24] Prior to the Syrian Civil War, there were many families in Raqqa that still belonged to the Mîlan tribe such as Khalaf Al-Qasim, Al-Jado, Al-Hani and Al-Shawakh.[25] They claimed the area west of the Ottoman garrison.[24]

The Mîlan tribe had been in Raqqa since 1711. The Ottomans issued an order to deport them from the Nahid Al-Jilab region to the Raqqa area. However most of the tribe was returned to their original home as a result of diseases among their cattle and frequent deaths due to the Raqqa climate. In the mid-18th century, the Ottomans recognised the Kurdish tribal chiefs and appointed Mahmud Kalash Abdi as head of the iskân policy in the region. The tribal chiefs had the power to impose taxes and control over other tribes in the region.[25]

Some of the Kurdish families were displaced to the northern countryside of Raqqa by the Arab 'Annazah tribe, after they began working with the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon.[25]

The other alliance, Asharin, came from the town of Al-Asharah downstream. It included several Arab tribes of the Al-Bu Badran and Mawali tribes. They claimed the area east of the Ottoman garrison.[24]

The Raqqa Museum is housed in a building that was built in 1861 and served as an Ottoman governmental building.[26]

20th century

[edit]

In the early 20th century, two waves of Cherkess refugees from the Caucasian War were granted lands west of the Abbasid enclosure by the Ottomans.[24]

In 1915, Armenians fleeing the Armenian genocide were given safe haven in Raqqa by the Arab Ujayli family. Many moved to Aleppo in the 1920s. Armenians have since then formed the majority of Raqqa's Christian community.[24]

In the 1950s, the worldwide cotton boom stimulated unprecedented growth in the city and the recultivation of this part of the middle Euphrates area. Cotton is still the main agricultural product of the region.

The growth of the city led to the destruction or removal of much of the archaeological remains of the city's past. The palace area is now almost covered with settlements, as is the former area of the ancient al-Raqqa (today Mishlab) and the former Abbasid industrial district (today al-Mukhtalţa). Only parts were archaeologically explored. The 12th-century citadel was removed in the 1950s (today Dawwār as-Sā'a, the clock-tower circle). In the 1980s, rescue excavations in the palace area began, as well as the conservation of the Abbasid city walls with the Bāb Baghdād and the two main monuments intra muros, the Abbasid mosque and the Qasr al-Banāt.

21st century

[edit]

Syrian civil war outbreak

[edit]
Raqqa city map

In March 2013, during the Syrian civil war, rebels from the Free Syrian Army, Ahrar al-Sham, Al-Nusra Front, and other groups[3] overran the government loyalists in the city during the Battle of Raqqa (2013) and declared it under their control, after they had taken the central square and pulled down the statue of the former president of Syria, Hafez al-Assad.[27] Raqqa was the first provincial capital to fall to the Syrian opposition.

The Al-Qaeda-affiliated Al-Nusra Front set up a sharia court at the sports centre[28] and in early June 2013, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant said that it was open to receive complaints at its Raqqa headquarters.[29]

Migration from Aleppo, Homs, Idlib and other inhabited places to the city occurred as a result of the ongoing civil war in the country, and Raqqa was known as the hotel of the revolution by some because of the number of people who moved there.[3]

Capital of the Islamic State (2014–2017)

[edit]
Destroyed neighborhood in Raqqa, August 2017

ISIL took complete control of Raqqa by 13 January 2014.[30] ISIL proceeded to execute Alawites and suspected supporters of Bashar al-Assad in the city and destroyed the city's Shia mosques and Christian churches[31] such as the Armenian Catholic Church of the Martyrs, which was then converted into an ISIL police headquarters and an Islamic centre, tasked to recruit new fighters.[32][33][34] The Christian population of Raqqa, which had been estimated to be as much as 10% of the total population before the civil war began, largely fled the city.[35][36][37]

On 15 November 2015, France, in response to attacks in Paris two days earlier, dropped about 20 bombs on multiple Islamic State targets in Raqqa.[38]

Pro-government sources said that an anti-IS uprising took place between 5 and 7 March 2016.[39]

On 26 October 2016, US Defense Secretary Ash Carter said that an offensive to take Raqqa from IS would begin within weeks.[40]

DAANES control (2017–present)

[edit]

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), supported by the US, launched the Second Battle of Raqqa on 6 June 2017 and declared victory in the city on 17 October 2017. Bombardment by the US-led coalition led to the destruction of most of the city, including civilian infrastructure.[41][42][4] Some 270,000 people were said to have fled Raqqa.[43]

At the end of October 2017, the government of Syria issued a statement that said: "Syria considers the claims of the United States and its so-called alliance about the liberation of Raqqa city from ISIS to be lies aiming to divert international public opinion from the crimes committed by this alliance in Raqqa province.... more than 90% of Raqqa city has been leveled due to the deliberate and barbaric bombardment of the city and the towns near it by the alliance, which also destroyed all services and infrastructures and forced tens of thousands of locals to leave the city and become refugees. Syria still considers Raqqa to be an occupied city, and it can only be considered liberated when the Syrian Arab Army enters it".[44]

By June 2019, 300,000 residents had returned to the city, including 90,000 IDPs, and many shops in the city had reopened.[45] Through the efforts of the Global Coalition and the Raqqa Civil Council, several public hospitals and schools have been reopened, public buildings like the stadium, the Raqqa Museum, mosques and parks have been restored, anti-extremism educational centers for youth have been established and the rebuilding and restoration of roads, roundabouts and bridges, installation of solar-powered street lighting, water restoration, demining, re-institution of public transportation and rubble removal has taken place.[46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57]

Raqqa Internal Security Forces (RISF) member inspecting vehicles at a checkpoint, 18 August 2018

However, the Global Coalition's funding of the stabilization of the region has been limited, and the Coalition has stated that any large scale aid will be halted until a peace agreement for the future of Syria through the Geneva process has been reached. Rebuilding of residential houses and commercial buildings has been placed solely in the hands of civilians, there is a continued presence of rubble, unreliable electricity and water access in some areas, schools still lacking basic services and the presence of ISIL sleeper cells and IEDs. Some sporadic protests against the SDF have taken place in the city in the summer of 2018.[58][59][60][61][62]

On 7 February 2019, the SDF media center announced the capture of 63 ISIL operatives in the city. According to the SDF, the operatives were a part of a sleeper cell and were all arrested within a 24-hour time span, ending the day-long curfew that was imposed on the city the day before.[63]

In mid-February 2019, a mass grave holding an estimated 3,500 bodies was discovered below a plot of farmland in the Al-Fukheikha agricultural suburb. It was the largest mass grave discovered post-ISIL rule thus far. The bodies were reported to be the victims of executions when ISIL ruled the city.[64]

In 2019 a project called the "Shelter Project" was launched by international organisations in coordination with the Raqqa Civil Council, providing funding to residents of partially destroyed buildings in order to aid with their reconstruction.[65] In April 2019 the rehabilitation of the Old Raqqa Bridge over the Euphrates was finished. The bridge was originally built by British forces during World War II in 1942.[66] The National Hospital in Raqqa was reopened after rehabilitation work in May 2019.[67]

As a consequence of the 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria, the SDF called on the Syrian Arab Army to enter the areas under its rule, including in the area of Raqqa as part of a deal to prevent Turkish troops from capturing any more territory in northern Syria.[68][69]

Archaeology

[edit]

