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The Holy Spirit coming from both the Father and the Son, detail of the Boulbon Altarpiece, c. 1450. Originally from the high altar of the Chapelle Saint-Marcellin, Boulbon, France, now in the Louvre, Paris.

Filioque (/ˌfɪliˈkwi, -kw/ FIL-ee-OH-kwee, -⁠kway; Ecclesiastical Latin: [filiˈokwe]), a Latin term meaning "and from the Son", was added to the original Nicene Creed, and has been the subject of great controversy between Eastern and Western Christianity. The term refers to the Son, Jesus Christ, with the Father, as the one shared origin of the Holy Spirit. It is not in the original text of the Creed, attributed to the First Council of Constantinople (381), which says that the Holy Spirit proceeds "from the Father" (Greek: τὸ ἐκ του Πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον) without the addition "and the Son".[1]

In the late 6th century, some Latin Churches added the words "and from the Son" (Filioque) to the description of the procession of the Holy Spirit, in what many Eastern Orthodox Christians have at a later stage argued is a violation of Canon VII[2][full citation needed] of the Council of Ephesus, since the words were not included in the text by either the First Council of Nicaea or that of Constantinople.[3][full citation needed] The inclusion was incorporated into the liturgical practice of Rome in 1014, but was rejected by Eastern Christianity.

Whether that term Filioque is included, as well as how it is translated and understood, can have major implications for how one understands the doctrine of the Trinity, which is central to the majority of Christian churches. For some, the term implies a serious underestimation of God the Father's role in the Trinity; for others, its denial implies a serious underestimation of the role of God the Son in the Trinity.

The term has been an ongoing source of difference between Eastern Christianity and Western Christianity, formally divided since the East–West Schism of 1054.[4] There have been attempts at resolving the conflict. Among the earlier works that have been used in support of the compatibility of Filioque with Orthodox dogmatic teachings are the works of Maximus the Confessor in early 7th century, canonized independently by both Eastern and Western churches. Differences over this and other doctrines, and mainly the question of the disputed papal primacy, have been and remain the primary causes of the schism between the Eastern Orthodox and Western churches.[5][6]

Nicene Creed

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The Nicene Creed as amended by the Second Ecumenical Council held in Constantinople in 381 includes the section:

Greek original Latin translation English translation
Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ Ἅγιον, τὸ Κύριον, τὸ ζῳοποιόν Et in Spiritum Sanctum, Dominum et vivificantem, And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life,
τὸ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον, qui ex Patre procedit, who proceeds from the Father,
τὸ σὺν Πατρὶ καὶ Υἱῷ συμπροσκυνούμενον καὶ συνδοξαζόμενον, qui cum Patre, et Filio simul adoratur, et cum glorificatur, who with the Father and the Son is adored and glorified,

The controversy arises from the insertion of the word Filioque ("and the Son") in the line:

Greek Latin English translation
τὸ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ ἐκπορευόμενον, qui ex Patre Filioque procedit, who proceeds from the Father and the Son,

Controversy

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The controversy referring to the term Filioque involves four separate disagreements:

  • Controversy about the term itself
  • Controversy about the orthodoxy of the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, to which the term refers
  • Controversy about the legitimacy of inserting the term into the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed
  • Controversy about the authority of the Pope to define the orthodoxy of the doctrine or to insert the term into the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed.

Although the disagreement about the doctrine preceded the disagreement about the insertion into the Creed, the two disagreements became linked to the third when the pope approved insertion of the term into the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, in the 11th century. Anthony Siecienski writes that "Ultimately what was at stake was not only God's trinitarian nature, but also the nature of the Church, its teaching authority and the distribution of power among its leaders."[7]

Hubert Cunliffe-Jones identifies two opposing Eastern Orthodox opinions about the Filioque, a "liberal" view and a "rigorist" view. The "liberal" view sees the controversy as being largely a matter of mutual miscommunication and misunderstanding. In this view, both East and West are at fault for failing to allow for a "plurality of theologies". Each side went astray in considering its theological framework as the only one that was doctrinally valid and applicable. Thus, neither side would accept that the dispute was not so much about conflicting dogmas as it was about different theologoumena or theological perspectives. While all Christians must be in agreement on questions of dogma, there is room for diversity in theological approaches.[8]

This view is vehemently opposed by those in Eastern Orthodox Church whom Cunliffe-Jones identifies as holding a "rigorist" view. According to the standard Eastern Orthodox position, as pronounced by Photius, Mark of Ephesus and 20th century Eastern Orthodox theologians such as Vladimir Lossky, the Filioque question hinges on fundamental issues of dogma and cannot be dismissed as simply one of different theologoumena. Many in the "rigorist" camp consider the Filioque to have resulted in the role of the Holy Spirit being underestimated by the Western Church and thus leading to serious doctrinal error.[8]

In a similar vein, Siecienski comments that, although it was common in the 20th century to view the Filioque as just another weapon in the power struggle between Rome and Constantinople and although this was occasionally the case, for many involved in the dispute, the theological issues outweighed by far the ecclesiological concerns. According to Siecienski, the deeper question was perhaps whether Eastern and Western Christianity had wound up developing "differing and ultimately incompatible teachings about the nature of God". Moreover, Siecienski asserts that the question of whether the teachings of East and West were truly incompatible became almost secondary to the fact that, starting around the 8th or 9th century, Christians on both sides of the dispute began to believe that the differences were irreconcilable.[9]

From the view of the West, the Eastern rejection of the Filioque denied the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son and was thus a form of crypto-Arianism. In the East, the interpolation of the Filioque seemed to many to be an indication that the West was teaching a "substantially different faith". Siecienski asserts that, as much as power and authority were central issues in the debate, the strength of emotion rising even to the level of hatred can be ascribed to a belief that the other side had "destroyed the purity of the faith and refused to accept the clear teachings of the fathers on the Spirit's procession".[9]

History

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New Testament

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It is argued that in the relations between the persons of the Trinity, one person cannot "take" or "receive" (λήμψεται) anything from either of the others except by way of procession.[10] Biblical texts such as John 20:22[11] were seen by Fathers of the Church, especially Athanasius of Alexandria, Cyril of Alexandria and Epiphanius of Salamis, as grounds for saying that the Spirit "proceeds substantially from both" the Father and the Son.[12] Other texts that have been used include Galatians 4:6,[13] Romans 8:9,[14] Philippians 1:19,[15] where the Holy Spirit is called "the Spirit of the Son", "the Spirit of Christ", "the Spirit of Jesus Christ", texts in the Gospel of John on the sending of the Holy Spirit by Jesus,[16] and John 16:7.[17][10] Revelation 22:1[18] states that the river of the Water of Life in Heaven is "flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb", which may be interpreted as the Holy Spirit proceeding from both the Father and the Son. Tension can be seen in comparing these two passages:

  • John 14:26 NASB – [26] "But the Helper, the Holy Spirit, whom the Father will send in My name, He will teach you all things, and bring to your remembrance all that I said to you."
  • John 15:26 NASB – [26] "When the Helper comes, whom I will send to you from the Father, [that is] the Spirit of truth who proceeds from the Father, He will testify about Me"

Siecienski asserts that "the New Testament does not explicitly address the procession of the Holy Spirit as later theology would understand the doctrine", although there are "certain principles established in the New Testament that shaped later Trinitarian theology, and particular texts that both Latins and Greeks exploited to support their respective positions vis-à-vis the Filioque".[19] In contrast, Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen says that Eastern Orthodox believe that the absence of an explicit mention of the double procession of the Holy Spirit is a strong indication that the Filioque is a theologically erroneous doctrine.[20]

Church Fathers

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Cappadocian Fathers

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Basil of Caesarea wrote: "Through the one Son [the Holy Spirit] is joined to the Father".[21] He also said that the "natural goodness, inherent holiness, and royal dignity reaches from the Father through the only-begotten (διὰ τοῦ Μονογενοῦς) to the Spirit".[22] However, Siecienski comments that "there are passages in Basil that are certainly capable of being read as advocating something like the Filioque, but to do so would be to misunderstand the inherently soteriological thrust of his work".[23]

Gregory of Nazianzus distinguished the coming forth (προϊεον) of the Spirit from the Father from that of the Son from the Father by saying that the latter is by generation, but that of the Spirit by procession (ἐκπρόρευσις),[24] a matter on which there is no dispute between East and West, as shown also by the Latin Father Augustine of Hippo, who wrote that although biblical exegetes had not adequately discussed the individuality of the Holy Spirit:

they predicate Him to be the Gift of God, [and they infer] God not to give a gift inferior to Himself. [From that, they] predicate the Holy Spirit neither as begotten, like the Son, of the Father; [ ] nor [ ] of the Son, [ and] they do not affirm Him to owe that which He is to no one, [except] to the Father, [ ] lest we should establish two Beginnings without beginning [ ] which would be an assertion at once [ ] false and [ ] absurd, and one proper not to the catholic faith, but to the error of [Manichaeism].[25][26]

Gregory of Nyssa stated:

The one (i.e. the Son) is directly from the First and the other (i.e., the Spirit) is through the one who is directly from the First (τὸ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ προσεχῶς ἐκ τοῦ πρώτου) with the result that the Only-begotten remains the Son and does not negate the Spirit's being from the Father since the middle position of the Son both protects His distinction as Only-begotten and does not exclude the Spirit from His natural relation to the Father.[27]

Alexandrian Fathers

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Cyril of Alexandria provides "a host of quotations that seemingly speak of the Spirit's 'procession' from both the Father and the Son". In these passages he uses the Greek verbs προϊέναι (like the Latin procedere) and προχεῖσθαι (flow from), not the verb ἐκπορεύεσθαι, the verb that appears in the Greek text of the Nicene Creed.[28]

Since the Holy Spirit when he is in us effects our being conformed to God, and he actually proceeds from the Father and Son, it is abundantly clear that he is of the divine essence, in it in essence and proceeding from it

— Saint Cyril of Alexandria, Treasure of the Holy and Consubstantial Trinity, thesis 34

Epiphanius of Salamis is stated by Bulgakov to present in his writings "a whole series of expressions to the effect that the Holy Spirit is from the Father and the Son, out of the Father and the Son, from the Father and out of the Son, from Both, from one and the same essence as the Father and the Son, and so on". Bulgakov concludes: "The patristic teaching of the fourth century lacks that exclusivity which came to characterize Orthodox theology after Photius under the influence of repulsion from the Filioque doctrine. Although we do not here find the pure Filioque that Catholic theologians find, we also do not find that opposition to the Filioque that became something of an Orthodox or, rather, anti-Catholic dogma."[29][a]

Regarding the Greek Fathers, whether Cappadocian or Alexandrian, there is, according to Siecienski, no citable basis for the claim historically made by both sides, that they explicitly either supported or denied the later theologies concerning the procession of the Spirit from the Son. However, they did enunciate important principles later invoked in support of one theology or the other. These included the insistence on the unique hypostatic properties of each Divine Person, in particular the Father's property of being, within the Trinity, the one cause, while they also recognized that the Persons, though distinct, cannot be separated, and that not only the sending of the Spirit to creatures but also the Spirit's eternal flowing forth (προϊέναι) from the Father within the Trinity is "through the Son" (διὰ τοῦ Υἱοῦ).[31]

Latin Fathers

[edit]

Siecienski remarked that, "while the Greek fathers were still striving to find language capable of expressing the mysterious nature of the Son's relationship to the Spirit, Latin theologians, even during Cyril's lifetime, had already found their answer – the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son (ex Patre et Filio procedentem). The degree to which this teaching was compatible with, or contradictory to, the emerging Greek tradition remains, sixteen centuries later, subject to debate."[32]

Before the creed of 381 became known in the West and even before it was adopted by the First Council of Constantinople, Christian writers in the West, of whom Tertullian (c. 160 – c. 220), Jerome (347–420), Ambrose (c. 338–397) and Augustine (354–430) are representatives, spoke of the Spirit as coming from the Father and the Son,[10] while the expression "from the Father through the Son" is also found among them.[33][34][35]

In the early 3rd century Roman province of Africa, Tertullian emphasises that Father, Son, and Holy Spirit all share a single divine substance, quality and power,[36] which he conceives of as flowing forth from the Father and being transmitted by the Son to the Spirit.[37] Using the metaphor the root, the shoot, and the fruit; the spring, the river, and the stream; and the sun, the ray, and point of light for the unity with distinction in the Trinity, he adds, "The Spirit, then, is third from God and the Son, ..."

In his arguments against Arianism, Marius Victorinus (c. 280–365) strongly connected the Son and the Spirit.[38]

In the mid-4th century, Hilary of Poitiers wrote of the Spirit "coming forth from the Father" and being "sent by the Son";[39] as being "from the Father through the Son";[40] and as "having the Father and the Son as his source";[41] in another passage, Hilary points to John 16:15[42] (where Jesus says: "All things that the Father has are mine; therefore I said that [the Spirit] shall take from what is mine and declare it to you"), and wonders aloud whether "to receive from the Son is the same thing as to proceed from the Father".[43]

In the late 4th century, Ambrose of Milan asserted that the Spirit "proceeds from (procedit a) the Father and the Son", without ever being separated from either.[44] Ambrose adds, "[W]ith You, Almighty God, Your Son is the Fount of Life, that is, the Fount of the Holy Spirit. For the Spirit is life ..."[45]

"None of these writers, however, makes the Spirit's mode of origin the object of special reflection; all are concerned, rather, to emphasize the equality of status of all three divine persons as God, and all acknowledge that the Father alone is the source of God's eternal being."[46]

Pope Gregory I, in Gospel Homily 26, notes that the Son is "sent" by the Father both in the sense of an eternal generation and a temporal Incarnation. Thus, the Spirit is said to be "sent" by the Son from the Father both as to an eternal procession and a temporal mission. "The sending of the Spirit is that procession by which It proceeds from the Father and the Son."[47] In his Moralia in Iob, initially composed while he was apocrisarius at the imperial court of Constantinople and later edited while Pope of Rome, Gregory wrote, "But the Mediator of God and men, the Man Christ Jesus, in all things has Him (the Holy Spirit) both always and continually present. For the same Spirit even in substance is brought forth from Him (quia et ex illo isdem Spiritus per substantiam profertur.) And thus, though He (the Spirit) abides in the holy Preachers, He is justly said to abide in the Mediator in a special manner, for that in them He abides of grace for a particular object, but in Him He abides substantially for all ends."[48] Later in the Moralia (xxx.iv.17), St. Gregory writes of the procession of the Holy Spirit from Father and Son while defending their co-equality. Thus, he wrote, "[The Son] shews both how He springs from the Father not unequal to Himself, and how the Spirit of Both proceeds coeternal with Both. For we shall then openly behold, how That Which Is by an origin, is not subsequent to Him from Whom It springs; how He Who is produced by procession, is not preceded by Those from Whom He proceeded. We shall then behold openly how both The One [God] is divisibly Three [Persons] and the Three [Persons] indivisibly One [God]."[49]

Later in his Dialogues, Gregory I took the Filioque doctrine for granted when he quoted John 16:7,[50] and asked: if "it is certain that the Paraclete Spirit always proceeds from the Father and the Son, why does the Son say that He is about to leave so that [the Spirit] who never leaves the Son might come?"[51] The text proposes an eternal procession from both Father and the Son by the use of the word "always" (semper). Gregory I's use of recessurum and recedit is also significant for the divine procession because although the Spirit always proceeds (semper procedat) from the Father and the Son, the Spirit never leaves (numquam recedit) the Son by this eternal procession.[52][discuss]

Modern Christian theologians

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Yves Congar commented, "The walls of separation do not reach as high as heaven."[53][further explanation needed] And Aidan Nichols remarked that "the Filioque controversy is, in fact, a casualty of the theological pluralism of the patristic Church", on the one hand the Latin and Alexandrian tradition, on the other the Cappadocian and later Byzantine tradition.[54]

Among 20th-century Protestant theologians, Karl Barth was perhaps the staunchest defender of the Filioque doctrine. Barth was harshly critical of the ecumenical movement which advocated dropping the Filioque in order to facilitate reunification of the Christian churches. Barth's vigorous defence of the Filioque ran counter to the stance of many Protestant theologians of the latter half of the 20th century who favoured abandoning the use of the Filioque in the liturgy.[55][56]

Nicene and Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creeds

[edit]
First Council of Constantinople with halo-adorned Emperor Theodosius I (miniature in Homilies of Gregory Nazianzus (879–882), Bibliothèque nationale de France)

The original Nicene Creed – composed in Greek and adopted by the first ecumenical council, Nicaea I (325) – ended with the words "and in the Holy Spirit" without defining the procession of the Holy Spirit. The procession of the Holy Spirit was defined in what is also called the Nicene Creed, or more accurately the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which was also composed in Greek.

Traditionally, the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed is attributed to the First Council of Constantinople of 381, whose participants, primarily Eastern bishops,[57] met, decided issues (legates of Pope Damasus I[58] were present).[59][self-published source][better source needed][contradictory]

The Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed is not documented earlier than the Council of Chalcedon (451),[60] which referred to it as "the creed [...] of the 150 saintly fathers assembled in Constantinople" in its acts.[61] It was cited at Chalcedon I on instructions from the representative of the Emperor who chaired the meeting and who may have wished to present it as "a precedent for drawing up new creeds and definitions to supplement the Creed of Nicaea, as a way of getting round the ban on new creeds in" Ephesus I canon 7.[60] The Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed was recognized and received by Leo I at Chalcedon I.[62][63] Scholars do not agree on the connection between Constantinople I and the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which was not simply an expansion of the Creed of Nicaea, and was probably based on another traditional creed independent of the one from Nicaea.[64]

The Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed is roughly equivalent to the Nicene Creed plus two additional articles: one on the Holy Spirit and another about the Church, baptism, and resurrection of the dead. For the full text of both creeds, see Comparison between Creed of 325 and Creed of 381.

The Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed article professes:

Καὶ εἰς Et in And in
τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ Ἅγιον, Spiritum Sanctum, the Holy Spirit,
τὸ κύριον, τὸ ζωοποιόν, Dominum et vivificantem, the Lord, the giver of life,
τὸ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον, qui ex Patre procedit, who proceeds from the Father.
τὸ σὺν Πατρὶ καὶ Υἱῷ Qui cum Patre et Filio With the Father and the Son
συμπροσκυνούμενον καὶ συνδοξαζόμενον, simul adoratur et conglorificatur; he is worshipped and glorified.
τὸ λαλῆσαν διὰ τῶν προφητῶν. qui locutus est per prophetas. He has spoken through the Prophets.

It speaks of the Holy Spirit "proceeding from the Father" – a phrase based on John 15:26.[65]

The Greek word ἐκπορευόμενον (ekporeuomenon) refers to the ultimate source from which the proceeding occurs, but the Latin verb procedere (and the corresponding terms used to translate it into other languages) can apply also to proceeding through a mediate channel.[66] Frederick Bauerschmidt notes that what Medieval theologians disregarded as minor objections about ambiguous terms, was in fact an "insufficient understanding of the semantic difference" between the Greek and Latin terms in both the East and the West.[67][b] The West used the more generic Latin term procedere (to move forward; to come forth) which is more synonymous with the Greek term προϊέναι (proienai) than the more specific Greek term ἐκπορεύεσθαι (ekporeuesthai, "to issue forth as from an origin").[67] The West traditionally used one term and the East traditionally used two terms to convey arguably equivalent and complementary meaning, that is, ekporeuesthai from the Father and proienai from the Son.[67][66] Moreover, the more generic Latin term, procedere, does not have "the added implication of the starting-point of that movement; thus it is used to translate a number of other Greek theological terms."[46] It is used as the Latin equivalent, in the Vulgate, of not only ἐκπορεύεσθαι, but also ἔρχεσθαι, προέρχεσθαι, προσέρχεσθαι, and προβαίνω (four times) and is used of Jesus' originating from God in John 8:42,[68] although at that time Greek ἐκπορεύεσθαι was already beginning to designate the Holy Spirit's manner of originating from the Father as opposed to that of the Son (γέννησις — being born).[69]

Third Ecumenical Council

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The third Ecumenical council, Ephesus I (431), quoted the creed in its 325 form, not in that of 381,[70] decreed in Ephesus I canon 7 that:

[ ] it is unlawful [ ] to bring forward, or to write, or to compose a different [ ] Faith as a rival to that established by the [ ] Fathers assembled [ ] in Nicæa. [ ] those who [ ] compose a different faith, or to introduce or offer it to persons desiring to turn to the acknowledgment of the truth, whether from Heathenism or from Judaism, or from any heresy whatsoever, shall be deposed, if they be bishops or clergymen; [ ] and if they be laymen, they shall be anathematized. [ ][70][c]

Ephesus I canon 7 was cited at the Second Council of Ephesus (449) and at the Council of Chalcedon (451), and was echoed in the Chalcedon definition.[71] This account in the 2005 publication concerning the citing by Eutyches of Ephesus I canon 7 in his defence was confirmed by Stephen H. Webb in his 2011 book Jesus Christ, Eternal God.[72][relevant?]

Ephesus I canon 7, against additions to the Creed of Nicaea, is used as a polemic against the addition of Filioque to the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed,[73][74][self-published source] In any case, while Ephesus I canon 7 forbade setting up a different creed as a rival to that of Nicaea I, it was the creed attributed to Constantinople I that was adopted liturgically in the East and later a Latin variant was adopted in the West. The form of this creed that the West adopted had two additions: "God from God" (Deum de Deo) and "and the Son" (Filioque).[75] Strictly speaking, Ephesus I canon 7 applies "only to the formula to be used in the reception of converts."[76]

Philippe Labbe remarked that Ephesus I canons 7 and 8 are omitted in some collections of canons and that the collection of Dionysius Exiguus omitted all the Ephesus I canons, apparently considered that they did not concern the Church as a whole.[77]

Fourth Ecumenical Council

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At the fourth ecumenical council, Chalcedon I (451), both the Nicene Creed of 325 and the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, were read, the former at the request of a bishop, the latter, against the protests of the bishops, on the initiative of the emperor's representative, "doubtless motivated by the need to find a precedent for drawing up new creeds and definitions to supplement the Creed of Nicaea, as a way of getting round the ban on new creeds in" Ephesus I canon 7.[60] The acts of Chalcedon I defined that:

[ ] no one shall [ ] bring forward a different faith [ ], nor to write, nor to put together, nor to excogitate, nor to teach it to others. [Those who] either [ ] put together another faith, or [ ] bring forward or [ ] teach or [ ] deliver a different Creed [ ] to [those who] wish to be converted [ ] from the Gentiles, or Jews or any heresy whatever, if they be Bishops or clerics let them be deposed, [ ] but if they be monks or laics: let them be anathematized. [ ][78]

Possible earliest use in the Creed

[edit]

Some scholars claim that the earliest example of the Filioque clause in the East is contained in the West Syriac recension of the profession of faith of the Church of the East formulated at the Council of Seleucia-Ctesiphon in Persia in 410.[79][d] This council was held some twenty years before the Nestorian Schism that caused the later split between the Church of the East and the Church in the Roman Empire.[80] Since wording of that recension ("who is from the Father and the Son") does not contain any mention of the term "procession" or any of the other particular terms that would describe relations between Father, Son and the Holy Spirit, the previously mentioned claim for the "earliest use" of Filioque clause is not universally accepted by scholars[who?]. Furthermore, another recension that is preserved in the East Syriac sources of the Church of the East contains only the phrase "and in the Holy Spirit".[81]

Various professions of faith confessed the doctrine during the patristic age. The Fides Damasi (380 or 5th century), a profession of faith attributed to Pseudo-Damasus or Jerome, includes a formula of the doctrine.[82][83] The Symbolum Toletanum I (400), a profession of faith legislated by the Toledo I synod, includes a formula of the doctrine.[84] The Athanasian Creed (5th century), a profession of faith attributed to Pseudo-Athanasius, includes a formula of the doctrine.[85]

The generally accepted first found insertion of the term Filioque into the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, in Western Christianity, is in acts of the Third Council of Toledo (Toledo III) (589),[86] nearly two centuries later, but it may be a later interpolation.[87][e]

Procession of the Holy Spirit

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As early as the 4th century, a distinction was made, in connection with the Trinity, between the two Greek verbs ἐκπορεύεσθαι (the verb used in the original Greek text of the 381 Nicene Creed) and προϊέναι. Gregory of Nazianzus wrote: "The Holy Ghost is truly Spirit, coming forth (προϊέναι) from the Father indeed, but not after the manner of the Son, for it is not by Generation but by Procession (ἐκπορεύεσθαι)".[89]

That the Holy Spirit "proceeds" from the Father and the Son in the sense of the Latin word procedere and the Greek προϊέναι (as opposed to the Greek ἐκπορεύεσθαι) was taught by the early 5th century by Cyril of Alexandria in the East.[10][90] The Athanasian Creed, probably composed as early as the mid 5th-century,[91] and a dogmatic epistle of Pope Leo I,[92][62][f] who declared in 446 that the Holy Spirit proceeds from both Father and Son.[62]

Although the Eastern Fathers were aware that the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son was taught in the West, they did not generally regard it as heretical.[93] According to Sergei Bulgakov "a whole series of Western writers, including popes who are venerated as saints by the Eastern church, confess the procession of the Holy Spirit also from the Son; and it is even more striking that there is virtually no disagreement with this theory."[94] In 447, Leo I taught it in a letter to a Spanish bishop and an anti-Priscillianist council held the same year proclaimed it.[92] The argument was taken a crucial step further in 867 by the affirmation in the East that the Holy Spirit proceeds not merely "from the Father" but "from the Father alone".[95][96]

The Filioque was inserted into the Creed as an anti-Arian addition,[97][98][99] by the Third Council of Toledo (589), at which King Reccared I and some Arians in his Visigothic Kingdom converted to orthodox, Catholic Christianity.[100][101][g] The Toledo XI synod (675) included the doctrine but not the term in its profession of faith.[102]

Other Toledo synods "to affirm Trinitarian consubstantiality" between 589 and 693.[103]

The Filioque clause was confirmed by subsequent synods in Toledo and soon spread throughout the West, not only in Spain, but also in Francia, after Clovis I, king of the Salian Franks, converted to Christianity in 496; and in England, where the Council of Hatfield (680), presided over by Archbishop of Canterbury Theodore of Tarsus, a Greek,[104] imposed the doctrine as a response to Monothelitism.[105]

However, while the doctrine was taught in Rome, the term was not professed liturgically in the Creed until 1014.[63]

In the Vulgate the Latin verb procedere, which appears in the Filioque passage of the Creed in Latin, is used to translate several Greek verbs. While one of those verbs, ἐκπορεύεσθαι, the one in the corresponding phrase in the Creed in Greek, "was beginning to take on a particular meaning in Greek theology designating the Spirit's unique mode of coming-to-be [...] procedere had no such connotations".[69]

Although Hilary of Poitiers is often cited as one of "the chief patristic source(s) for the Latin teaching on the filioque", Siecienski says that "there is also reason for questioning Hilary's support for the Filioque as later theology would understand it, especially given the ambiguous nature of (Hilary's) language as it concerns the procession."[106]

However, a number of Latin Church Fathers of the 4th and 5th centuries explicitly speak of the Holy Spirit as proceeding "from the Father and the Son", the phrase in the present Latin version of the Nicene Creed. Examples are what is called the creed of Pope Damasus I,[107] Ambrose of Milan ("one of the earliest witnesses to the explicit affirmation of the Spirit's procession from the Father and the Son"),[107] Augustine of Hippo (whose writings on the Trinity "became the foundation of subsequent Latin trinitarian theology and later served as the foundation for the doctrine of the filioque").[69] and Leo I, who qualified as "impious" those who say "there is not one who begat, another who is begotten, another who proceeded from both [alius qui de utroque processerit]"; he also accepted the Council of Chalcedon, with its reaffirmation of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, in its original "from the Father" form,[108] as much later did his successor Pope Leo III who professed his faith in the teaching expressed by the Filioque, while opposing its inclusion in the Creed.[105]

Thereafter, Eucherius of Lyon, Gennadius of Massilia, Boethius, Agnellus, Bishop of Ravenna, Cassiodorus, Gregory of Tours are witnesses that the idea that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Son was well established as part of the (Western) Church's faith, before Latin theologians began to concern themselves about how the Spirit proceeds from the Son.[109]

Pope Gregory I is usually counted as teaching the Spirit's procession from the Son, although Byzantine theologians, quoting from Greek translations of his work rather than the original, present him as a witness against it, and although he sometimes speaks of the Holy Spirit as proceeding from the Father without mentioning the Son. Siecienski says that, in view of the widespread acceptance by then that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, it would be strange if Gregory did not advocate the teaching, "even if he did not understand the filioque as later Latin theology would – that is, in terms of a 'double procession'."[110]

"From the Father through the Son"

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Church Fathers also use the phrase "from the Father through the Son".[33][111] Cyril of Alexandria, who undeniably several times states that the Holy Spirit issues from the Father and the Son, also speaks of the Holy Spirit coming from the Father through the Son, two different expressions that for him are complementary: the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father does not exclude the Son's mediation and the Son receives from the Father a participation in the Holy Spirit's coming.[112][h] Cyril, in his ninth anathema against Nestorius, had stated that the Spirit was Christ's own Spirit, which led Theodoret of Cyrus to question whether Cyril was advocating the idea that "the Spirit has his subsistence from the Son or through the Son". For Theodoret this idea was both "blasphemous and impious [...] for we believe the Lord who has said: 'the Spirit of Truth who proceeds from the Father...'". Cyril denied that he held this teaching, leading Theodoret to confirm the orthodoxy of Cyril's trinitarian theology, since the Church had always taught that "the Holy Spirit does not receive existence from or through the Son, but proceeds from the Father and is called the proprium of the Son because of his consubstantiality.[113] The phrase "from the Son or through the Son" continued to be used by Cyril, albeit in light of the clarification.[114] The Roman Catholic Church accepts both phrases, and considers that they do not affect the reality of the same faith and instead express the same truth in slightly different ways.[115][116] The influence of Augustine of Hippo made the phrase "proceeds from the Father through the Son" popular throughout the West,[117][page needed] but, while used also in the East, "through the Son" was later, according to Philip Schaff, dropped or rejected by some as being nearly equivalent to "from the Son" or "and the Son".[118] Others spoke of the Holy Spirit proceeding "from the Father", as in the text of the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which "did not state that the Spirit proceeds from the Father alone".[119]

First Eastern opposition

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Maximus the Confessor

The first recorded objection by a representative of Eastern Christianity against the Western belief that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son occurred when Patriarch Paul II of Constantinople (r. 642–653) made accusations against either Pope Theodore I (r. 642–649) or Pope Martin I (r. 649–653) for using the expression.[120] Theodore I excommunicated Paul II in 647 for Monothelitism.[121] In response to the attack by Paul, Maximus the Confessor, a Greek opponent of Monothelitism, declared that it was wrong to condemn the Roman use of "and the Son" because the Romans "have produced the unanimous evidence of the Latin Fathers, and also of Cyril of Alexandria [...] On the basis of these texts, they have shown that they have not made the Son the cause of the Spirit – they know in fact that the Father is the only cause of the Son and the Spirit, the one by begetting and the other by procession – but that they have manifested the procession through him and have thus shown the unity and identity of the essence." He also indicated that the differences between the Latin and Greek languages were an obstacle to mutual understanding, since "they cannot reproduce their idea in a language and in words that are foreign to them as they can in their mother-tongue, just as we too cannot do".[122]

Claims of authenticity

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At the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century, the Church of Rome was faced with an unusual challenge regarding the use of Filioque clause. Among the Church leaders in Frankish Kingdom of that time a notion was developing that Filioque clause was in fact an authentic part of the original Creed.[123] Trying to deal with that problem and its potentially dangerous consequences, the Church of Rome found itself in the middle of a widening rift between its own Daughter-Church in Frankish Kingdom and Sister-Churches of the East. Popes of that time, Hadrian I and Leo III, had to face various challenges while trying to find solutions that would preserve the unity of the Church.[124]

First signs of the problems were starting to show by the end of the reign of Frankish king Pepin the Short (751–768). Use of the Filioque clause in the Frankish Kingdom led to controversy with envoys of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine V at the Synod of Gentilly (767).[125][126][127] As the practice of chanting the interpolated Latin Credo at Mass spread in the West, the Filioque became a part of Latin liturgy throughout the Frankish Kingdom. The practice of chanting the Creed was adopted in Charlemagne's court by the end of the 8th century and spread through all of his realms, including some northern parts of Italy, but not to Rome, where its use was not accepted until 1014.[99][101]

Serious problems erupted in 787 after the Second Council of Nicaea when Charlemagne accused the Patriarch Tarasios of Constantinople of infidelity to the faith of the First Council of Nicaea, allegedly because he had not professed the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father "and the Son", but only "through the Son". Pope Adrian I rejected those accusations and tried to explain to the Frankish king that pneumatology of Tarasios was in accordance with the teachings of the holy Fathers.[128][129][i] Surprisingly, efforts of the pope had no effect.

The true scale of the problem became evident during the following years. The Frankish view of the Filioque was emphasized again in the Libri Carolini, composed around 791–793.[j] Openly arguing that the word Filioque was part of the Creed of 381, the authors of Libri Carolini demonstrated not only the surprising lack of basic knowledge but also the lack of will to receive right advice and counsel from the Mother-Church in Rome. Frankish theologians reaffirmed the notion that the Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, and rejected as inadequate the teaching that the Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son.[130][129] That claim was both erroneous and dangerous for the preservation of the unity of the Church.

In those days, another theological problem appeared to be closely connected with the use of Filioque in the West. In the late 8th century, a controversy arose between Bishop Elipandus of Toledo and Beatus of Liébana over the former's teaching (which has been called Spanish Adoptionism) that Christ in his humanity was the adoptive son of God. Elipandus was supported by Bishop Felix of Urgel. In 785, Pope Hadrian I condemned the teaching of Elipandus. In 791, Felix appealed to Charlemagne in defense of the Spanish Adoptionist teaching, sending him a tract outlining it. He was condemned at the Synod of Regensburg (792) and was sent to Pope Hadrian in Rome, where he made of profession of orthodox faith, but returned to Spain and there reaffirmed Adoptionism. Elipandus wrote to the bishops of the territories controlled by Charlemagne in defence of his teaching, which was condemned at the Council of Frankfurt (794) and at the Synod of Friuli (796). The controversy encouraged those who rejected Adoptionism to introduce into the liturgy the use of the Creed, with the Filioque, to profess belief that Christ was the Son from eternity, not adopted as a son at his baptism.[131][132]

At the Synod of Friuli, Paulinus II of Aquileia stated that the insertion of Filioque in the 381 Creed of the First Council of Constantinople was no more a violation of the prohibition of new creeds than were the insertions into the 325 Creed of the First Council of Nicaea that were done by the First Council of Constantinople itself. What was forbidden, he said, was adding or removing something "craftily [...] contrary to the sacred intentions of the fathers", not a council's addition that could be shown to be in line with the intentions of the Fathers and the faith of the ancient Church. Actions such as that of the First Council of Contantinople were sometimes called for in order to clarify the faith and do away with heresies that appear.[133][134][135] The views of Paulinus show that some advocates of Filioque clause were quite aware of the fact that it actually was not part of the Creed.[134]

Political events that followed additionally complicated the issue. According to John Meyendorff,[136] and John Romanides[137] the Frankish efforts to get new Pope Leo III to approve the addition of Filioque to the Creed were due to a desire of Charlemagne, who in 800 had been crowned in Rome as Emperor, to find grounds for accusations of heresy against the East. The Pope's refusal to approve the interpolation of the Filioque into the Creed avoided arousing a conflict between East and West about this matter. During his reign (r. 795–816), and for another two centuries, there was no Creed at all in the Roman rite Mass.

