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Parental leave
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Parental leave, or family leave, is an employee benefit available in almost all countries.[1] The term "parental leave" may include maternity, paternity, and adoption leave; or may be used distinctly from "maternity leave" and "paternity leave" to describe separate family leave available to either parent to care for their own children.[2] In some countries and jurisdictions, "family leave" also includes leave provided to care for ill family members. Often, the minimum benefits and eligibility requirements are stipulated by law.
Unpaid parental or family leave is provided when an employer is required to hold an employee's job while that employee is taking leave. Paid parental or family leave provides paid time off work to care for or make arrangements for the welfare of a child or dependent family member. The three most common models of funding are government-mandated social insurance/social security (where employees, employers, or taxpayers in general contribute to a specific public fund), employer liability (where the employer must pay the employee for the length of leave), and mixed policies that combine both social security and employer liability.[3]
Parental leave has been available as a legal right or governmental program for many years in one form or another. In 2014, the International Labour Organization reviewed parental leave policies in 185 countries and territories, and found that all countries except Papua New Guinea have laws mandating some form of parental leave.[4] A different study showed that of 186 countries examined, 96% offered some pay to mothers during leave, but only 44% of those countries offered the same for fathers.[5] The Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Tonga, and the United States are the only seven countries in the United Nations that do not require employers to provide paid time off for new parents.[6][7][8] Private employers sometimes provide either or both unpaid and paid parental leave outside of or in addition to any legal mandate.
Research has linked paid parental leave to better health outcomes for children,[9] as well as mothers.[10]
Parental leave uptake
[edit]Peer effects
[edit]Research has demonstrated that the duration of parental leave among individuals is influenced by peer behaviour.[11] For example, if a mother notices a coworker opting for a longer parental leave, the probability of her to also increase their maternity leave increases. Welteke and Worhlich (2019)[11] article found that expectant mothers who had peers taking parental leave of longer than ten months were thirty percent more likely to also take more than ten months off compared to expectant parents whose peers took a shorter leave. The influence of peer effects is not solely present to expectant mothers but also fathers. Research in Norway found that expectant fathers were 11 percent more likely to take paternity leave if they witnessed their coworkers use this benefit.[12] In addition to coworkers, expectant fathers were 15 percent more likely to use paternity leave if their brother also used the program.[12] Dahl et al., (2014)[12] research additionally found a snowball effect occurring in workplaces where fathers using paternity leave.This means with every additional coworker using benefits of parental leave in the office, the likelihood of others to also use the program benefits.[12][13]
There are competing arguments to why peers have an influence to the duration of paternal leave of an expecting parent. The first hypothesis stems from mothers learning from their peers about parental leave programs they were previously unaware of. This increase in awareness would lead to more mothers using parental leave for a longer duration. A competing hypothesis states that when coworkers increase their pregnancy leave, there becomes a change in the social norms of that workplace.[11] This phenomenon is known as "herd behaviour" in which an alteration of the traditional habits in the workplace shifted the behaviour of the employees.[13]
Uptake of parental leave for fathers
[edit]Several factors influence the uptake of parental leave by expectant fathers. For example, research has found that fathers who had a secondary education were 28% more likely to take parental leave programs longer than fathers who did not receive secondary education. Furthermore, fathers with a tertiary education were 67% more likely to take parental leave of longer than two months than dads with secondary education.[14]
Additionally, the income levels of fathers have been noted to influence the uptake of fathers' parental leave. Low-income fathers are less likely to use parental leave, and if they did take off time, it is shorter in duration compared to fathers with a higher income.[14] The discrepancies between the two demographics may be due to fathers with lower incomes being restricted by personal finances. Fathers in heterosexual relationships are even less likely to take parental leave if the mother is a low earner herself.[14] The mother's low income positively correlates with the father taking little to no parental leave. This may be due to the father wanting the mother to take longer leave or other factors; such as the pressure to provide for the household financially.[15]
Research in Sweden found that foreign-born fathers are less likely to partake in parental leave than Swedish-born fathers.[14] The authors have theorized that this result might reflect greater instability of labour markets for first-generation migrants. Additionally, there is a greater likelihood for first-generation immigrants to lack access to information concerning parental leave can contribute to the decrease in uptake from this demographic.
Another aspect that influences the uptake of parental leave is gender dynamics at home and work.[15] In households with a positive association between fatherhood involvement and egalitarian values, the father use of parental leave is increased. Workplace environments that promote parental leave for fathers as essential create a greater likelihood of these dads taking parental leave for a longer duration. In contrast, a workplace culture that views paternal leave as an indicator of poor work habits and as "feminine" causes fathers in that environment to be less likely to participate in parental leave.[15] In Australia it has been argued, by Georgie Dent, that the uptake of parental leave by fathers could enable the workforce participation of women, leading to improved economic outcomes for families as well as the country.
Eligibility and uptake of parental leave for mothers
[edit]The eligibility and uptake of parental leave programs are not consistent among all demographics of expecting mothers. In most European countries, parental leave is granted to parents, usually after maternity and paternity leave. In some countries, parental leave has more restrictive requirements than maternity leave or paternity leave. Research by Marynissen, Wood and Neels (2021)[16] found that 26.37% of mothers in Belgium are not eligible for parental leave. This is due to the employment-based eligibility criteria present with the country's parental leave program (although unemployed women receive maternity leave).[17] By using an employment-based measure, scholars have noted that this creates barriers for currently unemployed mothers to receive an opportunity to take more time off looking for a job and care for their child.[18] Another limitation present with employment-based criteria is that in some countries self-employed individuals are not eligible for certain parental benefits.[18] For example, in Belgium, a self-employed woman receives a maternity leave that is shorter and lower paid than an employed woman; and does not receive parental leave.[19] There are also a certain number of hours an employee must meet before being eligible for employment-based parental leave.[20] These various factors limit access to parental care for expecting mothers. Expecting parents who are the most affected by these criteria are usually younger, single, less educated or from migrant backgrounds.[16]
In addition to discrepancies present in eligibility, there is variation among expecting mothers who use parental leave benefits. For example, research performed by Kil, Wood and Neels(2018)[21] found that native-born Belgian women had higher uptake of parental programs (52%) in comparison to first-generation Belgian citizens from Turkey and Morocco, whose uptake was relatively low (34%). The difference in uptake can be attributed to factors such as the flexibility of the parental leave, culture of the workplace, cultural ideals of paid leave, not knowing about the program itself and other normative factors that influenced the use of paid leave.[16]
Research has found that mothers in same-sex relationships are less likely to uptake parental leave than mothers in different-sex relationships.[22] Evertsson and Boye (2018)[22] found that birth mothers in same-sex relationships, on average, took seven weeks less parental leave than birth mothers in different-sex relationships. The authors reference that gender norms result in the difference between parental uptake duration between birth mothers in same-sex relationships compared to different-sex relationships.[22]
Eligibility of parental leave for same sex couples
[edit]Eligibility of parental leave for same sex couples depends on numerous factors: on adoption policies (on whether or not same-sex couples can adopt jointly or not; on whether a single parent is allowed to adopt or not – and if yes, whether the second parent can subsequently adopt – and on surrogacy laws). According to a study that examined policies in 34 OECD countries, in nineteen of these countries, same sex female couples received the same amount of parental leave benefits as different sex couples.[23] For same-sex male couples, four countries provided the same duration of parental leave as different sex couples. Therefore, twenty-nine OECD countries provided a shorter period of parental leave and fewer benefits for same-sex male parents. In addition, some countries, such as Turkey and Israel, provided no parental leave benefits or paid leave for the expectant male parents.[23]
The reason for discrepancies in parental leave between same-sex and different-sex couples is theorized to have several different explanations, usually related to who can be a legal parent. One factor affecting parental leave duration for same-sex couples is the restrictive language found in parental leave policies. The study found that some parental leave policies only referred to heterosexual couples and did not include same-sex couples in the legislation, leading to increased barriers for same-sex parents to receive paid leave. Another significant barrier comes when same-sex couples try adopting their child. In 15 of the 34 OECD countries examined, same sex couples cannot legally adopt a child together. In these countries, same-sex couples may have one person in the relationship adopt their child as a single parent.[23] Only one parent will be provided parental or adoption-related leave through this adoption strategy. While there is an option of second-parent adoption in some of these 15 countries, the process of a second adoption is costly and time-consuming- creating potential barriers that restrict the same-sex couple from pursuing this procedure. In some countries, same-sex parents can only be formed through a birth mother in a lesbian relation (considered legally a single mother), so the second mother does not receive leave.[24]
Effects
[edit]Typically, the effects of parental leave are improvements in prenatal and postnatal care, including a decrease in infant mortality.[25] The effects of parental leave on the labor market include an increase in employment, changes in wages, and fluctuations in the rate of employees returning to work. Leave legislation can also impact fertility rates.[26]
On the labor market
[edit]A study in Germany found that wages decreased by 18 percent for every year an employee spends on parental leave.[26] However, after the initial decrease in wages, the employee's salary rebounds faster than the salary of someone not offered parental leave.[26] A study of California's leave policy, the first state in the U.S. to require employers to offer paid parental leave, showed that wages did increase.[27]
Parental leave can lead to greater job security.[26] Studies differ in how this helps return to work after taking time off. Some studies show that if a parent is gone for more than a year after the birth of a child, it decreases the possibility that he or she will return.[26] Other studies of shorter leave periods show that parents no longer need to quit their jobs to care for their children, so employment return increases.[27]
It does not appear that parental leave policies have had a significant effect on the gender wage gap, which has remained relatively steady since the late 1980s, despite increasing adoption of parental leave policies.[28]
If women take long parental leaves, an economic model predicts that their lifetime earnings and opportunities for promotion will be less than their male or childless counterparts—the "motherhood penalty".[29]
On workforce
[edit]Paid parental leave incentivizes labor market attachment for women both before and after birth, affecting the GDP and national productivity, as the workforce is larger.[30][31][32][33] Parental leave increases income at the household level as well by supporting dual-earner families.[34]
Paid parental leave incentivises childbirth, which affects the future workforce and pensions.[35][36]
Statistical discrimination
[edit]In case of employer liability the parental leave costs incentivise statistical discrimination against hiring women of child-bearing years.[37][38] To counteract this, the cost impact can be spread more evenly across the labor market,[39] for instance through health insurance covering parental leave with contributions independent of gender and age.[40]
Occupational sex segregation
[edit]Women may seek out employment sectors that are "family-friendly" (i.e., with generous parental leave policies), resulting in occupational sex segregation.[41] Nielsen, Simonsen, and Verner examine what the different outcomes for women in Denmark are between the "family-friendly" and the "non-family-friendly" sector.[30] In Denmark, the public sector is "family-friendly" because of its generous leave and employee benefits; workers decide which sector to work in based on their preferences and opportunities. The study found that, while in the "family-friendly" sector there was basically no wage loss related to taking parental leave, women did have consistent earnings loss in the "non-family-friendly" private sector for one year's leave.[30]
Cost
[edit]Datta Gupta, Smith, & Verneer found in 2008 that parental leave is very expensive to fund and question if it is the most cost-effective use of funds.[42]
On economy
[edit]The economic consequences of parental leave policies are subject to controversy. According to a 2016 study, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 weeks had net costs that amounted to 0.25% of GDP, negative redistribution properties and implied a considerable increase in taxes at a cost to economic efficiency.[43] In the U.S., paid family leave tends to lead to a higher employee retention rate and higher incomes for families.[5] Evidence from selected countries in Western Europe suggests that moderate levels of parental leave can encourage mothers to reenter the work force after having children, promoting national economic development.[44]
Maternity leave and its effects
[edit]In the U.S., while the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 (FMLA) allows for unpaid parental leave, parents often do not use this eligibility to its fullest extent as it is unaffordable. As a result, some studies show that the FMLA has had a limited impact on how much leave new parents take.[45] Though specific amounts can vary, having a child (including the cost of high-quality childcare) costs families approximately $11,000 in the first year.[46] These high costs contribute to new mothers in the United States returning to work quicker than new mothers in European countries; approximately one third of women in the United States return to work within three months of giving birth, compared to approximately five per cent in the U.K., Germany, and Sweden,[47] and just over half of mothers in the United States with a child under the age of one work.[48]
There is some evidence that legislation for parental leave raises the likelihood of women returning to their previous jobs as opposed to finding a new job. This rise is thought to fall to between 10% and 17%. Simultaneously, there is a decrease in the percentage of women who find new jobs, which falls between 6% and 11%. Thus, such legislation appears to increase how many women return to work post-childbirth by around 3% or 4%.[49]
Additionally, it appears that parental leave policies do allow women to stay home longer before returning to work as the probability of returning to an old job falls in the second month after childbirth before dramatically rising in the third month. Although this legislation thus appears to have minimal effect on women choosing to take leave, it does appear to increase the time women take in leave.[49]
Maternity leave legislation could pose benefits or harm to employers. The main potential drawback of mandated leave is its potential to disrupt productive activities by raising rates of employee absenteeism. With mandated leave for a certain period of time and facing prolonged absence of the mothers in the workplace, firms will be faced with two options: hire a temp (which could involve training costs) or function with a missing employee. Alternatively, these policies could be positive for employers who previously did not offer leave because they were worried about attracting employees who were disproportionately likely to use maternity leave. Thus, there is potential for these policies to correct market failures.[49] A drawback of rising leave at the societal level, however, is the resulting decrease in female labor supply. In countries with a high demand for labor, including many present-day countries with aging populations, a smaller labor supply is unfavorable.[32]
Something important to note for all the research cited above is that the results typically depend on how leave coverage is defined, and whether the policies are for unpaid or paid leave. Policies guaranteeing paid leave are considered by some to be dramatically more effective than unpaid-leave policies.[45]
For women individually, long breaks in employment, as would come from parental leave, negatively affects their careers. Longer gaps are associated with reduced lifetime earnings and lower pension disbursements as well as worsened career prospects and reduced earnings. Due to these drawbacks, some countries, notably Norway, have expanded family policy initiatives to increase the father's quota and expand childcare in an effort to work towards greater gender equality.[32]
According to a 2016 study, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 weeks led mothers to spend more time at home without a reduction in family income.[43]

Paternity leave and its effects
[edit]The term 'paternity leave' refers to the leave that is exclusively granted to the fathers to enable them in spending time with their new-born child. Although parental leave is increasingly granted to fathers, mothers continue to take the majority of guaranteed parental leave.[2] When guaranteed leave is unpaid, research indicates that men's leave usage is unaffected.[50] In Germany, where parental leave is guaranteed for both parents, the financial incentive, alone, was not enough to encourage fathers to take paternal leave.[51] While uncommon on a world scale, some countries do reserve parts of the paid leave for the father, meaning it can't be transferred to the mother and lapses unless he uses it. Among the earliest countries to actively push for increased usage of paternity leave are the Nordic welfare states, starting with Sweden making parental leave gender neutral in 1974 and soon followed by Iceland, Denmark, Norway and Finland. These countries lack a unified concept of paternity leave, each imposing different conditions, ratios and timescales, but are regarded as among the most generous in the world.
Partly in an initiative to combat the "motherhood penalty", Norway in 1993 initiated a policy change to incentivize paternal leave, the so-called "father's quota", and Sweden followed suit in 1995. This means a certain number of parental leave-days can only be used by the father, and are otherwise lost. In countries in which leave entitlements include a father's quota, there has been a pronounced impact, with the quota being credited for increasing paternal involvement and challenging gender roles within the family, promoting a more equal division of labor.[32] To evaluate this change, Rønsen and Kitterød looked at the rate and timing of women's return to work after giving birth, and the effect on this of the new parental leave policy. In their 2015 study, Rønsen and Kitterød found women in Norway returned to work significantly faster after the policy change.[52] However, public or subsidized daycare was greatly expanded at the same time, so Rønsen and Kitterød did not find that the "father's quota" was solely responsible for the timing of work entry. But it can be understood to have an effect on division of household labor by gender when both parents can take time to care for a new baby.[32]
Another impact from fathers taking more leave is that in Norway it has been shown to have the potential to either decrease or increase the time women take, depending on whether the mother's and father's childcare are seen as substitutes or complements. If substitute goods, mothers are able to return to work sooner as fathers take some of the childcare responsibility. Research has suggested a class element is at play: middle class fathers consider themselves a suitable alternative to the mother as primary caregiver, while working-class men may see themselves more as supporters of their partner during her leave. Consequently, middle class fathers may be more likely to use their allotment of leave right after the mother returns to work, while working class fathers may opt to take their leave during the mother's leave.[53] In some cases, longer leave for fathers can motivate mothers to also stay home.[32]
Fathers tend to use less parental leave than mothers in the United States as well as in other countries where paid leave is available,[45][54] and this difference may have factors other than the financial constraints which impact both parents. Bygren and Duvander,[54] looking at the use of parental leave by fathers in Sweden, concluded that fathers' workplace characteristics (including the size of the workplace, whether there were more men or women in the workplace, and whether the workplace was part of the private or public sector) influenced the length of parental leave for fathers, as did the presence of other men who had taken parental leave at an earlier point in time. As of 2016 paternity leave accounts for 25% of paid parental leave in Sweden.