The Raqqa Museum had numerous clay tablets with cuneiform writing and many other objects vanishing in the fog of war. A particular set of those tablets were excavated by archaeologists from Leiden at the Tell Sabi Abyad. The excavation team cast silicone rubber moulds of the tablets before the war to create cast copies for subsequent studies in the Netherlands. As the original tablets were looted, those moulds became the only evidence of parts of the 12th century BC in Northern Syria. Having a lifespan of roughly thirty years, the moulds proved not be a durable solution, hence the need for digitization to counter the loss of the originals. Therefore, the Scanning for Syria (SfS) project[70] was initiated by the Leiden University and Delft University of Technology under the auspices of the Leiden-Delft-Erasmus Centre for Global Heritage and Development.[71] The project received a NWO–KIEM Creatieve Industrie grant to use of 3D acquisition and 3D printing technology to make high quality reproductions of the clay tablets.[72] In collaboration with the Catholic University of Louvain and the Heidelberg University several imaging technologies were explored to find the best solution to capture the precious texts hidden within the concavities of the moulds. In the end, the X-ray micro-CT scanner housed at the TU Delft laboratory of Geoscience and Engineering turned out to be a good compromise between time-efficiency, accuracy and text recovery. Accurate digital 3D reconstructions of the original clay tablets were created using the CT data of the silicon moulds.[73] Furthermore, the Forensic Computational Geometry Laboratory in Heidelberg dramatically decreased the time for decipherment of a tablet by automatically computing high quality images using the GigaMesh Software Framework. These images clearly show the cuneiform characters in publication quality, which otherwise would have taken many hours to manually craft a matching drawing.[74] The 3D-models and high-quality images have become accessible to both scholar and non-scholar communities worldwide. Physical replicas were produced using 3D-printing. The 3D-prints serve as teaching material in Assyriology classes as well as for visitors of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden to experience the ingenuity of Assyrian cuneiform writing. In 2020, the SfS received the European Union Prize for Cultural Heritage of the Europa Nostra in the category research.[75]

Ecclesiastical history

[edit]

In the 6th century, Kallinikos became a center of Assyrian monasticism. Dayra d'Mār Zakkā, or the Saint Zacchaeus monastery, situated on Tall al-Bi'a, became renowned. A mosaic inscription there is dated to the year 509, presumably from the period of the foundation of the monastery. Daira d'Mār Zakkā is mentioned by various sources up to the 10th century. The second important monastery in the area was the Bīzūnā monastery or Dairā d-Esţunā, the 'monastery of the column'. The city became one of the main cities of the historical Diyār Muḍar, the western part of the Jazīra.[citation needed]

Michael the Syrian records twenty Syriac Orthodox (Jacobite) bishops from the 8th to the 12th centuries[14]—and had at least four monasteries, of which the Saint Zaccheus Monastery remained the most prominent. In 818, a Syriac synod convened to discuss the controversy around the use of the phrase "the heavenly phrase" as well as to elect a new patriarch; in the end, Dionysius Tel-Maḥroyō was chosen.[76]

In the 9th century, when Raqqa served as capital of the western half of the Abbasid Caliphate, Dayra d'Mār Zakkā, or the Saint Zacchaeus Monastery, became the seat of the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch, one of several rivals for the apostolic succession of the Ancient patriarchal see, which has several more rivals of Catholic and Orthodox churches.

Bishopric

[edit]

Callinicum early became the seat of a Christian diocese. In 388, Byzantine Emperor Theodosius the Great was informed that a crowd of Christians, led by their bishop, had destroyed the synagogue. He ordered the synagogue rebuilt at the expense of the bishop. Ambrose wrote to Theodosius, pointing out he was thereby "exposing the bishop to the danger of either acting against the truth or of death",[77] and Theodosius rescinded his decree.[78]

Bishop Damianus of Callinicum took part in the Council of Chalcedon in 451 and in 458 was a signatory of the letter that the bishops of the province wrote to Emperor Leo I the Thracian after the death of Proterius of Alexandria. In 518 Paulus was deposed for having joined the anti-Chalcedonian Severus of Antioch. Callinicum had a Bishop Ioannes in the mid-6th century.[79][80] In the same century, a Notitia Episcopatuum lists the diocese as a suffragan of Edessa, the capital and metropolitan see of Osrhoene.[81]

Titular sees

[edit]

No longer a residential bishopric, Callinicum has been listed by the Catholic Church twice as a titular see, as suffragan of the Metropolitan of the Late Roman province of Osroene : first as Latin - (meanwhile suppressed) and currently as Maronite titular bishopric.[82]

Callinicum of the Romans

[edit]

[83] No later than the 18th century, the diocese was nominally restored as Latin Titular bishopric of Callinicum (Latin), adjective Callinicen(sis) (Latin) / Callinico (Curiate Italian).

In 1962 it was suppressed, to establish immediately the Episcopal Titular bishopric of Callinicum of the Maronites (see below)

It has had the following incumbents, all of the fitting episcopal (lowest) rank :

Callinicum of the Maronites

[edit]

In 1962 the simultaneously suppressed Latin Titular see of Callinicum (see above) was in turn restored, now for the Maronite Church (Eastern Catholic, Antiochian Rite) as Titular bishopric of Callinicum (Latin), Callinicen(sis) Maronitarum (Latin adjective) / Callinico (Curiate Italian).[84]

It has had the following incumbents, so far of the fitting Episcopal (lowest) rank :

Religion and culture

[edit]

Raqqa has never been home to a sizeable Shi'i community.[21] However, since the Iran–Iraq War made the important Shi'i holy cities of Najaf and Karbala inaccessible to Iranian visitors, Raqqa has gained importance as a Shi'i pilgrimage destination (accessible via Turkey).[21] The main attractions are the tombs of Ammar ibn Yasir and Uways al-Qarani, two companions of Muhammad who died during the Battle of Siffin.[21] Beginning in 1988 and completed in 2005, an Iranian project oversaw the construction of two new mosques to replace the tombs, making them the largest Shi'i mausoleums in Syria.[21] The Uways mosque was blown up by the Islamic State in May 2014 for being a "pagan Iranian shrine".[85]

Uways al-Qarani is an important religious figure in Raqqa, and could be called the city's "patron saint".[21] East of the main city, between the Bab Baghdad and the Siffin cemetery, a large mulberry tree has been dedicated to him for a long time.[21] It is considered a holy site placed under Uways's protection.[21] At least until the 1940s, semi-nomadic families would leave their personal belongings at the foot of the tree before beginning their annual summer migration to keep livestock in the Balikh valley.[21] They would return four months later to recollect them.[21] According to elderly Raqqawis, nobody dared take other people's belongings lest they anger the saint.[21]

Uways has also been considered a mediator for Raqqawis, especially during unsolved cases of theft or valuable objects disappearing.[21] In such cases, there would be ritual procession involving a large copper cup, called the "Uways Cup", covered by a green sheet and carried by a public crier (or dallal) chosen by the wronged family.[21] The procession would then go through all the streets of Raqqa, with the dallal calling out for anyone who knew anything about the theft or missing object was "called upon, by the Uways Cup, to inform me of it or to return it".[21] During these processions, the entire city would be regarded as a sacred space.[21]

Economy

[edit]

Before the civil war, the city and the countryside around it had been one of the country’s main breadbaskets, producing large amounts and varieties of crops. After the liberation of the city, widespread infrastructural damage and a complex security environment in the city has stunted the overall economic growth.[86]

Reconstruction and development under the DAANES

In 2022 Saddam al-Ali, co-chair of the Raqqa Civil Council's Committee on Local Government and Communities, announced that 50 percent of services such as reconstruction, electricity and water supply have already been completed.[87] The European Union's Agency for Asylum described the economic developments in early 2024 as ‘still slowly recovering from the devastation’.[88]

Over the years various projects have been undertaken by the Autonomous Administration's Economic Authority and the Kongreya Star to revitalize life, economic development and woman's empowerment in the city. These include an olive oil processing plant in the north of the city, a drying plant, a cotton factory, the construction of six dried fruit and grain warehouses in the rural areas, a fodder factory, a mill, as well as numerous bakeries.[87] Jineological projects include, the Al-Fardos Cooperative, which aims to care for the needy of Raqqa, Naya Detergent Factory, whose income will be used for new projects promoting women's employment, Ribûi El-Xeyr Cooperative, which gives women displaced by the Turkish invasion of Rojava job opportunities, and Zenobiya Women’s Bakeries.[89][90][91][92] As of October 2024, 30 bridges and ferries, located on agricultural drains, irrigation canals and the Euphrates river including the most important of which is the old Raqqa Bridge have been repaired.[93]

Education

[edit]

The Zanîngeha Şerq (Al-Sharq University) was opened in November 2021, as one of four universities in the DAANES and the only one in the Raqqa Governorate.[94] The university is located in the Al-Mashlab district in the east of the city. When the university was founded, it had eight departments: Arabic literature, pedagogy, chemistry, mathematics, physics, biology, Institute of Technology, and the Institute of Languages with Arabic, Kurdish, English, German, and French. In the first round of applications, over 600 people participated, while approximately 210 were accepted.[95][96][97] In 2024 two more departments, namely the Kurdish Language Department and the Electrical and Electronics Engineering Department were added. Students who have completed high school education under the Autonomous Administration or the Damascus government can apply for a place in one of the departments.[98]

Media

[edit]

The Islamic State banned all media reporting outside its own efforts, kidnapping and killing journalists. However, a group calling itself Raqqa Is Being Slaughtered Silently operated within the city and elsewhere during this period.[99] In response, ISIL has killed members of the group.[100] A film about the city made by RBSS was released internationally in 2017, premiering and winning an award at that year's Sundance Film Festival.