Reasons for the continuing refusal of the Frankish Church to adopt the positions of the Church of Rome on necessity of leaving Filioque outside of Creed remained unknown. In 808 or 809 apparent controversy arose in Jerusalem between the Greek monks of one monastery and the Frankish Benedictine monks of another: the Greeks reproached the latter for, among other things, singing the creed with the Filioque included.[46][138][139] In response, the theology of the Filioque was expressed in the 809 local Council of Aachen (809).[46][139][140]

Faced with another endorsement of the Filioque, Pope Leo III denied his approval and publicly posted the Creed in Rome without the Filioque, written in Greek and Latin on two silver plaques, in defense of the Orthodox Faith (810) stating his opposition to the addition of the Filioque into the Creed.[141][130][142] Although Leo III did not disapprove the Filioque doctrine, the Pope strongly believed the clause should not be included into the Creed.[125][46][141][k] In spite of the efforts of the Church of Rome, the acceptance of the Filioque clause in the Creed of the Frankish Church proved to be irreversible.

Photian controversy

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Around 860 the controversy over the Filioque broke out in the course of the disputes between Patriarch Photius of Constantinople and Patriarch Ignatius of Constantinople. Pope Nicholas I contended that Patriarch Ignatios of Constantinople was deposed in 858 and Photius I raised to the patriarchal see in violation of ecclesiastical law and at a Roman synod held in April 863, he excommunicated Photius.[143] In 867 Photius was Patriarch of Constantinople and issued an Encyclical to the Eastern Patriarchs, and called a council in Constantinople in which he charged the Western Church with heresy and schism because of differences in practices, in particular for the Filioque and the authority of the Papacy.[144] The situation had escalated from issues of jurisdiction and custom to include matters of dogma. This council declared Pope Nicholas anathema, excommunicated and deposed.[145]

Photius excluded not only "and the Son" but also "through the Son" with regard to the eternal procession of the Holy Spirit: for him "through the Son" applied only to the temporal mission of the Holy Spirit (the sending in time).[146][147][148] He maintained that the eternal procession of the Holy Spirit is "from the Father alone".[149][verify] This phrase was verbally a novelty,[150][151] however, Eastern Orthodox theologians generally hold that in substance the phrase is only a reaffirmation of traditional teaching.[150][151] Sergei Bulgakov, on the other hand, declared that Photius's doctrine itself "represents a sort of novelty for the Eastern church".[152] Bulgakov writes: "The Cappadocians expressed only one idea: the monarchy of the Father and, consequently, the procession of the Holy Spirit precisely from the Father. They never imparted to this idea, however, the exclusiveness that it acquired in the epoch of the Filioque disputes after Photius, in the sense of ek monou tou Patros (from the Father alone)";[153] Nichols summarized that, "Bulgakov finds it amazing that with all his erudition Photius did not see that the 'through the Spirit' of Damascene and others constituted a different theology from his own, just as it is almost incomprehensible to find him trying to range the Western Fathers and popes on his Monopatrist side."[154]

Photius's importance endured in regard to relations between East and West. He is recognized as a saint by the Eastern Orthodox Church and his line of criticism has often been echoed later, making reconciliation between East and West difficult.

At least three councils – Council of Constantinople (867), Fourth Council of Constantinople (Roman Catholic) (869), and Fourth Council of Constantinople (Eastern Orthodox) (879) – were held in Constantinople over the actions of Emperor Michael III in deposing Ignatius and replacing him with Photius. The Council of Constantinople (867) was convened by Photius to address the question of Papal Supremacy over all of the churches and their patriarchs and the use of the Filioque.[155][156][157][158]

The council of 867 was followed by the Fourth Council of Constantinople (Roman Catholic), in 869, which reversed the previous council and was promulgated by Rome. The Fourth Council of Constantinople (Eastern Orthodox), in 879, restored Photius to his see. It was attended by Western legates Cardinal Peter of St Chrysogonus, Paul Bishop of Ancona and Eugene Bishop of Ostia who approved its canons, but it is unclear whether it was ever promulgated by Rome.[159]

Adoption in Latin liturgies

[edit]

Latin liturgical use of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed with the added term spread between the 8th and 11th centuries.[62]

Only in 1014, at the request of King Henry II of Germany (who was in Rome for his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor and was surprised by the different custom in force there) did Pope Benedict VIII, who owed to Henry II his restoration to the papal throne after usurpation by Antipope Gregory VI, have the Creed with the addition of Filioque, sung at Mass in Rome for the first time.[99] In some other places Filioque was incorporated in the Creed even later: in parts of southern Italy after the Council of Bari in 1098[160] and at Paris seemingly not even by 1240,[161] 34 years before the Second Council of Lyon defined that the Holy Spirit "proceeds eternally from the Father and from the Son, not as from two principles but from a single principle, not by two spirations but by a single spiration".[162][163]

Since then the Filioque phrase has been included in the Creed throughout the Latin Church except where Greek is used in the liturgy.[63][164]

Its adoption among the Eastern Catholic Churches (formerly known as Uniate churches) has been discouraged.[165][dead link][166]

East–West controversy

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Eastern opposition to the Filioque strengthened after the 11th century East–West Schism. According to the synodal edict, a Latin anathema, in the excommunication of 1054, against the Greeks included: "ut Pneumatomachi sive Theomachi, Spiritus sancti ex Filio processionem ex symbolo absciderunt"[167] ("as pneumatomachi and theomachi, they have cut from the Creed the procession of the holy Spirit from the Son").[whose translation?] The Council of Constantinople, in a synodal edict, responded with anathemas against the Latins:"[168] ("And besides all this, and quite unwilling to see that it is they claim that the Spirit proceeds from the Father, not [only], but also from the Son – as if they have no evidence of the evangelists of this, and if they do not have the dogma of the ecumenical council regarding this slander. For the Lord our God says, "even the Spirit of truth, which proceeds from the Father (John 15:26)". But parents say this new wickedness of the Spirit, who proceeds from the Father and the Son."[whose translation?])

Two councils that were held to heal the break discussed the question.

The Second Council of Lyon (1274) accepted the profession of faith of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos: "We believe also ⟨in⟩ the Holy Spirit, fully, perfectly and truly God, proceeding from the Father and the Son, fully equal, of the same substance, equally almighty and equally eternal with the Father and the Son in all things."[169] and the Greek participants, including Patriarch Joseph I of Constantinople sang the Creed three times with the Filioque clause. Most Byzantine Christians feeling disgust and recovering from the Latin Crusaders' conquest and betrayal, refused to accept the agreement made at Lyon with the Latins. Michael VIII was excommunicated by Pope Martin IV in November 1281,[170] and later died, after which Patriarch Joseph I's successor, Patriarch John XI of Constantinople, who had become convinced that the teaching of the Greek Fathers was compatible with that of the Latins, was forced to resign, and was replaced by Patriarch Gregory II of Constantinople, who was strongly of the opposite opinion.[171]

Lyons II did not require those Christians to change the recitation of the creed in their liturgy.

Lyons II stated "that the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from the Father and the Son, not as from two principles, but one, not from two spirations but by only one," is "the unchangeable and true doctrine of the orthodox Fathers and Doctors, both Latin and Greek."[162] So, it "condemn[ed] and disapprove[d of] those who [ ] deny that the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from Father and Son or who [ ] assert that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son as from two principles, not from one."[46][162]

The local Orthodox Council of Constantinople (1285) was called in response to Lyons II and repudiated the union of the Churches, condemning the pro-Unionist patriarch John XI Beccus, and giving a more explicit condemnation of the Filioque than any earlier councils. It specifically condemned:

  • that the Father is, through the Son, the essential cause of the Spirit.
  • that the Spirit exists through the Son and from the Son.
  • that the preposition “through” is equivalent to “from.”
  • that the one unique essence and divinity of the Father and the Son is the cause of the Spirit.
  • that the Father and the Son together constitute a single cause in the procession of the Spirit.
  • that the procession of the Spirit from the Father is an activity of the essence, not of the hypostasis.
  • that the expression “through the Son,” when used in reference to the creation of the world, indicates that the Son is the primordial or initial cause.
  • that the Son is the “fountain of life” or the cause of life in the procession of the Spirit, just as the Virgin is said to be the fountain of life in giving birth to Christ.[172]
John VIII Palaiologos by Benozzo Gozzoli

Another attempt at reunion was made at the 15th century Council of Florence, to which Emperor John VIII Palaiologos, Ecumenical Patriarch Joseph II of Constantinople, and other bishops from the East had gone in the hope of getting Western military aid against the looming Ottoman Empire. Thirteen public sessions held in Ferrara from 8 October to 13 December 1438 the Filioque question was debated without agreement. The Greeks held that any addition whatever, even if doctrinally correct, to the Creed had been forbidden by Ephesus I, while the Latins claimed that this prohibition concerned meaning, not words.[173]

During the Council of Florence in 1439, accord continued to be elusive, until the argument prevailed among the Greeks themselves that, though the Greek and the Latin saints expressed their faith differently, they were in agreement substantially, since saints cannot err in faith; and by 8 June the Greeks accepted the Latin statement of doctrine. Joseph II died on 10 June. A statement on the Filioque question was included in the Laetentur Caeli decree of union, which was signed on 5 July 1439 and promulgated the next day – Mark of Ephesus was the only bishop not to sign the agreement.[173]

The Eastern Church refused to consider the agreement reached at Florence binding,[further explanation needed] since the death of Joseph II had for the moment left it without a Patriarch of Constantinople. There was strong opposition to the agreement in the East, and when in 1453, 14 years after the agreement, the promised military aid from the West still had not arrived and Constantinople fell to the Turks, neither Eastern Christians nor their new rulers wished union between them and the West.

Councils of Jerusalem, AD 1583 and 1672

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The Synod of Jerusalem (1583) condemned those who do not believe the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father alone in essence, and from Father and Son in time. In addition, this synod re-affirmed adherence to the decisions of Nicaea I. The Synod of Jerusalem (1672) similarly re-affirmed procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father alone.[174]

Reformation

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Although the Protestant Reformation challenged a number of church doctrines, they accepted the Filioque without reservation. However, they did not have a polemical insistence on the Western view of the Trinity. In the second half of the 16th century, Lutheran scholars from the University of Tübingen initiated a dialogue with the Patriarch Jeremias II of Constantinople. The Tübingen Lutherans defended the Filioque arguing that, without it, "the doctrine of the Trinity would lose its epistemological justification in the history of revelation." In the centuries that followed, the Filioque was considered by Protestant theologians to be a key component of the doctrine of the Trinity, although it was never elevated to being a pillar of Protestant theology.[175] Zizioulas characterizes Protestants as finding themselves "in the same confusion as those fourth century theologians who were unable to distinguish between the two sorts of procession, 'proceeding from' and 'sent by'."[176]

Present position of various churches

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Catholicism

[edit]

The Catholic Church holds, as a truth dogmatically defined since as far back as Pope Leo I in 447, who followed a Latin and Alexandrian tradition, that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son.[92] It rejects the notion that the Holy Spirit proceeds jointly and equally from two principles (Father and Son) and teaches dogmatically that "the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from the Father and the Son, not as from two principles but as from one single principle".[162][63] It holds that the Father, as the "principle without principle", is the first origin of the Spirit, but also that he, as Father of the only Son, is with the Son the single principle from which the Spirit proceeds.[115]

It also holds that the procession of the Holy Spirit can be expressed as "from the Father through the Son". The agreement that brought about the 1595 Union of Brest expressly declared that those entering full communion with Rome "should remain with that which was handed down to (them) in the Holy Scriptures, in the Gospel, and in the writings of the holy Greek Doctors, that is, that the Holy Spirit proceeds, not from two sources and not by a double procession, but from one origin, from the Father through the Son".[115][165]

The Catholic Church recognizes that the Creed, as confessed at the First Council of Constantinople, did not add "and the Son", when it spoke of the Holy Spirit as proceeding from the Father, and that this addition was admitted to the Latin liturgy between the 8th and 11th centuries.[62] When quoting the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, as in the 2000 document Dominus Iesus, it does not include Filioque.[177] It views as complementary the Eastern-tradition expression "who proceeds from the Father" (profession of which it sees as affirming that the Spirit comes from the Father through the Son) and the Western-tradition expression "who proceeds from the Father and the Son", with the Eastern tradition expressing firstly the Father's character as first origin of the Spirit, and the Western tradition giving expression firstly to the consubstantial communion between Father and Son.[115]

The monarchy of the Father is a doctrine upheld not only by those who, like Photius, speak of a procession from the Father alone. It is also asserted by theologians who speak of a procession from the Father through the Son or from the Father and the Son. Examples cited by Siecienski include Bessarion,[178] Maximus the Confessor,[179] Bonaventure,[180] and the Council of Worms (868),[181] The same remark is made by Jürgen Moltmann.[l] The Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity (PCPCU) also stated that not only the Eastern tradition, but also the Latin Filioque tradition "recognize that the 'Monarchy of the Father' implies that the Father is the sole Trinitarian Cause (αἰτία) or Principle (principium) of the Son and of the Holy Spirit".[63]

The Catholic Church recognizes that, in the Greek language, the term used in the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed (ἐκπορευόμενον, "proceeding") to signify the proceeding of the Holy Spirit cannot appropriately be used with regard to the Son, but only with regard to the Father, a difficulty that does not exist in other languages.[63] For this reason, even in the liturgy of Latin Church Catholics, it does not add the phrase corresponding to Filioque (καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ) to the Greek language text of the Creed containing the word ἐκπορευόμενον.[63] Even in languages other than Greek, it encourages Eastern Catholic Churches to omit the Filioque from their recitation of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, even in Eastern Catholic liturgies that previously included it.[183]

Lutheranism

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Traditionally, the Lutheran Churches, especially those of Western Christendom, affirm and employ the Filioque in the Nicene Creed. The Eastern Lutheran Churches do not typically make use of the Filioque in the recitation of the Nicene Creed.[184]

Through ecumenical dialogue with the Eastern Orthodox Churches, the Lutheran World Federation recommended: "we suggest that the translation of the Greek original (without the Filioque) be used in the hope that this will contribute to the healing of age-old divisions between our communities and enable us to confess together the faith of the Ecumenical Councils of Nicaea (325) and Constantinople (381)."[185]

Anglicanism

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The 1978 and 1988 Lambeth Conferences advised the Anglican Communion to omit printing the Filioque in the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed.[186] In 1993, a joint meeting of the Anglican Primates and Anglican Consultative Council, passed a resolution urging Anglican churches to comply with the request to print the liturgical Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed without the Filioque clause.[187] The recommendation was not specifically renewed in the 1998 and 2008 Lambeth Conferences and has not been implemented.[188]

In 1985 the General Convention of The Episcopal Church (USA) recommended that the Filioque clause should be removed from the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, if this were endorsed by the 1988 Lambeth Council.[189] Accordingly, at its 1994 General Convention, the Episcopal Church reaffirmed its intention to remove the Filioque clause from the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed in the next revision of its Book of Common Prayer.[190] The Episcopal Book of Common Prayer was last revised in 1979, and has not been revised since the resolution.

The Scottish Episcopal Church does not print the Filioque clause in its modern language liturgy (published 1982), though previous liturgies from 1929 and 1970 which have the Filioque remain authorised.[191][192] The 1987 revision of the Scottish Liturgy of 1970 did not remove the Filioque clause, although it had already been omitted from the 1982 liturgy, promulgated five years earlier.[191]

Moravianism

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The Moravian Church has never used the Filioque.

The confession of The Easter Litany of the Moravian Church of 1749 states: "I believe in the Holy Ghost, who proceedeth from the Father, and whom our Lord Jesus Christ sent after he went away, that he should abide with us forever.[193]

Eastern Orthodoxy

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There has never been a specific conciliar statement in the Orthodox Church which defined the filioque as heresy.[194]

The Eastern Orthodox interpretation is that the Holy Spirit originates, has his cause for existence or being (manner of existence) from the Father alone as "One God, One Father",[195] Lossky insisted that any notion of a double procession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the Son was incompatible with Eastern Orthodox theology. For Lossky, this incompatibility was so fundamental that "whether we like it or not, the question of the procession of the Holy Spirit has been the sole dogmatic grounds of the separation of East and West".[196][197] Eastern Orthodox scholars who share Lossky's view include Dumitru Stăniloae, John Romanides, Christos Yannaras,[198][failed verification] and Michael Pomazansky. Sergei Bulgakov, however, was of the opinion that the Filioque did not represent an insurmountable obstacle to reunion of the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches.[196]

Views of Eastern Orthodox saints

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Although Maximus the Confessor declared that it was wrong to condemn the Latins for speaking of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, the addition of the Filioque to the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed was condemned as heretical by other saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church, including Photius the Great, Gregory Palamas and Mark of Ephesus, sometimes referred to as the Three Pillars of Orthodoxy. However, the statement "The Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son" can be understood in an orthodox sense if it is clear from the context that "procession from the Son" refers to the sending forth of the Spirit in time, not to an eternal, double procession within the Trinity itself which gives the Holy Spirit existence or being. Hence, in Eastern Orthodox thought, Maximus the Confessor justified the Western use of the Filioque in a context other than that of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed.[199][m] and "defended [the Filioque] as a legitimate variation of the Eastern formula that the Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son".[93] Saint Theophylact of Ohrid likewise maintained that the difference was linguistic in nature and not really theological, urging a spirit of conciliation on both sides over a matter of customs.[200][201][202]

...it is said not that [the Holy Spirit] has existence from the Son or through the Son, but rather that [the Holy Spirit] proceeds from the Father and has the same nature as the Son, is in fact the Spirit of the Son as being One in Essence with Him.