A 2023 study found that paternity leave causes attitudinal change on gender issues. When paternity leave is made available to fathers, parents increasingly support gender-egalitarian socioeconomic policies and women's rights issues.[55]
Criticism of the 'father quota'
[edit]The father's quota is a policy implemented by some countries or companies that reserves a part of the parental leave or other types of family leave for the father. If the father does not take this reserved part of leave, the family loses that leave period—that is, it cannot be transferred to the mother.[56] Given the high rates of women's participation in the formal labor force in many parts of the world, there is increasing interest among social scientists and policymakers in supporting a more equal division of labor between partners. Some critics question whether such policies are evidence-based and express concern that they are "a social experiment, the effects of which are unknown".[57] However, other studies have shown that paternity leave improves bonds between fathers and children and also helps mitigate the wage gap women face after taking maternity leave.[58] Other psychological perspectives summarise evidence and find that the role of a father in child development is very similar to that of a mother, counteracting the concern that greater paternal involvement in childcare could lead to unforeseen negative consequences.[59] Criticism is often less concerned about the idea of paternity leave itself, but condemns the fact that father's quota policies do not allow that time to be allocated to the mother instead. Critics argue that the quota harms mothers, depriving them of much needed leave, trivializes biological realities, and is an example of discrimination against mothers.[60]
In the European Union, non-transferable parental leave remains a controversial issue.[61] It was first introduced by the Parental Leave Directive 2010, which required at least one month of the minimum four months of parental leave be non-nontransferable; this non-transferable period was increased to two months by the Work–Life Balance Directive of 2019, which must be transposed by member states at the latest on 2 August 2022.[62] Originally, the plan under the Work–Life Balance Directive was to increase the non-transferable period to four months, but due to inability to reach consensus among member states, a compromise was reached at two months.[63][64] (note: this refers to the specific type of leave called parental leave, under EU law there are different types of leave, such as maternity leave, paternity leave, parental leave, and carer leave which are regulated differently).
Length of leave
[edit]
In 2013, Joseph, Pailhé, Recotillet, and Solaz published a natural experiment evaluating a 2004 policy change in France.[65] They were interested in the economic effects of full-time, short paid parental leave. Before the reform, women had a mandatory two-month parental leave, and could take up to three years' unpaid parental leave with their job guaranteed, though most women only took the two months. The new policy, complément libre choix d'activité (CLCA), guarantees six months of paid parental leave. The authors found positive effects on employment: compared to women in otherwise similar circumstances before the reform, first-time mothers who took the paid leave after the reform were more likely to be employed after their leave, and less likely to stay out of the labor force. The authors point to similar results of full-time, short paid parental leave observed in Canada in 2008 by Baker and Milligan,[66] and in Germany in 2009 by Kluve and Tamm.[67] However, Joseph et al. also found that wages were lower (relative to women before the reform) for moderately and highly educated women after the leave, which could be because the women returned to work part-time or because of a "motherhood penalty", where employers discriminate against mothers, taking the six-month leave as a "signal" that the woman will not be as good of an employee because of her mothering responsibilities.
Rasmussen analyzed a similar natural experiment in Denmark with a policy change in 1984 where parental leave increased from 14 to 20 weeks.[68] Rasmussen found the increased length of parental leave had no negative effect on women's wages or employment and in the short run (i.e., 12 months) it had a positive effect on women's wages, compared to the shorter leave. There was no difference on children's long-term educational outcomes before and after the policy change.
On health and development
[edit]According to a 2020 study, parental leave leads to better health outcomes for children.[9] A Harvard report cited research showing paid maternity leave "facilitates breastfeeding and reduces risk of infection"[25] but is not associated with changes in immunization rate.[69] This research also found that countries with parental leave had lower infant mortality rates.[25] Returning to work within 12 weeks was also associated with fewer regular medical checkups.[70] Data from 16 European countries during the period 1969–1994 revealed that the decrease of infant mortality rates varied based on length of leave. A 10-week leave was associated with a 1–2% decrease; a 20-week leave with 2–4%; and 30 weeks with 7–9%.[71] The United States, which does not have a paid parental leave law, ranked 56th in the world in 2014 in terms of infant mortality rates, with 6.17 deaths per every 1,000 children born.[72] The research did not find any infant health benefits in countries with unpaid parental leave. Paid leave, particularly when available prior to childbirth, had a significant effect on birth weight. The frequency of low birth rate decreases under these policies, which likely contributes to the decrease in infant mortality rates as low birth weight is strongly correlated with infant death. However, careful analysis reveals that increased birth weight is not the sole reason for the decreased mortality rate.[69]
A 2021 study found that the introduction of paid maternity leave in Norway substantially improved maternal health outcomes, in particular for first-time and low-income mothers.[10]
According to a 2016 study, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 weeks had little effect on children's schooling.[43] However, when infants bond and have their needs met quickly by caregivers (mothers, fathers, etc.) they will become confident and be prepared to have healthy relationships throughout their life.[73]
Children whose mothers worked in the first 9 months were found to be less ready for school at the age of 3 years. The effects of mothers' employment appeared to be the most detrimental when employment started between the sixth and ninth month of life. The reasons for this were uncertain, but there is conjecture that there was something unusual for the group of mothers who returned to work in this time period as they represented only 5% of all families studied. Negative impacts in terms of school-readiness were most pronounced when the mother worked at least 30 hours per week. These findings were complicated by many factors, including race, poverty, and how sensitive the mother was considered. The effects were also greater in boys, which is explained by the fact that many analysts consider boys more vulnerable to stress in early life.[74]
The same Harvard report also linked paid parental leave and a child's psychological health. It found that parents with paid parental leave had closer bonds with their children.[25] Based on research of heterosexual couples, better immersion of the father in the process of raising a child can lead to improved development outcomes for the child and a better relationship between the parents.[75] In recent years, various OECD countries drew attention to the topic, especially to the time of the parental leave taken by fathers, and concluded that short-term paternal leaves still lead to positive outcomes for the child's development. Families do take into account relative income levels of each parent when planning for parental leave; the partner earning a lower wage may be more likely to take parental leave.[76] There is also often workplace pressure on men not to take paternity leave, or to take less than the maximum time allowed. To counteract these pressures and encourage paternity leave, some countries have experimented with making paternity leave mandatory or otherwise incentivizing it.[39]
There are also observable improvements in the mental health of mothers when they are able to return to work later. While the probability of experiencing postpartum depression had no significant statistical change, longer leave (leave over 10 weeks) was associated with decreased severity of depression and decreased number of experienced symptoms. This reduction was, on average, between 5% and 10%.[77]
Studies looking for a connection between paid parental leave have shown conflicting results. Some research looked at women 25–34 years old, who are more likely to be affected by leave legislation. Fertility rates peaked for those between 25–29 and 30–34 across European countries.[26] Conversely, however, research in Spain found that after the introduction of two weeks of paid paternity leave, fertility rates fell suggesting that, when fathers are more engaged in raising children, they may become more aware of the challenges; their priorities may shift to quality over quantity of children; or that mothers are better able to remain connected to the workforce.[78]
A study of a 2012 law in Sweden that allowed fathers to take up to 30 days of paid family leave in the first year after the birth of the child at the same time as the mother was on leave led to substantial improvements in the mental and physical health of mothers.[79][80]
On freedoms and opportunities
[edit]According Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum universal, paid parental leave enables the freedom and opportunity of starting a family while also working.[81]
On gender equality
[edit]
Parental leave policies have an impact on gender equality as it relates to parenting and are therefore used by various countries as a tool to promote gender equality.[82][83] Many countries have implemented paid parental leave policies for both parents, while a minority of countries, like the United States, only have unpaid parental leave. A father's quota, which reserves a part of the leave period exclusively for the father, is sometimes assumed to promote gender equality, although the extent and effects are subject to debate.[84][85][86][87]
As more women have joined the formal labor force, the lack of men's participation in parenting has been called out as a key example of gender inequality. Various studies highlight the importance of egalitarian parental leave policies in achieving equal distribution of childcare between parents.[88] Moreover, when discussing parental leave policies, the focus is often on comparing improvements in maternity leave policies to what was available in the past, rather than comparing the impact of diverse policies around the world that distribute parental leave differently between both parents.[89]
Statistics show a positive correlation between maternity leave policies and women's employment, but the causation relationship cannot be firmly established.[89] While many believe that maternity leave policies encourage women's participation in the labor force, Anita Nyberg suggests that it is the other way around: that development of maternity leave policies was a response to women's participation in the labor force.[90]
Economist Christopher Ruhm argues that men's involvement in childcare at the same level as women is essential for eliminating differences in gender roles. Thus, an increase in the use of parental leave by women (and lack thereof by men) will have a negative impact on gender equality. Inversely, an increase in the use of leave by men will have a positive impact.[89] Transferable leave policies appear to be fair and equal in theory, since they do not specifically allocate leave focused on childcare to women and even allow the family to choose. In practice, however, it leads to the majority of available parental leave being used by women.[91] The Norwegian Association for Women's Rights, summarizing different studies, states that there is only limited evidence to support a relationship between the father's quota and gender equality; the few relevant studies point in different directions;[84] the association's former president, psychologist and former chairman of UNICEF Torild Skard, argues that psychological research does not support the assertion that mothers can be replaced by fathers in the first year.[85] A Norwegian study from 2018 found that an extension of the father's quota had no effect on gender equality.[86][87]
Through examination of leave policies in twenty-one European countries by describing the existing policy schemes' duration, payment, and transferability, Carmen Castro-Garcia created the Parental Leave Equality Index (PLEI), which can predict the participation of each parent in raising their children based on their gender and the existing policy regarding parental leave.[89] His model shows that a policy that provides equal, nontransferable, and well-paid leave for each parent (which no country has at the moment) will best encourage men's and women's equal participation in childcare.[89]
European Union
[edit]The European Union recognizes the ability for countries to use varying parental leave policies to affect labor force participation, the labor market, maternal health, the work–life balance of parents, and the physical and emotional development of children. And by affecting the work–life balance of parents, it may reduce the barriers to participation of both parents in parenting. More specifically, paternity and parental leave policies are key to encouraging fathers' involvement in parenting the child.[92][93]

In 2014, the European Parliament concluded that, by promoting the uptake of parental leave and paternity leave by fathers, governments can aim to facilitate a more gender-equal distribution of care work, support mothers' return to the labor market, equalize the circumstances in which women and men enter the labor market,[94] and improve the work–life balance of families.[94]
Findings by the European Parliament in 2015 found that 18 of the EU-28 countries offer paternity leave, and that the EU-average length is 12.5 days, ranging from one day in Italy to 64 working days in Slovenia.[95] For 23 EU member states, on average only 10 percent of fathers take parental leave, ranging from 0.02 percent in Greece to 44 per cent in Sweden.[96]
The gender difference in the employment rate is representative of the gender employment gap; filling this gap is an important objective in promoting gender equality and is a part of the Europe 2020 target of an employment rate of 75 per cent for both men and women.[97] The uptake of leave by fathers can reduce the motherhood penalty by enabling mothers to return to the labor market, as illustrated by studies that have shown that the involvement of fathers in childcare has a positive effect on mothers' full-time employment.[98]
Reduction of the gender pay gap (GPG) is also an important goal for the EU. In 2014 the GPG in the EU-28 was 16.1 percent, which means that for every euro men got paid in the EU, women got paid 83.9 cents.[99] (The GPG exists equally after correction for occupation and education level.[92]) A study done on the gender pension gap estimates the gap to be around 40 percent, which is more than twice the gender pay gap.[100] Increased leave uptake by fathers can reduce the length of career interruptions for women, reduce part-time work by women and potentially reduce the GPG, all of which are leading causes of the gender pension gap.[101][91]
Nordic countries
[edit]The advancement of gender equality has also been on the political agenda of Nordic countries for decades. Although all Nordic countries have extended the total leave period, their policies towards father's quota are different.
In Iceland, each parent receives paid leaves, and each parent can transfer a month to the other (therefore there are two transferable months between the parents).[102] In Sweden, 90 days cannot be transferred from one parent to the other—i.e. each parent gets at least 90 days of parental leave, thus the quota applies equally to both parents and is not specifically fathers.[103] In total, Sweden offers new parents 480 days of parental leave and these days can be used up until the child is 12 years old.[104] The only Nordic country that does not provide fathers with a quota is Denmark, where women have the right to four weeks parent leave before giving birth and 14 weeks leave after giving birth. Thereafter, 32 weeks of parent leave are voluntarily divided between the man and the woman, making eight months leave entirely up to the family to decide.[105] However, the dual earner/dual care model seems to be the direction of all the Nordic countries are moving in the construction of their parental leave systems.[106]
A study done in Norway found that when parental leave is granted for both parents, there is still gender inequality observed in the form of mothers being more likely to have part-time jobs compared to their partners.[107] Since then, the government has provided child care support for parents who want them to encourage mothers to return to full-time jobs earlier, and it is effective to a certain extent.[107]
Germany
[edit]
In Germany, original laws tackling gender inequality with respect to parenting date back to 1986 in both Eastern and Western Germany, where one parent could take up to two years of leave after the birth of the child with a maximum allowance.[108] According to a study done in 2006, 97% of the people who took the leave were mothers.[109]
In 2007, declining birth rates and demographic change led to a new law, the "Parenting Benefits and Parental Leave Law" (Bundeselterngeld- und Elternzeit-Gesetz).[108][109] This change in family policy had mainly two aims: to reduce parents' financial loss in the first year after childbirth, and to encourage fathers to actively participate in childcare by taking parental leave.[108][109]
With this shift in paradigm, a better work–life balance and less support for the male breadwinner model was targeted. This was part of a "sustainable family policy" promoted by German unification and European integration with the underlying objective to raise birth rates by providing financial incentive.[110]
The law's impact was mainly perceived positively with men reporting high motivation to take leave. So far this has not been reflected in official statistics, but Susanne Vogl concludes that if there is a general willingness of men to participate in parental leave the new Parenting Benefits regulations will help facilitate the actual decision to take a leave.[109]
United States
[edit]Even though, according to a survey conducted by WorldatWork and Mercer in 2017, 93% of Americans agree that mothers should receive paid parental leave and 85% agree that fathers should receive paid parental leave, as of October 2018 the United States does not have nationwide laws that guarantee paid parental leave to its workforce;[111][112] however, certain states have passed laws providing paid workers with such rights. As of April 2022, ten states (California,[113][114] New Jersey,[115] Rhode Island,[116] New York,[117] Washington,[118] Massachusetts,[119] Connecticut,[120] Oregon,[121] Colorado,[122] and Maryland[123]) and the District of Columbia[124] have enacted laws that grant parental leave as part of state paid family and medical leave insurance laws, with 4 being effective currently. In states without such laws, a proportion of companies do provide paid parental leave.[125][126]
According to Eileen Appelbaum, the lack of parental leave policies results in many low-income families struggling to support themselves financially if both parents are off work. As a result, many mothers leave work to take care of their children while the father remains at work to financially support the family.[127][128]
The group of mothers that uses maternity leave most often in the United States are White, non-Hispanic women and the usage of paid maternity leave is drastically lower among Black and Hispanic mothers.[129] The groups of women that have the most access and opportunity to use maternity leave are often reported as having a higher level of income and full-time employment.[129] Statistically, Black women are half as likely to take leave as compared to White women.[130] Black people are substantially less likely to take maternity or parental leave, which is due to structural factors including racial and ethnic discrimination in the workforce.[129] Black women have less access to resources that allow them to take leave or provide care for family members, and Hispanic women are faced with the same issues.[130] These disadvantages lead to lower socioeconomic statuses of Black and Hispanic people in the United States, which also contribute to a lack of opportunity for paid maternity leave and a lack of the financial resources needed to be able to afford taking unpaid or partially paid parental leave.[129] Black and Hispanic workers are less likely to work in professional-class jobs, and therefore are less likely to have access to benefits like paid leave that come with such jobs.[131] Black parents are frequently employed in the public sector, which also may exclude them from paid family leave opportunities.[131] When a lack of access to paid or unpaid maternity or parental leave is reported, Black and Hispanic women are more likely to have higher risks of maternal and child health problems.[129] Non-Hispanic Black women are more likely to die from complications of pregnancy than Non-Hispanic White women in the United States.[131]
Australia
[edit]The Australian government provides paid parental leave (PPL) for both parents, but more for the mother compared to the father.[132][133][134] Michael Bittman stated that the reason they provide parental leave is unique in that they view children as "public goods" and, therefore, the state is responsible to provide and support the child.[133] But like most places around the world, studies done in Australia show that the inequality still persists within the family, and that women spend more time doing unpaid work (like parenting) compared to men.[135]
China
[edit]According to a study done by Nan Jia, during the Maoist era, women's full participation in the labor force played a key role in the Chinese government's efforts to advance women's position in society. To facilitate women's labor force participation, the Chinese government initiated a series of measures to mitigate the work–family conflict that women face during pregnancy and childbirth.[136] These measures included an entitlement to 56 days of paid maternity leave.[136]
In the post-reform era, a series of new regulations have been introduced to protect women's employment and reproductive rights in the new market economy. The Labor Law adopted in 1995 ensured that women and men have equal employment rights and that employers will not lay off women employees or lower their wages for reasons of marriage, pregnancy, maternity leave, or breastfeeding.[137] The Labor Contract Law enacted in 2008 introduced the provision that prohibits employers from unilaterally terminating labor contracts with women employees who are pregnant, give birth, and care for a baby postpartum. Thus, under the Labor Law and Labor Contract Law, women employees are entitled to job-protected maternity leave.[138]
The post-reform era saw further improvements in maternity benefits. The length of paid maternity leave was extended from 56 days prior to reform, to 90 days in 1988, and to 98 days in 2012.[139] Most recently in 2016, paid maternity leave was extended to a minimum of 128 days after the long-standing one-child policy was replaced with a policy that encourages each couple to have two children. This latest extension of paid leave aims to increase fertility rates and slow the population aging process.[136]
On relationships
[edit]A 2020 study in the Economic Journal found that reforms in Iceland that incentivized fathers to take parental leave reduced the likelihood of parents separating. The strongest impact was on relationships where the mother was more educated than or equally educated as the father.[140]
Private parental leave
[edit]The examples and perspective in this Section may not represent a worldwide view of the subject. (May 2015) |
Some businesses adopt policies that are favorable to workers and public opinion. In their study of maternity leave policies in the United States, Kelly and Dobbin found that public policy surrounding pregnancy as a temporary disability (for instance, California's Family Temporary Disability Insurance program) gave rise to business practices that included maternity leave as a benefit.[125]
Companies are starting to offer paid parental leave as a benefit to some American workers, seeing a profitable aspect of doing so, including: reduced turnover costs, increased productivity from workers, and increased rates of retention among women after childbirth. Some see the increase in paid parental leave as indicative of companies reaching out to women, as more women are working and returning to work after having children, and by doing so these companies generate positive publicity as employers with family-friendly workplaces.[46] Working Mother magazine publishes a list of the 100 Best Companies for working mothers each year, a list which is noted not only by the readership of the magazine, but also by corporate America and increasingly by researchers and policy institutes as well.[46] The Institute for Women's Policy Research issued a report in 2009 encouraging Congress to give federal workers four weeks of paid parental leave.[46] The report cited statistics from the Working Mother 100 Best Company list, using private sector corporations as examples of substantial increase in the retention of new mothers after instituting a longer maternity leave policy. The report also noted that it would take newer workers four years to accrue enough paid leave (sick leave and annual leave) to equal the 12 weeks of unpaid parental leave provided under the FMLA, and that private sector companies that offer paid parental leave have a significant advantage over the federal government in the recruitment and retention of younger workers who may wish to have children.[citation needed]
As of February 2018, multinational companies such as Deloitte, TIAA and Cisco were providing parental leave regardless of the parent's gender.[126]
Comparison between countries
[edit]Comparisons between countries in terms of employee benefits to leave for parents are often attempted, but they are very difficult to make because of the complexity of types of leave available and because terms such as maternity leave, paternity leave, pre-natal leave, post-natal leave, parental leave, family leave and home-care leave have different meanings in different jurisdictions. Such terms may often be used incorrectly. Comparing the length of maternity leave (which is common in international rankings) may say very little about the situation of a family in a specific country. A country for example may have a long maternity leave but a short (or non-existent) parental or family leave, or vice versa.[141][142] In the European Union, each country has its own policies, which vary significantly, but all the EU members must abide by the minimum standards of the Pregnant Workers Directive and Work–Life Balance Directive.[143]
Sometimes there is a distortion in how maternity leave is reported and delimitated from other types of leave, especially in jurisdictions where there is no clear legal term of "maternity leave", and such term is used informally to denote either the minimum or the maximum period of parental leave reserved by quota to the mother.[144] Some countries may be listed artificially as having more or less generous benefits. Sweden is sometimes listed in international statistics as having 480 days' "maternity leave",[145] although these days include parental leave. As such, Sweden is often quoted as having an exceptionally long leave, although there are several countries with significantly longer leave, when maternity leave and other leaves are added, where a parent may take leave until a child is 3 years of age.[146]
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women introduces "maternity leave with pay or with comparable social benefits without loss of former employment, seniority or social allowances".[147] The Maternity Protection Convention C 183 adopted in 2000 by International Labour Organization requires 14 weeks of maternity leave as minimum condition.[148]
National laws vary widely according to the politics of each jurisdiction. As of 2012, only two countries do not mandate paid time off for new parents: Papua New Guinea and the United States.[149][150]
Unless otherwise specified, the information in the tables below is gathered from the most recent International Labour Organization reports. Maternity leave refers to the legal protection given to the mother immediately after she gives birth (but may also include a period before the birth), paternity leave to legal protection given to the father immediately after the mother gives birth, and parental leave to protected time for childcare (usually for either parent) either after the maternity/paternity leave or immediately after birth (for example when the parent is not eligible for paternal leave or where the time is calculated until the child is a specific age—therefore excluding parental leave—usually such jurisdictions protect the job until the child reaches a specific age).[151] Others allow the parental leave to be transferred into part-time work time. Parental leave is generally available to either parent, except where specified. Leave marked "Unpaid" indicates the job is protected for the duration of the leave. Different countries have different rules regarding eligibility for leave and how long a parent has to have worked at their place of employment prior to giving birth before they are eligible for paid leave. In the European Union, the policies vary significantly by country—with regard to length, to payment, and to how parental leave relates to prior maternity leave—but the EU members must abide by the minimum standards of the Pregnant Workers Directive and Parental Leave Directive.[143]
International minimum standards
[edit]The Maternity Protection Convention, 2000 requires at least 14 weeks of maternity leave. In the European Union, the Pregnant Workers Directive requires at least 14 weeks of maternity leave; while the Work–Life Balance Directive requires at least 10 days of paternity leave, as well as at least 4 months of parental leave, with 2 months being non-transferable.
