Hubbry Logo
Member state of the European UnionMember state of the European UnionMain
Open search
Member state of the European Union
Community hub
Member state of the European Union
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Member state of the European Union
Member state of the European Union
Member state of the European Union
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Member state of the European Union
Map (clickable)FinlandSwedenEstoniaLatviaLithuaniaPolandSlovakiaHungaryRomaniaBulgariaGreeceCyprusCzech RepublicAustriaSloveniaItalyMaltaPortugalSpainFranceGermanyLuxembourgBelgiumNetherlandsDenmarkRepublic of Ireland
Map (clickable)
CategoryMember state
LocationEuropean Union
Created
Number27 (as of 2025)
Possible types
  • Republics (21)
  • Monarchies (6)
PopulationsSmallest: Malta, 542,051
Largest: Germany, 84,358,845[1]
AreasSmallest: Malta, 316 km2 (122 sq mi)
Largest: France, 638,475 km2 (246,517 sq mi)[2]
Government

The European Union (EU) is a supranational union of 27 member states that are party to the EU's founding treaties, and thereby subject to the privileges and obligations of membership. They have agreed by the treaties to share their own sovereignty through the institutions of the European Union in certain aspects of government. State governments must agree unanimously in the Council for the union to adopt some policies; for others, collective decisions are made by qualified majority voting. These obligations and sharing of sovereignty within the EU make it unique among international organisations, as it has established its own legal order which by the provisions of the founding treaties is both legally binding and supreme on all the member states (after a landmark ruling of the ECJ in 1964). A founding principle of the union is subsidiarity, meaning that decisions are taken collectively if and only if they cannot realistically be taken individually.

Each member country appoints to the European Commission a European commissioner. The commissioners do not represent their member state, but instead work collectively in the interests of all the member states within the EU.

In the 1950s, six core states founded the EU's predecessor European Communities (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany). The remaining states have acceded in subsequent enlargements. To accede, a state must fulfil the economic and political requirements known as the Copenhagen criteria, which require a candidate to have a democratic government and free-market economy together with the corresponding freedoms and institutions, and respect for the rule of law. Enlargement of the Union is also contingent upon the consent of all existing members and the candidate's adoption of the existing body of EU law, known as the acquis communautaire.

The United Kingdom, which had acceded to the EU's predecessor in 1973, ceased to be an EU member state on 31 January 2020, in a political process known as Brexit. No other member state has withdrawn from the EU and none has been suspended, although some dependent territories or semi-autonomous areas have left.

List

[edit]
Country ISO Accession Population[3] Area
(km2) 		Largest
city 		GDP
(US$ M) 		GDP (PPP)
per cap.[4][5] 		Currency Gini[6] HDI[7] MEPs Official
languages
Austria AT 1 January 1995 8,926,000 83,855 Vienna 535,804 73,050 euro 29.1 0.930 20 German
Belgium BE March 25, 1957 Founder 11,566,041 30,528 Brussels 662,183 73,221 euro 33.0 0.951 22 Dutch
French
German
Bulgaria BG 1 January 2007 6,916,548 110,994 Sofia 66,250 39,185 lev 29.2 0.845 17 Bulgarian
Croatia HR 1 July 2013 4,036,355 56,594 Zagreb 89,665 48,811 euro 29 0.878 12 Croatian
Cyprus[a] CY 1 May 2004 896,000 9,251 Nicosia 23,380 59,858 euro 31.2 0.913 6 Greek
Turkish[b]
Czech Republic CZ 1 May 2004 10,574,153 78,866 Prague 246,953 56,686 koruna 25.8 0.915 21 Czech[c]
Denmark[d] DK 1 January 1973 5,833,883 43,075 Copenhagen 347,176 83,454 krone 24.7 0.962 15 Danish
Estonia EE 1 May 2004 1,330,068 45,227 Tallinn 43,044 48,008 euro 36.0 0.905 7 Estonian
Finland[e] FI 1 January 1995 5,527,493 338,424 Helsinki 306,083 64,657 euro 26.9 0.948 15 Finnish
Swedish
France[f] FR March 25, 1957 Founder 67,439,614 632,786[8][f] Paris 2,707,074 65,940 euro 32.7 0.920 81 French
Germany DE March 25, 1957 Founder[g] 83,120,520 357,386 Berlin 4,710,032 70,930 euro 31.9 0.959 96 German
Greece GR 1 January 1981 10,682,547 131,990 Athens 214,012 42,066 euro 34.3 0.908 21 Greek
Hungary HU 1 May 2004 9,730,772 93,030 Budapest 170,407 46,807 forint 30.0 0.870 21 Hungarian
Ireland IE 1 January 1973 5,006,324 70,273 Dublin 384,940 127,750 euro 34.3 0.949 14 English
Irish
Italy IT March 25, 1957 Founder 58,968,501 301,338 Rome 1,988,636 60,993 euro 36.0 0.915 76 Italian
Latvia LV 1 May 2004 1,862,700 64,589 Riga 35,045 43,527 euro 35.7 0.889 9 Latvian
Lithuania LT 1 May 2004 2,795,680 65,200 Vilnius 53,641 53,624 euro 35.8 0.895 11 Lithuanian
Luxembourg LU March 25, 1957 Founder 633,347 2,586.4 Luxembourg 69,453 151,146 euro 30.8 0.922 6 Luxembourgish[h]
French
German
Malta MT 1 May 2004 516,100 316 Valletta 14,859 72,942 euro 25.8 0.924 6 Maltese
English
Netherlands[i] NL March 25, 1957 Founder 17,614,840 41,543 Amsterdam 902,355 81,495 euro 30.9 0.955 31 Dutch
Poland PL 1 May 2004 37,840,001 312,685 Warsaw 565,854 51,629 złoty 34.9 0.906 56 Polish
Portugal[j] PT 1 January 1986 10,298,252[9] 92,212[10] Lisbon 236,408 49,237 euro 32.1[11] 0.890 21 Portuguese[k]
Romania RO 1 January 2007 19,186,201 238,391 Bucharest 243,698 47,204 leu 31.5 0.845 33 Romanian
Slovakia SK 1 May 2004 5,422,194 49,035 Bratislava 106,552 45,632 euro 25.8 0.880 15 Slovak
Slovenia SI 1 May 2004 2,108,977 20,273 Ljubljana 54,154 55,684 euro 31.2 0.931 9 Slovene
Spain[l] ES 1 January 1986 48,946,035 504,030 Madrid 1,647,114 55,089 euro 32.0 0.918 61 Spanish[m]
Sweden SE 1 January 1995 10,370,000 449,964 Stockholm 528,929 71,731 krona 25.0 0.959 21 Swedish