— Theodoret of Cyrus, On the Third Ecumenical Council[199]

According to Metropolitan Hierotheos (Vlachos) of Nafpaktos, an Eastern Orthodox tradition is that Gregory of Nyssa composed the section of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed referring to the Holy Spirit adopted by the Second Ecumenical Council at Constantinople in 381.[n] Siecienski doubts that Gregory of Nyssa would have endorsed the addition of the Filioque, as later understood in the West, into the Creed, notwithstanding that Gregory of Nyssa reasoned "there is an eternal, and not simply economic, relationship of the Spirit to the Son".[204]

Eastern Orthodox view of Roman Catholic theology

[edit]

Eastern Orthodox theologians (e.g. Pomazansky) say that the Nicene Creed as a Symbol of Faith, as dogma, is to address and define church theology specifically the Orthodox Trinitarian understanding of God. In the hypostases of God as correctly expressed against the teachings considered outside the church. The Father hypostasis of the Nicene Creed is the origin of all. Eastern Orthodox theologians have stated that New Testament passages (often quoted by the Latins) speak of the economy rather than the ontology of the Holy Spirit, and that in order to resolve this conflict Western theologians made further doctrinal changes, including declaring all persons of the Trinity to originate in the essence of God (the heresy of Sabellianism).[205] Eastern Orthodox theologians see this as teaching of philosophical speculation rather than from actual experience of God via theoria.

The Father is the eternal, infinite and uncreated reality, that the Christ and the Holy Spirit are also eternal, infinite and uncreated, in that their origin is not in the ousia of God, but that their origin is in the hypostasis of God called the Father. The double procession of the Holy Spirit bears some resemblance[o] to the teachings of Macedonius I of Constantinople and his sect called the Pneumatomachians in that the Holy Spirit is created by the Son and a servant of the Father and the Son. It was Macedonius' position that caused the specific wording of the section on the Holy Spirit by St Gregory of Nyssa in the finalized Nicene creed.[207][p]

The following are some Roman Catholic dogmatic declarations of the Filioque which are in contention with Eastern Orthodoxy:

  1. The Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215): "The Father is from no one, the Son from the Father only, and the Holy Spirit equally from both."[208]
  2. The Second Council of Lyon, session 2 (1274): "[We confess faithfully and devoutly that] the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from Father and Son, not as from two principles, but as from one, not by two spirations, but by one only."[162]
  3. The Council of Florence, session 6 (1439): "We declare that when holy doctors and fathers say that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son, this bears the sense that thereby also the Son should be signified, according to the Greeks indeed as cause, and according to the Latins as principle of the subsistence of the Holy Spirit, just like the Father."[209]
  4. The Council of Florence, session 8 in Laetentur Caeli (1439), on union with the Greeks: "The Holy Spirit is eternally from Father and Son; He has his nature and subsistence at once (simul) from the Father and the Son. He proceeds eternally from both as from one principle and through one spiration. ... And, since the Father has through generation given to the only-begotten Son everything that belongs to the Father, except being Father, the Son has also eternally from the Father, from whom he is eternally born, that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Son."[210]
  5. The Council of Florence, session 11 (1442), in Cantate Domino, on union with the Copts and Ethiopians: "Father, Son and Holy Spirit; one in essence, three in persons; unbegotten Father, Son begotten from the Father, holy Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son; ... the Holy Spirit alone proceeds at once from the Father and the Son. ... Whatever the Holy Spirit is or has, he has from the Father together with the Son. But the Father and the Son are not two principles of the Holy Spirit, but one principle, just as the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are not three principles of creation but one principle."[211]
  6. In particular the condemnation,[46] made at the Second Council of Lyons, session 2 (1274), of those "who [presume to] deny that the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from the Father and the Son or who [rashly dare to] assert that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son as from two principles, not from one."[162]

In the judgment of these Orthodox,[who?] the Roman Catholic Church is in fact teaching as a matter of Roman Catholic dogma that the Holy Spirit derives his origin and being (equally) from both the Father and the Son, making the Filioque a double procession.[q][213][discuss]

They[who?] perceive the West as teaching through more than one type of theological Filioque a different origin and cause of the Holy Spirit; that through the dogmatic Roman Catholic Filioque the Holy Spirit is subordinate to the Father and the Son and not a free, independent and equal to the Father hypostasis that receives his uncreatedness from the origin of all things, the Father hypostasis. Trinity expresses the idea of message, messenger and revealer, or mind, word and meaning. Eastern Orthodox Christians believe in one God the Father, whose person is uncaused and unoriginate, who, because He is love and communion, always exists with His Word and Spirit.[s]

Eastern Orthodox theology

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In Eastern Orthodox Christianity theology starts with the Father hypostasis, not the essence of God, since the Father is the God of the Old Testament.[195] The Father is the origin of all things and this is the basis and starting point of the Orthodox trinitarian teaching of one God in Father, one God, of the essence of the Father (as the uncreated comes from the Father as this is what the Father is).[195] In Eastern Orthodox theology, God's uncreatedness or being or essence in Greek is called ousia.[215] Jesus Christ is the Son (God Man) of the uncreated Father (God). The Holy Spirit is the Spirit of the uncreated Father (God).[216]

God has existences (hypostases) of being; this concept is translated as the word "person" in the West.[216] Each hypostasis of God is a specific and unique existence of God.[216] Each has the same essence (coming from the origin, without origin, Father (God) they are uncreated).[216] Each specific quality that constitutes an hypostasis of God, is non-reductionist and not shared.[216] The issue of ontology or being of the Holy Spirit is also complicated by the Filioque in that the Christology and uniqueness of the hypostasis of Jesus Christ would factor into the manifestation of the Holy Spirit. In that Jesus is both God and Man, which fundamentally changes the hypostasis or being of the Holy Spirit, as Christ would be giving to the Holy Spirit an origin or being that was both God the Father (Uncreated) and Man (createdness).

The immanence of the Trinity that was defined in the finalized Nicene Creed. The economy of God, as God expresses himself in reality (his energies) was not what the Creed addressed directly.[217] The specifics of God's interrelationships of his existences, are not defined within the Nicene Creed.[217] The attempt to use the Creed to explain God's energies by reducing God existences to mere energies (actualities, activities, potentials) could be perceived as the heresy of semi-Sabellianism by advocates of Personalism, according to Meyendorff.[218][219] Eastern Orthodox theologians have complained about this problem in the Roman Catholic dogmatic teaching of actus purus.[220]

Modern theology

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Modern Orthodox theological scholarship is split, according to William La Due, between a group of scholars that hold to a "strict traditionalism going back to Photius" and other scholars "not so adamantly opposed to the filioque".[196] The "strict traditionalist" camp is exemplified by the stance of Lossky who insisted that any notion of a double procession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the Son was incompatible with Orthodox theology. For Lossky, this incompatibility was so fundamental that, "whether we like it or not, the question of the procession of the Holy Spirit has been the sole dogmatic grounds of the separation of East and West".[196][197] Bulgakov, however, was of the opinion that the Filioque did not represent an insurmountable obstacle to reunion of the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches,[196] an opinion shared by Vasily Bolotov [ru].[221]

Not all Orthodox theologians share the view taken by Lossky, Stăniloae, Romanides and Pomazansky, who condemn the Filioque.[222] Kallistos Ware considers this the "rigorist" position within the Orthodox Church.[223] Ware states that a more "liberal" position on this issue "was the view of the Greeks who signed the act of union at Florence. It is a view also held by many Orthodox at the present time". He writes that "according to the 'liberal' view, the Greek and the Latin doctrines on the procession of the Holy Spirit may both alike be regarded as theologically defensible. The Greeks affirm that the Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son, the Latins that He proceeds from the Father and from the Son; but when applied to the relationship between Son and Spirit, these two prepositions 'through' and 'from' amount to the same thing."[224] The Encyclopedia of Christian Theology lists Bolotov,[55] Paul Evdokimov, I. Voronov and S. Bulgakov as seeing the Filioque as a permissible theological opinion or "theologoumenon".[55] Bolotov defined theologoumena as theological opinions "of those who for every catholic are more than just theologians: they are the theological opinions of the holy fathers of the one undivided church", opinions that Bolotov rated highly but that he sharply distinguished from dogmas.[225]

Bulgakov wrote, in The Comforter, that:

It is a difference of theological opinions which was dogmatized prematurely and erroneously. There is no dogma of the relation of the Holy Spirit to the Son and therefore particular opinions on this subject are not heresies but merely dogmatic hypotheses, which have been transformed into heresies by the schismatic spirit that has established itself in the Church and that eagerly exploits all sorts of liturgical and even cultural differences.[226]

Karl Barth considered that the view prevailing in Eastern Orthodoxy was that of Bolotov, who pointed out that the Creed does not deny the Filioque and who concluded that the question had not caused the division and could not constitute an absolute obstacle to intercommunion between the Eastern Orthodox and the Old Catholic Church.[227] David Guretzki wrote, in 2009, that Bolotov's view is becoming more prevalent among Orthodox theologians; and he quotes Orthodox theologian Theodore Stylianopoulos as arguing that "the theological use of the filioque in the West against Arian subordinationism is fully valid according to the theological criteria of the Eastern tradition".[228]

Yves Congar stated in 1954 that "the greater number of the Orthodox say that the Filioque is not a heresy or even a dogmatic error but an admissible theological opinion, a 'theologoumenon'"; and he cited 12th century bishop Nicetas of Nicomedia; 19th century philosopher Vladimir Solovyov; and 20th century writers Bolotov, Florovsky, and Bulgakov.[229]

Oriental Orthodox Churches

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All Oriental Orthodox Churches (Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Ethiopian, Eritrean, Malankaran) use the original Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed,[230] without the Filioque clause.[231][232]

Church of the East

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Two of the present-day churches derived from the Church of the East, the Assyrian Church of the East and the Ancient Church of the East, do not use "and the Son" when reciting the Nicene Creed. A third, the Chaldean Catholic Church, a sui iuris Eastern Catholic Church, in 2007 at the request of the Holy See, removed "and the Son" from its version of the Nicene Creed.[183]

Recent theological perspectives

[edit]

Linguistic issues

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Ware suggests that the problem is of semantics rather than of basic doctrinal differences.[222][233][better source needed] The English Language Liturgical Consultation commented that "those who strongly favour retention of the Filioque are often thinking of the Trinity as revealed and active in human affairs, whereas the original Greek text is concerned about relationships within the Godhead itself. As with many historic disputes, the two parties may not be discussing the same thing."[234]

In 1995, the PCPCU pointed out an important difference in meaning between the Greek verb ἐκπορεύεσθαι and the Latin verb procedere, both of which are commonly translated as "proceed". It stated that the Greek verb ἐκπορεύεσθαι indicates that the Spirit "takes his origin from the Father ... in a principal, proper and immediate manner", while the Latin verb, which corresponds rather to the verb προϊέναι in Greek, can be applied to proceeding even from a mediate channel. Therefore, ἐκπορευόμενον ("who proceeds"), used in the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed to signify the proceeding of the Holy Spirit, cannot be appropriately used in the Greek language with regard to the Son, but only with regard to the Father, a difficulty that does not exist in Latin and other languages.[63]

Metropolitan John Zizioulas, while maintaining the explicit Orthodox position of the Father as the single origin and source of the Holy Spirit, declared that PCPCU (1995) shows positive signs of reconciliation. Zizioulas states: "Closely related to the question of the single cause is the problem of the exact meaning of the Son's involvement in the procession of the Spirit. Gregory of Nyssa explicitly admits a 'mediating' role of the Son in the procession of the Spirit from the Father. Is this role to be expressed with the help of the preposition δία (through) the Son (εκ Πατρός δι'Υιού), as Maximus and other Patristic sources seem to suggest?" Zizioulas continues: "The Vatican statement notes that this is 'the basis that must serve for the continuation of the current theological dialogue between Catholic and Orthodox'. I would agree with this, adding that the discussion should take place in the light of the 'single cause' principle to which I have just referred." Zizioulas adds that this "constitutes an encouraging attempt to clarify the basic aspects of the 'Filioque' problem and show that a rapprochement between West and East on this matter is eventually possible".[235]

Some Orthodox reconsideration of the Filioque

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Russian theologian Boris Bolotov asserted in 1898 that the Filioque, like Photius's "from the Father alone", was a permissible theological opinion (a theologoumenon, not a dogma) that cannot be an absolute impediment to reestablishment of communion.[236][55][237][page needed] Bolotov's thesis was supported by Orthodox theologians Bulgakov, Paul Evdokimov and I. Voronov, but was rejected by Lossky.[55]

In 1986, Theodore Stylianopoulos provided an extensive, scholarly overview of the contemporary discussion.[238] Ware said that he had changed his mind and had concluded that "the problem is more in the area of semantics and different emphases than in any basic doctrinal differences": "the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father alone" and "the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son" may both have orthodox meanings if the words translated "proceeds" actually have different meanings.[239] For some Orthodox,[who?] then, the Filioque, while still a matter of conflict, would not impede full communion of the Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches if other issues were resolved. But 19th century Russian Slavophile theologian Aleksey Khomyakov considered the Filioque as an expression of formalism, rationalism, pride and lack of love for other Christians,[relevant?discuss][t] and that it is in flagrant contravention of the words of Christ in the Gospel, has been specifically condemned by the Orthodox Church, and remains a fundamental heretical teaching which divides East and West.

Romanides too, while personally opposing the Filioque, stated that Constantinople I was not ever interpreted "as a condemnation" of the doctrine "outside the Creed, since it did not teach that the Son is 'cause' or 'co-cause' of the existence of the Holy Spirit. This could not be added to the Creed where 'procession' means 'cause' of existence of the Holy Spirit."[241]

Inclusion in the Nicene Creed

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Eastern Orthodox Christians object that, even if the teaching of the Filioque can be defended, its medieval interpretation and unilateral interpolation into the Creed is anti-canonical and unacceptable.[t][55] "The Catholic Church acknowledges the conciliar, ecumenical, normative and irrevocable value, as expression of the one common faith of the Church and of all Christians, of the Symbol professed in Greek at Constantinople in 381 by the Second Ecumenical Council. No profession of faith peculiar to a particular liturgical tradition can contradict this expression of the faith taught and professed by the undivided Church."[63] The Catholic Church allows liturgical use of the Apostles' Creed as well of the Nicene Creed, and sees no essential difference between the recitation in the liturgy of a creed with orthodox additions and a profession of faith outside the liturgy such that of Patriarch Tarasios of Constantinople, who developed the Nicene Creed with an addition as follows: "the Holy Spirit, the Lord and giver of life, who proceeds from the Father through the Son".[63] It sees the addition of "and the Son" in the context of the Latin qui ex Patre procedit (who proceeds from the Father) as an elucidation of the faith expressed by the Church Fathers, since the verb procedere signifies "the communication of the consubstantial divinity from the Father to the Son and from the Father, through and with the Son, to the Holy Spirit".[63]

Most Oriental Orthodox churches have not added the Filoque to their creeds but the Armenian Apostolic Church has added elucidations to the Nicene Creed.[242] Another change made to the text of the Nicene Creed by both the Latins and the Greeks is to use the singular "I believe" in place of the plural "we believe", while all the Churches of Oriental Orthodoxy, not only the Armenian, but also the Coptic Orthodox Church,[243] the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church,[244] the Malankara Orthodox Church,[245] and the Syriac Orthodox Church,[246] have on the contrary preserved the "we believe" of the original text.

Focus on Saint Maximus as a point of mutual agreement

[edit]

Recently, theological debate about the Filioque has focused on the writings of Maximus the Confessor. Siecienski writes that "Among the hundreds of figures involved in the filioque debates throughout the centuries, Maximus the Confessor enjoys a privileged position." During the lengthy proceedings at Ferrara-Florence, the Orthodox delegates presented a text from Maximus the Confessor that they felt could provide the key to resolving the theological differences between East and West.[247]

The PCPCU states that, according to Maximus, the phrase "and from the Son" does not contradict the Holy Spirit's procession from the Father as first origin (ἐκπόρευσις), since it concerns only the Holy Spirit's coming (in the sense of the Latin word processio and Cyril of Alexandria's προϊέναι) from the Son in a way that excludes any idea of subordinationism.[63][u]

Orthodox theologian and Metropolitan of Pergamon, John Zizioulas, wrote that for Maximus the Confessor "the Filioque was not heretical because its intention was to denote not the ἐκπορεύεσθαι (ekporeuesthai) but the προϊέναι (proienai) of the Spirit".[235]

Zizioulas also wrote that "Maximus the Confessor insisted, however, in defence of the Roman use of the Filioque, the decisive thing in this defence lies precisely in the point that in using the Filioque the Romans do not imply a "cause" other than the Father. The notion of "cause" seems to be of special significance and importance in the Greek Patristic argument concerning the Filioque. If Roman Catholic theology would be ready to admit that the Son in no way constitutes a "cause" (aition) in the procession of the Spirit, this would bring the two traditions much closer to each other with regard to the Filioque."[235] This is precisely what Maximus said of the Roman view, that "they have shown that they have not made the Son the cause of the Spirit – they know in fact that the Father is the only cause of the Son and the Spirit, the one by begetting and the other by procession".