Africa
[edit]| Country | Maternity leave | Paternity leave | Parental[a] leave | Source of payment | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | ||
| Algeria | 14[152] | 100% | <1[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Angola | 13[152] | 100% | 0[153] | — | 0[153] | — | Social security |
| Benin | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Botswana | 12[152] | 50% | 0[153] | — | 0[153] | — | Employer liability |
| Burkina Faso | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 52[153] | Unpaid | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Burundi | 12[152] | 100% | 2+[153] | 50% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Cameroon | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Cape Verde | 9[152] | 90% | 0[153] | — | 0[153] | — | Social security |
| Central African Republic | 14[152] | 50% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Chad | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 52[153] | Unpaid | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Comoros | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Employer liability |
| Congo | 15[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Côte d'Ivoire | 14[152] | 100% | 2[153] | 100% | 0[153] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Democratic Republic of the Congo | 14[152] | 67% | <1[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Djibouti | 14[152] | 100% | <1[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Egypt | 13[152] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 104 (only mothers)[154] | Unpaid | Mixed (75% social security; 25% employer liability) |
| Equatorial Guinea | 12[152] | 75% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Social security |
| Eritrea | 9[152] | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Employer liability | |
| Ethiopia | 17[155] | 100% | 1[154] | Unpaid | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Gabon | 14[152] | 100% | 2[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Gambia | 12[152] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Ghana | 12[152] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Guinea | 14[152] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 38 (only mothers)[154] | Unpaid | Mixed (50% social insurance; 50% employer) |
| Guinea-Bissau | 9[152] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Mixed (social security flat rate, employer pays the difference to equal wage) |
| Kenya | 13[156] | 100% | 2[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Lesotho | 12[156] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Libya | 14[156] | 50% (100% for self-employed women) | <1[154] | 0[154] | — | Employer (social security for self-employed) | |
| Madagascar | 14[156] | 100% | 2[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Malawi | 8[156] | 100% | 0[154] | — | 0[154] | — | Employer liability |
| Mali | 14[156] | 100% | <1[154] | 100% | 0[154] | — | Social security |
| Mauritania | 14[156] | 100% | 2[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Mauritius | 12[156] | 100% | 1[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| Morocco | 14[156] | 100% | <1[157] | 100% | 52 (only mothers)[157] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Mozambique | 9[156] | 100% | <1[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Namibia | 12[156] | 100%, with a maximum | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Social security |
| Niger | 14[156] | 100% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Mixed (50% social insurance; 50% employer) |
| Nigeria | 12[156] | 50% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| Rwanda | 12[156] | 100% for 6 weeks; 20% remainder | <1[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| São Tomé and Príncipe | 9[156] | 100% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Social security |
| Senegal | 14[156] | 100% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Social security |
| Seychelles | 14[156] | Flat rate for 12 weeks; unpaid remainder | <1[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Sierra Leone | 12[156] | 100% | Employer liability | ||||
| Somalia | 14[156] | 50% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| South Africa | 17[156] | 60% | 2[157][158] | 66% | 10 or 2[b][158] | 66% | Social security |
| Sudan | 8[156] | 100% | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| Eswatini | 12[156] | 100% for 2 weeks; unpaid remainder | 0[157] | — | 0[157] | — | Employer liability |
| Tanzania | 12[156] | 100% | <1[157] | 100% | 0[157] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Togo | 14[156] | 100% | 2[159] | 100% | 0[159] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social insurance; 50% employer. Paternity: 100% employer) |
| Tunisia | 4[156] | 66.70% | <1[159] | 100% | 0[159] | — | Social security |
| Uganda | 10[160] | 100% | <1[159] | 100% | 0[159] | — | Employer liability |
| Zambia | 14[161] | 100% | 5 days[162] | 0[159] | — | Employer liability | |
| Zimbabwe | 14[163] | 100% | 0[159] | — | 0[159] | — | Employer liability |
Americas
[edit]| Country | Maternity leave | Paternity leave | Parental[a] leave | Source of payment | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | |||
| Antigua and Barbuda | 13[164] | 100% for 6 weeks; 60% for 7 weeks | 0[165] | — | 0[165] | — | Mixed (60% social security all 13 weeks plus 40% from employer for first 6 weeks) | |
| Argentina | 13[164] | 100% | <1[165] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |
| Bahamas | 13[164] | 100% for 12 weeks; 66.7% for 1 week | <1[165] | Unpaid | 0[165] | — | Mixed (2/3 social security for 13 weeks; 1/3 employer for 12 weeks) | |
| Barbados | 14 (Single births) 17 (Multiple births) [166] |
100% | 3[167] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Social security | |
| Belize | 14[168] | 100% | 0[165] | — | 0[165] | — | Social security | |
| Bolivia | 13[168] | 95% | 0[165] | — | 0[165] | — | Social security | |
| Brazil | 17[168] | 100% | <1 to 4[165] | 100% | 7–30 days[165] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |
| British Virgin Islands | 13[168] | 67% | Social security | |||||
| Canada, except Quebec | 15[169] | 55% (up to max. of $29,205 p.a.); for low-income families,[169] up to 80% | 0 | N/A | Standard option:
35[169] |
Standard option:
55% (up to max. of $29,205 p.a.)[169] |
Social security | |
| Extended option:
61[169] |
Extended option:
33% (up to max. of $17,523 p.a.)[169] | |||||||
| Quebec, Canada | Opt. 1 | 18[170] | 70% (up to maximum $975 per week)[170] | 5[170] | 70% (up to maximum $975 per week)[170] | 32[170] | 7 weeks at 70% (up to maximum $975 per week) + 25 weeks at 55% (up to maximum $767 per week)[170] | Social security |
| Opt. 2 | 15 | 75% (up to maximum $1046 per week) | 3 | 75% (up to maximum $1046 per week) | 32 | 75% (up to maximum $1024 per week) | ||
| Chile | 24[171] | 100%, with a maximum | 1[165] | 100% | 12 (6 only for mothers)[165] | 100%, with a maximum | Social security | |
| Colombia | 14[168] | 100% | 1+[165] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Social security | |
| Costa Rica | 17[168] | 100% | 0[165] | — | 0[165] | — | Mixed (50% social security, 50% employer) | |
| Cuba | 18[168] | 100% | 0[165] | — | 39[165] | 60% | Social security | |
| Dominica | 12[168] | 60% | 0[165] | — | 0[165] | — | Social security | |
| Dominican Republic | 12[168] | 100% | <1[165] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Mixed (maternity: 50% social security, 50% employer; paternity: employer liability) | |
| Ecuador | 12[168] | 100% | 2[165] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Mixed (maternity: 75% social security, 25% employer; paternity: employer liability) | |
| El Salvador | 12[168] | 75% | <1[165] | 100% | 0[165] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |
| Grenada | 13[168] | 100% for 8 weeks; 65% for remainder | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Mixed (65% social security all 13 weeks plus 35% from employer for first 8 weeks) | |
| Guatemala | 12[168] | 100% | <1[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Mixed (maternity: 2/3 social security, 1/3 employer; paternity: employer) | |
| Guyana | 13[168] | 70% | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
| Haiti | 12[168] | 100% for 6 weeks; unpaid remainder | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Employer liability | |
| Honduras | 12[168] | 100% for 10 weeks; unpaid remainder | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Mixed (2/3 social security, 1/3 employer) | |
| Jamaica | 12[168] | 100% for 8 weeks; unpaid remainder | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Employer liability | |
| Mexico | 12[168] | 100% | 1[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
| Nicaragua | 12[168] | 100% | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Mixed (60% social security, 40% employer) | |
| Panama | 14[168] | 100% | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
| Paraguay | 12[168] | 50% for 9 weeks; unpaid remainder | <1[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |
| Peru | 13[168] | 100% | <1[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |
| Puerto Rico | 8[168] | 100% | <1[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Employer liability | |
| Saint Kitts and Nevis | 13[173] | 65% | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
| Saint Lucia | 13[173] | 65% | 0[172] | — | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
| Saint Vincent and the Grenadines | 13[173] | 65% | Social security | |||||
| Trinidad and Tobago | 14[174] | 100% for first month, 50% for subsequent months[175] | 0[172] | — | Mixed (2/3 social security, 1/3 employer) | |||
| Uruguay | 14[173] | 100% | <2[172] | 100% | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) | |||
| United States of America (federal)[b][176] | 0[177] | — | 0[178] | — | 12 each[c][178] | Unpaid | — | |
| United States (state-level)[d][179] | 6 to 12 weeks (6 weeks in Rhode Island, 8 weeks in California and 12 weeks in Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Washington and the District of Columbia) | Varies by state | 6 to 12 weeks (6 weeks in Rhode Island, 8 weeks in California and 12 weeks in Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Washington and the District of Columbia) | Varies by state | — | — | Mixed (Social or private insurance)[179] | |
| Venezuela | 26[173] | 100% | 2[172] | 100% | 0[172] | — | Social security | |
- ^ Either parent
- ^ The United States of America has no national law guaranteeing paid parental leave. Since 2002, California law instituted state-wide paid parental leave. As of April 2022, similar laws mandating paid parental leave also exist in Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, Washington, and the District of Columbia; similar laws have been passed, but programs are not yet active in Colorado, Maryland, and Oregon.
- ^ The Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 mandates 12 weeks of unpaid parental leave for most public employees and certain eligible employees of private employers with more than 50 employees within a 75-mile radius.