Notes

  1. ^ De facto (though not de jure) excludes the disputed territory of Turkish Cyprus and the U.N. buffer zone. See: Cyprus dispute.
  2. ^ The Turkish language is not an official language of the European Union.
  3. ^ Officially recognised minority languages:
  4. ^ Excludes the autonomous regions of Greenland, which left the then-EEC in 1985, and the Faroe Islands.
  5. ^ Includes Åland, an autonomous region of Finland.
  6. ^ a b Includes the 101 departments (Metropolitan France + all Overseas Departments: Guadeloupe, French Guiana, Martinique, Mayotte and La Réunion) and the overseas collectivity of Saint Martin, which are part of the European Union. Excludes the other overseas collectivities and French Austral and Antarctic Lands which are not part of the European Union.
  7. ^ On 3 October 1990, the territory of the former German Democratic Republic acceded to the Federal Republic of Germany to form present-day Germany, automatically becoming part of the EU.
  8. ^ While Luxembourgish is the national language, it is not an official language of the European Union.
  9. ^ Excludes the three special municipalities of the Netherlands (Bonaire, Sint Eustatius, and Saba). Also excludes the three other constituent countries of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Aruba, Curaçao and Sint Maarten).
  10. ^ Includes the autonomous regions of the Azores and Madeira.
  11. ^ Mirandese is an officially recognized minority language within Portugal, awarded an official right-of-use. It is not an official language of the European Union.
  12. ^ Includes the autonomous community of the Canary Islands; the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla; and the territories comprising the plazas de soberanía.
  13. ^ Basque, Catalan, and Galician are co-official languages with Spanish in their respective territories, allowing their use in EU institutions under limited circumstances.[12]

Former member state

[edit]
List of European Union member states
Country ISO Accession Withdrawal Population[3] Area (km2) Largest city GDP
(US$ M) 		GDP (PPP)
per cap.[4][5] 		Currency Gini[6] HDI[7] Official
languages
United Kingdom GB 1 January 1973 31 January 2020 67,791,400 242,495 London 3,158,938 62,574 sterling 36.6 0.946 English

Outermost regions

[edit]
Further information: Special member state territories and the European Union

There are a number of overseas member state territories which are legally part of the EU, but have certain exemptions based on their remoteness; see Overseas Countries and Territories Association. These "outermost regions" have partial application of EU law and in some cases are outside of Schengen or the EU VAT area—however they are legally within the EU.[13] They all use the euro as their currency.

Territory Member State Location Area
km2 		Population Per capita GDP
(EU=100) 		EU VAT area Schengen Area
Azores Portugal Atlantic Ocean 2,333 236,440 66.7 Yes Yes
Canary Islands Spain Atlantic Ocean 7,447 2,202,048 93.7 No Yes
French Guiana France South America 84,000 295,385 50.5 No No
Guadeloupe France Caribbean 1,710 378,561 50.5 No No
Madeira Portugal Atlantic Ocean 795 250,769 94.9 Yes Yes
Saint-Martin France Caribbean 52 31,477 61.9 No No
Martinique France Caribbean 1,080 349,925 75.6 No No
Mayotte[14] France Indian Ocean 374 320,901 No No
Réunion France Indian Ocean 2,512 885,700 61.6 No No

Abbreviations

[edit]

Abbreviations have been used as a shorthand way of grouping countries by their date of accession.

  • EU15 includes the fifteen countries in the European Union from 1 January 1995 to 30 April 2004. The EU15 comprised Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and United Kingdom.[15] Eurostat still uses this expression.
  • EU19 includes the countries in the EU15 as well as the Central European member countries of the OECD: Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovak Republic.[16]
  • EU11 is used to refer to the Central, Southeastern Europe and Baltic European member states that joined in 2004, 2007 and 2013: in 2004 the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia; in 2007 Bulgaria, Romania; and in 2013 Croatia.[17][18]
  • EU27 means all the member states. It was originally used in this sense from 2007 until Croatia's accession in 2013, and during the Brexit negotiations from 2017 until the United Kingdom's withdrawal on 31 January 2020 it came to mean all members except the UK.
  • EU28 meant all the member states from the accession of Croatia in 2013 to the withdrawal of the United Kingdom in 2020.