In January 2016, a pseudonymous French author named Sophie Kasiki published a book about her move from Paris to the besieged city in 2015, where she was lured to perform hospital work, and her subsequent escape from ISIL.[101][102]

Transportation

[edit]

Prior to the Syrian Civil War the city was served by Syrian Railways.[citation needed]

Climate

[edit]
Climate data for Raqqa
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Record high °C (°F) 18
(64)
22
(72)
26
(79)
33
(91)
41
(106)
42
(108)
43
(109)
47
(117)
41
(106)
35
(95)
30
(86)
21
(70)
47
(117)
Mean daily maximum °C (°F) 12
(54)
14
(57)
18
(64)
24
(75)
31
(88)
36
(97)
39
(102)
38
(100)
33
(91)
29
(84)
21
(70)
16
(61)
26
(79)
Mean daily minimum °C (°F) 2
(36)
3
(37)
5
(41)
11
(52)
15
(59)
18
(64)
21
(70)
21
(70)
16
(61)
12
(54)
7
(45)
4
(39)
11
(52)
Record low °C (°F) −7
(19)
−7
(19)
−2
(28)
2
(36)
8
(46)
12
(54)
17
(63)
13
(55)
10
(50)
2
(36)
−2
(28)
−5
(23)
−7
(19)
Average precipitation mm (inches) 22
(0.9)
18.2
(0.72)
24.3
(0.96)
10.2
(0.40)
4.5
(0.18)
0
(0)
0
(0)
0
(0)
0.1
(0.00)
3.1
(0.12)
12.4
(0.49)
13.6
(0.54)
108.4
(4.31)
Average precipitation days 7 6 5 5 2 0 0 0 0.1 2 3 6 36.1
Average relative humidity (%) 76 72 60 53 45 34 38 41 44 49 60 73 54
Source 1: [103]
Source 2: [104]

Raqqa is featuring an arid, hot desert climate.

Notable locals

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
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Raqqa (Arabic: الرقة, ar-Raqqah) is a city in northern Syria situated on the Euphrates River, functioning as the capital of Raqqa Governorate and historically a key settlement bridging desert and fertile regions. With a pre-civil war urban population of around 220,000 predominantly Sunni Arabs, it ranked as Syria's sixth-largest city before widespread displacement altered demographics. Founded in antiquity and refounded in the CE, Raqqa gained prominence as the Abbasid Caliphate's capital from 796 to 809 under Caliph , serving as a major administrative and military hub with palaces, mosques, and infrastructure supporting the empire's eastern frontiers. This period marked its peak as a center of Islamic governance and culture, though subsequent invasions and shifts diminished its role until modern times. In the , Raqqa fell to rebel forces in 2013 before being captured by the (ISIS) in 2014, which designated it the de facto capital of its self-proclaimed , using the city as a base for global terrorist operations, propaganda, and enforcement of brutal governance including public executions and . The 2017 battle to expel ISIS, led by U.S.-backed (SDF) with coalition airstrikes, liberated the city after four months of intense urban combat but left up to 90% of structures damaged or destroyed, causing thousands of civilian deaths and mass exodus. Since liberation, Raqqa has been administered by the SDF under the Autonomous Administration of North and East , amid ongoing challenges including remnants, economic hardship, drought, and local Arab resentment toward perceived Kurdish dominance and practices. As of 2025, following the fall of the Assad regime, integration talks between the SDF and the new Syrian transitional authorities continue, though control remains fragmented with persistent security threats from attacks.

Geography and Environment

Location and Topography

Raqqa lies in north-central Syria, approximately 170 kilometers east of Aleppo, 123 kilometers west of Deir ez-Zor, and 350 kilometers northeast of Damascus. It functions as the capital of Raqqa Governorate, which shares a border with Turkey to the north, Aleppo Governorate to the west, Al-Hasakah Governorate to the east, and Deir ez-Zor Governorate to the south. The city occupies a position at coordinates 35°57′N 39°01′E along the northern bank of the Euphrates River. The courses through Raqqa, placing the city directly west of the confluence with the Balikh River, which enters from the north. This riverside setting has enabled sediment deposition and water access critical for settlement and cultivation. In terms of , Raqqa occupies the flat alluvial plains of the valley, with an average elevation of 287 meters above . The immediate surroundings feature low-relief terrain, part of the broader Syrian plateau dissected by the river, which supports irrigated amid semi-arid conditions. Eastward, the landscape grades into gravelly expanses and fringes with sparse elevation changes.

Climate and Environmental Challenges

Raqqa features a hot desert climate (Köppen classification BWh), with scorching summers, mild winters, and minimal precipitation concentrated in the cooler months. Average temperatures in July and August reach 31°C (88°F), with highs often exceeding 40°C (104°F), while January averages 10°C (50°F) with lows near 2°C (36°F). Annual rainfall totals approximately 150 mm, primarily falling between November and April, rendering the region highly arid and dependent on the Euphrates River for water resources. Severe poses the foremost environmental challenge, driven by declining River flows that have fallen below 250 m³/s, critically affecting supply and in Ar-Raqqah governorate. This reduction stems from prolonged droughts since 2020, upstream dam operations in limiting releases, and broader climate change impacts reducing basin-wide and elevating rates. As a result, irrigated farmland in Raqqa has contracted significantly, exacerbating and threatening agricultural productivity essential for local food security. The , particularly the 2017 battle to liberate Raqqa from control, inflicted lasting through widespread destruction of infrastructure, including facilities and oil sites, leading to and from spills and debris. and explosive remnants continue to pollute land, hindering safe agricultural use and contributing to erosion in damaged areas. Compounding these issues, poor waste management and sewage dumping have intensified , while and overgrazing in surrounding regions accelerate degradation and dust storms.

Demographics

Population Composition

The population of Raqqa governorate is estimated at 754,295 as of May 2022, with approximately 90 percent comprising Sunni who form the ethnic and religious majority. This demographic predominance reflects the region's historical Arab tribal structure, where clans such as the Akidat, , and dominate social and economic networks, accounting for much of the pre-war rural and urban populace. constitute a small minority, primarily concentrated in peripheral areas rather than the city center, with their presence amplified politically through the Kurdish-led (SDF) administration but not demographically dominant. Religious composition aligns closely with ethnicity, as the vast majority of Sunni Arabs adhere to , with negligible Shia, Alawite, or communities reported in the governorate. Christian populations, including Assyrians and , previously estimated at up to 10 percent before 2014, largely fled during the Islamic State's (ISIS) control from 2014 to 2017 due to targeted , reducing their numbers to minimal levels post-liberation. Other ethnic minorities, such as Turkmen and , exist in trace amounts but lack significant representation in available estimates. War-induced displacement has further homogenized the composition toward Sunni Arab majorities, though returnee patterns and SDF policies have occasionally heightened Arab-Kurd tensions without altering the overall ethnic balance.