- ^ Paid Family Leave is mandatory in eleven states plus the District of Columbia
Asia
[edit]| Country | Paid maternity leave | Paid paternity leave | Unpaid maternity leave | Unpaid paternity leave | Paid parental[a] leave | Restrictions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Afghanistan | 90 days 100%[citation needed] | |||||
| Bahrain | 60 days 100% | There is unpaid maternity leave for taking care of a child not exceeding six years of age, of maximum six-month each time and for three times throughout the period of the mother's service.[180] | ||||
| Bangladesh | 16 weeks (8 weeks before delivery and 8 weeks after delivery) 100% | In case of third-plus-time mother, who has two or more babies alive already. | ||||
| Cambodia | 90 days 50% | 10 days' special leave for family events | ||||
| China | 14 weeks[164] | |||||
| Hong Kong | 14 weeks (100% for 10 weeks, up to HK$80,000 for the rest)[181] | 5 days 80%,[182] public servant 100%[183] | ||||
| India | 26 weeks 100%. | Up to 15 days' (3 working weeks) male leave 100%(only for Government Employees). For private sector, it is as per company policies | Prohibits employers from allowing women to work within six weeks after giving birth.[184] A female employee is eligible only if she worked for the employer and contributed for at least 80 days during the 12-month period preceding the date of expected delivery.[185] In the case of a stillbirth, miscarriage or an abortion, six weeks of paid leave is required instead.[185] From the third child onwards, only 12 weeks of paid maternity leave is permitted.[186] | |||
| Indonesia | 3 months 100% | Two days' paid when wife gives birth | ||||
| Iran | 6 months 100% | 2 weeks compulsory 100% | ||||
| Iraq | 62 days 100% | |||||
| Israel | 15 weeks 100%, with an additional 12 weeks unpaid. The weeks from 6th to 15th can be taken by the father.[187] | Can take the paid leave instead of the mother starting from the 6th week (up to 15 weeks) | 1 year | |||
| Japan | 14 weeks 60% | 1 year[188] | ||||
| Jordan | 10 weeks 100% | |||||
| Korea, Republic of | 90 days 100% | 10 days | Parents who have a child aged not more than 8 years or in the 2nd or lower grade of an elementary school are eligible for one year of child care leave paid by the Employment Insurance Fund at 40% of normal wage.[189] | |||
| Korea, Democratic People's Republic of | 11 weeks[190][191] | |||||
| Kuwait | 70 days 100% | |||||
| Lao People's Democratic Republic | 3 months 70% | |||||
| Lebanon | 10[192] weeks 100% | 1 day 100% | ||||
| Malaysia | 98 days 100%[193] | 7 days 100%[193] | ||||
| Mongolia | 120 days 70% | |||||
| Myanmar | 12 weeks 66.7% | Six days of "casual leave" that can be used by fathers to assist their spouses at the time of confinement | ||||
| Nepal | 98 days[194] | 15 days[194] | ||||
| Oman | 14 weeks, 100%; 50 days prior to and 50 days after birth (per Omani Labor Law, Royal Decree No. 35/2003, 26 April 2003).[195] | |||||
| Pakistan | 180 days for the birth of the first child, 120 days for the second, and 90 days for the third, 100%. For additional children unpaid leave can be granted.[196] | 30 days 100% for the first three separate births. For additional children, unpaid leave can be granted.[196] | ||||
| Philippines | 105 days 100%, applicable also to miscarriages. 7 days' 100% parental leave per year for solo parents until the child is 18, or indefinitely if the child has a disability. | 14 days' paid paternity leave for married workers. Seven days' 100% parental leave per year for solo parents until the child is 18, or indefinitely if the child has a disability. | ||||
| Qatar | 50 days 100% for civil servants | |||||
| Saudi Arabia | 10 weeks 50% or 100% | Three days | ||||
| Singapore | 16 weeks 100% (Singaporean citizen) or 12 weeks 67% (non-Singaporean citizen)[197] | 2 weeks of 100% government-paid paternity leave for fathers. Up to 4 weeks of 100% government-paid shared parental leave to allow fathers to share up to 4 weeks of the working mother's maternity leave entitlement. (all covered under Employment Act)[198] | 16 weeks of maternity leave is restricted to women whose children are Singapore citizens and has served her employer for at least 90 days before the child's birth.[197] | |||
| Sri Lanka | 12 weeks 100% (84 working days), 84 days 50% | 3 days 100% (only for state sector employees). For private sector, it is as per company policies.[199] | 84 days | |||
| Syrian Arab Republic | 50 days 70% | |||||
| Taiwan | 8 weeks 100% for more than six months of employment or 50% for less six months of employment | 5 days 100% | Two years of unpaid leave under certain conditions (also can be partly paid from Employment Insurance Parental Leave Allowance)[200] | Two years of unpaid leave under certain conditions (also can be partly paid from Employment Insurance Parental Leave Allowance)[200] | ||
| Thailand | 98 days (100% of salary during the first 45 days of leave, and that first half of the leave period is paid by the employer. The second half of leave is paid by social security [at 50%, and subject to a monthly cap of THB 15,000]).[201] | |||||
| United Arab Emirates | 45 days 100% (plus an additional unpaid leave, there is total of 100 days' maternity leave) | 55 days | Maternity leave at 100% pay is subject to the employee having served continuously for not less than one year. The maternity leave shall be granted with half-pay if the woman has not completed one year. | |||
| Vietnam | 4–6 months 100% | |||||
| Yemen | 60 days 100% |
Europe and Central Asia
[edit]| Country | Maternity leave | Paternity leave | Parental[b] leave | Source of payment | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | ||
| Albania | 52[164] | 80% for 21 weeks; 50% remainder | 0[202] | — | 2[202] | 100% | Mixed (Social security for maternity leave; employer liability for parental leave) |
| Andorra | 20[203] | 100% | 4[203] | — | 0[163] | — | Social security |
| Armenia | 20[164] | 100% | 0[202] | — | 156[202] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Austria | 16[204] | 100% | 0[163] | — | 104[163] | Flat rate | Social security |
| Azerbaijan | 18[164] | 100% | 2[202] | Unpaid | 156[202] | Flat rate | Social security |
| Belarus | 18[164] | 100% | 0[202] | — | 156[202] | 80% of minimum wage | Social security |
| Belgium | 15[204] | 82% for 4 weeks; 75% for remainder, with a maximum | 2[205] | 100% for 3 days; 82% remainder | There are 17 weeks of leave for each parent, with different options of using it: in one go, in several parts, by reducing work hours, by taking one half day or one full day off per week.[206][207] | Flat rate | Mixed (3 days' paternity leave employer liability; Social security) |
| Bosnia and Herzegovina | 52[164] | 50–100% | 1+[202] | 100% | 156[202] | Unpaid | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Bulgaria | 58[208] | 90% | 2[208] | 90% | 104[208] | Flat-rate for 52 weeks; unpaid reminder | Social security |
| Croatia | 58[164] | 100% for 26 weeks; flat-rate remainder | 2[202] | 100% | 156[202] | Unpaid | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Cyprus | 18[204] | 75% | 2[209] | 75% | 18 each[210] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Czech Republic | 28[204] | 70% | 0[205] | — | 156[205] | Flat rate | Social security |
| Denmark | 18[204] | 100% | 2[205] | 100% | 32 each (can be extended by 8 or 14 weeks)[211] | 100% | Mixed (social security & employer) |
| Estonia | 14[212] | 100% | 4[212] | 100% | 68[212] | 100% | Social security |
| Finland | 18[204] | 70% | 11[205] | 70%, with a maximum | 26[205] | 70% | Social security |
| France | 16[204] | 100% | 5[213] | 100%, with a maximum | 156[205] | Flat rate | Social security |
| Georgia | 18[164] | 100% | 50[citation needed] | Social security | |||
| Germany | 14[204] | 100% | 0[214] | — | 156[214] | 67%, with a maximum, for 58 weeks (52 if father does not participate); unpaid remainder | Mixed (social security & employer liability) |
| Greece | 17[204] | 100% | 2 | 100% | 17 each[214] | Unpaid | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Hungary | 24[204] | 70% | 1[214] | 100% | 156[214] | 70% (up to a ceiling) for 104 weeks; flat rate remainder | Social security |
| Iceland | 13[204] | 80% | 12[214] | 80%, with a maximum | 26 each[214] | 80%, with a maximum, for first 13 weeks each; unpaid remainder | |
| Ireland | 42[177] | 80%, with a maximum, for 26 weeks; unpaid remainder | 2[215] | Flat rate (minimum €230 per week)[216] | 26 each[217] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Italy | 22[177] | 80% | >1[214] | 100% | 26 each[214] | 30% | Social security |
| Kazakhstan | 18[164] | 100% | 1[202] | Unpaid | 156[202] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Kyrgyzstan | 18[164] | 7 × minimum wage | 78 (in some cases 156)[218] | Unpaid | Social security | ||
| Latvia | 16[177] | 80% | 2[214] | 80% | 78 each[214] | 70% | Social security |
| Liechtenstein | 20[219] | 80% | |||||
| Lithuania | 18[177] | 100% | 4[220] | 100%, with a maximum | 156[220] | 100% for 52 weeks or 70% for 104 weeks; unpaid remainder | Social security |
| Luxembourg | 20[221] | 100% | 2[222] | 100% | Both parents are entitled to equal parental leave. The "first parental leave" must be taken (by either the mother or the father) immediately after the end of maternity leave. The "second parental leave" may be taken by the other parent at any time up until the child's 6th birthday.
Parental leave can be taken in a variety of formats:
The latter three options require the employer's approval. The first option is an absolute right and cannot be refused by the employer.[223] Self-employed people and apprentices are also fully entitled to parental leave. |
100% (up to a maximum gross monthly salary of €4,284.88).[224] | Mixed (maternity leave: social security; paternity leave: 80/20 social security/employer; parental leave: depends on formula chosen – employer pays for time worked, social security pays for time on leave) |
| North Macedonia | 39[164] | 100% | Social security | ||||
| Malta | 18[177] | 100% for 14 weeks | 0[220] | — | 17 each[225] | Unpaid | Mixed (social security & employer liability) |
| Moldova | 18[164] | 100% | 0[226] | — | 156[226] | Partially | Social security |
| Monaco | 18[227] | 90%, with a maximum | 0[220] | — | 0[220] | — | Social security |
| Montenegro | 52[164] | 100% | Social security | ||||
| Netherlands | 16[177] | 100%, with a maximum | 6[220] | 100% | 26 each (with part-time work)[220] | 70%, with a maximum of 9 weeks[228] | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Norway[229] | 15 | 100% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | 2 + 15 | 100% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | Paid leave: 16 weeks; Unpaid leave: 52 weeks[230] | 100% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | Mixed (Social security expect first two weeks of paternity leave) |
| 19 | 80% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | 2 + 19 | 80% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | Paid leave: 18 weeks; Unpaid leave: 52 weeks[230] | 80% of earnings up to a ceiling of $66 000 (2023) | Mixed (Social security expect first two weeks of paternity leave) | |
| Poland | 26[177] | 100% | 2[220] | 100% | 156[220] | 60% for 26 weeks; flat rate for 104; unpaid remainder | Social security |
| Portugal | 17 (or 21)[177] | 100% for 17 weeks or 80% for 21 | 4[220] | 100% | There are two types of leave: Paid leave: 13 each; "sharing bonus" of 4 weeks if initial leave shared.[220] Unpaid leave: After the paid leave, and only if this leave has been taken, one of the parents may take up to two years of childcare leave (licença para assistência a filho) on a full-time basis, extended to three years when there is a third or subsequent child.[231] | Partly 30%, partly unpaid | Social security |
| Romania | 18 (9 weeks before the anticipated date of birth, and 9 weeks after the anticipated date of birth)[177] | 85% | 5 days (15 days if an infant care course is taken). Can be taken at any point within the first eight weeks after the birth of the baby.[178] | 100% | One parent is entitled to: 104 weeks (so until the child reaches the age of two; if taken by the mother, it includes the maternal leave after the birth); or 156 weeks if the child has a disability (so until the child reaches the age of three).[232] Other parent is entitled to only 4 weeks (can be taken at any point during the first 2–3 years of the child's upbringing).[232] |
85% with a maximum (8500 lei per month)[232] | Social security |
| Russia | 20[164] | 100%, with a maximum | 0[226] | — | 156[226] | 40%, with a maximum, for 78 weeks; unpaid remainder | Social security |
| Serbia | 20[164] | 100% | 1+[226] | 100% | 52 (only mothers)[226] | 100% for 26 weeks; 60% for 12 weeks; 30% for 12 weeks | Mixed (Social security maternity leave; employer liability paternity leave) |
| Slovakia | 34[177] | 65% | 0 | — | 156[178] | Flat rate | Social security |
| Slovenia | 15[177] | 100% | 4[233] | 100%, with a ceiling | 37[178] | 100%, with a ceiling | Social security |
| Spain | 16[234] | 100% | 16[234] | 100% | 156 (including maternity/paternity leave, after which it starts) | Unpaid | Social security |
| Sweden | 12[103] | 80%, with a maximum | 12[103] | 80%, with a maximum | 56[103] | 80% (up to a ceiling) for 56 weeks; flat rate for remainder | Social security |
| Switzerland | 14[177] | 80%, with a maximum | 2[235] | 80%, with a maximum | 0 (24 in Geneva)[236][178] | — | Social security |
| Tajikistan | 20[164] | 100% | 0[226] | — | 156[226] | Flat rate for 78 weeks; unpaid remainder | Social security |
| Turkey | 16[164] | 66.70% | 0[226] | — | 26 (only mothers)[226] | Unpaid | Social security |
| Turkmenistan | 16[164] | 100% | 156[237] | Unpaid | Social security | ||
| Ukraine | 18[164] | 100% | 0[226] | — | 156[226] | Flat rate for 78 weeks; childcare allowance remainder | Social security |
| United Kingdom | 52[177] (2 weeks mandatory for the mother, up to 50 of the remainder can be transferred to the father as shared parental leave[238]) | 90% for 6 weeks; 90%, with a maximum, for 32 weeks; unpaid remainder | 2[178] (plus up to 50 weeks transferred from the mother as shared parental leave) | 90%, with a maximum | 13 each[178] | Unpaid | Mixed (employers reimbursed) |
| Uzbekistan | 18[164] | 100% | 0[226] | — | 156[226] | 20% of minimum wage for 104 weeks; unpaid remainder | Social security |
Oceania
[edit]| Country | Maternity leave | Paternity leave | Parental[a] leave | Source of payment | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | Length (weeks) | Pay | ||
| Australia | 18 | Parental Leave Pay is based on the weekly rate of the national minimum wage which is A$812.45 per week or A$162.49 per day before tax as of 1 July 2022.[239] In most cases, the Australian Government makes PLP to the employer, who then pays the employee and as such PLP is a taxable Centrelink payment. However, PLP from the Australian Government does not affect paid parental leave offered by the employer and is therefore paid in addition.[240] | 5 | National Minimum Wage (2 weeks); unpaid (3 weeks) | Up to 52 weeks' shared between the parents | Unpaid | Mixed |
| Fiji | 12 | Flat rate | 0 | N/A | 0 | N/A | |
| Kiribati | 12[241] | 25%[241] | 0 | N/A | 0 | N/A | |
| New Zealand | 26[242] | Maximum $585.80[242] | 2 | Unpaid | up to 52 weeks shared between the parents | Partly paid | |
| Papua New Guinea | 12 | Unpaid | 0 | N/A | 0 | N/A | N/A |
| Solomon Islands | 12 | 25% | 0 | N/A | 0 | N/A | |
- ^ Either parent
Parental leave policies in the United Nations
[edit]As international organizations are not subject to the legislation of any country, they have their own internal legislation on parental leave.
| Organization | Paid maternity leave | Paid paternity leave | Unpaid parental leave | Restrictions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| United Nations[243] | 16 weeks 100% (however, no fewer than 10 weeks must be after delivery, even if the pre-delivery leave was longer due to a late birth) | 4 weeks 100% (or 8 weeks for staff members serving at locations where they are not allowed to live with their family) | Special leave without pay for a period of up to two years may be granted as parental leave under staff rule 105.2 (a) (iii) b to a staff member who is the mother or the father of a newly born or adopted child, provided the staff member has a permanent appointment, or has completed three years of continuous service on a fixed-term appointment and is expected by the Secretary-General to continue in service for at least six months beyond the date of return from the proposed parental leave. | The fact that a staff member is or will be on parental leave cannot be a factor in deciding contract renewal. To ensure that this is enforced, if a contract ends while the staff member is on parental leave, the contract must be extended to cover the duration of such leave. |
Parental leave policies by countries
[edit]Luxembourg
[edit]Parents in Luxembourg are entitled to parental leave for both childbirth and adoption. When the mother gives birth, regardless of whether she is an employee, self-employed or an apprentice, she is entitled to pre-natal maternity leave of 8 weeks before the expected due date and 12 weeks' post-natal leave.[244] The father, meanwhile, gets 10 days' leave after the birth, which must be taken within 2 months of the child's birth.[244] For adoptions, one of parents can take up to 12 weeks' leave if the adopted child is under the age of 12.[244] Luxembourg provides a fixed compensation rate during parental leave, which is €1,778, while most of the other European countries get compensation as a percentage of the salary.[245] Luxembourg doesn't have a policy for maternity allowance in place or in addition to the maternity leave pay.[246] Maternity allowance means the money paid during pregnancy or just after child birth.[246] According 2013 OECD data, public expenditure on maternal and paternal leaves on per child born was the most in Luxembourg out of almost all the European countries at the 35,000 at prices and PPPs of 2013 in USD.[246]
On 1 December 2016, "family leave reform bill 7060" was passed in the Luxembourg parliament.[247] According to this new reform, now fathers and mothers can take leave together.[248] The first leave has to be taken right after maternity leave and the second can be taken before the child turns 6 years old.[248] This new reform provides much more flexibility. The parent has four options: either they can take 4 to 6 months' full leave, 8 to 12 months' part-time leave, take one day off per week for 20 months or can take 4 individual months within 20 months.[248] The official Luxembourg government portal suggests that according to the data collected more than 85% of the parents are extremely happy with this new reform and 79% people think that this new system is better than the older system.[249]
France
[edit]In France, there is maternity leave, paternity/partner leave and parental leave. The maternity leave, the number of weeks a biological mother is allowed to leave work is 16 weeks in France—6 weeks before birth and 10 weeks post-birth.[250] Maternity leave is 26 weeks for the third and subsequent children, and 34 weeks for twins. Maternity leave is mandatory, the mother must take at least part of the leave, complete renouncement of the leave is forbidden.[251] Paternity/partner leave is 25 days.[252] Parental leave in France (Congé Parental) refers to the system of leave that is guaranteed to both fathers and mothers in cases of either childbirth or adoption, and can be taken for up to three years. In France, there are differences regarding the regulation on parental leave, based on number of children, how it is shared between parents, payment, and type of job. Payment varies between six months and three years.[253]
India
[edit]Maternity leave in India is 26 weeks (8 prenatal and 18 postnatal) and is paid at 100% rate of the employee's salary. India's maternity leave policy is regulated by The Code on Social Security, 2020.[254] The employee must have worked in the company for at least 80 working days before availing this benefit and the woman would also be entitled to a medical bonus alongside the 100% paid leave. For women with already two children, the maternity leave reduces to 12 weeks.[255] Only employees of state-owned enterprises and civil servants are entitled to paternity leave which is two weeks, while women civil servants are entitled to one year worth of parental leave, including the maternity leave.[255]
Germany
[edit]Maternity leave in Germany is 14 weeks (6 prenatal and 8 postnatal), and parental leave is 3 years. Parents in Germany can request up to 3 years parental leave, which is partly paid with parental allowance. Parental leave can be taken immediately after maternity leave (the weeks of maternity leave after birth are included in the duration of the parental leave) or immediately after birth (for fathers) or it may be taken at later times. Parental leave can be taken all in a go, or in a fractioned way. It can be taken all before the child's 3rd birthday, or it may be extended until the 8th birthday; however at least one year must be taken before the third birthday (otherwise that year is lost). All parents who have legal parental rights are entitled to parental leave (including non-biological and same-sex). Parental allowance is paid during part of the parental leave; the amount and duration of payment has changed several times throughout the years. It is possible to be on parental leave and work a limited amount of hours, without losing the parental leave benefits. The advantage of working while on parental leave is that vacation (annual leave) continues to accrue; however, if one does not work at all on parental leave, that person's vacation leave entitlement reduces by one twelfth for each month during which one is taking parental leave (i.e. after a full year of parental leave the vacation entitlement for next year has been lost, unless there are remainder vacation days which had been accumulated before the parental leave, or unless the employer agrees otherwise). Parental leave is job protected, the employee has the right to return to the same job, or in certain situations, to a different position that is similar to the previous one.[256]
Canada
[edit]Canada has two parental leave benefit programs for the care of a newborn or adopted child: a federal program, and provincial programs.[257] Every Canadian province offers at least seventeen weeks of maternity leave, with the exception of Alberta – where maternity leave is fifteen weeks long.[258] The eligibility for maternity leave is that the individual has to be the child's birth mother (including surrogate mother).[259] There have to be at least 15 weeks leave (maternity leave can start up to 12 weeks before birth).[259] In addition to maternity leave, there is parental leave, the length of which depends on payment: there is an option between standard parental leave up to 40 weeks (but one parent cannot receive more than 35 weeks) which is paid at the rate of 55% up to $638 weekly; and extended parental leave up to 69 weeks (but one parent cannot receive more than 61 weeks) which is paid at the rate of 33% up to $383.[260]
Due to parental leave being under provincial jurisdiction, there is a decentralized nature to the policies concerning leave benefit programs. For example, the province of Quebec has some of the greatest maternity leave benefits in the country.[261] In Quebec, a greater number of people are eligible for parental leave benefits and there are more benefits they can receive, compared to other provinces.[257] The variety among provinces concerning parental leave has raised debates on whether there should be a unitary federal program for parental leave policies in Canada.[257]
Miscarriage leave
[edit]In some countries, parental leave is also offered to parents who have had a miscarriage.