Additionally, other abbreviations have been used to refer to countries which had limited access to the EU labour market.[19]

  • A8 is eight of the ten countries that joined the EU in 2004, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia.
  • A2 is the countries that joined the EU in 2007, Bulgaria and Romania.

Changes in membership

[edit]

Enlargement

[edit]
See also: Enlargement of the European Union, Potential enlargement of the European Union, and Brexit
Member states of the European Union (dark blue) (1993–present). Pre-1993, the EU was known as the European Communities (sky blue). Animated in order of accession and secession.

According to the Copenhagen criteria, membership of the European Union is open to any European country that is a stable, free-market liberal democracy that respects the rule of law and human rights. Furthermore, it has to be willing to accept all the obligations of membership, such as adopting all previously agreed law (the 170,000 pages of acquis communautaire) and switching to the euro.[20] For a state to join the European Union, the prior approval of all current member states is required. In addition to enlargement by adding new countries, the EU can also expand by having territories of member states, which are outside the EU, integrate more closely (for example in respect to the dissolution of the Netherlands Antilles) or by a territory of a member state which had previously seceded and then rejoined (see withdrawal below).

Suspension

[edit]
Main article: Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union

There is no provision to expel a member state, but TEU Article 7 provides for the suspension of certain rights. Introduced in the Treaty of Amsterdam, Article 7 outlines that if a member persistently breaches the EU's founding principles (liberty, democracy, human rights and so forth, outlined in TEU Article 2) then the European Council can vote to suspend any rights of membership, such as voting and representation. Identifying the breach requires unanimity (excluding the state concerned), but sanctions require only a qualified majority.[21]

The state in question would still be bound by the obligations treaties and the Council acting by majority may alter or lift such sanctions. The Treaty of Nice included a preventive mechanism whereby the council, acting by majority, may identify a potential breach and make recommendations to the state to rectify it before action is taken against it as outlined above.[21] However, the treaties do not provide any mechanism to expel a member state outright.[22]

Withdrawal

[edit]
Main article: Withdrawal from the European Union

Prior to the Lisbon Treaty, there was no provision or procedure within any of the Treaties of the European Union for a member state to withdraw from the European Union or its predecessor organisations. The Lisbon Treaty changed this and included the first provision and procedure of a member state to leave the bloc. The procedure for a state to leave is outlined in TEU Article 50 which also makes clear that "Any Member State may decide to withdraw from the Union in accordance with its own constitutional requirements". Although it calls for a negotiated withdrawal between the seceding state and the rest of the EU, if no agreement is reached two years after the seceding state notifying of its intention to leave, it would cease to be subject to the treaties anyway (thus ensuring a right to unilateral withdrawal).[22] There is no formal limit to how much time a member state can take between adopting a policy of withdrawal, and actually triggering Article 50.[citation needed]

In a referendum in June 2016, the United Kingdom voted to withdraw from the EU. The UK government triggered Article 50 on 29 March 2017.[23] After an extended period of negotiation and internal political debate the UK eventually withdrew from the EU on 31 January 2020.[24][25]

Prior to 2016, no member state had voted to withdraw. However, French Algeria, Greenland and Saint-Barthélemy did cease being part of the EU (or its predecessor) in 1962, 1985, and 2012, respectively, due to status changes. The situation of Greenland being outside the EU while still subject to an EU member state had been discussed as a template for the pro-EU regions of the UK remaining within the EU or its single market.[26]

Beyond the formal withdrawal of a member state, there are a number of independence movements such as Catalonia or Flanders which could result in a similar situation to Greenland. Were a territory of a member state to secede but wish to remain in the EU, some scholars claim it would need to reapply to join as if it were a new country applying from scratch.[27] However, other studies claim internal enlargement is legally viable if, in case of a member state dissolution or secession, the resulting states are all considered successor states.[28] There is also a European Citizens' Initiative that aims at guaranteeing the continuity of rights and obligations of the European citizens belonging to a new state arising from the democratic secession of a European Union member state.[29]

Representation

[edit]
A 2011 'family photo' of the European Council, which comprises the heads of state or government of the member states, along with President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission

Each state has representation in the institutions of the European Union. Full membership gives the government of a member state a seat in the Council of the European Union and European Council. When decisions are not being taken by consensus, qualified majority voting (which requires majorities both of the number of states and of the population they represent, but a sufficient blocking minority can veto the proposal). The Presidency of the Council of the European Union rotates among each of the member states, allowing each state six months to help direct the agenda of the EU.[30][31]

Similarly, each state is assigned seats in Parliament according to their population (smaller countries receiving more seats per inhabitant than the larger ones). The members of the European Parliament have been elected by universal suffrage since 1979 (before that, they were seconded from national parliaments).[32][33]

The national governments appoint one member each to the European Commission, the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Auditors. Prospective Commissioners must be confirmed both by the President of the Commission and by the European Parliament; prospective justices must be confirmed by the existing members. Historically, larger member states were granted an extra Commissioner. However, as the body grew, this right has been removed and each state is represented equally. The six largest states are also granted an Advocates General in the Court of Justice. Finally, the Governing Council of the European Central Bank includes the governors of the national central banks (who may or may not be government appointed) of each euro area country.[34]