The PCPCU upholds the monarchy of the Father as the "sole Trinitarian Cause [aitia] or principle [principium] of the Son and the Holy Spirit".[63] While the Council of Florence proposed the equivalency of the two terms "cause" and "principle" and therefore implied that the Son is a cause (aitia) of the subsistence of the Holy Spirit, the PCPCU distinguishes "between what the Greeks mean by 'procession' in the sense of taking origin from, applicable only to the Holy Spirit relative to the Father (ek tou Patros ekporeuomenon), and what the Latins mean by 'procession' as the more common term applicable to both Son and Spirit (ex Patre Filioque procedit; ek tou Patros kai tou Huiou proion). This preserves the monarchy of the Father as the sole origin of the Holy Spirit while simultaneously allowing for an intratrinitarian relation between the Son and Holy Spirit that the document defines as 'signifying the communication of the consubstantial divinity from the Father to the Son and from the Father through and with the Son to the Holy Spirit'."[248]

Roman Catholic theologian Avery Dulles wrote that the Eastern fathers were aware of the currency of the Filioque in the West and did not generally regard it as heretical: Some, such as Maximus the Confessor, "defended it as a legitimate variation of the Eastern formula that the Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son".[93]

Pomazansky and Romanides[241] hold that Maximus' position does not defend the actual way the Roman Catholic Church justifies and teaches the Filioque as dogma for the whole church. While accepting as a legitimate and complementary expression of the same faith and reality the teaching that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son,[115] Maximus held strictly to the teaching of the Eastern Church that "the Father is the only cause of the Son and the Spirit":[249] and wrote a special treatise about this dogma.[241][199] The Roman Catholic Church cites Maximus as in full accord with the teaching on the Filioque that it proposes for the whole Church as a dogma that is in harmony with the formula "from the Father through the Son",[63] for he explained that, by ekporeusis, "the Father is the sole cause of the Son and the Spirit", but that, by proienai, the Greek verb corresponding to procedere (proceed) in Latin, the Spirit comes through the Son.[63] Later again the Council of Florence, in 1438, declared that the Greek formula "from the Father through the Son" was equivalent to the Latin "from the Father and the Son", not contradictory, and that those who used the two formulas "were aiming at the same meaning in different words".[250][251][252][253]

Per Filium

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Recently, some Orthodox theologians have proposed the substitution of the formula ex Patre per Filium / εκ του Πατρός δια του Υιού (from the Father through the Son) instead of ex Patre Filioque (from the Father and the Son).[254]

Recent attempts at reconciliation

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Starting in the latter half of the nineteenth century, ecumenical efforts have gradually developed more nuanced understandings of the issues underlying the Filioque controversy and worked to remove them as an obstruction to Christian unity. Lossky insists that the Filioque is so fundamentally incompatible with Orthodox Christianity as to be the central issue dividing the two churches.[197][v]

Western churches have arrived at the position that, although the Filioque is doctrinally sound, the way that it was inserted into the Nicene Creed has created an unnecessary obstacle to ecumenical dialogue. Thus, without abandoning the Filioque, some Western churches have come to accept that it could be omitted from the Creed without violating any core theological principles. This accommodation on the part of Western Churches has the objective of allowing both East and West to once again share a common understanding of the Creed as the traditional and fundamental statement of the Christian faith.

Catholic Church

[edit]

Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI have recited the Nicene Creed jointly with Patriarchs Demetrius I and Bartholomew I in Greek without the Filioque clause.[46][255]

Old Catholic Church

[edit]

Immediately after the Old Catholic Church separated from the Catholic Church in 1871, its theologians initiated contact with the Orthodox Church. In 1874–75, representatives of the two churches held "union conferences" in Bonn with theologians of the Anglican Communion and the Lutheran Church in attendance in an unofficial capacity. The conferences discussed a number of issues including the filioque controversy. From the outset, Old Catholic theologians agreed with the Orthodox position that the Filioque had been introduced in the West in an unacceptably non-canonical way. It was at these Bonn conferences that the Old Catholics became the first Western church to omit the Filioque from the Nicene Creed.[256][257][258]

Anglican Communion

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Three Lambeth Conferences (1888, 1978 and 1988) have recommended that the Filioque be dropped from the Nicene Creed by churches that belong to the Anglican Communion.

The 1930 Lambeth Conference initiated formal theological dialogue between representatives of the Anglican and Orthodox churches.[259] In 1976, the Agreed Statement of the Anglican-Orthodox Joint Doctrinal Commission recommended that the Filioque should be omitted from the Creed because its inclusion had been effected without the authority of an Ecumenical Council.[260]

In 1994, the General Convention of the Episcopal Church (US) resolved that the Filioque should be deleted from the Nicene Creed in the next edition of the Prayer Book.[261] The enthronement ceremonies of four recent archbishops of Canterbury (Robert Runcie, George Carey, Rowan Williams, Justin Welby) included recitations of the Nicene Creed that omitted the Filioque; this has been considered to have been "a gesture of friendship toward Orthodox guests and their Communions".[262][263]

At the end of October 2017 theologians from the Anglican Communion and Oriental Orthodox Churches signed an agreement on the Holy Spirit. This is the culmination of discussions which began in 2015. The statement of agreement confirms the omission of the Filioque clause.[264]

World Council of Churches

[edit]

In 1979, a study group of the World Council of Churches examined the Filioque question and recommended that "the original form of the Creed, without the Filioque, should everywhere be recognized as the normative one and restored, so that the whole Christian people may be able ... to confess their common faith in the Holy Spirit".[265] However, nearly a decade later, the WCC lamented that very few member churches had implemented this recommendation.[56]

Joint statement of Catholic and Eastern Orthodox theologians

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The Filioque was discussed at the 62nd meeting of the North American Orthodox–Catholic Theological Consultation, in 2002. As a result of these contemporary discussions between both churches, it has been suggested that the orthodox could accept an "economic" filioque that states that the Holy Spirit, who originates in the Father alone, was sent to the Church "through the Son" (as the Paraclete), but it would not be the official orthodox doctrine, but what the Fathers called a theologoumenon, a theological opinion.

In October 2003, the Consultation issued an agreed statement, The Filioque: a Church-dividing issue?, which provides an extensive review of Scripture, history, and theology.[46] The recommendations include:

  1. That all involved in such dialogue expressly recognize the limitations of our ability to make definitive assertions about the inner life of God.
  2. That, in the future, because of the progress in mutual understanding that has come about in recent decades, Orthodox and Catholics refrain from labeling as heretical the traditions of the other side on the subject of the procession of the Holy Spirit.
  3. That Orthodox and Catholic theologians distinguish more clearly between the divinity and hypostatic identity of the Holy Spirit (which is a received dogma of our Churches) and the manner of the Spirit's origin, which still awaits full and final ecumenical resolution.
  4. That those engaged in dialogue on this issue distinguish, as far as possible, the theological issues of the origin of the Holy Spirit from the ecclesiological issues of primacy and doctrinal authority in the Church, even as we pursue both questions seriously, together.
  5. That the theological dialogue between our Churches also give careful consideration to the status of later councils held in both our Churches after those seven generally received as ecumenical.
  6. That the Catholic Church, as a consequence of the normative and irrevocable dogmatic value of the Creed of 381, use the original Greek text alone in making translations of that Creed for catechetical and liturgical use.
  7. That the Catholic Church, following a growing theological consensus, and in particular the statements made by Pope Paul VI, declare that the condemnation made at the Second Council of Lyons (1274) of those "who presume to deny that the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from the Father and the Son" is no longer applicable.

In the judgment of the consultation, the question of the Filioque is no longer a "Church-dividing" issue, which would impede full reconciliation and full communion. It is for the bishops of the Catholic and Orthodox Churches to review this work and to make whatever decisions would be appropriate.[46]

Lutheran-Orthodox Common Statement on the Filioque

[edit]

In July 2024, within the framework of the official dialogue between Lutheran and Orthodox Churches, a common statement has been issued, which acknowledged that "the Filioque was inserted in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed by the Latin Church in response to the heresy of Arianism centuries after the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed’s composition", stated that "the reformers inherited the Creed with the Filioque as part of the Latin tradition, and did not consider it problematic" and suggested that "the translation of the Greek original (without the Filioque) be used in the hope that this will contribute to the healing of age-old divisions".[266]

Summary

[edit]

While the Filioque doctrine was traditional in the West, being declared dogmatically in 447 by Pope Leo I, the Pope whose Tome was approved at the Council of Chalcedon,[267][62] its inclusion in the Creed appeared in the anti-Arian situation of 7th-century Spain. However, this dogma was never accepted in the East. The Filioque, included in the Creed by certain anti-Arian councils in Spain,[268] was a means to affirm the full divinity of the Son in relation to both the Father and the Spirit.[98][269][270]

A similar anti-Arian emphasis also strongly influenced the development of the liturgy in the East, for example, in promoting prayer to "Christ Our God", an expression which also came to find a place in the West,[271][272] where, largely as a result of "the Church's reaction to Teutonic Arianism", "'Christ our God' ... gradually assumes precedence over 'Christ our brother'".[273] In this case, a common adversary, namely Arianism, had profound, far-reaching effects, in the orthodox reaction in both East and West.[relevant?]

Church politics, authority conflicts, ethnic hostility, linguistic misunderstanding, personal rivalry, forced conversions, large scale wars, political intrigue, unfilled promises and secular motives all combined in various ways to divide East and West.

The doctrine expressed by the phrase in Latin (in which the word "procedit" that is linked with "Filioque" does not have exactly the same meaning and overtones as the word used in Greek) is definitively upheld by the Western Church, having been dogmatically declared by Leo I,[62] and upheld by councils at Lyon and Florence[8] that the Western Church recognizes as ecumenical, by the unanimous witness of the Latin Church Fathers (as Maximus the Confessor acknowledged) and even by Popes who, like Leo III, opposed insertion of the word into the Creed.[274][275]

That the doctrine is heretical is something that not all Orthodox now insist on. According to Ware, many Orthodox (whatever may be the doctrine and practice of the Eastern Orthodox Church itself) hold that, in broad outline, to say the Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son amounts to the same thing as to say that the Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son, a view accepted also by the Greeks who signed the act of union at the Council of Florence.[224] For others, such as Bolotov and his disciples, the Filioque can be considered a Western theologoumenon, a theological opinion of Church Fathers that falls short of being a dogma.[55][225] Bulgakov also stated: "There is no dogma of the relation of the Holy Spirit to the Son and therefore particular opinions on this subject are not heresies but merely dogmatic hypotheses, which have been transformed into heresies by the schismatic spirit that has established itself in the Church and that eagerly exploits all sorts of liturgical and even cultural differences."[226]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Filioque (Latin for "and [from] the Son") is a doctrinal formula incorporated into the Nicene Creed by Western Christianity, asserting that the Holy Spirit proceeds eternally from both the Father and the Son as a single principle, in contrast to the original creed's statement—affirmed by Eastern Christianity—that the Spirit proceeds from the Father alone. This addition, first attested in local Western councils such as Toledo in 589 AD to combat Arianism, gradually became standard in Latin liturgy and theology but was rejected in the East as an unauthorized alteration lacking ecumenical consensus. The controversy, rooted in differing interpretations of patristic texts and scriptural passages like John 15:26, intensified through exchanges such as the Photian Schism of the 9th century and contributed significantly—though not solely—to the mutual excommunications of 1054 that formalized the East-West Schism. Despite ongoing ecumenical dialogues acknowledging shared Trinitarian foundations, the Filioque remains a persistent point of division, symbolizing broader divergences in ecclesiology, authority, and pneumatology between Catholic and Orthodox traditions.

Definition and Core Theology

The Clause in the Nicene Creed

The Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, finalized at the First Council of Constantinople in 381, articulates the procession of the Holy Spirit in its original form as: "And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father, who with the Father and the Son is adored and glorified, who has spoken through the prophets." This clause emphasizes the Spirit's eternal origin solely from the Father, aligning with the creed's intent to affirm Trinitarian orthodoxy against Pneumatomachian heresies that subordinated the Spirit. In Western Christianity, the filioque clause—"and the Son"—was inserted into this procession phrase, yielding: "who proceeds from the Father and the Son." This modification first appeared as an anti-Arian measure at the Third Council of Toledo in 589, where Visigothic Spain, under King Reccared I, renounced Arianism and adopted Nicene orthodoxy, specifying the Spirit's procession to underscore the Son's equality with the Father in divinity. The addition aimed to clarify intra-Trinitarian relations by affirming the Spirit's origin from both paternal and filial sources, drawing on Latin patristic traditions that interpreted John 15:26 and 16:7 as implying the Son's involvement in the Spirit's eternal sending. The filioque spread gradually in the West, gaining traction among at the Council of (796) and (809), where advocated its inclusion to counter perceived Eastern ambiguities on the Son's role. initially resisted universal adoption, omitting it from the creed until 1014, when inserted it at the request of Emperor Henry II during a Roman , marking its formal liturgical use in the . This unilateral alteration, absent from the ecumenical council's text, precipitated theological tensions with Eastern churches, which viewed it as an unauthorized expansion risking subordination of the Father's unique monarchy in the .

Theological Significance of Procession

The doctrine of articulates the eternal origin of the within the as a distinct relational act from the Father's of the , wherein the Spirit is spirated or "breathed forth" as hypostasis sharing the divine . This , unlike creation or temporal mission, constitutes the Spirit's personal subsistence without implying inequality or sequence in eternity, serving to differentiate the persons through opposed relations: the as unbegotten source, the as begotten, and the Spirit as proceeding. In this framework, underscores the immanent life of , where the Spirit's origin reflects the divine will's ultimate expression, distinct from the of the . The theological significance of procession lies in its role as one of two internal processions in the —generation and spiration—yielding four real relations (paternity, , active and passive spiration) that ground the three persons without dividing the substance. This relational preserves Trinitarian unity amid distinction, countering subordinationist errors like by affirming the Spirit's full divinity through origin from the Father (and Son in Western ), rather than self-existence or creation. For Western theology, procession's significance extends to , portraying the Spirit as the interpersonal bond of love between Father and Son, eternally proceeding as their mutual caritas, which informs sacraments, grace, and the Church's unity under that same Spirit. In , procession's import emphasizes the Father's as sole principle (arche) without source, with the Spirit proceeding from the alone (often "through the " economically), to avoid implying two sources that might dilute the Father's unique or introduce a dyadic subordination of the Spirit. This view holds that procession safeguards the Spirit's hypostatic identity as the proper "" of the , distinct from the 's begottenness, with eternal Filioque risking confusion of relations or semi-Sabellianism by overemphasizing Father-Son reciprocity at the Father's expense. Such divergences highlight procession's centrality to Trinitarian , where Western formulations prioritize perichoretic communion and Eastern ones paternal primacy, both rooted in patristic efforts to express divine mystery without analogical overreach.

Distinction from Eastern Trinitarian Formulae

The Eastern , as articulated in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 AD, affirms that the "proceeds from the ," emphasizing the 's unique role as the sole unoriginate principle (arche) or within the . This procession is understood as an eternal, hypostatic relation originating solely from the , who imparts the divine essence to the through eternal generation and to the Spirit through eternal spiration, thereby preserving the distinct personal properties of each hypostasis while maintaining the 's primacy as the fountainhead of divinity. In contrast, the Western formula incorporates the filioque clause—"and the "—indicating that the proceeds eternally from the and the as from a single principle (principium). This addition, formalized in the West by the and endorsed at the Council of Toledo in 589 AD, underscores the 's full participation in the Spirit's eternal origin to affirm intra-Trinitarian equality and the Spirit's role as the mutual love (caritas) between and , without positing two separate sources or subordinating the . The core distinction lies in the conception of divine origin: Eastern prioritizes the Father's exclusive monarchia to avoid any implication of dual principles, viewing filioque as potentially blurring hypostatic distinctions or introducing a derivative origin for the Spirit via the Son, which could undermine the Father's sole causality. Western , however, interprets the as a unified act (per filium or "through the Son" in some patristic senses), compatible with the Father's primacy but essential for safeguarding the Son's against subordinationist errors like , even as Eastern critics contend it shifts emphasis from ontological to relational symmetry.

Scriptural Foundations

Primary Biblical Texts on the Spirit's Procession

The explicit biblical reference to the procession (ekporeusis in Greek) of the occurs in John 15:26: "But when the Helper comes, whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of truth, who proceeds from the Father, he will bear witness about me." This verse, part of ' farewell discourse, distinguishes the eternal origin of the Spirit from the Father while noting the Son's role in sending the Spirit temporally to the disciples. Closely related texts in the same describe the 's and Son's involvement in the Spirit's mission. :16-17 states: "And I will ask the , and he will give you another Helper, to be with you forever, even the Spirit of truth," emphasizing the 's agency in response to the Son's request. :26 adds: "But the Helper, the , whom the will send in my name, he will teach you all things and bring to your remembrance all that I have said to you," linking the sending explicitly to the acting "in my name." John 16:7 further specifies: "Nevertheless, I tell you the truth: it is to your advantage that I go away, for if I do not go away, the Helper will not come to you. But if I go, I will send him to you," highlighting the Son's direct role in the Spirit's advent contingent on his departure. Additional New Testament passages associate the Spirit with the Son without using the term "proceeds." In Galatians 4:6, Paul writes: "And because you are sons, God has sent the Spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying, 'Abba! Father!'" portraying the Spirit as inherently connected to the Son's sonship. Similarly, Romans 8:9 equates the Spirit of God with the "Spirit of Christ": "You, however, are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if in fact the Spirit of God dwells in you. Anyone who does not have the Spirit of Christ does not belong to him." John 16:14-15 describes the Spirit's ongoing relation: "He will glorify me, for he will take what is mine and declare it to you. All that the Father has is mine, and so I said that he will take what is mine and declare it to you," indicating the Spirit receives and communicates from both divine persons. These Johannine and Pauline texts constitute the core scriptural data on the Spirit's procession and relation to Father and Son, with the single explicit mention of procession tied solely to the Father, while sending and indwelling clauses involve the Son. Interpretations of these as implying eternal double procession or distinguishing economic missions from ontological origins vary across theological traditions.