- The Philippines – 60 days' fully paid leave for the mother for miscarriages (before 20 weeks of gestation) or emergency termination of the pregnancy (on the 20th week or after)[262] The husband of the mother gets 7 days' fully paid leave up to the 4th pregnancy.[263]
- India – six weeks' leave for the mother[264]
- Mauritius – two weeks' leave for the mother[265]
- Indonesia – six weeks' leave for the mother[265]
- New Zealand – 3 days' bereavement leave for both parents[266]
- Taiwan – five days, one week or four weeks, depending on how advanced the pregnancy was, for the mother[200]
- United Kingdom – Statutory Parental Bereavement Leave is available under UK legislation[267] to the parents of a child who dies under the age of 18, or where a child is stillborn after 24 weeks of pregnancy.[268] In Northern Ireland this entitlement was provided for in the Parental Bereavement (Leave and Pay) Act (Northern Ireland) 2022.[269]
See also
[edit]References
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Further reading
[edit]- Altintas, Evrim; Sullivan, Oriel (Spring 2017). "Trends in fathers' contribution to housework and childcare under different welfare policy regimes". Social Politics. 24 (1): 81–108. doi:10.1093/sp/jxw007.
- Blofield, Merike; Touchton, Michael (2020). "Moving Away from Maternalism? The Politics of Parental Leave Reforms in Latin America". Comparative Politics.
- Mariskind, Clare (March–April 2017). "Good mothers and responsible citizens: Analysis of public support for the extension of paid parental leave". Women's Studies International Forum. 61: 14–19. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2017.01.003.
- Sholar, Megan A. Getting Paid While Taking Time: The Women's Movement and the Development of Paid Family Leave Policies in the United States (Temple UP, 2016), 240 pp.
- White, Linda A. (Spring 2017). "Which ideas, whose norms? Comparing the relative influence of international organizations on paid maternity and parental leave policies in liberal welfare states". Social Politics. 24 (1): 55–80. doi:10.1093/sp/jxw010. S2CID 157991462.
Parental leave
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Legal Basis
Core Elements of Parental Leave
Parental leave consists of a statutory or contractual entitlement allowing employed parents to take extended time off from work following the birth or adoption of a child, primarily to provide care during the early stages of infancy or adjustment. This leave is distinct from maternity leave, which addresses maternal health recovery and bonding immediately post-birth, and typically extends beyond short-term paternity leave to enable shared caregiving responsibilities. International standards, such as those from the International Labour Organization (ILO), emphasize that parental leave should facilitate family well-being while protecting employment rights, though implementation varies by country.[11][12] A fundamental element is job protection, which guarantees the parent's right to return to the same or an equivalent position with unchanged employment conditions upon completion of the leave. This provision, present in most OECD countries, mitigates career risks associated with family formation and is often legislated to prevent dismissal or demotion during the leave period. For instance, the European Institute for Gender Equality notes that such protections enable parents to focus on child care without fear of job loss, typically applying for a defined duration tied to the child's age, such as up to three years in some European systems.[13][12] Duration forms another core component, with entitlements ranging from a few months to several years, often starting after maternity or paternity leave concludes. In 32 of 34 OECD countries, mothers receive at least 14 weeks of paid leave aligning with ILO Maternity Protection Convention minimums, while parental leave adds further periods—frequently 3 to 12 months or more—that can be allocated to either parent or shared. Durations are calibrated to balance child development needs with labor market participation; for example, the ILO advocates extending beyond 14 weeks to at least 18 for adequate recovery and care, though unpaid extensions may lack the same protections.[14][15] Compensation distinguishes robust systems from minimal ones, with paid parental leave often replacing a portion of lost wages (e.g., 60-100% of prior earnings) through public social insurance funds contributed by employers, employees, or the state. OECD data indicate significant variation: some nations provide flat-rate benefits, while others tie payments to salary history to reduce financial disincentives for uptake. Unpaid leave, common in systems without strong social safety nets, correlates with lower participation among lower-income parents, as evidenced by policy analyses showing paid entitlements increase leave-taking by enabling economic sustainability during absence.[16][12] Eligibility criteria typically require continuous employment for a minimum period (e.g., 6-12 months with the employer) and coverage under social security, excluding self-employed or informal workers in many jurisdictions unless opted in. Both biological and adoptive parents qualify, with some policies extending to surrogacy or fostering, though restrictions may apply based on child age or family structure. The ILO promotes broad eligibility to promote equity, but empirical reviews highlight exclusions that disproportionately affect part-time or precarious workers.[11][12] Flexibility in usage enhances adaptability, allowing leave to be taken in blocks, part-time, or transferred between parents, with "use-it-or-lose-it" quotas for fathers in progressive systems to encourage paternal involvement. OECD frameworks classify parental leave by transferability: fully transferable options favor mothers due to biological factors, while individual non-transferable entitlements—such as "daddy months"—have boosted male uptake in countries like Sweden and Norway by reserving portions exclusively for fathers. This design element addresses causal barriers to gender-balanced care, as rigid structures often result in near-total maternal usage.[17][12]Distinctions from Maternity, Paternity, and Other Leaves
Maternity leave is a period of job-protected absence specifically allocated to biological mothers in connection with pregnancy, childbirth, or adoption, emphasizing maternal health recovery, breastfeeding support, and immediate postnatal care.[18] Under European Union Directive 92/85/EEC, it mandates a minimum of 14 weeks, including at least two weeks compulsory immediately before or after confinement, with payment at no less than sickness benefit levels.[18] This leave is non-transferable and tied exclusively to the birthing parent, distinguishing it from broader family entitlements by its focus on physiological demands of pregnancy and delivery rather than general child-rearing.[12] Paternity leave, in contrast, provides a shorter, often non-transferable entitlement primarily for fathers or the mother's partner, typically limited to 1-2 weeks immediately following birth or adoption to facilitate family support and initial bonding.[16] Across OECD countries, the average duration is 2.3 weeks, with variations such as 10 days in France or none mandated federally in the United States under the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), which treats it as part of general unpaid family leave.[16] Unlike maternity leave, it does not encompass prenatal protections or extended recovery but prioritizes paternal involvement at the outset, often with full pay to encourage uptake, though utilization remains lower due to workplace norms and financial incentives favoring mothers.[19] Parental leave extends beyond these, offering employment-protected time for either parent to provide care for young children, usually commencing after maternity or paternity periods and extending up to the child's third or eighth birthday depending on national policy.[12] It is frequently structured as a family entitlement shareable between parents, with options for part-time or flexible usage, as in EU Directive 2010/18/EU, which guarantees four months per parent (two non-transferable) until the child reaches eight.[18] This differentiates it from maternity and paternity leaves by its gender-neutral design, longer horizon for caregiving, and emphasis on shared responsibility, though empirical data show mothers claiming 80-90% in many systems due to specialization in early child care.[16] Parental leave further contrasts with other family-related absences, such as childcare leave for older children or home care leave for extended dependency, which may lack the same job protection or payment levels and target non-infant stages.[12] It is distinct from annual vacation, which serves personal rest without child-specific justification, or sick leave, reserved for individual or family illness rather than routine parenting duties.[12] In the U.S., FMLA's 12 weeks of unpaid leave encompasses parental purposes but excludes paid maternity equivalents available in most OECD nations, highlighting how parental leave often supplements rather than substitutes these, with payment sourced from social insurance rather than employer vacation accruals.[16]International Legal Frameworks and Conventions
The International Labour Organization's Convention No. 156 on Workers with Family Responsibilities, adopted in 1981 and entered into force on August 11, 1983, represents the principal international instrument addressing leave entitlements for parents and caregivers. Ratified by 43 countries as of recent records, it obligates states to develop national policies enabling workers—particularly women—with dependent children or other family members to participate in the workforce without discrimination or disadvantage relative to other workers. [20] While not prescribing specific durations or paid parental leave, the convention promotes supportive measures such as flexible working arrangements, childcare facilities, and leave for family reasons to reconcile employment and family obligations, with the aim of promoting gender equality in labor participation. [21] Complementing this, ILO Convention No. 183 on Maternity Protection, revised in 2000 and ratified by over 40 states, establishes a minimum standard of 14 weeks of maternity leave, including at least six weeks post-childbirth, with cash benefits at least equivalent to two-thirds of prior earnings. [22] [23] Globally, statutory paid maternity leave averages around 18 weeks at a rate of at least two-thirds of prior earnings.[24] Its accompanying Recommendation No. 191 extends guidance to paternity and adoption leave, suggesting at least one week of paternity leave and encouraging parental leave policies that allow both parents to share caregiving responsibilities, though these remain non-binding. These standards reflect a focus on protecting maternal health and enabling family-work balance but do not impose uniform global requirements for shared parental leave beyond maternity. United Nations frameworks, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979, ratified by 189 states), mandate maternity leave with pay or equivalent benefits under Article 11 to prevent employment discrimination, but omit explicit provisions for paternity or broader parental leave. [25] Similarly, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989, ratified by 196 states) affirms parental primary responsibility for child upbringing in Article 18 and urges state support through services like childcare, yet provides no enforceable standards on parental leave entitlements. [26] [27] Absent a dedicated binding convention on parental leave, international norms rely on these partial measures, resulting in significant cross-national disparities driven by domestic implementation rather than uniform global obligations. [12]Historical Development
Origins in Early 20th-Century Labor Reforms
The push for maternity protections, the precursor to modern parental leave, emerged amid early 20th-century industrialization, where high infant mortality rates—often exceeding 100 per 1,000 live births in urban Europe—and the growing employment of women in factories highlighted the risks of immediate postpartum work. Labor reformers, influenced by social hygiene movements and trade unions, advocated for rest periods to safeguard maternal recovery and breastfeeding, viewing these as essential to reducing child mortality rather than promoting gender equity.[28][29] National policies in Europe began codifying these protections during this era, building on 19th-century precedents like Germany's 1883 ban on women working four weeks postpartum. By the 1910s, countries such as Norway and Italy required short prenatal or postnatal leaves, typically unpaid and lasting 2-4 weeks, enforced through factory acts to prevent employer exploitation of vulnerable workers. France enacted a 1928 law mandating similar short-term unpaid leave, reflecting broader labor reforms tied to women's wartime roles and suffrage gains, though implementation varied due to economic constraints and limited enforcement.[4] A pivotal international milestone came with the International Labour Organization's (ILO) Maternity Protection Convention No. 3, adopted on November 29, 1919, in Washington, D.C., which set global standards for women in industrial or commercial work: a mandatory 8-week postnatal rest period (with 12 weeks total recommended), paid at half wages or cash benefits, prohibition of dismissal during pregnancy and leave, and daily nursing breaks. Ratified by 37 countries by 2023, this convention stemmed from pre-WWI European experiences and aimed to address poverty-driven returns to work, prioritizing infant health outcomes over ideological goals; the U.S., however, failed to ratify it amid debates over federal labor powers.[30][31] These reforms laid the groundwork for parental leave by institutionalizing job-protected time off for mothers, though paternity provisions remained absent, as policies focused on biological imperatives like lactation and recovery rather than shared caregiving. Evidence from the period indicates causal links to improved maternal employment continuity and reduced early childhood morbidity, though unpaid or minimally compensated leaves often burdened low-wage families, underscoring the policies' pragmatic rather than comprehensive scope.[28][32]Post-WWII Expansion and Welfare State Integration
In the immediate post-World War II period, European welfare states, rebuilding amid demographic pressures and rising female labor force participation, incorporated maternity leave into social security systems to protect maternal health and family stability. France's 1946 legislation established a 14-week maternity leave entitlement, compensating women for half of lost earnings through family allowance structures.[33] This built on pre-war protections but aligned with the expansive Beveridge-style welfare models emphasizing universal coverage for family risks.[34] Similar integrations occurred in Germany, where 1883 maternity protections persisted and were adjusted post-1945, with further refinements in 1957 to fit the social market economy's emphasis on worker safeguards.[35] Scandinavian nations, pioneering comprehensive welfare states, extended these provisions amid post-war economic booms and gender role shifts. Sweden replaced earlier maternity benefits with a 1950s maternity insurance scheme offering 90 days of paid leave, tied to national sickness insurance for broader accessibility.[36] By 1963, Sweden expanded this to six months for mothers, reflecting causal links between policy incentives and sustained workforce attachment for women.[33] Norway followed in 1956 by including maternity compensation within its sickness benefits framework, compensating at 100% of prior earnings for eligible women.[37] These measures integrated parental support into decommodification strategies, prioritizing empirical outcomes like reduced infant mortality over ideological mandates. The 1970s marked a pivotal expansion toward shared parental leave, embedding gender-neutral elements into welfare architectures to address persistent uptake disparities. Sweden led in 1974 by introducing paid parental leave available to fathers, allocating six months per parent within the total entitlement, funded via social insurance contributions.[38] This reform, amid oil crisis constraints, empirically boosted fathers' involvement while maintaining high female employment rates, contrasting with male-breadwinner biases in earlier post-war designs.[39] Across Europe, such integrations correlated with fertility stabilization and labor market dualization, though variations persisted due to fiscal capacities and cultural norms rather than uniform ideological convergence.[40]Late 20th to Early 21st-Century Global Adoption
In 1974, Sweden became the first country to introduce paid parental leave available to both mothers and fathers, replacing prior maternity-only provisions with 6 months of leave at 90% of earnings, explicitly aimed at promoting shared parenting responsibilities.[41][38] This policy marked a shift from gender-specific maternity benefits toward individual entitlements, though initial uptake by fathers remained below 1% of total days claimed.[41] Nordic neighbors followed suit, with Norway establishing paid maternity leave in 1978 and adding dedicated paternity leave provisions by 1993, while Denmark and Finland extended similar shared models in the 1980s and 1990s, often integrating earnings-related benefits to encourage workforce re-entry for women.[42] The 1990s saw broader European adoption, influenced by welfare state expansions and gender equality initiatives. In 1993, the United States enacted the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), providing eligible employees with up to 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave for childbirth, adoption, or family care, covering about 60% of the workforce but excluding paid benefits.[43] This contrasted with paid systems in Europe but represented a federal milestone after decades of failed proposals. The European Union advanced harmonization through Council Directive 96/34/EC, effective from 1996, which required member states to grant each parent at least 3 months of unpaid parental leave upon a child's birth or adoption, with provisions for force majeure and non-discrimination in employment conditions.[44] Implementation varied, with countries like Germany introducing 3 years of job-protected leave (though largely unpaid beyond initial maternity) and France adding 3 weeks of paid paternity leave by 2002.[42] Into the early 2000s, global diffusion accelerated, particularly in OECD nations, where average paid maternity/parental leave durations rose from around 16 weeks in 1970 to over 50 weeks by the 2010s, driven by policy reforms emphasizing child development and labor participation.[45] The International Labour Organization's Maternity Protection Convention (No. 183) of 2000 set a minimum 14-week standard for maternity leave with cash benefits and job protection, influencing parental extensions in ratifying countries like Brazil (120 days paid maternity by 1988, expanded) and South Africa (1993 basic conditions act with 4 months unpaid).[22] Innovations such as Sweden's 1994 "daddy quota" of 1 month non-transferable to mothers boosted father uptake to 30% of total days by the 2000s, inspiring quotas in Iceland (2000 equal split) and Norway (extended shares).[41] Outside Europe and North America, adoption lagged but grew in Asia, with Japan mandating 1 year unpaid parental leave in 1992 (amended for pay incentives by 2000s) and South Korea introducing 3 months paid paternity in 2007, reflecting pressures from low fertility rates.[42] By 2010, over 100 countries had some parental leave framework, though coverage and generosity remained uneven, with developing nations often limited to maternity protections amid informal labor dominance.[46]Eligibility and Uptake Patterns
Eligibility Criteria and Restrictions
Eligibility for parental leave in most countries requires that claimants be employed or have a recent employment history, often demonstrated through a minimum period of service or contributions to social security systems.[8] In OECD nations, this typically involves working a specified number of hours or months prior to the child's birth or adoption, ensuring attachment to the labor force; for instance, some policies mandate at least 120 hours of employment in the 13 weeks immediately preceding the leave.[47] Self-employed individuals face varied access: while included in systems like those in Nordic countries via mandatory insurance contributions, they are excluded in others, such as parts of North America, where benefits are tied to employer-provided coverage.[12] Restrictions commonly exclude the unemployed, casual or short-term workers without sufficient tenure, and those failing to meet contribution thresholds, which can limit uptake among precarious laborers.[12] Employer-specific tenure requirements apply in only eight OECD countries for full paternal benefits, but broader social insurance criteria predominate, prorating benefits for part-time workers in many cases.[14] For shared parental entitlements, both parents must often independently satisfy eligibility, such as healthy birth conditions and no complications, further constraining dual uptake.[12] International standards from the International Labour Organization (ILO) emphasize maternity leave protections but lack binding parental leave eligibility norms, leaving variations to national laws; Convention No. 183 mandates cash benefits for maternity without less favorable treatment but does not extend uniformly to parental provisions.[11] Same-sex couples encounter disparate rules: male same-sex parents qualify for parental leave in 14 OECD countries without adoption requirements and in 9 via adoption, while female same-sex parents have broader access, reflecting policy divergences beyond biological parenthood.[16] Residency or citizenship may impose additional barriers in non-universal systems, prioritizing nationals or long-term residents over migrants.[48]Gender and Demographic Disparities in Uptake