The larger states traditionally carry more weight in negotiations, however smaller states can be effective impartial mediators and citizens of smaller states are often appointed to sensitive top posts to avoid competition between the larger states. This, together with the disproportionate representation of the smaller states in terms of votes and seats in parliament, gives the smaller EU states a greater power of influence than is normally attributed to a state of their size. However most negotiations are still dominated by the larger states. This has traditionally been largely through the "Franco-German motor" but Franco-German influence has diminished slightly following the influx of new members in 2004 (see G6).[35]

Sovereignty

[edit]
Article 4
  1. In accordance with Article 5, competences not conferred upon the Union in the Treaties remain with the member states.
  2. The Union shall respect the equality of member states before the Treaties as well as their national identities, inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, inclusive of regional and local self-government. It shall respect their essential State functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. In particular, national security remains the sole responsibility of each member state.
  3. Pursuant to the principle of sincere cooperation, the Union and the member states shall, in full mutual respect, assist each other in carrying out tasks which flow from the Treaties. The member states shall take any appropriate measure, general or particular, to ensure fulfilment of the obligations arising out of the Treaties or resulting from the acts of the institutions of the Union. The member states shall facilitate the achievement of the Union's tasks and refrain from any measure which could jeopardise the attainment of the Union's objectives.

While the member states are sovereign, the union partially follows a supranational system for those functions agreed by treaty to be shared. ("Competences not conferred upon the Union in the Treaties remain with the member states"). Previously limited to European Community matters, the practice, known as the 'community method', is currently used in many areas of policy. Combined sovereignty is delegated by each member to the institutions in return for representation within those institutions. This practice is often referred to as 'pooling of sovereignty'. Those institutions are then empowered to make laws and execute them at a European level.

In contrast to some international organisations, the EU's style of integration as a union of states does not "emphasise sovereignty or the separation of domestic and foreign affairs [and it] has become a highly developed system for mutual interference in each other's domestic affairs, right down to beer and sausages.".[36] However, on defence and foreign policy issues (and, pre-Lisbon Treaty, police and judicial matters) less sovereignty is transferred, with issues being dealt with by unanimity and co-operation. Very early on in the history of the EU, the unique state of its establishment and pooling of sovereignty was emphasised by the Court of Justice:[37]

By creating a Community of unlimited duration, having its own institutions, its own personality, its own legal capacity and capacity of representation on the international plane and, more particularly, real powers stemming from a limitation of sovereignty or a transfer of powers from the States to Community, the Member States have limited their sovereign rights and have thus created a body of law which binds both their nationals and themselves...The transfer by the States from their domestic legal system to the Community legal system of the rights and obligations arising under the Treaty carries with it a permanent limitation of their sovereign rights.

— European Court of Justice 1964, in reference to case of Costa v ENEL[38]

The question of whether Union law is superior to State law is subject to some debate. The treaties do not give a judgement on the matter but court judgements have established EU's law superiority over national law and it is affirmed in a declaration attached to the Treaty of Lisbon (the proposed European Constitution would have fully enshrined this). The legal systems of some states also explicitly accept the Court of Justice's interpretation, such as France and Italy, however in Poland it does not override the state's constitution, which it does in Germany.[39][40] The exact areas where the member states have given legislative competence to the Union are as follows. Every area not mentioned remains with member states.[41]

Competences

[edit]
See also: subsidiarity

In EU terminology, the term 'competence' means 'authority or responsibility to act'. The table below shows which aspects of governance are exclusively for collective action (through the commission) and which are shared to a greater or lesser extent. If an aspect is not listed in the table below, then it remains the exclusive competence of the member state. Perhaps the best known example is taxation, which remains a matter of state sovereignty.

Competences of the European Union in relation to those of its member states[42]
Exclusive competence
Shared competence
Supporting competence
The Union has exclusive competence to make directives and conclude international agreements when provided for in a Union legislative act as to …
Member States cannot exercise competence in areas where the Union has done so, that is …
Union exercise of competence shall not result in Member States being prevented from exercising theirs in …
  • research, technological development and (outer) space
  • development cooperation, humanitarian aid
The Union coordinates Member States policies or implements supplemental to their common policies not covered elsewhere in …
The Union can carry out actions to support, coordinate or supplement Member States' actions in …
  • the protection and improvement of human health
  • industry
  • culture
  • tourism
  • education, youth, sport and vocational training
  • civil protection (disaster prevention)
  • administrative cooperation

Conditional mutual support

[edit]

As a result of the European sovereign debt crisis, some eurozone states were given a bailout from their fellow members via the European Financial Stability Facility and European Financial Stability Mechanism (replaced by the European Stability Mechanism from 2013), but this came with conditions. As a result of the Greek government-debt crisis, Greece accepted a large austerity plan including privatisations and a sell off of state assets in exchange for their bailout. To ensure that Greece complied with the conditions set by the European troika (ECB, IMF, Commission), a 'large-scale technical assistance' from the European Commission and other member states was deployed to Greek government ministries. Some, including the President of the Euro Group Jean-Claude Juncker, stated that "the sovereignty of Greece will be massively limited."[43][44][45] The situation of the bailed out countries (Greece, Portugal and Ireland) has been described as being a ward[46][47] or protectorate[45][48][49] of the EU with some such as the Netherlands calling for a formalisation of the situation.[50]