Ethnic and Tribal Dynamics

The population of is predominantly Sunni Arab, comprising approximately 90% of residents, with minorities including (around 10%), Turkmens, , and small communities of (estimated at 2,000 ethnic Armenian Christians prior to major displacements). Tribal affiliations structure much of Arab society in the region, with extended kinship networks influencing social, economic, and political relations; these tribes trace origins to larger confederations like and , which have historically dominated the Valley. Major tribes include the Bo-Sha’aban (with subtribes such as and al-Affadlah), al-Fadda’n (part of the , historically prominent enough to briefly establish an autonomous entity in 1920 before French suppression), al-Waldah (including al-Naser), Buo-Assaf, al-Sakhani, and al-Brege. Other significant groups encompass , , Bakara, and Ougaidat, often aligned through marriage or alliances but prone to internal rivalries over resources like water and grazing lands along the . Kurdish populations, concentrated in northern districts like Tal Abyad, maintain distinct tribal structures separate from ones, contributing to ethnic tensions amid competing claims to territory. Tribal influence waned under Ba'athist centralization but revived through Hafez al-Assad's co-optation of into state institutions, such as parliamentary seats in 1971; during the , tribes fragmented, with some (e.g., Shaitat) resisting harshly—leading to massacres of up to 700 members in 2014—while others pragmatically collaborated for survival. Post-2017 liberation by the (SDF), tribes like Buo-Assaf and al-Waldah allied with the Kurdish-led administration, participating in bodies such as the Raqqa Civilian Council co-chaired by Sheikh Mahmoud Shawakh al-Bursan of the Bursan clan; however, divisions persist, with some factions opposing SDF dominance and aligning with Turkish-backed groups or the Syrian regime to challenge Kurdish control over tribal lands. These dynamics reflect broader fragmentation, exacerbated by ISIS-era displacements that resettled families into formerly Kurdish areas, altering local power balances.

History

Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Periods

The site of Raqqa was established in the as the Hellenistic city of Nikephorion, located on the River in northern . It was enlarged and renamed Callinicum (also Kallinikos) by Seleucus II Kallinikos around 246–226 BC, honoring the Seleucid ruler. During the Roman and Byzantine periods, Callinicum served as a fortified frontier settlement and bishopric, featuring monasteries by the AD and playing a role in defenses against Sasanian Persia. Key events included its partial destruction in the , followed by reconstruction under Emperor (r. 527–565 AD) as part of border fortifications; it was sacked again in 542 AD by Sasanian king . In 639 or 640 AD, Muslim forces under Iyad ibn Ghanm conquered Callinicum during the early Rashidun conquests of Byzantine Syria, renaming it al-Raqqa, meaning "the flood plain," after its Euphrates location. Under Umayyad rule (661–750 AD), al-Raqqa gained strategic importance at the Syria-Iraq crossroads, supporting military campaigns, though it remained a secondary provincial center compared to Damascus. With the Abbasid revolution, caliph al-Mansur (r. 754–775 AD) initiated major development in 770–771 AD by founding al-Rafiqa ("the companion") as a planned garrison city (misr) directly across the river from al-Raqqa, modeling it after Baghdad with round walls, gates, and a central citadel to house troops and administration. This twin-city complex, unified under Abbasid control, marked al-Raqqa's emergence as a key early Islamic hub, with al-Mansur's Great Mosque constructed in 772 AD using baked bricks. By 796 AD, caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809 AD) relocated his court there temporarily, enhancing its role as a residence and economic node linking Mesopotamia and the Levant, though Baghdad retained primacy. Archaeological evidence from the period reveals innovative industries, including glazed ceramics and glass, reflecting technological transitions from pre-Islamic traditions.

Abbasid and Medieval Flourishing

In 771–772 CE, Abbasid Caliph established al-Rafiqa as a adjacent to the existing settlement of Raqqa on the western bank of the River, enhancing its strategic military position. This development laid the foundation for Raqqa's prominence, which peaked under Caliph (r. 786–809 CE). In 796 CE, al-Rashid relocated the Abbasid court from to Raqqa/al-Rafiqa, using it as an administrative, military, and residential center for campaigns against the until 808 CE. He oversaw the construction of expansive palatial complexes spanning approximately 10 square kilometers, including at least seven palaces such as Palace B, which measured 115 meters in length and featured thick brick walls, enclosed gardens, decorations with motifs, and glass-tiled halls. Al-Rafiqa's fortifications included a 4.5-kilometer horseshoe-shaped wall, a Great Mosque, and canals like Nahr al-Nil for irrigation and supply, supporting a luxurious urban environment with treasuries and official residences. Raqqa's economy flourished during this Abbasid era due to its fertile location, yielding agricultural products such as olives and grapes, alongside an facilitating . Industrial output included renowned Raqqa-ware ceramics, glass production from nearby workshops, soap manufacturing, from mulberry groves in the Balikh Valley, and a bustling handling up to 6,000 individuals. Architectural monuments like the Haraqlah victory platform, erected after the 806 CE conquest of Heraclea, underscored military successes with its massive scale, corner towers, and unique gate designs. Qasr al-Banat castle, originally from al-Mansur's time, incorporated advanced features such as stucco grids, wall paintings, and an octagonal fountain, reflecting refined Abbasid residential aesthetics. Following the Abbasid capital's relocation to after al-Rashid's death in 809 CE, Raqqa experienced decline amid internal caliphal conflicts and population loss by the . A partial revival occurred under Zangid rule in the 11th–12th centuries, when agricultural and trade activities rebounded, leading to constructions like the Gate and restorations of the Great Mosque's minaret, alongside enhancements to Qasr al-Banat. These efforts sustained limited urban development despite intermittent control in the preceding .

Ottoman Decline and 20th-Century Developments

Following the Ottoman conquest of the in 1516–1517, Raqqa was incorporated into the empire as part of the frontier. In 1535, it was formally established as the center of a within the , later elevated to eyalet status as Rakka Eyalet around 1586, though administrative control remained nominal due to the region's sparse population and dominance by nomadic tribes. Tax censuses from 1564 indicate modest revenues primarily from agriculture and transit duties on the , but the province's isolation and tribal raids limited central authority. By the early 17th century, the and prolonged Ottoman-Habsburg wars eroded imperial oversight, allowing local emirs and confederations greater autonomy in Raqqa. From 1746 to 1800, the region fell under ayan rule, with governorships increasingly held by powerful local families or reabsorbed into neighboring provinces, reflecting broader Ottoman decentralization amid fiscal strains and military setbacks. In the , reforms prompted resettlement initiatives; Ottoman authorities established a police post in Raqqa by the late 1800s to secure the route and encourage peasant migration from , boosting modest urban revival centered on trade and cotton cultivation. During , influxes of Armenian refugees fleeing 1915 massacres temporarily swelled the population, though the city remained peripheral. After the Ottoman collapse in 1918, Raqqa fell under the French Mandate for and Lebanon established in 1920, administered initially within the and later the Territory, where French policies favored certain Arab tribes to counterbalance urban nationalists. 's independence in 1946 integrated Raqqa into , but it stayed a minor agricultural hub until mid-century infrastructure projects. The creation of in 1961 formalized its provincial status, followed by the ( Dam) construction from 1968 to 1973 with Soviet assistance, forming and enabling irrigation of over 500,000 hectares while generating 800 megawatts of hydroelectric power. These developments spurred rapid and ; Raqqa's expanded from approximately 50,000 in the to over 220,000 by 2004, driven by , farming, and , though tribal loyalties and persisted amid Ba'athist centralization. The dam's upstream control also heightened regional water tensions with and , underscoring Raqqa's strategic riverine position. By the early , the city ranked as Syria's sixth-largest, with an reliant on Euphrates-dependent comprising about 25% of national output.