In OECD countries, women consistently take the majority of paid parental leave, with men comprising only about 26% of benefit recipients across 22 nations with available data as of recent years, up from 19% in 2013.[49] This disparity persists even where policies incentivize fathers through quotas or reserved entitlements; for example, in Norway, 90% of fathers took some parental leave in 2022, yet the overall share of leave days claimed by men remains below 25% in many such systems due to shorter durations taken by fathers.[49] In Sweden, where uptake is among the highest globally, fathers accounted for roughly 45% of parental leave benefit recipients but still used about 30% of total leave days based on 2019 data, reflecting norms favoring longer maternal absences for primary caregiving.[13] Uptake rates for fathers vary by country but remain low outside Nordic models; in Germany, for instance, fewer than 40% of eligible fathers use parental leave beyond short paternity periods, often citing career penalties and workplace stigma.[49] In Canada, according to Statistics Canada data from 2021 (published 2023), 44% of fathers with a newborn or newly adopted child received or intended to receive paid parental leave benefits, up from 30% in 2019; fathers who received benefits took an average of 12 weeks. No national statistics for 2024 or 2025 are available yet due to data lags.[50] This illustrates increasing but still limited paternal participation in a North American context. Globally, only 44% of countries offering paid maternity leave extend equivalent paternity benefits, contributing to gendered patterns where mothers absorb 94% or more of total family leave in nations without strong father-specific mandates.[51] Demographic disparities compound these gender gaps. Higher-income and more educated parents exhibit greater uptake, as paid leave access correlates with stable employment in sectors providing benefits; in Europe, low-income fathers show 40% lower responsiveness to leave incentives compared to higher earners.[52] In the United States, where national paid leave is absent, racial and ethnic differences are pronounced: Hispanic parents have access to paid parental leave at rates of 23-25%, versus 47-50% for non-Hispanic whites and 41-43% for non-Hispanic blacks, with Hispanics also reporting lower usage due to precarious jobs and ineligibility.[53] [54] These patterns hold across industries, with blue-collar and low-wage workers facing barriers like unpaid alternatives or job loss risks, exacerbating inequities by education and marital status.[55]Factors Influencing Participation Rates
Participation in parental leave programs is shaped by a combination of policy design elements, economic incentives, workplace dynamics, and sociocultural norms. Empirical analyses indicate that the generosity of benefits, including wage replacement rates and duration, significantly boosts uptake; for instance, extensions from six to twelve months of paid leave have been associated with increased take-up among eligible parents in quasi-experimental studies.[56] Father-specific quotas or "use-it-or-lose-it" provisions further elevate male participation, as observed in Nordic countries where such mechanisms contribute to paternity leave uptake rates reaching 80% in Sweden and Finland by 2021.[57] Conversely, low replacement rates or inflexible scheduling deter participation, particularly among lower-income households facing financial strain.[58] Workplace characteristics exert a strong influence, with employees in supportive environments or female-dominated sectors showing higher rates of leave-taking. Studies reveal that fathers in professions with flexible norms or partner workplaces offering robust policies are more likely to utilize parental leave, while those in male-dominated or high-pressure industries face barriers like perceived career penalties.[59] [60] Economic determinants, such as income levels and job security, also play a key role; higher earners often have greater access to paid options, yet fears of income loss or promotion setbacks reduce overall uptake, especially for fathers.[61] In the United States, where national paid leave is absent, state-level programs demonstrate that inadequate employer coverage and retaliation risks further suppress participation.[62] Sociocultural factors, including entrenched gender norms, persistently limit male involvement despite policy availability. Research highlights that traditional expectations of breadwinning roles and stigma against fathers prioritizing caregiving result in lower paternity leave rates compared to maternity leave, with uptake often below 30% in countries without strong incentives to challenge these norms.[63] [64] Reforms targeting attitudinal shifts, such as those promoting shared leave, correlate with gradual improvements in fathers' participation and reduced gender disparities in household labor.[65] Individual variables like education and family structure moderate these effects, with more educated parents exhibiting higher awareness and utilization, though broader cultural resistance in conservative demographics can offset policy gains.[66]Policy Variations Across Regions
Policy variations across regions reveal significant differences in the generosity and structure of parental leave provisions. North and continental European countries generally offer generous paid leave, exemplified by Sweden's 480 shareable days at 80% pay; the EU sets a maternity minimum of 14 weeks at an adequate pay level, though Southern Europe and the UK provide less extensive benefits compared to northern models. In contrast, the United States mandates only 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave under the FMLA for eligible employees at employers with 50 or more workers, with no national paid parental leave program, positioning it as an outlier among high-income nations.[18][67]European and Nordic Approaches
The European Union establishes minimum standards for parental leave through directives such as the 2019 Work-Life Balance Directive, which mandates at least 10 working days of paid paternity leave and 4 months of parental leave per parent, with 2 months non-transferable to encourage shared parenting.[18] Maternity leave is set at a minimum of 14 weeks, with at least 2 weeks compulsory around birth and payment at an adequate level, though member states often exceed these thresholds with national variations in duration, payment levels, and eligibility.[68] Across the EU, policies emphasize job protection and income replacement, but implementation differs, with southern and eastern European countries typically offering shorter paid durations compared to central and northern ones, funded primarily through social insurance contributions rather than direct employer costs.[12] Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—exemplify an approach prioritizing extensive, gender-shared leave to support dual-earner families and paternal involvement, often with "use-it-or-lose-it" quotas reserved for each parent to counter traditional caregiving norms. These systems, developed since the 1970s, provide high wage replacement rates (typically 80-100%) via public insurance, eligibility tied to prior earnings and employment history, and flexibility in usage up to the child's age of 8 in some cases. In Sweden, full-time unpaid leave with job protection is available until the child turns 18 months; afterward, full-time or part-time leave requires using remaining parental benefit days for compensation, while parents retain the right to reduce work hours by up to 25% unpaid until the child is 8 years old, combinable with benefits for paid reduction.[69] Policies aim to reconcile work and family without penalizing maternal employment, though uptake by fathers remains below full quota utilization in practice, averaging 25-30% of total leave days despite incentives.[19]| Country | Total Paid Leave (weeks/days) | Quotas and Sharing | Wage Replacement |
|---|---|---|---|
| Sweden | 480 days per child | 90 days reserved each parent; remainder flexible | 80% (60 days at 90%) |
| Norway | 49 weeks (100%) or 59 weeks (80%) | 15 weeks mother, 15 weeks father, 19 weeks shared | Up to 100% |
| Denmark | 52 weeks total | 4 weeks pre-birth mother; 2 weeks father post-birth; 32 weeks shared | Full pay via employer/insurance |
| Finland | ~164 days each parent (post-maternity/paternity) | Maternity 105 days; paternity 54 days; parental 320 days total shared | 70-90% |
| Iceland | 12 months total | 6 months each; 6 weeks transferable | 80% |
North American Models
In the United States, federal policy under the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) of 1993 provides eligible employees with up to 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave for the birth or adoption of a child, applicable to employers with 50 or more employees and workers with at least 1,250 hours of service in the prior year.[67] No national paid parental leave exists, making the U.S. the only high-income nation without a mandated paid program among 41 OECD and similar countries surveyed.[76] For federal employees, the Federal Employee Paid Leave Act (FEPLA) offers 12 weeks of paid parental leave as of 2020, funded through payroll contributions.[77] At the state level, 13 states plus the District of Columbia had enacted mandatory paid family leave insurance programs by 2025, typically funded by employee payroll deductions and providing 6-12 weeks of partial wage replacement at 50-90% of earnings, though coverage and eligibility vary (e.g., California's program offers up to 8 weeks at 60-70% pay).[78] Employer-provided paid leave supplements these, with about 25% of private-sector workers accessing it voluntarily, often short-duration (average 1-2 weeks for fathers).[79] Canada's federal Employment Insurance (EI) program delivers paid maternity and parental benefits, with maternity leave up to 15 weeks for biological mothers (starting no earlier than 12 weeks before due date) and parental benefits totaling 40 weeks at standard option (55% of average weekly earnings, maximum $695 per week in 2025) or 69 weeks extended (33% replacement rate), shareable between parents but capped at 35 or 61 weeks per parent respectively.[80] Job protection extends up to 17 weeks for maternity plus the parental duration, applicable to employees with 600 insurable hours in the prior 52 weeks.[81] Quebec operates a distinct Quebec Parental Insurance Plan (QPIP) since 2006, offering higher benefits (up to 75% replacement for 18 weeks maternity or 32-41 weeks parental) and greater flexibility, resulting in higher paternal uptake (around 30% vs. national 10-15%).[82] Overall, Canadian policies emphasize income replacement to facilitate workforce re-entry, though benefits require a one-week waiting period (waived temporarily through April 2026 for new claims).[83] Mexico's Federal Labor Law mandates 12 weeks of paid maternity leave (6 weeks prenatal, 6 postnatal), fully funded at 100% salary through the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS), with extensions possible for complications like cesarean births (up to 4 additional weeks).[84] Paternity leave is limited to 5 paid days post-birth, with a 2024 legislative proposal to extend it to 20 days pending approval.[85] Adoption leave mirrors maternity provisions, but no shared parental option exists nationally, reflecting a model focused on maternal recovery rather than extended family bonding.| Aspect | United States (Federal) | Canada (EI Standard) | Mexico |
|---|---|---|---|
| Paid Duration (Maternity/Parental) | None / None | 15 weeks maternity + 40 weeks parental (shared) | 12 weeks maternity / 5 days paternity |
| Wage Replacement | N/A | 55% up to $695/week | 100% for maternity |
| Job Protection | 12 weeks unpaid | Up to 52-78 weeks | 12 weeks |
| Funding Source | N/A | EI contributions | IMSS social security |
Asian and Emerging Market Policies
Parental leave policies in Asian countries and emerging markets emphasize maternity protections more than shared or paternity leave, reflecting cultural norms prioritizing maternal caregiving and varying levels of economic development. In East Asia, nations like Japan and South Korea provide up to one year of paid parental leave per parent, but uptake remains low due to workplace pressures and gender stereotypes, with fathers utilizing less than 15% in Japan as of recent data. Emerging economies such as India and China mandate shorter maternity durations, often extended locally, but lack robust national paternity entitlements, leading to minimal father involvement in early childcare. These policies aim to support workforce participation amid declining birth rates, yet empirical evidence shows limited impact on fertility without addressing underlying costs of child-rearing.[12][87] Japan's Childcare and Family Care Leave Act entitles both parents to up to one year of paid parental leave per child, with benefits at 67% of wages for the first six months and 50% thereafter, capped at approximately 315,369 JPY monthly initially. From October 2025, reforms extend flexible childcare time off until a child completes third grade and mandate employers to offer options like reduced hours for parents of children aged 3-6. Paternity leave allows fathers four weeks within eight weeks post-birth, fully paid, yet only about 14% of eligible fathers take full parental leave, attributed to career penalties in corporate culture.[88][89][87] South Korea has expanded entitlements to combat fertility rates below 1.0, offering up to three years of shared parental leave per child, with the first year paid at up to 100% of wages under the "6+6" system introduced in recent reforms. Paternity leave increased to 20 paid days from February 2025, usable within 120 days of birth, with government subsidies for small firms. Father uptake reached 36% of total parental leave in 2025, a record high, though still trailing Nordic levels, as policies target gender gaps but face resistance from long work hours.[90][91][92] In China, national law provides 98 days of paid maternity leave, including 15 prenatal days, with provinces adding 1-3 months (e.g., 158 days in Beijing), funded via social insurance; maternity leave does not offset or conflict with annual leave entitlements, prohibiting employers from denying annual leave to employees who have taken maternity leave under national regulations. There is no uniform national paternity leave policy; it is regulated provincially, with fathers typically entitled to 7-30 paid days (e.g., 15 days in Beijing and many others, 10 days in Shanghai) to accompany maternity.[93] Childcare leave (育儿假) is implemented nationwide across 31 provinces, granting each parent 5 paid days annually until the child turns 3, calculated cumulatively by number of children. A national fertility compensation subsidy of RMB 3,600 per child under age 3, effective from January 1, 2025, supports families amid low birth rates.[94] Shanghai's 2025 subsidies reimburse employers for maternity costs to ease hiring burdens on women, yet overall provisions lag in supporting dual-earner families amid one-child policy legacies.[95][96][97][98] India's Maternity Benefit Act grants women 26 weeks of paid leave for the first two children, reduced to 12 weeks thereafter, applicable to establishments with 10+ employees after one year of service. Paternity leave is not nationally mandated for private sector workers but provides 15 paid days for government employees within six months of birth or adoption. Adoption leave mirrors maternity for children under three months, but informal sector coverage is negligible, exacerbating gender disparities in a workforce where female labor participation hovers below 30%.[99][100][101] Singapore, as a high-income Asian hub, offers working mothers 16 weeks of paid maternity leave for citizen children (12 weeks otherwise), with fathers entitled to four weeks of government-paid paternity leave from April 2025. A new shared parental leave scheme mandates six weeks employer-paid from the same date, totaling 20 weeks shared between parents for children born on or after April 1, 2025. These enhancements, building on prior voluntary provisions, seek to balance work-family demands in a pro-natalist framework, with protections against dismissal for leave-takers.[102][103][104]| Country | Maternity Leave (Paid) | Paternity Leave (Paid) | Shared Parental Leave |
|---|---|---|---|
| Japan | Up to 1 year (maternity + parental) | 4 weeks | Up to 1 year per parent |
| South Korea | 90 days + extensions | 20 days | Up to 3 years (1 year paid) |
| China | 98 days + local (e.g., 60+ days) | 7-30 days (regional) | 5-20 days (some regions) |
| India | 26 weeks (first two children) | 15 days (gov't employees) | None national |
| Singapore | 16 weeks | 4 weeks | 6 weeks employer-paid |
Policies in Africa, Latin America, and Oceania
In Africa, maternity leave policies predominate, with paternity and shared parental leave provisions limited across most of the 54 countries. According to International Labour Organization (ILO) analysis of 52 countries, 48 percent provide at least 14 weeks of paid maternity leave—the minimum under ILO Convention No. 183—while 35 percent offer 12 to 13 weeks, often at 100 percent of wages for formal sector workers.[106] Examples include Kenya's 90 days of fully paid maternity leave and 14 days unpaid paternity leave, and Ethiopia's 120 days paid maternity leave with 3 days paid paternity leave introduced in 2019.[107][108] Countries like The Gambia and Djibouti extend maternity leave to 6 months paid, exceeding regional norms, though enforcement remains inconsistent due to high informal employment rates exceeding 80 percent in many nations. Paternity leave, where mandated, typically ranges from 2 to 14 days unpaid; South Africa's Constitutional Court ruling on October 3, 2025, equalized parental leave at 4 months and 10 days for either parent, overturning prior disparities of 4 months for mothers versus 10 days for fathers.[109][110] Overall, policies emphasize maternal recovery over shared caregiving, with low uptake of paternity leave attributed to cultural norms and economic pressures rather than policy design alone.[111] Latin American policies similarly prioritize maternity leave, with most of the 33 countries meeting or surpassing the ILO's 14-week minimum, often paid at 100 percent through social security systems. Colombia, for instance, provides 18 weeks of paid maternity leave since 2017, with recent expansions allowing partial sharing for fathers via 2 weeks of paternity leave.[112] Mexico mandates 84 days paid maternity leave (42 prenatal, 42 postnatal) and 5 days paid paternity leave since 2012, while Chile and Uruguay have introduced flexible shared parental leave models permitting up to 12 weeks for fathers in addition to maternity provisions.[113][114] An ILO-ECLAC review indicates that only 11 countries offer less than 10 days paid paternity leave, with 6 providing 10 to 15 days, reflecting gradual shifts toward gender equity but persistent gaps where fathers' leave averages under 2 weeks regionally.[115] Coverage extends to formal employees, but informal workers—comprising over 50 percent of the labor force—often lack access, limiting policy impact.| Region | Key Countries | Maternity Leave | Paternity Leave | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Africa | Kenya | 90 days paid | 14 days unpaid | Formal sector focus[107] |
| Africa | South Africa | 4 months paid (shared post-2025) | 10 days (now shareable) | Court-mandated equality[109] |
| Latin America | Mexico | 84 days paid | 5 days paid | Social security funded[113] |
| Latin America | Colombia | 18 weeks paid | 2 weeks paid | Partial sharing allowed[112] |
Economic Effects
Labor Market Disruptions and Workforce Participation
Parental leave policies introduce temporary disruptions to labor markets by necessitating the replacement or redistribution of absent workers, particularly in roles requiring specialized skills or continuity. Firms experience increased hiring and training costs for temporary substitutes, with empirical evidence indicating reduced overall employment and wage growth for up to three years post-childbirth, especially in organizations with limited internal substitutability.[124] [125] These effects stem from the causal challenge of maintaining productivity during absences, where prolonged leaves amplify uncertainty for employers regarding employee return.[126] For individual workers, extended maternity or parental leave correlates with skill depreciation and reduced career progression, as mothers face barriers to re-entry including outdated expertise and employer reluctance to reinvest in interrupted trajectories. Studies show that while job-protected leave facilitates short-term exits, durations exceeding one year often lead to persistent part-time work or labor market detachment, with approximately 24% of mothers exiting the workforce in their first postpartum year and 17% remaining out after five years.[127] [126] In contexts like the U.S. federal paid maternity leave expansion, women's hourly wages among childbearing-age cohorts declined by 5-6 log points, accompanied by employment reductions, highlighting how leave generosity can inadvertently signal higher long-term costs to employers.[128] Net impacts on workforce participation vary by leave duration and structure, with short paid leaves (under six months) generally enhancing maternal attachment and return-to-work rates by mitigating financial pressures that otherwise prompt permanent exits.[14] [129] For instance, U.S. state paid family leave implementations have boosted mothers' labor force participation by about six percentage points in the birth year, primarily through extended but temporary absences followed by re-entry.[130] However, longer unpaid or inadequately compensated leaves, as observed in some European extensions, discourage female hiring ex ante by elevating perceived employment costs, resulting in lower overall female employment rates despite intentions to support participation.[131] In Nordic countries, where leaves average 40-50 weeks with high replacement rates, female participation remains elevated (around 75-80% for prime-age women as of 2020) but is sustained more by complementary policies like subsidized childcare than leave alone, with evidence of stalled returns for mothers after extended absences.[126] [132]Fiscal Costs to Governments and Employers