Multi-speed integration

[edit]
Main article: European integration § Multi-speed Europe
See also: Enhanced cooperation and Opt-outs in the European Union

EU integration is not always symmetrical, with some states proceeding with integration ahead of hold-outs. There are several different forms of closer integration both within and outside the EU's normal framework. One mechanism is enhanced cooperation where nine or more states can use EU structures to progress in a field that not all states are willing to partake in.[51] Some states have gained an opt-out in the founding treaties from participating in certain policy areas.[52][53]

Political systems

[edit]
For a more comprehensive list, see List of European Union member states by political system.
  presidential republic
  semi-presidential republic
  parliamentary republic
  parliamentary constitutional monarchy

The admission of a new state the Union is limited to liberal democracies and Freedom House ranks all EU states as being totally free electoral democracies.[54] All but 4 are ranked at the top 1.0 rating.[55] However, the exact political system of a state is not limited, with each state having its own system based on its historical evolution.

More than half of member states—16 out of 27—are parliamentary republics, while six states are constitutional monarchies, meaning they have a monarch although political powers are exercised by elected politicians. Most republics and all the monarchies operate a parliamentary system whereby the head of state (president or monarch) has a largely ceremonial role with reserve powers. That means most power is in the hands of what is called in most of those countries the prime minister, who is accountable to the national parliament. Of the remaining republics, four[clarification needed] operate a semi-presidential system, where competences are shared between the president and prime minister, while one republic operates a presidential system, where the president is head of both state and government.

Parliamentary structure in member states varies: there are 15 unicameral national parliaments and 12 bicameral parliaments. The prime minister and government are usually directly accountable to the directly elected lower house and require its support to stay in office—the exception being Cyprus with its presidential system. Upper houses are composed differently in different member states: it can be directly elected like the Polish senate; indirectly elected, for example, by regional legislatures like the Federal Council of Austria; or unelected, but representing certain interest groups like the National Council of Slovenia. All elections in member states use some form of proportional representation. The most common type of proportional representation is the party-list system.[citation needed]

There are also differences in the level of self-governance for the sub-regions of a member state. Most states, especially the smaller ones, are unitary states; meaning all major political power is concentrated at the national level. 9 states allocate power to more local levels of government. Austria, Belgium and Germany are full federations, meaning their regions have constitutional autonomies. Denmark, Finland, France and the Netherlands are federacies, meaning some regions have autonomy but most do not. Spain and Italy have systems of devolution where regions have autonomy, but the national government retains the legal right to revoke it.[56]

States such as France have a number of overseas territories, retained from their former empires.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Member state of the European Union

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
A of the is a sovereign nation that accedes to the through a multi-stage process culminating in the of an accession , thereby committing to adopt the —a body of laws and obligations—and participating in supranational institutions that exercise pooled over areas including the , , and aspects of monetary and . This arrangement enables member states to achieve collective benefits such as tariff-free trade and regulatory harmonization while retaining autonomy in non-transferred competencies like and defense. As of 2025, the comprises 27 member states, located primarily in and extending from in the northwest to in the southeast, with a total of approximately 448 million and a combined nominal GDP estimated at $20 trillion, accounting for roughly 15% of global economic output. These states vary widely in size, , and political systems, yet they share foundational principles including democratic governance and market economies, enforced through mechanisms like infringement procedures, though compliance has faced challenges in cases involving and fiscal discipline. The status confers both achievements and tensions: member states benefit from the EU's role in sustaining postwar peace, expanding prosperity via the for 20 members, and the for borderless travel among 23, but it has sparked controversies over erosion, bureaucratic overreach, and uneven integration, as evidenced by opt-outs, referenda rejections, and the precedent of .