Syrian Uprising and ISIS Takeover (2011–2014)

The Syrian uprising reached Raqqa in March 2011, coinciding with nationwide protests against President Bashar al-Assad's , but demonstrations in the city remained limited and sporadic compared to other regions, reflecting initial regime loyalty among residents and . Protests persisted for approximately seven months, with demonstrators chanting demands to topple the , though they faced suppression through arrests and presence, preventing significant escalation. Raqqa's institutions, including the provincial council and security apparatus, remained under Assad's control throughout 2011 and 2012, with opposition activity confined to underground networks and occasional clashes rather than sustained revolt. On March 4, 2013, opposition forces captured Raqqa, marking the first provincial capital to fall entirely from government hands after units withdrew following days of fighting. The assault involved a coalition of rebel groups, including the (FSA), Jabhat al-Nusra, and precursors to ISIS operating as the , who overran key sites such as prisons and government buildings. Celebratory crowds toppled a of , the president's father, symbolizing the shift, though the victory exposed underlying fractures as jihadist elements asserted influence amid shared control. Post-capture governance proved unstable, with competing factions dividing administrative roles and resources, setting the stage for internal rivalries. By late 2013, escalating tensions between and other rebels, including FSA units and al-Nusra, erupted into open clashes over territory and ideology, with imposing strict controls and alienating moderates through and executions. In early 2014, a rebel offensive briefly expelled fighters from Raqqa, but the group counterattacked, recapturing the city by January 13–14 and consolidating sole dominance by eliminating or marginalizing rivals. This takeover rendered Raqqa the only Syrian provincial capital under exclusive jihadist rule, providing a strategic base for expansion ahead of its June 2014 declaration. The shift stemmed from 's superior organization, foreign fighter influx, and willingness to use extreme violence, contrasting with the fragmented opposition's inability to unify.

ISIS Caliphate Capital (2014–2017)

In June 2014, following the declaration of the by on June 29, the designated Raqqa as its capital, leveraging the city's central position within -held territories in and its proximity to the Iraqi border for logistical advantages. The selection also carried symbolic weight, evoking Raqqa's historical role as the Abbasid 's capital under , thereby framing Baghdadi's regime as a purported successor state. By early 2014, had consolidated control over the city after expelling rival opposition factions, solidifying its administrative grip ahead of the formal announcement. ISIS implemented a centralized governance apparatus in Raqqa, featuring an Islamic court system to enforce Shari'a-based rulings and establishing ministries—known as diwans—for sectors including finance, health, education, and security. Initially, these structures provided basic services such as water and electricity, which residents reported as an improvement over the preceding chaos, though mismanagement led to deterioration by late 2014. Local emirs oversaw wilayat (provincial) administration, collecting taxes and extorting businesses to fund operations, while replaced curricula. The Hisbah, ISIS's morality police, patrolled streets to impose punishments for violations like smoking, unapproved dress, or fraternization, including public floggings, amputations, and crucifixions. Daily life under ISIS rule transformed Raqqa into a surveilled enclave, with mandatory veiling for women, beard requirements for men, and bans on , television, and non-Islamic media, enforced through informants and checkpoints. Public executions, often by beheading or , occurred in city squares such as Naem roundabout, targeting perceived apostates, thieves, and regime opponents; mass graves containing hundreds of bodies, including at least 900 in the district, attest to the scale of extrajudicial killings. Minorities faced or conversion, reducing Christian families to 23 by late 2014, while were similarly expelled. The city's pre-war population of approximately 220,000 dwindled due to flight and repression, though exact figures remain imprecise amid ongoing conflict. Raqqa functioned as a military and propaganda nexus, hosting foreign fighter transit hubs where thousands from over 80 countries arrived via Turkey for training and deployment. ISIS media operations, including Al-Bayan radio broadcasts and video production units, emanated from the city to disseminate caliphate imagery of order and conquest, such as the July 23, 2014, massacre of at least 85 Syrian soldiers at the 17th Division base, publicized to deter opposition. Oil revenues from nearby fields, alongside smuggling, sustained the economy, but coalition airstrikes from 2014 onward increasingly targeted these assets, eroding ISIS's territorial hold by 2016.

Liberation Battle and Immediate Aftermath (2017)

The Battle of Raqqa commenced on June 6, 2017, when the (SDF), a coalition primarily composed of Kurdish YPG fighters and militias, launched an offensive to capture the city from the Islamic State of Iraq and (ISIS), which had designated Raqqa as its capital since 2014. The SDF, supported by the U.S.-led Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, encircled the city in May 2017 and advanced methodically through its neighborhoods, facing intense urban combat characterized by ISIS's use of improvised explosive devices, positions, and human shields. U.S. forces provided critical enabling support, including airstrikes, barrages—with one Marine artillery unit firing over 30,000 rounds in five months—and advisors embedded with SDF units. By mid-July, SDF forces had secured incremental gains in eastern and southern districts, though progress slowed due to ISIS fortifications and booby-trapped buildings. The four-month operation concluded on October 17, 2017, when SDF fighters raised their flag over the city center, declaring Raqqa liberated two days later on , effectively dismantling 's command structure there. suffered heavy losses, with estimates of several thousand fighters killed, though exact figures vary; the group employed scorched-earth tactics, including destroying bridges and mining escape routes to trap civilians. SDF casualties numbered in the hundreds, reflecting the grueling house-to-house fighting against an estimated 2,000-4,000 entrenched defenders. Civilian deaths were significant, with investigations by documenting at least 1,600 killed, many from coalition airstrikes and artillery, amid accusations that deliberately positioned fighters in populated areas to maximize collateral damage. reported similar patterns, noting over 300 civilian fatalities from specific coalition strikes between March and June 2017, while the U.S. military emphasized efforts to minimize harm through precision targeting and warnings, though urban density and tactics limited feasibility. In the immediate aftermath, Raqqa lay in ruins, with 60 to 80 percent of the city destroyed or damaged, displacing over 300,000 residents and leaving —hospitals, schools, and systems—devastated, exacerbating a . The SDF established checkpoints and began clearing and booby traps, while the U.S.-led coalition pledged continued support for stabilization, including and basic services restoration. Governance transitioned to SDF-led civil councils under the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East (DAANES), focusing on multi-ethnic administration but facing challenges from returning IDPs, tribal tensions, and ISIS sleeper cells. Reports highlighted slow reconstruction and allegations of SDF detentions without , though these were attributed partly to security imperatives against ISIS remnants. The battle's success marked a pivotal defeat for ISIS's territorial , but the high civilian toll drew scrutiny from UN investigators, who described it as causing "staggering" losses disproportionate to military gains in some instances.

Archaeology and Cultural Heritage

Major Sites and Discoveries

Archaeological excavations in Raqqa have primarily illuminated the city's role as a major center for production during the Islamic period, particularly under Abbasid and Ayyubid rule. The , conducted in the , uncovered an industrial complex with evidence of high-temperature manufacturing processes for glazed , glass, and unglazed pottery, dating from the 9th to 13th centuries CE. These findings include kilns, wasters, and technological residues demonstrating advanced pyrotechnology, such as fritting and glazing techniques imported or adapted from . A key discovery is Raqqa ware, a distinctive style of stonepaste ceramics featuring incised or molded decoration under turquoise or black glaze, produced mainly in the 12th-13th centuries during the . This ware, often lustre-painted or underglaze-decorated, represented a significant economic export, with workshops concentrated along the in Raqqa's outskirts. An 11th-century pottery production workshop excavated in 1995 yielded wasters and tools confirming on-site fabrication of similar early stonepaste vessels. Earlier efforts include the Ottoman Imperial Museum's 1905-1906 excavations, the only Islamic site dug by the Ottomans, which recovered artifacts from Raqqa's medieval layers, though documentation was limited by contemporary constraints. The Raqqa National Museum originally curated these and later finds, including regional artifacts from nearby tells like (ancient Tuttul), but much of the collection was looted or destroyed post-2011. Preservation initiatives have since documented over 1,600 ceramic pieces, highlighting Raqqa's contributions to Islamic material culture.