Paid parental leave imposes direct fiscal burdens on governments through benefit payouts, administrative overhead, and related subsidies, often funded via general taxation, payroll contributions, or social insurance funds. Across OECD countries, public spending on family benefits—including cash transfers for parental leave—averages 2.3% of GDP, though this encompasses child allowances and other supports alongside leave payments; Nordic nations like Sweden allocate up to 3.5% of GDP to such benefits, reflecting extensive leave entitlements of 480 days per child at 80% wage replacement for most days.[133] In Sweden, parental insurance expenditures constituted about 5.3% of total social insurance outlays as of 2003, a share sustained amid ongoing expansions, with recent reforms like transferable days to grandparents adding marginal costs without offsetting revenue gains.[38] These systems rely on employer contributions (e.g., 2.6% of payroll fees earmarked for parental insurance in Sweden as of 2024), effectively transferring fiscal pressure from direct taxes to business levies, though deadweight losses from higher labor costs persist.[134] Employer costs arise primarily from temporary workforce replacements, training, and productivity dips during absences, compounded in models requiring short-term wage payments. A Danish study of firm-level data found parental leave elevates labor expenses by less than 1% of annual payroll on average, with no detectable harm to overall firm performance or coworker outcomes, attributing offsets to reduced turnover.[135] In the United States, where the Family and Medical Leave Act mandates 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave, replacement hiring costs median 21% of an employee's annual salary, though this avoids full separation expenses estimated higher at 50-200% for permanent hires.[136] Paid leave mandates, as in California's program, shift partial wage replacement (60-70%) to insurance funds but leave employers bearing 30-40% plus administrative burdens, with surveys indicating total policy costs under 1% of payroll for adopting firms.[137] Empirical analyses, such as those from NBER, underscore that while direct outlays remain modest relative to benefits like retention, indirect fiscal spillovers—via elevated contributions funding government programs—amplify employer burdens in high-leave regimes.[138]| Country/System | Government Cost Estimate | Employer Cost Components | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| OECD Average (Family Benefits incl. Leave) | 2.3% of GDP | Payroll contributions; replacement ~20% salary | [133] [136] |
| Sweden (Parental Insurance) | ~5.3% of social insurance budget; 3.5% GDP for family benefits | 2.6% payroll fee; short-term payments | [38] [134] [133] |
| US FMLA (Unpaid) | Minimal direct; indirect via lost taxes | Replacement 21% salary; no wage pay | [136] |
| California Paid Leave | Funded by 1% payroll tax (shared) | 30-40% wage gap; <1% total payroll | [137] [139] |
Long-Term Macroeconomic Impacts
Empirical studies on the long-term macroeconomic impacts of parental leave policies reveal mixed effects, with benefits often concentrated at the individual or household level rather than economy-wide growth. Generous paid parental leave has been associated with modest improvements in maternal labor force attachment over time, as evidenced by analyses of reforms in countries like Norway, where extensions of leave duration led to sustained increases in mothers' employment rates and earnings five to ten years post-reform, potentially stabilizing workforce participation amid demographic pressures.[140] However, these gains do not consistently translate to aggregate GDP growth; cross-country comparisons, such as those between the United States (with minimal federal paid leave) and Nordic nations (with extensive policies), show no clear causal link between leave generosity and higher per capita output, attributing U.S. advantages partly to higher female labor participation driven by market incentives rather than mandated leave.[141] On fertility, parental leave policies exhibit limited influence on total fertility rates (TFR), a key driver of long-term labor supply and dependency ratios. OECD panel data from 1980–2019 across member countries indicate that while paid leave durations correlate with slight TFR increases (approximately 0.1–0.2 children per woman in high-spending nations), the effect is dwarfed by broader family policies like childcare subsidies, and generous leave alone fails to reverse declines in low-fertility contexts such as Japan or Italy.[142] Critics argue that extended leaves, by increasing opportunity costs for higher-order births, may inadvertently suppress fertility among skilled women, exacerbating aging populations and straining pension systems without offsetting productivity gains.[143] Child development benefits from parental leave, such as reduced infant mortality (e.g., a 1.9–5.2% decline linked to paid maternity leave in OECD analyses), could theoretically enhance future human capital and macroeconomic productivity through higher adult earnings and innovation.[144] Yet, quasi-experimental evaluations of leave expansions, including Germany's 2007 reform extending paid leave to 14 months, find negligible long-term impacts on children's educational attainment or parental earnings, suggesting limited spillovers to economy-wide output.[56] Fiscal costs compound these challenges: funded via payroll taxes or public budgets, prolonged leave systems in Europe have contributed to higher public debt-to-GDP ratios (e.g., Sweden's family policy spending at 3.5% of GDP in 2020), potentially crowding out investments in infrastructure or R&D that drive sustained growth.[145]| Policy Example | Key Long-Term Macro Effect | Evidence Source |
|---|---|---|
| Norwegian Leave Extension (1993) | + Maternal earnings 5–10 years later; neutral on GDP per capita | [140] |
| German Elterngeld Reform (2007) | No significant child outcome or fertility boost; minor employment dip for mothers | [56] [146] |
| OECD-Wide Paid Leave Trends | Modest TFR uplift (0.1–0.2); higher fiscal burdens without proportional growth | [142] |
Family and Child Outcomes
Effects on Parental Physical and Mental Health
Paid parental leave has been associated with improved maternal mental health outcomes, particularly in reducing postpartum depression (PPD) symptoms. A systematic review of 41 studies found that increased duration of paid maternity leave generally correlates with lower risks of depressive symptoms and psychological distress among mothers, with stronger effects observed in high-income countries where policies provide adequate financial support.[148] [149] Similarly, mothers receiving higher-benefit paid leave exhibited lower odds of moderate-to-severe mental health issues compared to those on basic or unpaid leave, as evidenced by a 2025 analysis of U.S. data.[150] However, excessively long parental leave durations can yield adverse mental health effects for mothers. Empirical evidence from a quasi-experimental study in Austria indicated that extending leave from 1.5 to 2.5 years worsened maternal self-reported health, primarily through deteriorated mental health components such as increased anxiety and reduced life satisfaction, potentially due to prolonged isolation from social and professional networks.[151] Shorter, paid leaves (e.g., 12-20 weeks) appear optimal for mitigating stress and enhancing recovery without these drawbacks, based on cross-national comparisons.[152] For physical health, paid maternity leave supports maternal recovery by facilitating rest and medical follow-up post-delivery, correlating with lower rates of rehospitalization for complications like infections or hypertension.[153] A review of international policies linked generous paid leave to overall improvements in maternal physical well-being, including reduced infant mortality risks tied to better parental caregiving capacity.[154] Nonetheless, evidence remains sparser for physical outcomes compared to mental ones, with benefits most pronounced when leave is compensated to avoid financial strain exacerbating health issues.[155] Paternity leave similarly benefits fathers' mental health. Studies report that fathers taking paid leave experience reduced odds of PPD (adjusted odds ratio 0.74) and lower anxiety levels two months postpartum, attributed to greater involvement in childcare and reduced work-family conflict.[156] [157] A California-based longitudinal study of first-time parents found associations between paid paternity leave and enhanced well-being for both fathers and mothers during the transition to parenthood.[158] Physical health data for fathers is limited, but indirect benefits arise from shared caregiving burdens, potentially lowering chronic stress-related conditions.[61] Overall, while moderate-duration paid parental leave demonstrably alleviates parental stress and promotes mental health—especially for mothers facing PPD risks—very extended unpaid or low-benefit leaves may heighten isolation and health deterioration, underscoring the need for policy designs balancing duration, compensation, and reintegration support.[159] Multiple systematic reviews emphasize that these effects vary by socioeconomic status, with greater gains for disadvantaged parents under well-funded systems.[160]Impacts on Child Health, Development, and Attachment
Research indicates that longer maternity leave durations facilitate higher-quality mother-infant interactions, which in turn support the development of secure attachment. A study of American mothers using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Birth cohort found that each additional week of leave was associated with improved interaction quality at 9 months (β = 0.039, p = 0.003), mediating effects on attachment security at 2 years (indirect effect β = 0.000, p = 0.020).[161] However, this association may reflect bidirectional influences, as mothers anticipating stronger bonds might opt for extended leave, limiting causal claims. Paternity leave similarly enhances father-infant bonding, with longer durations linked to greater paternal involvement in caregiving, potentially fostering secure attachments through increased paternal sensitivity.[162] In early childhood, paid maternal leave correlates with improved infant health and developmental markers. Systematic reviews show that extended leave reduces maternal postpartum health issues, enabling better infant care, including higher breastfeeding rates and immunization compliance, which lower post-neonatal mortality risks.[163] Conversely, short maternity leaves prompting early return to work within 3-6 months are associated with reduced breastfeeding initiation and duration, particularly without workplace facilities for pumping or nursing.[164][165] Among toddlers aged 24-36 months, paid leave predicts stronger language skills (β = 0.15, p < 0.01) and fewer socioemotional behavior problems (β = -0.91, p = 0.02), particularly for children of less-educated mothers, though cognitive scores show no significant gains.[166] Paternity leave extensions also benefit infant physical health, as synthesized in reviews of global studies.[167] Long-term outcomes reveal benefits for socioemotional development but highlight duration-dependent risks. A Danish policy extending paid leave in 2002, which delayed formal childcare entry, raised adolescent conscientiousness, emotional stability, and well-being while cutting school absenteeism, with stronger effects for children otherwise entering care early.[168] Conversely, Canada's extension from 6 to 12 months yielded no cognitive or behavioral gains at ages 4-5, with a small negative cognitive effect (-4.8% of a standard deviation per extra month).[169] In the Czech Republic, prolonging leave to 4 years reduced college enrollment by 6-8 percentage points by age 21-27 and increased NEET status risks, especially for children of low-educated mothers, attributed to postponed kindergarten access and foregone preschool benefits.[170] These findings suggest optimal leave balances parental investment with timely exposure to structured early education, avoiding deficits in socialization or skill-building from prolonged exclusive maternal care.Influences on Family Relationships and Division of Labor
Parental leave policies, particularly those encouraging fathers' uptake through paternity quotas or paid provisions, have been associated with short-term shifts toward more equitable division of household labor. In the United States, fathers taking paternity leave report higher shares of housework tasks and time spent on them, with longer leave durations strengthening this association; for instance, analysis of national survey data shows leave-taking correlates with increased paternal contributions to domestic chores post-birth.[171] Similarly, fathers' time off work after birth promotes greater involvement in childcare, which partially mediates reductions in traditional role specialization within families.[172] However, these effects are often temporary, as longitudinal evidence indicates that gendered divisions of labor tend to persist or revert after the initial leave period, with mothers assuming primary responsibility for unpaid work in most households despite policy interventions.[173] Longer or earmarked paternity leave appears to foster more sustained changes in task allocation, though empirical support remains limited by selection biases—fathers opting for leave may already hold more egalitarian views. In European contexts with dedicated father quotas, such as Sweden's, uptake has led to modest increases in fathers' long-term childcare shares (rising from around 20% to 30% of total parental time), but overall household labor remains skewed toward mothers due to factors like maternity leave duration and societal norms.[174] Systematic reviews highlight that while paternity leave can challenge domestic imbalances, macro-level cultural and workplace barriers often undermine lasting egalitarianism, with few studies establishing causality through experimental designs.[175] Regarding family relationships, fathers' leave-taking correlates with improved couple satisfaction and coparenting quality, with odds of higher satisfaction increasing by 51% for parents overall and mediated substantially by enhanced father involvement (accounting for 24-46% of effects over one to five years).[172][176] Benefits are pronounced for mothers, where each additional week of leave boosts satisfaction by about 3%, particularly among pre-birth employed mothers who experience reduced relationship conflict.[176] Conversely, among non-employed mothers, longer leaves may heighten conflict, suggesting contextual dependencies; overall, evidence from U.S. longitudinal cohorts like the Fragile Families Study (n=2,109) points to net positive relational outcomes, though primarily for shorter leaves (1-2 weeks) and vulnerable urban families.[172] These associations hold after propensity score adjustments but warrant caution due to potential endogeneity, as more involved fathers self-select into leave.[176]Gender Equality and Social Dynamics
Theoretical Claims Versus Empirical Evidence
Theoretical proponents of parental leave policies argue that generous paid leave, particularly when including paternity components or father-specific quotas, fosters gender equality by incentivizing fathers to share childcare responsibilities, thereby mitigating women's disproportionate career penalties from childrearing and narrowing labor market disparities.[177] Such claims posit that equalizing leave access disrupts traditional gender norms, promotes dual-earner households, and reduces the gender wage gap through sustained paternal involvement in early childrearing.[61] For instance, models from Nordic welfare states suggest that reserving non-transferable leave months for fathers compels behavioral shifts toward egalitarian divisions of family labor, theoretically enabling women to return to work sooner and accumulate comparable human capital.[178] Empirical evidence, however, reveals more modest and uneven outcomes, with policies increasing fathers' short-term leave uptake but failing to substantially erode persistent gender asymmetries. In Sweden and Norway, where father quotas were introduced in 1993 and 1993 respectively, fathers' share of total parental leave rose from under 10% to approximately 25-30% by the 2010s, yet mothers continued to claim 70-75% of leave days due to entrenched norms around primary caregiving and workplace penalties for extended paternal absences.[179] [178] Evaluations of quota reforms confirm positive effects on immediate leave-sharing—such as a 10-20 percentage point increase in paternal participation—but show limited spillover to long-term equality metrics, including unchanged household divisions of unpaid labor beyond infancy.[180] Regarding labor market impacts, multiple studies indicate that paternity leave extensions do not meaningfully close the gender earnings gap, as mothers remain primary caregivers post-leave, perpetuating career interruptions and specialization patterns. A 2025 analysis of U.S. and European data found no significant association between paid paternity leave duration and reduced wage disparities, attributing persistence to unaltered childcare norms where women shoulder most ongoing responsibilities.[181] [182] Similarly, cross-national research across OECD countries links generous parental leave to slowed gender wage convergence, explaining up to 94% of stagnation in female earnings growth relative to men since the 1980s, as extended leaves amplify women's time away from paid work.[183] While some evidence points to minor boosts in maternal employment from father quotas, these are offset by widened employment rate gaps favoring men, underscoring how policies reinforce rather than dismantle specialization incentives.[184] Broader meta-analyses and longitudinal data further highlight discrepancies, showing that while paternity leave correlates with temporary increases in fathers' domestic involvement and attitudinal shifts toward egalitarianism, these effects fade without complementary cultural or structural changes, leaving gender roles largely intact.[175] In contexts like Quebec's shared leave program, incentives boosted fathers' uptake by 50% but yielded negligible impacts on medium-term earnings or industry placements for either parent, suggesting theoretical expectations overestimate policy leverage against biological and normative drivers of parental roles.[182] Thus, empirical patterns indicate that parental leave advances paternal engagement modestly but insufficiently challenges underlying causal factors in gender dynamics, such as preferences for specialization and opportunity costs differentiated by sex.[181]Reinforcement or Challenge to Traditional Gender Roles
Parental leave policies often reinforce traditional gender roles, in which women serve as primary caregivers, due to disproportionate uptake by mothers in systems without targeted incentives for fathers. In the United States, where paid parental leave is largely absent or employer-dependent, fathers take minimal leave—averaging under two weeks—leaving mothers to shoulder most caregiving responsibilities and perpetuating norms of female domestic primacy.[61] Similarly, in countries with gender-neutral leave policies lacking enforcement mechanisms, maternal leave duration exceeds fathers' by factors of 5 to 10, as social norms and workplace penalties deter male participation, entrenching the division where men prioritize breadwinning.[185] This pattern holds even in high-equality nations without quotas; for instance, pre-quota reforms in Nordic countries saw fathers claiming less than 10% of available leave, sustaining traditional specialization.[186] Policies incorporating fathers' quotas or non-transferable paternity leave, however, empirically challenge these roles by boosting male involvement and fostering egalitarian household divisions. Norway's 1993 father's quota of 4-6 weeks, later expanded, increased paternal leave uptake from near zero to over 80% utilization, correlating with fathers assuming 25-30% of childcare tasks post-return to work and reducing maternal specialization in homemaking.[187] In Sweden, the 1995 quota reform raised fathers' share to approximately 30% by 2020, with studies showing sustained shifts: taking fathers perform more daily childcare and household labor long-term, eroding the rationale for mothers' extended absence from the workforce.[188] Cross-national analyses confirm that such incentives not only elevate fathers' leave duration but also diminish gender biases, as families exposed to paternal caregiving exhibit higher endorsement of shared roles among both parents and children. [189] Long-term causal effects further indicate that effective paternal leave disrupts norm transmission across generations, though persistence of traditional attitudes limits full equalization. Evidence from quota-adopting countries reveals that children of leave-taking fathers hold less rigid views on gender-appropriate tasks, with adolescent daughters 15-20% more likely to aspire to male-dominated careers and sons valuing paternal involvement equally to maternal.[189] Yet, even with quotas, uptake gaps remain—fathers average 2-3 months versus mothers' 6-12—partly due to entrenched norms where traditionalists oppose paternity provisions, viewing them as undermining male provider status.[190] Empirical reviews emphasize that while quotas promote role flexibility, broader cultural resistance and inadequate policy design (e.g., short durations or low pay) often result in partial challenges rather than wholesale reversal, with women's career penalties persisting if fathers' shares do not exceed 40%.[65][191]Outcomes for Women's Career Trajectories and Opportunities