Accession Criteria and Process

The accession criteria for membership in the European Union, formally known as the , were defined by the at its meeting in Copenhagen on 21–22 June 1993. These criteria establish three principal conditions that candidate countries must satisfy: political, economic, and administrative. Politically, candidates must possess stable institutions guaranteeing , the , , and respect for and protection of minorities. Economically, they require a functioning capable of withstanding the competitive pressures of the EU's internal market. Administratively, candidates must demonstrate the ability to assume the obligations of membership, including full adoption of the acquis communautaire—the accumulated body of EU law comprising approximately 35 chapters covering areas such as free movement, competition policy, and environmental standards. These criteria build on Article 49 of the , which permits any European state respecting the EU's foundational values—outlined in Article 2 as including human dignity, freedom, , equality, the , and respect for —to apply for membership. In addition to the Copenhagen criteria, the emphasizes the principle of own merits, meaning each candidate's progress is assessed individually based on compliance rather than a uniform timetable. The monitors adherence through annual reports, evaluating reforms in judiciary independence, measures, and economic convergence, with findings informing negotiation benchmarks. While formal criteria prioritize empirical fulfillment, historical accessions—such as those of 2004 and 2007—have revealed that geopolitical factors and member state consensus can influence pacing, though official policy insists on rigorous conditionality to safeguard integration. The accession process unfolds in sequential stages, requiring unanimous approval by EU member states at critical junctures. A prospective member first submits a formal application to the , after which the prepares an opinion assessing compatibility with the and Article 2 values. The then decides by unanimity whether to grant candidate status, potentially alongside a pre-accession framework providing financial and technical aid via instruments like the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA III), allocated €14.2 billion for 2021–2027 to support reforms. Upon achieving candidate status, negotiations may commence following a unanimous decision, structured around 35 chapters of the acquis. Each chapter opens after screening the candidate's legislation and closes only when the Commission confirms effective , often tied to benchmarks like judicial reforms or fiscal stability. Interim progress reports guide advancements, with temporary derogations possible for sensitive areas such as free movement of persons. The process culminates in an accession , negotiated by the Commission and signed by the presidency, which must be ratified by all member states' parliaments or referenda and the candidate's authorities before entry. As of October 2025, this framework remains unchanged, though recent geopolitical shifts have prompted discussions on accelerating enlargement while reinforcing conditionality. Membership in the European Union is established through the ratification of an accession treaty by a candidate state and all existing member states, following negotiations under Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), which permits any European state respecting the EU's values—such as respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and human rights—to apply for membership. Upon ratification, the acceding state becomes fully bound by the EU's founding treaties, including the TEU and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which entered into force on December 1, 2009, via the Treaty of Lisbon, consolidating and amending prior agreements like the Treaty of Rome (1957) and the Maastricht Treaty (1992). These treaties delineate the Union's objectives, institutional framework, decision-making processes, and the division of competences between the EU and member states, with member states retaining sovereignty in areas not conferred to the Union. The legal status of member states entails a partial pooling of sovereignty, whereby they commit to the principle of sincere cooperation under Article 4(3) TEU, requiring them to facilitate the achievement of the Union's tasks and refrain from measures that could jeopardize its effectiveness. EU law holds primacy over conflicting national law within the Union's competences, a doctrine affirmed by the Court of Justice of the European Union to ensure uniform application and effectiveness of EU rules, as national courts must disapply inconsistent domestic provisions without awaiting legislative amendment. This supremacy applies to primary law (treaties), secondary law (regulations, directives), and general principles, but member states maintain autonomy in non-EU fields, such as defense policy for most (with exceptions like Denmark's opt-out under Protocol 22 to the TFEU). Accession treaties, such as the 2003 treaty admitting ten states including Poland and or the 2011 treaty for , adapt the founding treaties to incorporate new members, often including transitional arrangements for economic alignment or justice systems, and require approval by the , , and national ratifications. Withdrawal is governed by Article 50 TEU, invoked by the on March 29, 2017, leading to its exit on January 31, 2020, after negotiating a withdrawal agreement ratified by the and member states, demonstrating that membership is voluntary and reversible through a two-year period extendable by . As of October 2025, 27 sovereign states hold this status, each represented equally in the while population-weighted in the and Council voting.

Current Member States

List of Sovereign Members

The European Union consists of 27 sovereign member states, each retaining full while delegating specific competences to EU institutions under the treaties. These states are independent nations that have acceded through formal processes, with the United Kingdom's withdrawal on 31 January 2020 reducing the total from 28. The following table enumerates the sovereign members alphabetically, including their dates of accession to the EU (or predecessor communities for founding members). Accession dates mark the point at which each state became bound by EU law and participated fully in its institutions.
CountryAccession Date
Austria1 January 1995
Belgium1 January 1958
Bulgaria1 January 2007
Croatia1 July 2013
Cyprus1 May 2004
Czechia1 May 2004
Denmark1 January 1973
Estonia1 May 2004
Finland1 January 1995
France1 January 1958
Germany1 January 1958
Greece1 January 1981
Hungary1 May 2004
Ireland1 January 1973
Italy1 January 1958
Latvia1 May 2004
Lithuania1 May 2004
Luxembourg1 January 1958
Malta1 May 2004
Netherlands1 January 1958
Poland1 May 2004
Portugal1 January 1986
Romania1 January 2007
Slovakia1 May 2004
Slovenia1 May 2004
Spain1 January 1986
Sweden1 January 1995
These members represent diverse political systems, including 21 republics and 6 constitutional monarchies, with populations ranging from approximately 542,000 in to over 84 million in as of recent estimates. is affirmed in EU treaties, which require unanimous consent for transfers of competence, ensuring no member can be compelled to cede core attributes of statehood without voluntary agreement. No member state's is qualified by EU membership in a manner that overrides national constitutions or international recognition as independent entities.

Territories and Associated Regions

Outermost regions of member states are remote territories fully incorporated into the Union, where EU law applies in its entirety subject to derogations permitted under Article 349 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the to address challenges such as insularity, remoteness, and economic dependence on the mainland. These regions elect representatives to the and receive cohesion funding tailored to their needs, with a combined population of approximately 5.5 million as of 2023. The nine outermost regions consist of five French overseas departments or collectivities, two Portuguese autonomous regions, and one Spanish autonomous community.
Outermost RegionMember StateLocation
Saint-Martin
PortugalNorth Atlantic
PortugalNorth Atlantic
Canary IslandsNorth Atlantic
Overseas countries and territories (OCTs) linked to member states hold associated status with the , excluding them from the , , and voting in EU institutions while granting duty-free access to EU markets, development aid via the , and cooperation on trade, environment, and security under Council Decision 2013/755/. This framework, rooted in decolonization-era treaties, supports autonomy in internal affairs for these territories, which number 13 post-Brexit and span polar to tropical zones with diverse economies reliant on , , and resources.
OCTMember StateLocation
Greenland
Aruba
Bonaire
Curaçao
Saba
Sint Eustatius
Sint Maarten
French PolynesiaPacific
French Southern and Antarctic Territories/Southern Ocean
New CaledoniaPacific
Saint Barthélemy
Saint Pierre and MiquelonNorth Atlantic
Wallis and FutunaPacific
These classifications reflect historical imperial legacies and geographic realities, enabling tailored EU engagement without full sovereignty transfer, though tensions arise over resource management and referendums, as in New Caledonia's 2018, 2020, and 2021 votes favoring continued French ties.