Preservation Efforts and Destruction

During the Islamic State's control of Raqqa from 2014 to 2017, sites suffered deliberate and neglect, with ISIS targeting pre-Islamic and non-Sunni structures deemed idolatrous, including vandalism of archaeological artifacts and conversion of historic buildings for military use. The Raqqa Museum, housing Abbasid-era pottery and Roman artifacts, was looted and repurposed by ISIS, resulting in the loss or destruction of significant collections. The 2017 battle for Raqqa's liberation by the , supported by U.S.-led coalition airstrikes, inflicted extensive on heritage sites, with satellite imagery and ground assessments revealing severe impacts to the Abbasid-era city walls, including breaches and collapses from over 20,000 munitions dropped between June and October 2017. The Rafiqa Abbasid City, on Syria's Tentative List, experienced structural damage from bombardment, exacerbating prior ISIS alterations. Historic gates like the Baghdad Gate and Qasr al-Banat Castle sustained partial destruction amid urban fighting, where ISIS fortifications embedded in ancient structures complicated precision targeting. Post-liberation preservation initiatives, led by local NGOs such as Vision Conservation, focused on emergency stabilization; by 2018, approximately 80% of the Raqqa Museum was restored, recovering artifacts and securing exhibits against further looting. Surveys documented 45 monuments, with four sites receiving immediate consolidation to prevent collapse, prioritizing Abbasid walls and markets. International monitoring by UNITAR and UNESCO supported remote damage assessments via satellite, aiding prioritization, though ongoing instability limited large-scale reconstruction as of 2024. These efforts emphasize community-led documentation to counter illicit excavations, which persist amid economic pressures in northeast Syria.

Religion and Society

Historical Religious Shifts

The city of Raqqa, known in antiquity as Callinicum, emerged as a Hellenistic settlement renamed after around 240 BCE, initially featuring pagan religious practices typical of Greco-Roman , including temples to local and imported deities. By the Roman period, gained prominence, with the city established as a bishopric under Byzantine rule, serving as a center for Syriac non-Chalcedonian ; notable figures included John of Tella, who died in 538 CE while opposing Chalcedonian orthodoxy. Evidence of Christian dominance appears in events like the 388 CE synagogue by local monks, which Emperor initially ordered punished but later pardoned at Ambrose's urging, reflecting the entrenched position of militant in the region. The Arab Muslim conquest in 639–640 CE under Iyad ibn Ghanm marked the pivotal religious shift, with Callinicum surrendering peacefully and renamed al-Raqqa, transitioning from Byzantine Christian control to authority as a frontier garrison (thughur) town. Initial post-conquest arrangements followed pacts, allowing residual Christian communities—likely Syriac and Monophysite—to persist under taxation and restrictions, while Arab Muslim settlers established mosques and military bases, initiating gradual Islamization through incentives like tax exemptions for converts and intermarriage. Syria-wide patterns indicate urban centers like Raqqa saw slower conversion than rural areas, but the influx of Muslim administrators and soldiers accelerated the process; by the late , Islamic institutions dominated civic life. Under the Umayyads (661–750 CE), Raqqa served as a hub against , solidifying as the ruling faith, though dhimmis contributed to early industries like glassmaking. The Abbasid era (750–1258 CE) entrenched this shift, with Caliph (r. 786–809) developing Raqqa as a secondary capital from 796 CE, funding grand mosques such as the Great Mosque and fostering scholarship and crafts, by which time the population had largely Islamized, with reduced to a minority handling artisanal roles. Subsequent periods under Seljuks, Ayyubids, and (13th century) saw no reversal, as Raqqa remained a stronghold amid broader regional devastations, with Ottoman rule (1516–1918) reinforcing orthodox through administrative ties to . By the 19th century, religious diversity had eroded, leaving negligible non-Muslim traces amid Arab tribal dominance.

Contemporary Religious Practices and Tensions

Since the liberation of Raqqa from ISIS control in October 2017, the city's population, predominantly Sunni Arab Muslims, has resumed traditional Islamic practices centered on the five daily prayers, Friday congregational prayers at mosques, and observance of Ramadan fasting and Eid celebrations, with many historic sites like the Uwais al-Qarni Mosque serving as focal points despite wartime damage. The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), governing the area through the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), has facilitated the reopening of mosques and incorporated Islamic religious education into school curricula alongside Christian and Yazidi components starting in September 2022, aiming to promote pluralism without mandating adherence to any sect. This policy reflects AANES's stated non-interference in personal religious affairs, allowing Sunni scholars to lead sermons and community rituals, though content is monitored to curb extremist preaching linked to ISIS ideology. Religious minorities, including a small remaining Christian community of approximately 60-100 individuals, benefit from formal protections under AANES rule, with the restoration of the Church of the Martyrs completed in September 2019 and the handover of additional religious facilities in April 2024 to enable rites like and services, albeit irregularly due to security fears. Reports indicate a relatively high degree of for Christian practices in SDF-controlled areas, including northeast Syria's , contrasting sharply with ISIS-era prohibitions on non-Islamic . In February 2024, AANES established an office in Raqqa to safeguard Christian-owned properties against seizures, addressing post-ISIS vulnerabilities like those documented in 2020 by affiliated militias. Tensions persist primarily from ISIS sleeper cells conducting sporadic attacks on religious sites and minorities, fostering hesitation among to fully return or hold public services, as evidenced by ongoing threats reported through 2023. Broader frictions arise between the AANES's secular, Kurdish-influenced governance—rooted in leftist ideologies emphasizing and communal democracy—and conservative Sunni Arab tribal elements, who view SDF policies on issues like women's dress and co-ed education as infringing on Islamic norms, occasionally sparking protests over perceived cultural imposition. Despite these, inter-sectarian violence remains limited post-2017, with AANES efforts to integrate religious leaders into local councils mitigating overt conflicts, though underlying ethnic-religious divides exacerbate vulnerabilities to external Islamist resurgence.

Governance and Politics

Pre-Civil War Administration

Raqqa functioned as the capital of , one of Syria's 14 administrative provinces under the centralized Ba'athist regime of the Syrian Arab Republic, covering an area of 19,618 square kilometers. The governorate's administration was structured hierarchically, with the provincial appointed by President to enforce national policies, coordinate security apparatus including intelligence branches (), and oversee public services such as , , and health. Local governance integrated Ba'ath Party structures, where provincial branch commands—comprising the , police chief, and other officials—ensured party dominance over state institutions, limiting autonomous decision-making. The was subdivided into three —al-Raqqah, al-Thawrah (Tabqa), and Tall Abyad—further divided into 10 sub-districts (nawahi), facilitating granular control over rural and urban areas. Raqqa , with an estimated pre-war of nearly 300,000, served as the administrative hub, managing irrigation-dependent agriculture along the River, bolstered by the completed in 1976, which supported , , and cotton production central to the local . Tribal affiliations, predominantly with Sunni majorities comprising about 90% of the governorate's roughly 944,000 residents, influenced informal but were subordinated to regime oversight and Ba'athist networks.

SDF and DAANES Control (2017–Present)

The (SDF), a Kurdish-led multi-ethnic coalition backed by the U.S.-led Global Coalition to Defeat , captured Raqqa from ISIS control on October 17, 2017, following a four-month offensive that concluded with the group's surrender. The city, previously ISIS's de facto capital, came under the administration of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East (DAANES), a de facto autonomous entity established by the SDF's political wing, emphasizing decentralized governance through local councils and co-presidencies for . DAANES rule integrated Raqqa into its multi-ethnic framework, promising protections for Kurds, Arabs, and other groups via its 2023 , which outlines communal self-management and resource sharing. Under DAANES, Raqqa's governance involves the SDF providing security through checkpoints and patrols, while civilian administration handles services like water, electricity, and via appointed committees. Reconstruction efforts post-2017 focused on clearing rubble from the battle—estimated at 80% destruction in central areas—and restoring basic , with international facilitating partial recovery by 2021, though remained high at over 50% and services inconsistent. Local elections were planned but repeatedly postponed, including from 2024 to August amid internal disputes, reflecting challenges in implementing structures in an Arab-majority area wary of Kurdish dominance. Security remains a core function, with the SDF conducting operations against remnants, capturing a senior commander in Raqqa on October 21, 2025, amid 117 attacks in northeast by August 2025. U.S. troop presence, reduced by 500 since April 2025, supports SDF bases in the region, but Turkish threats persist due to perceived PKK links. Following the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, DAANES engaged in talks with the Syrian transitional government in Raqqa on October 20, 2025, discussing SDF integration into national institutions while demanding decentralization, though sporadic clashes occurred in areas like as of October 2025. Criticisms of DAANES rule in Raqqa include allegations of authoritarian practices, such as suppressing protests—e.g., arresting over 100 demonstrators on January 23, 2023—and widespread detentions for forced conscription, with campaigns in September-October 2025 targeting men aged 18-40, prompting public anger in this Arab-majority city. Human rights groups and UN reports have documented violations like arbitrary arrests and restrictions on assembly, while tribal frustrations over resource allocation and perceived favoritism toward Kurds fuel tensions, as seen in potential mobilizations akin to those in Deir ez-Zor by August 2025. Despite progress in stability and counter-ISIS efforts, local resentment persists, with reports of ongoing abuses undermining claims of inclusive governance.