Patristic Exegesis of Johannine Passages

, in his De Trinitate (composed between approximately 400 and 416 AD), exegeted as revealing the eternal processio of the from both Father and Son, positing the Spirit as the substantial love mutually proceeding from their shared essence, distinct from the Son's generation yet inseparable in origin. He reconciled the verse's emphasis on procession "from the Father" with the Son's sending role in John 14:26 and 16:7 by distinguishing temporal mission (the economic sending into the world) from eternal spiration, insisting the latter involves both persons to preserve Trinitarian against Arian . Cyril of Alexandria, in his Thesaurus de Sancta et Consubstantiali Trinitate (circa 430 AD), interpreted the Johannine discourse to affirm that the "proceeds from the Father and Son," as the Spirit's indwelling effects deification in believers, drawing from the Father's origin through the Son's mediation in verses like John 15:26 and 16:14-15, where the Spirit glorifies the Son. This exegesis underscored the Spirit's hypostatic unity with Father and Son, countering Nestorian divisions while maintaining the Father's as principal source. Among , the Great referenced :26 in On the (circa 375 AD) to denote the Spirit as "Spirit of truth which proceeds from the Father," emphasizing the Father's role in origination to affirm divinity against , yet he described the Spirit's communion with the Son (e.g., as "Spirit of the Son" in Galatians 4:6, linked to Johannine sending) as implying procession through the Son in divine operations. , in Oration 31 (The Fifth Theological Oration on the , circa 380 AD), used "" (ekporeusis) from :26 to distinguish the Spirit's manner of origin from the Son's begetting, rejecting creation or subordination while affirming shared substance, with the Son's involvement in sending (John 16:7) reflecting intra-Trinitarian relations. John Chrysostom, in Homily 77 on John (circa 390 AD), focused on John 15:26's testimony of the Spirit bearing witness to Christ, portraying the procession from the Father as the basis for truth and the Son's sending as empowering apostolic mission, without explicit eternal double procession but implying the Spirit's dependence on both for redemptive work. Hilary of Poitiers, in De Trinitate (Books VI-VIII, circa 356-360 AD), connected John 16:7's sending by the Son to eternal procession, arguing the Spirit's witness to Christ's divinity necessitates origin involving the Son to avoid modalism or Arianism, framing Johannine language as guarding the Trinity's unity in essence and action. These interpretations generally upheld the Father's primacy in hypostatic origin per John 15:26 while integrating the Son's causative role in sending (John 14:26, 16:7) as mirroring eternal relations, though Eastern Fathers prioritized ekporeusis from the Father alone for procession proper, viewing Son's involvement as economic or mediatory, a nuance later accentuated in Filioque debates.

Implications for Monarchy of the Father

The doctrine of the monarchy of the Father posits the Father as the sole unoriginate principle (arche or aitia) and ultimate source within the , from whom the Son is eternally begotten and the eternally proceeds, thereby preserving the distinct hypostases while ensuring divine unity. This understanding draws from scriptural emphases on the Father's initiative in the economy of salvation, as in John 14:26 and 15:26, where the Spirit is sent by the . Critics of the Filioque, particularly in , contend that the clause's assertion of the Spirit's procession "from the Father and the Son" (ex Patre Filioque) compromises this paternal monarchy by implying two co-principles or causes in the Godhead, potentially introducing a form of dyarchy that blurs hypostatic distinctions and risks modalistic tendencies. Patriarch Photius of articulated this critique in his Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit (c. 886 AD), denouncing the Filioque as heretical for subordinating the Father's unique causality and aligning it with Arian or semi-Arian errors by elevating the Son to a causative role in the Spirit's eternal origin. Eastern formulations distinguish the Spirit's eternal ekporeusis (origin from the Father alone) from economic manifestations "through the Son," rejecting any eternal co-spiration to safeguard the Father's primacy. Western theologians, however, defend the Filioque as compatible with the Father's , interpreting procession as a single act from the Father as principium principale (principal principle), with the Son's involvement reflecting consubstantial communion rather than a separate cause. This view, rooted in Augustine's De Trinitate (c. 400-420 AD), emphasizes the Father and Son as one principle in spiration, preserving the Father's priority while accounting for the Son's role in the Spirit's temporal mission (e.g., John 16:7). Ecumenical dialogues, such as the 2003 North American Orthodox-Catholic statement, affirm mutual recognition of the Father's sourcehood but highlight persistent divergence: Orthodox insistence on the Father's exclusive eternal causality versus Catholic inclusion of the Son in , without resolving whether this constitutes a church-dividing issue.

Patristic Witness

Testimonies from Eastern Fathers

Eastern , while consistently affirming the Father as the sole arche (principle) of the Godhead's hypostatic processions, frequently employed language indicating the Holy Spirit's intimate relation to the in the economy of salvation and even in eternal origination. This included phrases such as "through the " (dia tou Huiou), which some later Western theologians interpreted as supporting the Filioque clause, though Eastern tradition maintained a distinction between the Spirit's eternal ekporeusis from the Father alone and its manifestation or sending through the . St. Basil the Great (c. 330–379), in his treatise On the Holy Spirit, articulated that the Spirit is united to the Father through the Son, stating: "Through the Son, who is one, he [the Holy Spirit] is joined to the Father, one who is one, and by himself completes the Blessed Trinity." This reflects Basil's emphasis on the Spirit's procession involving the Son's mediation without implying a double arche. Basil further connected the Spirit's sanctifying role to the Son's agency, drawing from Johannine texts where the Spirit is sent by both Father and Son. St. (c. 329–390), in his Fifth Theological Oration, described the Spirit's procession as proceeding from the but analogized the Trinity's relations by noting the Spirit as a "middle term" between the Unbegotten and the Begotten , implying a relational dependence on the without subordinating the 's . Gregory wrote: "The is truly Spirit, coming forth from the indeed, but not after the manner of the , for it is not by generation but by procession (ekporeusis)." Yet, in other contexts, he affirmed the 's full participation in divine operations, including the Spirit's mission. St. (c. 580–662) directly addressed the Filioque in his Letter to Marinus (c. 645–648), defending the Western practice against Eastern objections. He explained that the Latins confess the Spirit's procession "from the through the " in the eternal sense (transeuntem), not as a separate cause alongside the , but as the Son's participation in the 's spiration, preserving the 's sole . Maximus stated: "The Spirit proceeds from the and rests in the ," and affirmed the Roman creed's orthodoxy when understood this way, marking the earliest recorded Greek-Latin dialogue on the issue. St. (c. 675–749), synthesizing earlier Cappadocian thought in An Exact Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, taught that the "goes forth (proion) from the " hypostatically but "receives from the " and is manifested through Him. He wrote: "We say that the ...comes forth from the , not by generation...but by ," while elsewhere noting the Spirit's eternal rest in the and economic through Him, rejecting any notion of two origins but allowing for the Son's instrumental role. This formulation influenced later Byzantine theology, though it was invoked by both sides in Filioque disputes.

Testimonies from Western Fathers

(c. 155–240 AD), in Adversus Praxean (c. 213 AD), articulated an early Western understanding of the Holy Spirit's origin as proceeding from the through the , stating: "I believe that the Spirit proceeds not otherwise than from the through the ." This formulation emphasized the Spirit's derivation in relation to both divine persons while maintaining the 's primacy as source, countering modalist interpretations that blurred Trinitarian distinctions. Hilary of Poitiers (c. 310–367 AD), in De Trinitate (c. 356–360 AD), described the as receiving existence from the through the , praying: "May I receive your Spirit who takes his being from you through your only ." In , he further affirmed the Spirit's consubstantiality by linking its to the shared divine nature of and , writing that the Spirit "proceeds from the " yet operates inseparably with the 's mission. Hilary's anti-Arian context underscored this relational dynamic to affirm the Spirit's full divinity without subordinating it to the alone. Ambrose of Milan (c. 340–397 AD), in De Spiritu Sancto (c. 381 AD), explicitly connected the Spirit's procession to both Father and Son, declaring: "The , when He proceeds from the Father and the Son, does not separate the Son from the Father." argued from :26 and 16:7 that the Son's role in sending the Spirit reflects an eternal origin, not merely a temporal mission, thereby safeguarding Trinitarian unity against Pneumatomachian denials of the Spirit's divinity. His liturgical influence in the West helped embed this theology in creedal recitations by the late . Augustine of Hippo (354–430 AD), in De Trinitate (c. 399–419 AD), provided the most systematic Western exposition, asserting in Book 15: "The proceeds from the as , and, by the eternal gift of this , from the Son also." He reasoned from scriptural missions (e.g., John 14–16) that the Spirit's eternal procession mirrors the temporal sending, proceeding principally from the yet "from both" as the bond of love between them, countering any implication of two sources by emphasizing the 's . Augustine's mutual indwelling (circumincessio) framework integrated the Filioque into Latin Trinitarianism, influencing subsequent Western theology despite Eastern reservations about its formulation. These patristic testimonies, rooted in anti-heretical defenses, consistently affirm the Spirit's procession involving the Son without diminishing the Father's unique role, predating formal creedal additions by centuries.

Reconciling Apparent Divergences

![Maximus the Confessor][float-right] Apparent divergences in patristic testimonies regarding the Holy Spirit's procession arise from terminological and contextual variances between Eastern and Western traditions, rather than fundamental doctrinal opposition. Eastern authors, safeguarding the Father's unique arche (source or principle) of the Godhead, reserved ekporeusis for origin from the Father alone while frequently employing dia tou Huiou (through the Son) to denote the Spirit's relation to the Son in unity with the Father. Western theologians, addressing Arian subordinationism, used processio to express the Spirit's consubstantial origin from Father and Son as a single principle (ex Patre Filioque), emphasizing intra-Trinitarian equality without denying paternal primacy. Maximus the Confessor (c. 580–662), a Greek theologian in Western exile, provided an early reconciliation in his Letter to Marinus (c. 649), defending the Latin insertion against Byzantine objections. He clarified that "and the Son" signifies the Spirit's substantial origin from the Father through the Son's eternal mediation, preserving the Father as sole cause while attributing to the Son a participatory role in spiration derived from his begottenness. Maximus stated: "By nature the Holy Spirit... takes substantially his origin from the Father through the Son who is begotten," thus interpreting the Filioque as compatible with Eastern formulae and rejecting any implication of dual sources. This harmonization draws support from Eastern , including (c. 376–444), who described the Spirit as proceeding "from God [the Father] and... through the Son," and as the one "who proceeds from the Father and receives from the Son." (c. 310–403) affirmed the Spirit "from the Father... through the Son," while Maximus himself echoed Cappadocian precedents like Gregory of Nyssa's (c. 335–395) references to the Spirit's procession "through" the Son's agency. These phrases indicate an eternal, hypostatic involvement of the Son, aligning with Western intent when distinguished from the Father's unoriginate causality. Western figures like (354–430) framed procession as the consubstantial bond of Father and Son, with the Spirit as their mutual gift, yet consistently upheld the Father as originating principle (principium). Patristic reconciliation thus posits that divergences reflect anti-heretical emphases—Eastern focus on against , Western against —without contradicting the shared affirmation of the Father's primacy and the Son's co-eternal role in the Spirit's origin. Subsequent ecumenical analyses, reviewing these texts, conclude substantial patristic agreement on the Father as sole Trinitarian arche, rendering the Filioque a permissible clarification rather than innovation when properly construed.

Historical Origins and Western Adoption

Anti-Arian Contexts in the Early West

In the and its successor kingdoms, posed a persistent challenge following the Council of Nicaea (325 AD), as Germanic tribes like the adopted the heresy, which denied the Son's consubstantial divinity with the Father by portraying him as a created subordinate. Western theologians countered this by emphasizing the shared procession of the from Father and Son, thereby affirming the Son's equality in divinity and avoiding any implication of Trinitarian hierarchy that Arians exploited. This doctrinal strategy drew on earlier Latin patristic traditions, such as (c. 310–367 AD), who in De Trinitate argued that the Spirit's with Father and Son necessitated a procession involving both to refute Arian claims of the Son's inferiority. Ambrose of (c. 340–397 AD) further developed this in De Spiritu Sancto, asserting that the Spirit proceeds "from the Father and the Son" to underscore the unity of divine essence against Arian divisions, influencing anti-Arian efforts in and . (354–430 AD) provided the most systematic Western exposition in De Trinitate (Books 15), where he described the Spirit as the bond of love proceeding principally from the Father but eternally from the Son as well, explicitly to guard against Arian that might extend to the Spirit. These formulations prioritized causal realism in Trinitarian relations, ensuring the Son's uncreated status without diminishing the Father's . The practical application culminated in Visigothic Spain, where Arian rulers had suppressed until King Reccared I's conversion in 587 AD. At the Third Council of Toledo (589 AD), attended by 57 bishops, the Filioque was interpolated into the Nicene-Constantinopolitan during the mass, explicitly to combat residual by declaring the Spirit "proceeds from the and the (filioque)," thus affirming Trinitarian equality. This local addition, ratified in canons affirming orthodoxy, marked the creed's first documented Western alteration for anti-heretical purposes, with subsequent synods like Toledo IV (633 AD) and Toledo XI (675 AD) reinforcing it amid ongoing conversions of Arian clergy. Such contexts reveal the Filioque's emergence not as speculative innovation but as a targeted response to Arian threats in regions like and parts of , where empirical pressures from heretical monarchies necessitated explicit creedal safeguards; Eastern sources, less exposed to these Germanic Arian strongholds, did not adopt similar insertions contemporaneously. While effective against —which waned in the West by the 7th century—these developments later fueled East-West tensions, as the clause's local origins contrasted with the ecumenical Creed's original form.

Earliest Liturgical and Creedal Insertions

The earliest documented insertion of the Filioque clause into the Nicene-Constantinopolitan took place at the Third Council of Toledo on May 5, 589, convened by Visigothic King after his renunciation of in favor of Nicene . This addition, rendering the procession article as "et in Spiritum Sanctum... qui ex Patre Filioque procedit," served to combat Arian tendencies that subordinated the by affirming the Spirit's eternal origin from both Father and Son, thus underscoring Trinitarian . The council's acts preserved the full amended , which was proclaimed to integrate the converted Arian into the Catholic faith, marking the first local creedal modification in the West without ecumenical authority. Prior to 589, no extant Western creedal texts or conciliar records attest to the Filioque's inclusion, despite earlier Latin patristic endorsements of the Spirit's procession per Filium (through the Son) by figures like Ambrose of Milan (c. 339–397) and Augustine of Hippo (354–430); these supported the doctrine theologically but did not alter the 381 Creed's wording. The Toledo insertion arose in the specific anti-Arian context of Visigothic Spain, where Arianism had dominated since the 5th century, prompting the clause's use to equate the Son's role in spiration with the Father's to preclude any diminishment of divine unity. Liturgically, the Filioque entered Spanish usage concurrently with the 589 , appearing in the Creed's recitation during and other rites in Hispania's churches to standardize anti-Arian profession among and . Subsequent synods reinforced this: the Fourth Council of Toledo (633) reiterated the clause in its creedal exposition, while the Eighth (653) mandated its inclusion in baptismal formularies, extending its liturgical footprint across the . These developments remained regionally confined, with no evidence of adoption in or until later centuries, reflecting a gradual Western assimilation driven by local doctrinal needs rather than universal mandate.

Carolingian Promotion and Liturgical Standardization

The , under (r. 768–814), actively promoted the Filioque clause as part of broader efforts to unify doctrine and liturgy in the Frankish realms, viewing it as essential to anti-Arian Trinitarian orthodoxy inherited from earlier Western traditions. At the in 794, convened by , Frankish and Italian bishops condemned —a Christological associated with Spanish bishops like Elipandus of Toledo—but also implicitly endorsed the Filioque by upholding the double procession of the in opposition to perceived Eastern ambiguities, as reflected in the reception of the Opus Caroli Regis (or Libri Carolini), a theological treatise attributed to Theodulf of Orléans that critiqued the Second Council of Nicaea (787) while defending Western . This synod's decisions reinforced the clause's doctrinal legitimacy in Germanic territories, marking an early Carolingian assertion of theological independence from Byzantine influence. By 798, the Filioque was incorporated into the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed recited in Charlemagne's court chapel at , serving as a model for liturgical practice amid the emperor's centralization of religious uniformity. Charlemagne's promotion extended to missionary and educational reforms, where the augmented Creed appeared in texts like the Libri Carolini, emphasizing the Spirit's procession ex Patre Filioque to safeguard the of the Son with the Father against Arian remnants. This usage spread through imperial capitularies and monastic scripts, aligning with of York's advocacy for standardized creedal recitation in Carolingian schools and palaces. Liturgical standardization accelerated under and his successors, as the adapted the —imported to supplant Gallican diversities—while retaining the Filioque, which was absent from papal liturgies in . The of in 809, convened by Charlemagne's son , saw Frankish bishops petition to authorize universal adoption of the clause; Leo affirmed its theological validity but declined to alter the Creed's text to preserve ecumenical harmony, instead inscribing the original version (without Filioque) on silver shields in . Despite papal reticence, Carolingian reforms disseminated the augmented Creed via uniform sacramentaries and lectionaries, embedding it in masses across the empire by the mid-9th century, as evidenced in surviving manuscripts like the Sacramentary of Gellone (ca. 790–800). This process, driven by imperial edicts and synodal decrees, entrenched the Filioque in Western Latin rites, diverging from Eastern practices and foreshadowing inter-church tensions.