Historical Changes in Membership

Founding and Early Enlargements

The origins of what became the trace to the (ECSC), established by the Treaty of Paris signed on 18 April 1951 by , , , , the , and the Federal Republic of Germany (). The treaty entered into force on 23 July 1952, creating a supranational authority to oversee coal and steel production among the six signatories, with the explicit aim of making war between and Germany "not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible" through economic interdependence. This framework pooled resources in key war-related industries, marking the first institutional step toward continental integration following devastation. The same six nations advanced integration via the Treaty of Rome, signed on 25 March 1957 and effective from 1 January 1958, which founded the European Economic Community (EEC) alongside the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). The EEC established a customs union and common market, eliminating internal tariffs and coordinating policies on agriculture, transport, and competition to foster trade and economic convergence. Membership remained limited to these founding states until the 1970s, reflecting a deliberate focus on core Western European democracies with aligned economic structures and post-war recovery priorities. The first enlargement occurred on 1 January 1973, when , , and the acceded, expanding the EEC to nine members after negotiations that addressed transitional periods for tariffs and . This northern enlargement incorporated nations with strong parliamentary traditions and market economies, though the UK's entry involved budgetary rebates to offset its disproportionate contributions. joined as the tenth member on 1 January 1981, following its 1974 restoration of democracy; accession emphasized political stabilization aid but highlighted economic disparities, with receiving extended transition periods for industrial adjustment. The Iberian enlargement followed on 1 January 1986, with and becoming the eleventh and twelfth members after their respective democratic transitions from authoritarian regimes in 1974 and 1975. Negotiations, spanning from 1978 for and 1979 for , included safeguards for sensitive sectors like fisheries and to mitigate impacts on existing members. on 3 October 1990 integrated the five eastern Länder of the former into the , automatically extending EEC membership eastward without a separate accession process, as acceded under Article 23 of the West German . This effectively enlarged the Community's territory and population by about 20% overnight, prompting rapid adaptations in representation and funding. These early expansions prioritized and economic compatibility, setting precedents for subsequent waves amid varying geopolitical pressures.

Post-Cold War Expansions

The end of the in 1991 facilitated the European Union's expansion beyond its Western European core, incorporating neutral Nordic states and former communist countries from , as well as Mediterranean islands, to foster , , and geopolitical stability across the continent. This period saw four enlargement waves, increasing membership from 12 in 1994 to 28 by 2013, with accession requiring candidate states to meet the established in 1993: stable institutions guaranteeing democracy, , , a functioning , and ability to adopt the EU . On 1 January 1995, , , and acceded as the EU's fourth enlargement, raising membership to 15; these neutral countries had applied in the early 1990s amid economic pressures and the , though rejected membership in a for the second time. 's accession treaty was signed on 24 June 1994, following negotiations that addressed its federal structure and environmental standards, while and emphasized opt-outs from the euro and certain justice policies. The fifth enlargement on 1 May 2004 marked the largest single expansion, adding ten states—, , , , , , , , , and —doubling the EU's population to over 450 million and integrating eight post-communist economies that had undergone market reforms since 1989. Accession treaties were signed in on 16 April 2003 after negotiations opened in 1998, with transitional measures for , free movement of workers, and structural funds to ease disparities; , the largest newcomer with 38 million inhabitants, received €2.4 billion annually in cohesion aid initially. Bulgaria and Romania joined on 1 January 2007 as the sixth enlargement, bringing membership to 27; their applications dated to , but progress was delayed by governance and judicial reforms, leading to a Cooperation and Verification Mechanism post-accession to monitor and rule-of-law improvements. Despite safeguards like quotas on labor migration imposed by some members, the accessions added 29 million citizens and emphasized continued alignment with standards. Croatia became the 28th member on 1 2013, following its 2003 application and negotiations concluded in 2011 amid efforts to resolve border disputes and war crimes prosecutions from the 1990s Yugoslav conflicts. The Treaty of Accession was signed on 9 December 2011, with transitional restrictions on fisheries and , reflecting Croatia's GDP of about 60% of the average at entry and its strategic Adriatic position.
Enlargement WaveDateNew MembersTotal Membership After
Fourth1 January 1995, , 15
Fifth1 May 2004, , , , , , , , , 25
Sixth1 January 2007, 27
Seventh1 July 201328