Political Controversies and Criticisms

The (SDF) and Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) governance in Raqqa has faced criticism for prioritizing Kurdish interests in an Arab-majority city, exacerbating ethnic tensions and undermining local legitimacy. Following the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024, Arab residents protested SDF control, demanding transition to governance under the transitional authorities in and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), citing longstanding grievances over marginalization in administration and resource allocation. Demonstrations in Raqqa's al-Naim Square on December 8, 2024, featured chants of "SDF, go away!" and escalated into clashes with gunfire injuring dozens, while a January 9, 2025, drone strike during a protest killed activist Karam Ahmad Shehab, further inflaming Arab-Kurdish hostilities. Critics, including Arab tribal leaders and local analysts, accuse the SDF of favoritism toward Kurds in employment and civil service positions, such as denying Arabs roles like teaching posts despite qualifications, and imposing higher taxes post-2017 without equitable benefits. This has fueled perceptions of imposed "Kurdification," where SDF claims sole credit for defeating —despite significant Arab participation in the fight—while sidelining Arab input in decision-making. Negotiations with since March 2025 have stalled over SDF demands for decentralized autonomy, leading to sporadic clashes, such as artillery exchanges in Raqqa province areas like Dayr Hafir as of October 2025, which tribal sources attribute to resistance against perceived authoritarian overreach. Human rights organizations have documented SDF security practices as politically repressive, including arbitrary detentions of critics, journalists, and activists by Asayish forces, often involving and enforced disappearances in Raqqa. From September 29 to October 5, 2025, SDF raids in Raqqa neighborhoods like 23 February and Ta’minat detained at least 113 individuals— including 12 children—for refusing , subjecting them to physical assaults at checkpoints and housing complexes, in violation of international prohibitions on forced and child soldier use. The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) reported 231 children recruited by SDF-affiliated YPG/YPJ in 2023 alone, many via abductions in Raqqa and , while assessments note lethal responses to protests, such as the killing of 10 demonstrators in Raqqa in December 2024. These actions, per UN and reports, reflect a pattern of suppressing dissent to maintain control amid Arab-majority discontent.

Military and Security Issues

Role in Syrian Civil War

Raqqa experienced limited unrest in the initial stages of the Syrian uprising, with protests emerging sporadically from March 2011 but facing strong local loyalty to the Assad regime due to tribal ties and economic dependencies. By early 2013, opposition forces escalated their efforts, launching an offensive that resulted in the capture of the city on March 5, 2013, marking the first provincial capital to fall entirely to rebels and establishing a brief period of opposition governance. In January 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) seized control of Raqqa from rival rebel factions, transforming the city into its de facto capital and the administrative center for its self-proclaimed across and . Under ISIS rule, which lasted until 2017, Raqqa served as a hub for terrorist operations, propaganda production, and governance experiments, including the imposition of strict law, public executions, and the enslavement of minorities like ; the group looted resources and used the city's infrastructure to project power, attracting foreign fighters while terrorizing the population. The campaign to dislodge began in November 2016 with advances by the U.S.-backed (SDF), a Kurdish-led , culminating in the Battle of Raqqa from June to October 2017, involving intense urban combat supported by coalition airstrikes and artillery. SDF forces, numbering around 30,000 fighters, encircled the city and methodically cleared ISIS defenses, declaring full liberation on October 20, 2017, after ISIS fighters retreated to a shrinking urban pocket; this victory represented a pivotal defeat for ISIS, reducing its territorial by eliminating its Syrian stronghold. The battle inflicted severe destruction on Raqqa, rendering up to 80% of the city uninhabitable and displacing over 300,000 civilians, with estimates of ISIS casualties exceeding 3,200 fighters killed. Civilian deaths were particularly contentious, with investigations attributing over 1,600 fatalities to coalition airstrikes between June and October 2017, amid reports of ISIS using human shields and booby-trapping escape routes, which complicated ground operations and escalated reliance on air power. While coalition officials emphasized precision targeting to minimize harm, independent analyses from organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch highlighted disproportionate impacts, including strikes on civilian areas, underscoring challenges in urban counterterrorism warfare.

ISIS Resurgence Threats (Post-2017)

Following the territorial defeat of the (ISIS) in Raqqa in October 2017 by the (SDF) with U.S.-led coalition support, the group transitioned to an model, relying on sleeper cells to conduct guerrilla-style attacks in the region. These cells, composed of surviving fighters and local sympathizers, have targeted SDF patrols, checkpoints, and internal security forces, aiming to erode control and inspire further recruitment among disenfranchised Sunni Arab populations. By 2022, ISIS attacks in north-eastern , including , demonstrated resilience, with cells exploiting rural deserts and tribal networks for ambushes and assassinations. In recent years, the frequency of such operations has intensified, particularly amid SDF resource strains from Turkish incursions and camp management. U.S. Central Command reported that claimed 153 attacks across and from January to June 2024 alone, signaling a trajectory to exceed prior annual totals. In north-eastern specifically, militants executed 117 attacks through August 2025, surpassing the 73 recorded for all of 2024, with Raqqa countryside seeing raids on SDF positions. Notable incidents include a thwarted bombing against SDF forces during a sleeper cell hunt in Raqqa's rural areas on September 1, 2025, which resulted in casualties among militants. Just weeks later, on October 21, 2025, the SDF captured a senior commander in Raqqa, described as a key figure in coordinating local cells. The persistence of these threats stems from unresolved issues like overcrowded detention facilities holding approximately 10,000 fighters and the al-Hol displacement camp harboring radicalized families, both in proximity to Raqqa and serving as recruitment pools. SDF counteroperations, including raids yielding dozens of arrests monthly, have disrupted plots but highlight the group's adaptive tactics, such as landmine deployment and hit-and-run assaults that killed or injured security personnel in August and September 2025. Analysts note that without sustained international pressure and local governance reforms to address grievances, could exploit post-Assad instability in to mount larger offensives from desert strongholds near Raqqa. This low-intensity warfare has prevented full stabilization, with economic sabotage via attacks on oil infrastructure further weakening SDF resilience.