Eastern Responses and Early Disputes

Initial Byzantine Critiques

The earliest recorded Byzantine reservations regarding the Filioque emerged during the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, convened primarily to address Iconoclasm but also touching on creedal fidelity. Patriarch Tarasius of Constantinople, in his epistolary profession of faith submitted to Pope Adrian I prior to the council, articulated the procession of the Holy Spirit as occurring "from the Father through the Son," employing the Greek preposition dia to denote mediation or manifestation rather than co-origination in the eternal ekporeusis (procession). This formulation preserved the Father's unique role as the sole arche (principle) of divinity, aligning with patristic emphases on the monarchy of the Father while avoiding any implication of dual sources within the Godhead. The council's horos (definition of faith) recited the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 in its unaltered form, declaring the "who proceedeth from the Father" without appending Filioque, and reinforced prior conciliar prohibitions against modifying , as established at in 431. This adherence implicitly critiqued Western liturgical insertions of the clause, which had appeared in since 589 and spread among , as deviations risking confusion of Trinitarian hypostases—potentially equating the Son's role in spiration with the Father's unipersonal causality. Byzantine participants viewed such additions as procedurally illicit, absent universal consent, though theological compatibility was not yet outright denied; Tarasius' dia tou Uiou echoed earlier Eastern fathers like , interpreting Western intent as economic rather than ontological . These positions elicited Western backlash, notably from Charlemagne's theologians in the Libri Carolini (c. 790) and the Council of (794), which repudiated Nicaea II partly for allegedly reverting to a "Greek" creed deficient in affirming the Spirit's et Filioque. Byzantine responses remained measured, prioritizing the Creed's symbolic unity over confrontation, but underscored a growing wariness of Frankish innovations as threats to the patristic consensus on divine (order), where the Father's monopatric origin safeguarded against Arian-like or semi-Sabellianism. By the early , as Carolingian promotion intensified—culminating in the Synod of Aachen (809)—these critiques laid groundwork for sharper polemics, focusing on empirical fidelity to conciliar texts over speculative Latin .

Photian Schism and 9th-Century Polemics

The emerged in 858 when Emperor deposed Patriarch I of and appointed the lay scholar Photius as patriarch, prompting opposition from , who viewed the deposition as irregular and supported Ignatius's partisans. convened a in in 863 that declared Photius's elevation invalid and excommunicated him unless he resigned, escalating tensions over patriarchal legitimacy and jurisdictional rights. The dispute intensified with the conversion of Bulgarian ruler Boris I in 864, as Boris sought ecclesiastical independence; both and vied for influence over the Bulgarian church, with insisting on Latin liturgical practices including the with the Filioque clause. In response, Photius issued an in 867 to the Eastern patriarchs, cataloging Western "errors" such as enforced , fasting on Saturdays, and the Filioque addition to the , arguing that the latter implied two sources for the and contradicted the original conciliar text from 381. Photius contended that the Filioque undermined the monarchy of the Father as the sole principle of the Godhead, a position rooted in Cappadocian , and accused the West of doctrinal without ecumenical consent. That same year, a council in under Photius and Emperor deposed and excommunicated , explicitly condemning the Filioque as heretical alongside papal interference in Eastern affairs and the Bulgarian mission. The polemics of the era centered on Photius's theological critiques, particularly in his later work Mystagogy of the (c. 880s), where he systematically refuted the Filioque by appealing to scriptural —such as John 15:26—and patristic authorities like , asserting that procession (ekporeusis) pertains solely to the Father's hypostatic origin of the Spirit, distinct from the Spirit's economic sending through the Son. Western defenders, including Nicholas's legates, maintained the Filioque's compatibility with orthodoxy as an explication of the Son's eternal , but the schism's immediate resolution was political: Nicholas's in 867, Michael's , and Ignatius's restoration in 869–870, followed by a Fourth Council of (recognized as ecumenical by the East) that anathematized Photius. Photius was reinstated in 877 after Ignatius's death, and a in 879–880, attended by papal legates, conditionally reconciled with while prohibiting unilateral creedal alterations, including the Filioque, though enforcement lapsed amid ongoing jurisdictional frictions. These events marked the Filioque's elevation from a regional Western usage to a flashpoint of East-West division, with Photius's arguments framing subsequent Byzantine resistance as a defense of conciliar tradition against perceived Latin . Despite the schism's partial healing by 880, the doctrinal rift persisted, foreshadowing deeper 11th-century estrangements.

Preconditions for the Great Schism

The resolution of the in the late temporarily eased overt hostilities, but underlying doctrinal divergences over the Filioque persisted, exacerbated by the Western churches' continued liturgical use of the clause despite Eastern prohibitions. The Council of Constantinople (879–880), recognized by the Eastern Church as the Eighth and initially approved by , explicitly reaffirmed the original Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 without additions and anathematized any alterations to its text, implicitly condemning the Filioque insertion as a violation. This council, attended by over 400 bishops and aimed at reconciling Photius with , underscored the East's commitment to preserving the creed's integrity as established by the first two ecumenical councils, viewing unilateral Western modifications as heretical innovations that risked subverting the monarchy of the Father in Trinitarian procession. In the West, however, resistance to inserting the Filioque into the Roman waned over the subsequent century, even as earlier popes had prioritized unity. (r. 795–816), while affirming the theological validity of the Filioque against Arian interpretations, refused its creedal addition and had the original without the clause engraved on silver shields displayed in to demonstrate fidelity to ecumenical tradition. Similarly, Pope John VIII's endorsement of the 879–880 council explicitly forbade tampering with the 's wording. Yet, by the early , Frankish and Germanic influences prevailed; during the coronation of Henry II on February 14, 1014, in under , the Filioque was chanted in the for the first time in papal , marking Rome's adoption despite prior papal cautions. This shift, driven by alignment with Carolingian traditions and anti-Arian emphases, alienated Eastern observers who perceived it as a direct breach of conciliar agreements and an assertion of Western autonomy over shared doctrinal symbols. These developments entrenched the Filioque as a flashpoint amid broader ecclesiopolitical strains, including Byzantine territorial losses in Italy to Norman incursions and papal assertions of primacy. By the 1040s, as Western missionaries expanded into Slavic territories under Byzantine influence, reports of Latin creedal practices fueled Byzantine critiques, with figures like Patriarch Michael I Cerularius viewing the clause not merely as a theological error implying dual procession but as symptomatic of Western overreach in amending ecumenical formularies without consensus. The failure to convene a joint council to address these grievances, coupled with the West's liturgical standardization of the Filioque across major sees, eroded possibilities for doctrinal compromise, priming the mutual excommunications of 1054 where Cardinal Humbert explicitly condemned Eastern rejection of the clause as heretical. Thus, the Filioque evolved from a regional Western safeguard against Arianism into a symbol of irreconcilable differences in authority, tradition, and Trinitarian formulation, contributing causally to the schism's preconditions by highlighting the absence of shared mechanisms for resolving creedal disputes.

The Filioque in the East-West Schism and Beyond

Events of 1054 and Mutual Excommunications

In early 1054, amid escalating tensions over liturgical practices and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, Pope Leo IX dispatched a legation led by Cardinal Humbert of Silva Candida to Constantinople to negotiate with Patriarch Michael I Cerularius. The mission aimed to address grievances including the closure of Latin churches in the Byzantine capital, ordered by Cerularius in 1053 in retaliation for Norman suppression of Greek rites in southern Italy, as well as doctrinal differences such as the use of unleavened bread (azymes) in the Latin Eucharist. The Filioque clause emerged as one point of contention during these exchanges, with Western legates defending its inclusion in the Nicene Creed as a safeguard against Arianism, while Eastern clergy viewed the unilateral Western addition—without the approval of an ecumenical council—as a violation of the Council of Ephesus's (431) prohibition on altering the creed. Negotiations collapsed due to mutual intransigence; Cerularius declined to grant the legates a formal audience, dismissing their overtures as presumptuous, while Humbert perceived the patriarch's stance as defiant toward papal authority. On July 16, 1054, during the in the , Humbert dramatically deposited a of excommunication on the altar, anathematizing Cerularius and his for alleged errors including , rejection of , and—specifically—the "omission" of the Filioque from the creed, framing it as a departure from orthodox Trinitarian faith. This accusation inverted the historical sequence, as the Filioque had been interpolated into Western creedal recitations centuries earlier, prompting Eastern critiques of innovation rather than deletion; contemporaries noted the bull's charges as encompassing a of practices like and fasting on Saturdays, with the Filioque serving more as rhetorical reinforcement than the precipitating crisis. Cerularius convened a synod on July 20, 1054, which promptly excommunicated Humbert, the legate Frederick of Lorraine, and their associates, condemning the bull as invalid and its authors as heretics for imposing Latin customs and the Filioque without conciliar consensus. The exchanges highlighted deeper fissures over authority—the West's assertion of Roman supremacy versus the East's collegial model of pentarchy—but the Filioque symbolized irreconcilable approaches to doctrinal development, with the East insisting on unchanging tradition and the West on adaptive clarification. These acts did not immediately sever all communion, as local churches continued interrelations for centuries, but they crystallized the schism, later formalized as the enduring East-West divide.

Medieval Western Affirmations

The Filioque clause, affirming the procession of the from the Father and the Son as one principle, received explicit conciliar endorsement in the Western Church during the 13th century. The , convened by from November 11 to 30, 1215, incorporated the clause into its revised creed, declaring the Spirit "proceeds from the Father and the Son" to safeguard Trinitarian orthodoxy against heresies like those of , while emphasizing the of the divine persons. This affirmation built on prior liturgical use but marked a formal dogmatic integration, reflecting the clause's role in Western to underscore the Son's eternal equality with the Father without implying two sources of divinity. The Second Council of Lyons, held in 1274 under , further entrenched the Filioque by requiring its acceptance as a condition for ecclesial union with the Eastern Church, stating in its that the Spirit "proceeds eternally from the and from the , not as from two principles but as from one." This council's decree, ratified amid negotiations with Byzantine envoys, highlighted the Western view of the clause as essential to rejecting , though it failed to achieve lasting reconciliation. Medieval scholastic theologians provided rigorous philosophical defenses rooted in Augustine's legacy and patristic exegesis. Anselm of Canterbury (c. 1033–1109), in his treatise De Processione Spiritus Sancti, argued from Scripture (e.g., John 15:26, 16:14) and reason that the Spirit's procession involves the Son as co-principle, maintaining the Father's monarchy while ensuring intra-Trinitarian relations of origin without division. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274), in Summa Theologica (I, q. 36), elaborated this by distinguishing the Father's paternity from the Son's filiation, positing the Spirit's eternal spiration from both as a single act of divine will, countering objections that it implied two fathers or temporal procession. Aquinas drew on biblical texts like Romans 8:9 and Galatians 4:6 to affirm the Spirit as the mutual love (bond of charity) between Father and Son, a view influential in Dominican and Franciscan schools despite Eastern critiques. These affirmations, disseminated through universities like Paris and Oxford, solidified the Filioque as a cornerstone of Latin Trinitarianism by the late Middle Ages.

Council of Florence and Failed Unions

The (1438–1445), formally transferred from to on January 10, 1439, addressed the Filioque amid broader efforts to reunite the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches, prompted by Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaeologus's request for Western military assistance against the . Debates on the Filioque clause specifically occurred between March 4 and March 15, 1439, where Latin theologians, including figures like John of Torquemada and , defended the eternal procession of the from both the Father and the Son by citing patristic sources such as and , while Eastern delegates, led initially by of , contested it as an unauthorized addition to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed that implied two sources within the Godhead. Under pressure from financial dependencies and the emperor's directives, the Greek delegation conceded, with key figures like signing agreements affirming the doctrine. The union's dogmatic core regarding the Filioque was enshrined in the Decretum pro Graecis, incorporated into Pope Eugene IV's bull Laetentur Caeli promulgated on July 6, 1439, which declared: "the holy Spirit is eternally from the Father and the Son, and has his essence and his subsistent being from the Father together with the Son, and proceeds from both eternally as from one principle and a single spiration." This decree, signed by the emperor, 16 Orthodox bishops (out of about 33 present), and other delegates, explicitly recognized the Western formulation's legitimacy while maintaining the Father's monarchy (primacy) in the Trinity, ostensibly reconciling differences by framing the Son's role as derivative from the Father. Patriarch Joseph II had died on June 10, 1439, before the signing, but his prior acquiescence was noted; the document also addressed purgatory, azymes (unleavened bread in the Eucharist), and papal primacy, tying Filioque acceptance to broader submission to Rome. Despite formal ratification, the union failed to take root in the East due to widespread rejection upon the delegates' return to Constantinople in late 1439 and 1440. Emperor John VIII attempted enforcement through imperial decree, but faced vehement opposition from clergy and laity, spearheaded by Metropolitan Mark of Ephesus, the sole prominent bishop who refused to sign and publicly denounced the Filioque as heretical innovation violating the Third Ecumenical Council's (381) prohibition on creed alterations. Anti-Latin riots and synodal condemnations ensued; by 1443, a local council in Constantinople repudiated the agreements, citing coerced concessions, doctrinal incompatibility (e.g., the Filioque's perceived subordination of the Spirit), and unfulfilled Western aid promises amid ongoing Ottoman advances. The union's collapse was exacerbated by the 1453 fall of Constantinople, after which Patriarch Gennadios II Scholarios, formerly anti-unionist, formalized Orthodox rejection, viewing Florence as a capitulation driven by desperation rather than theological conviction. Subsequent union attempts, such as the 1442 Decretum pro Jacobitis for Syrian Orthodox (affirming Filioque procession alongside other doctrines like ), similarly faltered, with Eastern acceptances proving ephemeral due to grassroots resistance and geopolitical failures—e.g., no substantial crusader relief materialized, reinforcing perceptions of pragmatic betrayal over sincere reconciliation. These "failed unions" underscored the Filioque's role not merely as a verbal dispute but as emblematic of irreconcilable ecclesial authorities and Trinitarian causal frameworks, where Western emphasis on intra-Trinitarian relations clashed with Eastern stress on the Father's unipersonal origin.

Doctrinal Stances of Christian Communions

Roman Catholic Position and Rationale

The Roman Catholic Church doctrinally maintains that the proceeds eternally from the Father and from the Son (filioque), as from a single principle and by a single spiration, thereby expressing the perfect unity and consubstantial communion within the . This position, confessed in the Latin version of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed since the sixth century in the West, was dogmatically defined at the (1438–1445), which decreed: "The ... has his nature and his subsistence at once (simul) from the Father and the Son. He proceeds eternally from both as from one principle and through one spiration... [The Father] has, through generation, given to the only-begotten Son everything that belongs to the Father, except being Father; the Son also therefore has eternally from the Father, from whom he is eternally born, that from him the proceeds." The rationale for this teaching rests on safeguarding the full divinity and equality of the Son with the Father, countering potential subordinationist interpretations that might diminish the Son's role in the Godhead. By affirming the filioque, the Church emphasizes that the Spirit's reflects the relational bond of love between Father and Son, with the Son actively involved in the Spirit's eternal origin without implying two sources or a division in the divine essence. This formulation draws from Western patristic tradition, particularly St. Augustine of Hippo (354–430), who in De Trinitate described the as the mutual love (caritas) proceeding from Father and Son, stating: "The is the Spirit of the Father and the Son, not such that he is not also the Spirit of the Father alone or of the Son alone, but he is the Spirit of both." Other Latin Fathers, such as St. (c. 310–367) and St. (c. 340–397), similarly articulated the Son's involvement in the Spirit's to refute , which subordinated the Son by limiting his divine agency. Scripturally, the doctrine is grounded in passages depicting the Son's active role in the Spirit's mission, interpreted as reflecting eternal relations: Jesus promises to send the Spirit from the (John 15:26), who proceeds from the Father but is the Spirit of the Son (Galatians 4:6; Romans 8:9), and whom the Son breathes upon the apostles (John 20:22), symbolizing divine authority. The Church holds that this eternal procession does not contradict the Father's (sole ultimate source) but explicates it through the Son, as the Father communicates all divine attributes to the Son except paternity. Historically, the clause's liturgical insertion in the West, approved by local councils like Toledo (589) and endorsed by (d. 816) doctrinally while deferring on recitation, served to combat recurring Arian tendencies in Visigothic and Carolingian realms, ensuring Trinitarian without altering the Creed's original meaning. The maintains that the filioque is a legitimate development of , compatible with Eastern expressions when properly understood, as clarified in modern documents like the 1995 Vatican clarification to the Eastern Churches.

Eastern Orthodox Rejection and Arguments

The rejects the Filioque clause as a theological innovation that alters the original Nicene-Constantinopolitan of 381, which specifies the Spirit's "from the " without reference to the . This rejection stems from adherence to the creed as affirmed by the ecumenical councils, viewing the Western addition—first appearing in around 589 to counter —as an unauthorized modification prohibited by of the Council of Ephesus (431), which forbids alterations to the creed. Photius I of Constantinople, in his Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit (c. 867–870), provided the foundational Orthodox critique, arguing that the Filioque introduces two principles or causes within the Godhead, thereby eroding the monarchia of the Father as the sole unoriginate source (arche anarche) from whom the Son is eternally begotten and the Spirit eternally proceeds. Photius contended that this duality compromises the unity of the divine essence and confuses the hypostatic distinctions, making the Spirit's origin dependent on the Son and risking subordinationism or a quasi-dyadic structure alien to patristic Trinitarianism. He drew on scriptural exegesis of John 15:26, interpreting "proceeds from the Father" as denoting the Spirit's eternal ekporeusis (procession) exclusively from the Father, distinct from the economic sending through the Son in the Incarnation. Subsequent Orthodox theologians, such as the Cappadocian Fathers (Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Gregory of Nyssa), reinforced this by emphasizing the Father's unique causality: the Son's generation and the Spirit's procession serve to distinguish the persons without implying co-causality. Gregory Palamas (1296–1359) and later figures like Vladimir Lossky echoed Photius, asserting that the Filioque blurs the taxis (order) of the Trinity, potentially implying the Spirit as a "bond" between Father and Son rather than a co-equal person with procession as its proper hypostatic character. This view prioritizes the Greek patristic tradition over Latin developments like Augustine's mutual indwelling (perichoresis), which Orthodox see as compatible only if subordinated to the Father's monarchy. Ecclesiologically, the rejection underscores the need for conciliar consensus; Eastern councils, such as that of 879–880 under Photius, explicitly anathematized the addition, affirming the creed's integrity and warning against innovations that could fracture the Church's unity. Orthodox doctrine thus maintains that true Trinitarian faith requires preserving the Father's sole principality to safeguard against Arian-like subordination or Sabellian confusion, even as the West defends the clause against perceived Spirit-neglect.