Empirical analyses of parental leave policies reveal that extended durations frequently impose lasting costs on women's career progression, including reduced promotions, skill depreciation, and wage stagnation, as prolonged absences signal diminished commitment to employers and facilitate human capital erosion. In Germany, reforms extending job-protected leave to three years resulted in mothers experiencing wage penalties persisting up to ten years after childbirth, driven by forgone experience and slower re-entry into full-time roles.[145] Similarly, in Austria, doubling leave from one to two years lowered short-term earnings upon return, with effects compounded by sectoral reallocation into lower-productivity jobs.[145] Mandated leave policies can exacerbate promotion gaps through asymmetric information, where firms raise thresholds for advancement amid uncertainty over women's post-leave availability. The U.S. Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993, providing up to 12 weeks of unpaid job-protected leave, increased employment retention by about 3 percentage points for women under 40 but reduced their promotion likelihood by 8 percentage points—a 33% decline relative to pre-policy baselines—even among childless women, indicating broader signaling distortions in high-training-cost firms.[192] In Great Britain, job protection extensions similarly boosted tenure but negatively affected transitions to managerial roles, highlighting how leave entitlements alter employer perceptions of career dedication.[145] Studies of parenthood's direct impacts underscore leave duration's role in amplifying penalties: among U.S. military personnel, mothers accrued 0.83 fewer months of training (a 51.6% reduction) and 0.09 fewer promotions within 24 months post-birth, with 18-week leaves linked to steeper human capital losses than shorter 6-week durations due to extended disconnection from professional networks and performance benchmarks.[193] In Nordic contexts, where generous leaves often exceed one year, women's wages suffer progressively with time away, as cumulative experience deficits hinder tenure-based advancement and reinforce part-time trajectories upon re-entry.[194][195] Shorter, compensated leaves mitigate some disruptions by accelerating workforce re-entry without severe signaling costs. California's Paid Family Leave program, offering 6-8 weeks of partial wage replacement since 2004, raised mothers' employment probabilities by 23% one year post-birth, preserving attachment to prior employers and limiting earnings losses compared to longer European-style policies.[145] Nonetheless, the motherhood penalty—manifesting as 10-20% lower lifetime earnings from reduced hours, promotions, and bargaining power—persists across regimes, disproportionately burdening women due to their primary uptake of leave, which entrenches specialization in caregiving over market skills.[145] These patterns suggest that while leave facilitates initial returns, optimizing career outcomes requires balancing duration against competitive labor market demands, with over-generous entitlements often yielding net professional trade-offs.[145][193]Criticisms and Controversies
Economic and Productivity Critiques
Critics argue that parental leave policies, particularly mandated paid versions, impose direct and indirect costs on employers, including wage replacement during absences and expenses for training temporary workers or reallocating tasks, which can temporarily reduce firm productivity. A study of maternity leave reforms in China found that such policies increased labor costs for firms and reduced the proportion of female employees, as employers adjusted hiring practices to mitigate risks associated with potential leaves. Similarly, analysis of U.S. state paid parental leave laws indicated reductions in employment at affected establishments, with effects concentrated in firms with pre-existing leave offerings, suggesting substitution away from roles vulnerable to leave-taking. These costs are often amplified for small firms lacking resources for seamless coverage, potentially leading to discriminatory hiring against women of childbearing age.[196][197] At the macroeconomic level, extended parental leave durations have been linked to short-term productivity declines, primarily through workforce absences that disrupt operations and require adjustments in labor allocation. Empirical evidence from emerging economies shows that increases in maternity leave length correlate with immediate drops in sectoral productivity, driven by the challenges of substituting skilled labor on short notice. While some research finds no lasting firm-level harm after accounting for reimbursements, critics emphasize that unrecovered short-term losses accumulate across the economy, potentially offsetting gains in worker retention. In contexts with generous policies, such as Sweden's 480-day system, persistent motherhood penalties—manifesting as 6% lower employment rates for mothers a decade post-birth—suggest that prolonged leaves may contribute to reduced overall female labor supply and human capital accumulation, hindering aggregate productivity growth.[198][135][199] Parental leave can also impose career costs on participants, particularly women, by interrupting skill development and tenure accumulation, leading to long-term wage penalties and diminished productivity in high-stakes professions. Economist Claudia Goldin has highlighted how family-related absences exacerbate the "greedy jobs" dilemma, where inflexible, long-hour roles penalize intermittent participation, resulting in slower advancement and earnings gaps that persist over the lifecycle. In Sweden, extended leaves are associated with wage depreciation for women due to sector shifts or reduced bargaining power upon return, underscoring how policies intended to support families may inadvertently reinforce lower lifetime productivity for primary caregivers. These effects challenge claims of unalloyed benefits, as empirical patterns indicate an optimal leave duration beyond which returns diminish, with overly generous entitlements potentially locking women into part-time or lower-productivity paths.[200][201][202]Social and Familial Unintended Consequences
Extended paid parental leave, especially when predominantly taken by mothers, has been empirically linked to the reinforcement of traditional gender roles in household labor division. A comparative analysis of family leave policies across 20 countries using Luxembourg Income Study data found that leaves exceeding one year are associated with higher unemployment probabilities for mothers when children are aged 4-6 years, while shorter leaves correlate with increased inactivity risks, creating a trade-off that sustains gendered specialization in caregiving and breadwinning.[203] This dynamic can perpetuate familial imbalances, as mothers' prolonged detachment from the labor market often results in deferred career progression and heightened economic dependence on partners. In contexts of family vulnerability, such policies exhibit heterogeneous effects that disadvantage certain groups. Register-based studies in Finland from 1989-2014 reveal that single mothers face amplified unemployment risks following longer family leaves relative to partnered mothers, with fixed-effects models indicating structural barriers to re-entry that compound financial instability in non-traditional family units.[203] Such outcomes may inadvertently exacerbate social inequalities, as leave benefits, intended to support caregiving, instead entrench precarious positions for solo parents without mitigating underlying relational strains. Marital stability represents another domain of unintended familial repercussions. While cash-for-care extensions in Finland temporarily lower union dissolution risks during receipt—via discrete-time event history models showing reduced separations amid income support and gendered task division—this protective effect dissipates after leave ends, implying policies may merely postpone inevitable breakdowns rather than foster enduring relational health.[203] Similarly, U.S.-based life-table analyses indicate that fathers' uptake of paternity leave, irrespective of duration, correlates with elevated relationship dissolution rates, potentially arising from disrupted household expectations or intensified conflicts over role adjustments.[204] Socially, these policies can inadvertently heighten intergenerational gender norm persistence when uptake remains skewed. Quasi-experimental evaluations of reforms demonstrate that without dedicated paternal quotas, maternal-dominated leaves fail to erode traditional attitudes, as evidenced by sustained gaps in domestic labor sharing post-leave in European cohorts.[92] This reinforcement not only affects immediate family interactions but also transmits conservative role models to children, countering aims of egalitarian family structures.Debates on Mandates Versus Market Solutions
Proponents of government-mandated parental leave argue that market solutions fail to provide adequate coverage, particularly for low-wage workers in non-competitive industries, necessitating public policy to ensure broad access and mitigate inequality in family support.[205] This perspective posits that voluntary employer provisions disproportionately benefit high-skilled employees in sectors like technology, leaving gaps that mandates can fill through insurance-funded mechanisms, as seen in state programs like California's Paid Family Leave introduced in 2004.[129] Empirical analyses of such mandates, however, reveal mixed labor market effects, with some evidence of increased leave-taking but no substantial gains in overall female employment rates and potential modest reductions in hours worked.[206] Critics of mandates, drawing from economic first-principles, contend that they distort labor markets by imposing fixed costs on employers, which can lead to lower wages, reduced hiring of women of childbearing age, or shifts toward automation, as total compensation adjusts to maintain equilibrium.[207] For instance, cross-country data from 1969 to 1993 across nine European nations showed that extended paid parental leave rights correlated with higher total employment but only marginal increases in work hours, alongside evidence of delayed returns to work for mothers that may exacerbate skill depreciation.[208] These unintended consequences arise because mandates override individualized bargaining, potentially discriminating against prospective parents in hiring decisions, a risk heightened in small firms unable to absorb costs without price adjustments.[209] In contrast, advocates for market-driven solutions emphasize voluntary provisions by employers, which emerge in competitive labor markets to attract and retain talent without universal coercion.[210] Data from U.S. firms indicate that paid parental leave offerings, often exceeding statutory minimums in tech and finance sectors, correlate with improved employee retention and productivity, as companies tailor benefits to workforce needs rather than one-size-fits-all rules.[211] Quasi-experimental studies, such as those examining California's mandate, find no significant harm to firm performance from voluntary extensions but highlight that mandates may crowd out private innovation in benefit design, with coverage stagnating below 25% nationally pre-mandate expansions.[212] This approach aligns with causal evidence that labor market flexibility, absent mandates, sustains higher female labor force participation rates in the U.S. compared to nations with generous but rigid policies.[145] The debate underscores tensions between equity goals and efficiency, with empirical gaps persisting due to confounding factors like cultural norms; while mandates expand access for some, they risk entrenching barriers for others, whereas markets enable heterogeneous solutions but may underprovide for non-marginal workers.[213] Policy analyses from libertarian-leaning sources like the Cato Institute systematically critique mandates for lacking robust evidence of net welfare gains, attributing pro-mandate advocacy in academia to ideological priors favoring intervention over decentralized decision-making.[209]Private and Employer-Initiated Leave
Prevalence and Structures of Private Programs
In the United States, where no federal mandate for paid parental leave exists, employer-provided paid family leave covers approximately 27% of civilian workers as of March 2023, reflecting a 17 percentage point increase from 2010 levels.[214][215] This access is unevenly distributed, with larger firms more likely to offer it; for instance, among private-sector employers surveyed in 2024, 58% provide parental leave beyond maternity provisions, often targeting shared caregiving.[216] Small businesses, comprising the majority of U.S. employers, exhibit lower adoption rates, with prevalence tied to competitive talent retention in sectors like technology and finance rather than universal norms.[217] Globally, private parental leave programs predominantly supplement public entitlements in OECD countries, where national systems provide baseline maternity and parental benefits averaging 18.5 weeks paid for mothers.[19] In nations like those in Scandinavia, employer enhancements are common but secondary, with private offerings focusing on flexibility for high-skill sectors; however, data on pure private prevalence remains sparse outside the U.S., as most systems integrate employer top-ups into statutory frameworks.[12] Cross-national surveys indicate that private initiatives thrive in market-driven environments lacking robust public support, such as Australia or parts of Asia, but empirical tracking is limited to firm-level reports rather than worker-wide statistics. Private programs typically structure leave as distinct maternity, paternity, and shared parental components, with durations and pay varying by firm size and industry. Maternity leave often ranges from 6 to 12 weeks at full or partial pay for primary caregivers in large U.S. companies, while secondary caregiver (paternity or non-birth parent) leave averages 7.9 weeks among Russell 1000 firms.[218] Eligibility commonly requires 6-12 months of service, with benefits funded through employer self-insurance or short-term disability wrappers, excluding small firms under 50 employees in many cases.[219]| Component | Typical Duration (U.S. Large Firms) | Pay Structure | Examples |
|---|---|---|---|
| Maternity (Primary Caregiver) | 10-16 weeks | 80-100% salary | Google: 18 weeks full pay; Netflix: Up to 1 year flexible.[220] |
| Paternity/Secondary | 4-8 weeks | Full or partial pay | Microsoft: 20 weeks shared; Average Russell 1000: 7.9 weeks.[221][218] |
| Shared Parental | 12-20 weeks total, flexible | Varies, often phased | Meta: 4 months equal for both parents.[220] |
Comparative Advantages and Empirical Outcomes
Employer-initiated parental leave programs offer flexibility in duration, eligibility, and integration with company culture, allowing firms to align benefits with operational needs and employee demographics, unlike uniform public mandates that impose fixed requirements across industries.[224] This customization enables competitive sectors, such as technology and finance, to use leave as a targeted retention tool for high-skilled workers, particularly women, without the administrative and compliance costs associated with government-administered systems.[209] Empirical data indicate that the private sector voluntarily provides paid parental leave to a substantial portion of employees—covering approximately 25-30% of private-sector workers as of 2018, with rates 30-50 percentage points higher than commonly cited by advocates for mandates—suggesting market-driven provision meets demand without coercion.[209] Studies on outcomes reveal that employer-sponsored paid leave correlates with reduced employee turnover, as first-time mothers utilizing such benefits are 40% less likely to quit before or after childbirth compared to those without, facilitating higher rates of return to the same employer within a year.[225] Firms offering these programs report improved talent attraction, with 77% of surveyed workers in 2016 citing paid leave as a factor in job choice, and enhanced retention yielding returns through lower replacement costs, which average 20% of an employee's annual salary.[226] Productivity effects are mixed but generally neutral to positive for participating firms; for instance, companies providing paid family leave observe sustained operating performance via retention of productive workers, though small firms may face temporary absence management challenges without scale advantages.[227] In contrast to public programs, which can increase leave-taking uniformly and elevate costs for low-margin employers, voluntary initiatives show higher uptake among larger, profitable entities, minimizing unintended disruptions like skill depreciation from prolonged absences.[228]| Outcome Metric | Empirical Finding | Source |
|---|---|---|
| Employee Retention | 40% lower quit rates for mothers using paid leave | [225] |
| Turnover Cost Savings | Averages 20% of annual salary avoided | [226] |
| Firm Performance | Neutral to positive via skilled worker retention | [227] |
| Private Coverage Rate | 25-30% of workers, higher than mandate advocates claim | [209] |
Integration with Public Policies
Private employer-initiated parental leave programs frequently supplement public entitlements by providing wage top-ups or additional weeks beyond government-mandated minimums, enabling employees to receive full or near-full pay during leave. In OECD countries, where public systems typically offer income replacement rates of 50-100% for maternity and parental leave durations averaging 14-52 weeks, employers often coordinate benefits to bridge gaps, such as topping up partial public payments to 100% of salary for a set period.[12] For instance, in Norway, public parental leave provides 100% wage replacement for 49 weeks or 80% for 59 weeks, with many employers adding 4-12 extra weeks or full top-ups to encourage uptake, particularly among fathers.[230] In the United States, lacking federal paid parental leave as of 2025, integration occurs at the state level; California's Paid Family Leave program offers up to 8 weeks at 60-70% wage replacement (increased to 70-90% in 2024), which employers supplement in 40% of cases to achieve 100% pay, often through private insurance or direct funding, without extending the public duration.[231] Empirical analyses indicate such supplementation raises leave-taking rates by 10-20% without significantly elevating employer turnover costs, as coordinated policies facilitate smoother workforce reintegration.[228] However, in jurisdictions with generous public mandates, private top-ups can diminish if employers perceive reduced incentives for voluntary provision, though data from New York State's 2018-2020 paid family leave rollout show sustained employer additions in high-skill sectors.[8] Public policies influence private program design through mandates like job protection under the U.S. Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), which requires 12 weeks unpaid leave for firms with 50+ employees, prompting 25% of large U.S. employers to layer paid supplements atop it, covering 80% of Fortune 500 firms by 2023.[230] Cross-nationally, OECD evidence reveals that flexible public frameworks—allowing transfers between parents or earnings-tested benefits—encourage employer customization, such as gender-neutral allocations in Sweden, where private extensions average 2-4 weeks and correlate with 5-10% higher female retention post-leave.[12] Yet, rigid public caps can limit integration, as seen in evaluations where uncoordinated benefits lead to administrative overlaps, reducing net take-up by 15% in select European pilots.[8]| Country/Region | Public Leave Baseline | Common Private Integration | Empirical Impact on Usage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Norway | 49 weeks at 100% or 59 at 80% | Employer top-up to 100% + 4-12 extra weeks | Increases father take-up by 20-30%[230] |
| California, USA | 8 weeks at 60-90% | Supplement to 100% pay, no duration extension | Boosts overall leave by 10-15% with minimal firm cost rise[228] |
| Sweden | 480 days shared at 80% | 2-4 weeks extension, gender-neutral | Improves maternal return-to-work by 5-10%[12] |