Coalition Airstrikes and Civilian Casualties

The US-led Global to Defeat supported the ' (SDF) ground offensive to capture Raqqa from control through thousands of airstrikes between June 6 and October 20, 2017. These strikes targeted command centers, weapon caches, and fighters embedded in densely populated urban areas, where had fortified positions and restricted movement. Over 14,000 munitions were expended by aircraft during the battle, contributing to the city's near-total destruction, with 80% of structures damaged or destroyed. Civilian casualties from these airstrikes drew international scrutiny, with non-governmental organizations estimating far higher tolls than initial assessments. A 2019 joint investigation by and Airwars, involving field visits to 210 strike sites, witness interviews with over 200 survivors, and geospatial analysis, concluded that actions caused at least 1,600 civilian deaths in Raqqa between March 2017 and July 2018. This figure included entire families killed in strikes on residential buildings used by as shields, such as the March 21, 2017, attack on the Badran family home that killed 36 civilians. documented additional incidents, including a June 2017 strike on a school sheltering displaced persons that killed at least 15 civilians. The 's civilian casualty reporting process, which relies on post-strike assessments and claims investigations, initially acknowledged fewer deaths in Raqqa, attributing many alleged incidents to actions or SDF artillery. By 2019, following NGO pressure and internal reviews, the updated its overall tally for and operations to 1,302 confirmed civilian deaths since , though specific Raqqa breakdowns remained limited. Independent rescuers and local reports estimated totals exceeding 3,000 civilian deaths in the city, factoring in rubble-entombed bodies recovered post-battle. Contributing causal factors included ISIS tactics, such as booby-trapping evacuation routes, executing fleeing civilians, and holding over 200,000 residents as human shields in the old city, which compressed fighting into confined spaces and elevated collateral risks. Despite Coalition directives emphasizing precision-guided munitions, pauses for civilian warnings via leaflets and broadcasts, and prioritizing harm minimization, urban density and real-time intelligence gaps led to errors, as analyzed in a study of declassified records. The battle's intensity, with SDF advances slowed by defenses, necessitated rapid strikes that sometimes struck populated areas indiscriminately from the perspective of affected civilians.

Economy and Infrastructure

Economic Sectors and Challenges

Raqqa's economy is predominantly agrarian, with serving as the primary sector due to the fertile River valley. The governorate produces significant portions of Syria's (contributing to the northeast's 55% national share) and (northeast's 78% share), alongside and other crops, supporting and export potential prior to the conflict. Under SDF control since October 2017, small-scale industry persists in areas like , , , paints, and production, though output remains limited by deficits. Trade activities have seen modest recovery, evidenced by 3,722 commercial building licenses issued since 2017, but remain constrained by border crossing disputes and regional isolation. The 2017 battle to expel inflicted severe damage, destroying or damaging around 11,000 buildings, including like hospitals and schools, which hampered industrial and commercial revival. Ongoing challenges include malfunctioning irrigation systems that undermine , recurrent crop threats from pests (e.g., cotton worms devastating fields in 2018), fires, high input costs, and water scarcity despite SDF control of key dams. Governance under the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has exacerbated vulnerabilities through perceived mismanagement and lack of , fostering a reliance on small, unsustainable projects amid a 2024 budget deficit of $389 million (revenues $670 million vs. expenditures $1.059 billion). Economic deterioration persists, with households in Raqqa city reporting worsened ability to meet in summer 2024 compared to 2023, driven by insufficient wages amid , , skill gaps, and increased borrowing for livelihoods. Broader Syrian sanctions and conflict legacies further isolate the region, limiting access to markets and capital despite relative stability post-2017.

Transportation and Urban Infrastructure

The transportation infrastructure in Raqqa was severely compromised during the offensive to dislodge control, which reduced 60 to 80 percent of the city's structures to rubble, including vital roadways and crossings essential for intra-city and regional mobility. Bridges spanning the River, pivotal for linking the city's east and west banks as well as connecting to Tabqa and , faced deliberate destruction by defenses and coalition airstrikes; in Raqqa province, 66 of 134 such structures were fully or partially obliterated. Reconstruction of bridges has progressed unevenly under SDF-led civil councils, with over 90 percent of damaged crossings repaired or temporarily restored by April 2021 through local and limited external , alleviating some traffic bottlenecks. The Al-Rashid Bridge, a key span severed since the 2017 fighting, reopened in June 2024 following demining of the riverbed, which neutralized 109 explosive devices including RPGs and artillery rounds to enable safe rebuilding. Additional repairs, such as on the Tabqa-Raqqa bridge initiated in November 2022, aimed to cut travel distances and congestion between urban centers. Road networks remain fragmented, with highways like the facilitating links to Hasakah and , though SDF patrols and occasional closures due to threats—such as government-SDF tensions in October 2025—disrupt connectivity to and central . Local efforts target paving 70 percent of Raqqa's internal roads by late summer 2025 to improve urban access, but subsurface SDF tunneling for defensive purposes has raised resident concerns over potential damaging streets and homes. The Raqqa-Deir ez-Zor , designed for higher capacity to bolster trade, underscores ongoing pushes for despite funding shortfalls. Raqqa's airfield, primarily military and captured from at Tabqa in 2017, sees sporadic use for but lacks operational as of 2025, with no major rehabilitation reported amid broader isolation from Syrian national transport upgrades focused on western provinces. Urban rehabilitation, including removal from roadways initiated in early 2018, has prioritized basic mobility over comprehensive utilities, leaving recovery tenuous due to restricted international financing and political disputes over SDF governance.

Education and Media Landscape

The education system in Raqqa was devastated during ISIS control from 2014 to 2017, when schools were closed, repurposed for military use, or subjected to ideological emphasizing jihadist curricula over standard subjects, leading to widespread disruption for over 670,000 children across ISIS-held areas including Raqqa. Post-liberation in October 2017 by SDF forces, the city's infrastructure suffered further from intense urban combat, rendering many schools inoperable and contributing to low enrollment rates amid and displacement, with residents in 2022 citing fear and economic hardship as barriers to education access. Reconstruction efforts by the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East (DAANES) have included reopening some facilities and shifting curricula toward themes of and communal self-governance, but these have faced criticism for inadequate resourcing and integration of non-Kurdish populations in the majority-Arab city. Challenges persist under SDF/DAANES control, including forced conscription of educators into military service; in early 2021, at least 61 teachers across northeast , including , were detained for refusing mobilization orders, prompting protests and temporary school shutdowns that exacerbated teacher shortages and dropout rates. Higher education remains limited, with no major operational universities in Raqqa as of recent assessments; pre-war institutions like the University of al-Furat branch were shuttered under ISIS and have not fully recovered amid ongoing instability and funding constraints. Enrollment data specific to Raqqa is sparse, but regional reports indicate chronic underfunding and security disruptions hinder progress, with Arab residents voicing concerns over Kurdish-centric policies alienating local communities. The media landscape in Raqqa under DAANES reflects a mix of administration-affiliated outlets and constrained independent reporting, with outlets like Ronahi TV and local Arabic-language stations promoting SDF narratives on governance and anti-ISIS efforts, often in Kurdish and Arabic. While DAANES policies nominally support multilingual media diversity, practical restrictions have intensified, requiring journalists to obtain press cards through pro-administration unions such as the Union of Free Media, effectively limiting accreditation to compliant voices. Press freedom faces systemic challenges, including arbitrary detentions and harassment of critics; in June 2021, SDF General Security forces held a Raqqa-based fixer assisting international reporters for hours without charge, amid broader patterns of targeting those covering or abuses. Reports from 2022 to 2024 document rising violations, such as journalist arrests for "hostile" social media posts or unauthorized reporting, with organizations like and Syrians for Truth and Justice highlighting over 20 cases in northeast , including Raqqa, where independent outlets operate under threat of closure or violence. Internet access, while available via Turkish providers in some areas, is monitored, and foreign correspondents require SDF approvals, contributing to on sensitive topics like inter-ethnic tensions or SDF . These dynamics, corroborated across monitoring groups, contrast with official claims of expressive freedoms and underscore credibility issues in state-aligned reporting.

Notable Individuals

Abdul Salam al-Ujayli (1918–2006), born in Raqqa, was a Syrian novelist, physician, and politician who served in the Syrian parliament starting in 1947 and authored works such as The Drowned, exploring themes of state power and individual agency in Syrian society. Yassin al-Haj Saleh (born 1961), also born in Raqqa, is a Syrian writer and intellectual recognized for his critiques of ; arrested in 1980 for leftist political activities while studying medicine in , he endured 16 years of imprisonment under Hafez al-Assad's regime before becoming a key voice in Syrian dissident literature. Al-Battani (c. 858–929), though born in , spent much of his career in Raqqa, where he advanced astronomical observations, trigonometric calculations, and solar year measurements that influenced medieval European science.

References

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