Oriental Orthodox Perspectives

The , including the Coptic, Armenian Apostolic, Syriac, Ethiopian, and Eritrean Orthodox traditions, uniformly reject the Filioque clause as an unauthorized addition to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan promulgated in 381 AD. These churches adhere strictly to the original creed's formulation that the "proceeds from the ," viewing the Western insertion of "and the " as a post-conciliar that lacks ecumenical consensus and risks theological distortion. This rejection stems from fidelity to the patristic witness and scriptural exegesis, particularly John 15:26, which specifies the Spirit's procession "from the Father" without reference to the Son as a co-principle of origin. Oriental Orthodox theologians argue that the Filioque disrupts the monarchy of the Father as the sole unoriginate source within the Trinity, potentially implying two origins for the Spirit and subordinating the third Person to a derivative role from both Father and Son. For instance, in the Armenian tradition, Saint Gregory of Tatev (14th century) explicitly critiqued emanation from both Father and Son as incompatible with the Cappadocian Fathers' emphasis on the Father's unique causality. Similarly, Coptic sources emphasize that the clause alters the creed's pneumatological balance, echoing early Eastern concerns without introducing novel Miaphysite-specific interpretations. In ecumenical contexts, such as the 2017 Agreed Statement between Anglican and Oriental Orthodox representatives, the churches affirmed the Filioque's erroneous nature for introducing and violating the 's Trinitarian taxis (order). Syriac Orthodox perspectives align, reciting the sans Filioque in and , prioritizing the 381 formulation as inviolable. This stance persists without significant internal variation, as the Filioque debate postdated the 451 Chalcedonian schism and thus did not factor into Oriental Orthodox self-definition, though it reinforces their broader commitment to conciliar against unilateral creedal amendments.

Assyrian Church of the East Views

The adheres to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed as affirmed in its original form from the in 381, stating that the "proceeds from the Father" without the later Western addition of filioque ("and the Son"). This creed was formally adopted by the church at the of Seleucia-Ctesiphon in 410, predating the filioque's introduction in at the Third Council of Toledo in 589. The church's liturgical texts and doctrinal statements consistently recite the procession as from the Father alone, emphasizing the Father's monarchy as the sole unoriginate source within the . This position reflects the church's East Syrian theological tradition, which maintains continuity with pre-Chalcedonian patristic sources like those of and Narsai, who describe the Spirit's eternal origin from the Father while acknowledging the Son's role in the temporal mission of the Spirit without implying a double eternal procession. Unlike the Roman Catholic affirmation of filioque as clarifying the Spirit's consubstantiality with Father and Son, the Assyrian view prioritizes the 's original wording to avoid any perceived risk of subordinating the Spirit or blurring the distinct hypostatic properties of the divine persons. The church has not engaged extensively in modern filioque polemics, given its historical separation from both Western and Byzantine communions, but its adherence to the unaltered underscores a commitment to conciliar fidelity over unilateral modifications.

Protestant Traditions and Variations

Most Protestant denominations, emerging from the Western Christian tradition during the Reformation, have historically affirmed the Filioque clause as part of the Nicene Creed, viewing it as a biblically grounded safeguard for the eternal relations within the Trinity and the Son's role in the Spirit's procession. This acceptance stems from the Reformers' retention of patristic and medieval Western theology, including Augustine's emphasis on the Spirit as the bond of love between Father and Son, without subordinating the Father as the sole principle. Confessional documents like the Augsburg Confession (1530) and the Westminster Confession of Faith (1646) implicitly endorse double procession by upholding the Western Creed's formulation. Lutheran theology maintains the Filioque doctrinally, with defending it against Eastern critiques as consistent with Scripture (e.g., John 15:26 and 16:7) and essential to avoid implying the Spirit's independence from the Son. The Lutheran Confessions affirm the Spirit's procession ex patre filioque, rejecting any notion of two ultimate sources in the while emphasizing the Father's through eternal generation of the Son. Recent ecumenical dialogues, such as the 2024 Lutheran World Federation-Orthodox joint statement, acknowledge compatibility in substance but permit omission of the clause in joint recitations to foster unity, without altering confessional commitment. Reformed traditions, including Presbyterian and Calvinist bodies, robustly endorse the Filioque as integral to Trinitarian orthodoxy, with John Calvin arguing in his Institutes (1536) that the Spirit proceeds from both as from one principle, preserving divine unity and countering Arian-like subordinationism. The Second Helvetic Confession (1566) and Belgic Confession (1561) reflect this by reciting the creed with the clause, grounding it in texts like Galatians 4:6 where the Spirit is sent by the Son. While some contemporary Reformed voices debate its creedal necessity for ecumenism, the clause remains a pastoral tool for emphasizing the Spirit's Christocentric mission in sanctification and worship. Anglican positions show variation, with the (1571) affirming Western Trinitarianism compatible with Filioque, though the of 1978 recommended its omission from the in favor of the original 381 text to advance Orthodox dialogue, prioritizing over doctrinal addition. The adopted this resolution in 1994 for ecumenical settings, yet many Anglican provinces, including the , retain the clause in and to uphold the Son's eternal involvement in spiration. This flexibility reflects Anglican , balancing Western heritage with , though critics argue omission risks diluting scriptural emphasis on the Spirit's procession through the Son (John 20:22). Non-creedal Protestant groups, such as Baptists and many evangelicals, place less emphasis on the Nicene Creed itself but affirm the underlying doctrine through sola scriptura, interpreting passages like Romans 8:9 and 1 Peter 1:11 to support the Spirit's intimate relation to both Father and Son without implying temporal sequence. These traditions view Filioque controversies as secondary to personal faith, yet confessional subsets (e.g., Reformed Baptists) explicitly include it in statements of faith to guard against modalism or unitarian tendencies. Overall, Protestant variations prioritize biblical exegesis over historical insertion debates, with ecumenical omissions rare outside formal dialogues.

Modern Reexaminations and Ecumenism

Linguistic and Philosophical Clarifications

In modern , linguistic clarifications have emphasized the distinction between the Greek term ekporeusis (ἐκπόρευσις), denoting the hypostatic origin or principal procession of the from the alone as the sole , and the broader Latin term processio, which encompasses both the eternal intra-Trinitarian relations and the economic manifestation of the Spirit in the world through the . This nuance, articulated in the 1995 clarification by the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, holds that the Latin Filioque does not imply a double procession from two co-equal principles but expresses the Son's consubstantial participation in the Father's unique ekporeusis of the Spirit, aligning with patristic witnesses like who interpreted Western usage as preserving the Father's monarchy. Philosophically, these discussions reject any subordinationist interpretation of the Filioque that would diminish the Father's , instead framing the as safeguarding the full and relational unity of the against Arian tendencies by affirming the Spirit's eternal reception from the as well, without positing the Son as a causal source equivalent to the . The 2003 Agreed Statement of the North American Orthodox-Catholic Theological Consultation further posits that, when understood as referring to the Spirit's procession from the Father through the in the Latin sense—distinct from hypostatic origin—the Filioque need not divide churches, as both traditions affirm the Father's primacy and the perichoretic communion of the persons. However, Orthodox participants in such dialogues have qualified acceptance, insisting that any reformulation must prioritize the Cappadocian emphasis on the Father's unipersonal causality to avoid implying dyarchy in the .

20th-Century Theological Dialogues

In the wake of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), which emphasized , Catholic-Orthodox theological dialogues intensified, addressing longstanding issues including the Filioque clause. These efforts sought to clarify whether doctrinal differences were irreconcilable or stemmed from linguistic, cultural, and historical misunderstandings. A pivotal early 20th-century development occurred in 1979 with the Klingenthal Memorandum, produced by French Catholic and Orthodox theologians. This document argued that the Filioque, when properly interpreted, aligns with Eastern patristic teaching on the Holy Spirit's procession "through the Son," without implying a dual procession that undermines the Father's unique role as source (). It emphasized that Western formulations aimed to safeguard the Son's equality with the Father against , rather than to innovate theologically, though it critiqued the unilateral addition to the Creed without Eastern consent. The North American Orthodox-Catholic Theological Consultation, established in 1965, turned its attention to the Filioque in 1999, building on prior ecumenical frameworks like the 1979 Joint International Commission for Theological Dialogue. Discussions from 1999 to 2000 highlighted convergences: both traditions affirm the Father's primacy in the and the Spirit's eternal relation to the Son, interpreting "proceeds" (ekporeusis) in the as distinct from the Spirit's manifestation or sending (pempsis) in time. Orthodox participants maintained that the Filioque risks blurring hypostatic distinctions if taken literally as eternal procession from two principles, while Catholics clarified it as an economic expression of intra-Trinitarian communion. These dialogues underscored procedural concerns over substance: the Western insertion of the Filioque into the 381 without an violated canonical norms, exacerbating divisions despite underlying theological compatibility. Participants recommended reciting the original in bilingual settings to foster unity and urged re-examination of mutual anathemas from councils like Lyons II (1274). Such efforts reflected a shift from polemics to mutual comprehension, though full resolution remained elusive due to entrenched liturgical practices.

Recent Ecumenical Statements and Shifts

In 2003, the North American Orthodox-Catholic Theological Consultation issued an agreed statement titled "The Filioque: A Church-Dividing Issue?" on October 25, unanimously concluding that the clause, when properly understood through historical and theological clarifications, does not constitute an insurmountable doctrinal barrier to unity between the two traditions. The statement recommended that Roman Catholics omit the Filioque from recitations of the Nicene Creed in ecumenical settings or when celebrating with Eastern Christians, while affirming its legitimacy as a Western theological expression of the same Trinitarian faith held by the Orthodox; it further urged Orthodox to recognize this Western usage without requiring its adoption in the East. This marked a significant ecumenical shift toward viewing the Filioque as a matter of complementary linguistic and cultural formulations rather than essential disagreement on the procession of the Holy Spirit. Subsequent practices reflected these recommendations, with Popes Benedict XVI and Francis omitting the Filioque during joint liturgical recitations with Orthodox leaders, such as Benedict's 2008 Creed with Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I and similar instances under Francis to foster mutual understanding without altering official Catholic dogma. These gestures, however, have not prompted doctrinal changes; the Catholic Church maintains the Filioque as defined at the Council of Florence (1439), while Orthodox jurisdictions continue to reject its insertion into the Creed as unilateral and potentially disruptive to the Father's monarchy in the Trinity. In 2024, the and representatives of the Orthodox Church released a joint statement on the Filioque following their Joint Commission's plenary session in , , in May, affirming shared belief in the Holy Spirit's full and while attributing historical differences to Western anti-Arian emphases versus Eastern concerns over the Father's unique . The document proposed renewed adherence to the original Greek text of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan (without Filioque) in joint worship to promote healing, building on over four decades of and anticipating the 1700th anniversary of the Council of Nicaea in 2025, though it stopped short of resolving confessional variances in creed usage. Broader Catholic-Orthodox dialogues through the Joint International Commission have since prioritized issues like primacy and over the Filioque, with no equivalent binding agreements post-2003, indicating persistent tensions despite ecumenical overtures; reiterated in October 2024 a hope for "reconciled differences" on such matters, emphasizing love over doctrinal uniformity as a path forward. These developments reflect a trend of through clarification but underscore that official positions remain unchanged, with the Filioque continuing to symbolize deeper ecclesiological divides.

Persistent Controversies and Truth Claims

Theological Subordinationism Risks Without Filioque

Western theologians contend that the absence of the Filioque clause in formulations of the procession of the Holy Spirit risks reviving subordinationist tendencies akin to Arianism, by potentially diminishing the Son's co-equality with the Father in the divine economy. Historically, the clause was incorporated into the Creed at the Third Council of Toledo in 589 AD, convened by Visigothic King Reccared I following his conversion from Arianism, to explicitly affirm the Son's full divinity and consubstantiality with the Father against lingering Arian views that portrayed the Son as a created or inferior being. The council's canon emphasized the Spirit's procession "from the Father and the Son" to preclude any interpretation isolating the Father as the sole unoriginate principle, which could imply the Son's derivation solely through generation without participatory causality in the Spirit's eternal origin. Theologically, proponents argue that without the Filioque, the Creed's silence on the Son's role in spiration might foster a monopatrism overly centered on the Father, inadvertently echoing Arian subordinationism by excluding the Son from the relational dynamics of intra-Trinitarian procession. This exclusion, they claim, undermines scriptural attestations of the Spirit being sent by the Son (e.g., John 15:26; 16:7), interpreted as reflecting eternal procession, and risks portraying the Son as lacking sovereign agency in the Godhead's unity. Catholic theologian Yves Congar, in his analysis of patristic pneumatology, affirmed that the Western Filioque served as a valid anti-Arian bulwark, compatible with Eastern criteria for upholding Trinitarian equality, as it reinforces the Son's consubstantial participation without altering the Father's monarchy. Critics from Eastern traditions counter that consubstantiality (homoousios) alone suffices to preclude subordination, rendering the Filioque unnecessary and potentially dualistic. However, Western defenders maintain the risk persists in speculative theology, where an unqualified "from the Father alone" could be misconstrued to limit the Son's eternal relation to the Spirit, thus inviting subordinationist reductions of the Son to a secondary cause rather than co-principle per filium. This concern animated early medieval Western councils, such as Toledo, where Arian influences necessitated explicit creedal safeguards to ensure doctrinal clarity amid evangelization efforts. Empirical historical data from post-Toledo Spain shows the clause's role in consolidating Nicene orthodoxy, with Arian holdouts diminishing rapidly after 589, suggesting its efficacy in countering subordinationist errors in practice.

Charges of Unilateralism and Ecclesiastical Authority

The has long charged that the Filioque's insertion into the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed represented a unilateral alteration by Western ecclesiastical bodies, undertaken without consultation from the Eastern patriarchates or ratification by an . The clause first appeared in the West at the Third Council of Toledo in 589, a regional addressing among Visigothic converts in , where it was appended to affirm the Son's equality with the Father but without broader ecclesial endorsement. This local initiative spread northward through Frankish kingdoms, culminating in promotion at the Council of Aachen in 809 under , yet even then lacked universal acceptance. Pope (r. 795–816), despite personal sympathy for the theological intent, explicitly rejected incorporating the Filioque into the Roman liturgy to preserve unity, ordering the original —without the clause—engraved on silver tablets and displayed at the entrance of Saint Peter's Basilica around 810. Rome's formal adoption occurred later, in 1014 during the pontificate of Benedict VIII at the behest of Emperor Henry II, marking a capitulation to Western political pressures. Orthodox critics emphasize that Canon VII of the Third at (431) explicitly forbade any additions or subtractions to the , a prohibition reiterated by the Eighth (Constantinople, 879–880), rendering the Western action canonically invalid absent collective patriarchal and conciliar approval. These developments fueled accusations of overreach in ecclesiastical authority, as the West's persistence implied a unique Roman jurisdiction to unilaterally revise a binding on the undivided Church, presupposing over doctrinal formulation. In the Orthodox conciliar model, authority resides in the synodal consensus of bishops, with primacy of honor for but no veto or amendatory power exceeding ecumenical councils; the Filioque's imposition, by contrast, exemplified a shift toward centralized papal , alien to Eastern tradition. Patriarch Photius I of (858–867, 877–886) articulated this critique sharply in his 867 to Eastern patriarchs, condemning the Filioque not only theologically but as an illicit innovation symptomatic of Roman pretensions to dictate to the oikoumene, exacerbating tensions that presaged the . Subsequent Orthodox synods, such as that of in 879–880 under Photius's successor, reaffirmed the unaltered Creed and anathematized additions, underscoring the schism's roots in divergent governance paradigms rather than mere linguistic variance.

Empirical Assessment of Historical Claims

The , as issued by the in 381, explicitly states that the "proceeds from the Father," with no reference to procession from the Son, a formulation preserved in all known early manuscripts of the from both Eastern and Western traditions. Manuscript evidence confirms the absence of the Filioque clause in the creed's text at the Third Council of Toledo in 589, where it is traditionally claimed to have first appeared; instead, the clause's insertion into the is empirically traceable to the Eighth Council of Toledo in 653. This local addition in Visigothic aimed to counter by emphasizing the Son's equality with the Father in the Godhead, reflecting Western theological concerns absent in the original ecumenical . Patristic evidence for the Filioque's theology is robust among Western fathers, particularly , who in De Trinitate (composed circa 400–416) articulates the Spirit's procession from both Father and Son as a single principle, influencing subsequent Latin tradition. In contrast, Eastern fathers uniformly describe the Spirit's ekporeusis (eternal procession) as from the Father alone, often distinguishing it from the temporal mission or sending through the Son, as seen in texts by and . Claims of Eastern patristic support for eternal procession "from the Son" rely on interpretive readings of phrases like "through the Son," but no pre-seventh-century Eastern author employs the Filioque's precise formulation, indicating a lack of consensus across the undivided Church. The earliest documented East-West dispute over the clause occurs in Maximus the Confessor's Letter to Marinus (circa 645–655), where he defends the Latin practice as orthodox when understood to mean from the through the in the economy of salvation, not implying two sources or altering the 's . This qualification underscores that early Western usage, while theologically motivated against , diverged from Eastern precision on eternal origins, with no evidence of ecumenical ratification. The clause's gradual adoption in —only in 1014 under Emperor Henry II—further verifies its non-universal status in the early medieval West, contradicting claims of ancient, Church-wide acceptance. Empirical analysis of council records and liturgical manuscripts reveals the Filioque's emergence as a regional Western innovation, not a restoration of patristic unanimity, as its proponents sometimes assert; Eastern objections, formalized by Photius of in 867, rested on verifiable prohibitions against altering the without consensus, as decreed at in 451. While Western sources like the (Quicunque Vult, circa 500) prefigure the theology, this symbol was never ecumenically binding and lacks the Nicene Creed's authority, limiting its evidential weight for universal tradition. Thus, historical claims of the Filioque as an organic development faithful to the fathers hold partial validity in Western contexts but falter under of undivided patristic and conciliar , highlighting causal tensions between anti-heretical expediency and creedal stability.

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