Withdrawals and Recent Stagnation

The United Kingdom became the first and only sovereign member state to withdraw from the European Union, invoking Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union on March 29, 2017, following a national referendum on June 23, 2016, in which 51.9% voted to leave. The withdrawal took effect at 11:00 p.m. GMT on January 31, 2020, after ratification of the Withdrawal Agreement, with a transition period extending until December 31, 2020, during which EU law continued to apply. This process stemmed from long-standing debates over sovereignty, immigration controls, and contributions to the EU budget, culminating in the UK's exit from the single market, customs union, and most policy frameworks. Greenland, an autonomous territory of , provides the sole prior precedent for partial withdrawal, having acceded to the (EEC, predecessor to the ) alongside in 1973 but exiting on February 1, 1985, after a 1982 where 53% favored departure primarily over fishing rights disputes and economic autonomy concerns. retained full membership, and Greenland transitioned to Overseas Countries and Territories status, maintaining certain trade preferences but without participatory rights. No other sovereign member has invoked withdrawal procedures under Article 50, reflecting the high political and economic barriers embedded in EU treaties, which require unanimous consent for exit terms and often result in prolonged negotiations. EU membership has stagnated since Croatia's accession on July 1, 2013, leaving the bloc with 27 sovereign states as of 2025, despite ongoing applications from nine candidates: , , Georgia, , , , , , and . Accession negotiations, governed by the requiring stable democratic institutions, market economies, and alignment with EU , have advanced unevenly; for instance, has opened all 33 negotiating chapters with seven provisionally closed, while Turkey's talks remain effectively frozen since 2016 due to rule-of-law backsliding. This halt arises from dual challenges: candidate countries' persistent deficits in , measures, and economic reforms, compounded by EU-internal factors including "enlargement fatigue," rising , and fragmented decision-making amid crises like the debt issues and migration surges. Russia's 2022 invasion of prompted accelerated candidate status for and in June 2022, alongside Georgia in December 2023, yet full membership timelines extend into the 2030s at earliest, as geopolitical incentives clash with the EU's reluctance to dilute cohesion or absorb fiscal burdens without prior reforms. Proposals for "gradual integration" or phased accession without immediate voting rights have emerged to bypass stagnation, but unanimous approval remains elusive.

Rights and Obligations

Economic and Trade Commitments

Member states commit to forming a as stipulated in Articles 28 to 32 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which prohibits customs duties on imports and exports between themselves and requires the application of a common customs tariff toward third countries. This union, operational since 1968 following the initial implementation phase under the , eliminates internal border controls for goods and ensures uniform external protection, with the managing tariff rates through the Combined Nomenclature system updated annually. Non-compliance, such as unilateral tariff impositions, would violate the treaty and expose states to infringement proceedings by the . Integral to these commitments is participation in the EU single market for goods, established under Articles 26 and 34-36 TFEU, mandating the free movement of goods by removing quantitative restrictions and measures with equivalent effect, such as discriminatory technical standards or sanitary rules. Member states must harmonize or mutually recognize regulations via directives and regulations, with the Commission enforcing compliance; for instance, over 1,000 infringement cases related to single market rules were pursued between 2010 and 2020. This extends to services under Articles 56-62 TFEU, requiring liberalization of cross-border service provision, though derogations for reasons are narrowly permitted if proportionate and non-discriminatory. Externally, member states delegate authority for the common (CCP) to the under Articles 206-207 TFEU, granting exclusive competence over in goods, services, , and since the entered into force on December 1, 2009. The negotiates all agreements on behalf of the 27 members, ratified collectively, prohibiting individual states from pursuing bilateral deals that could undermine the common or policy uniformity; as of 2025, the maintains over 45 agreements covering 70 , representing 40% of global . Member states retain influence through approval by qualified majority for mandates and consent for agreements, ensuring alignment with internal market rules like competition policy under Articles 101-109 TFEU, which bans anti-competitive state aid and cartels affecting between states.

Political and Judicial Alignment

Member states of the are required to adhere to the foundational values outlined in Article 2 of the (TEU), which include respect for human dignity, freedom, , equality, the , and , including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values serve as a prerequisite for membership and underpin political coordination, with persistent breaches potentially triggering Article 7 TEU procedures, allowing the to suspend certain rights such as voting in EU decision-making. Politically, alignment manifests in the (CFSP), where member states commit to pursuing shared objectives through coordinated actions, decisions adopted by qualified majority voting or unanimity in the , and an obligation to refrain from actions undermining EU positions, though "constructive abstention" permits non-participation without blocking consensus. In practice, CFSP alignment involves member states aligning national foreign policies with EU declarations and sanctions regimes, as evidenced by routine Council statements on third-country alignments, though divergences occur in sensitive areas like defense neutrality or bilateral relations. Judicial alignment requires acceptance of the primacy of EU law over conflicting national law, a established by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the 1964 ruling, which held that EU treaties create a new legal order where secondary legislation overrides prior or subsequent domestic measures to ensure uniform application. The CJEU exercises jurisdiction through preliminary rulings requested by national courts on EU law interpretation, infringement proceedings initiated by the Commission against non-compliant states, and actions for annulment, compelling member states to transpose directives and apply regulations directly. While this fosters harmonization, tensions arise when national constitutional courts challenge CJEU primacy, as in Germany's rulings asserting limits, highlighting ongoing debates over versus supranational authority. Certain opt-outs, such as Denmark's partial exemption from Title V TEU on justice and home affairs, allow limited derogations, but core judicial obligations remain binding for all members to maintain the and legal coherence.

Fiscal and Monetary Rules

Member states of the European Union are bound by the (SGP), a framework established under the in 1992 and reformed in 2024, which mandates fiscal discipline to coordinate national budgets and prevent excessive deficits that could destabilize the area. The core numerical fiscal criteria require annual budget deficits not to exceed 3% of (GDP) and public debt not to surpass 60% of GDP, or if above, to diminish at a satisfactory pace toward that threshold. Breaches trigger the excessive deficit procedure (EDP), whereby the assesses compliance and recommends corrective action plans, potentially leading to sanctions such as fines up to 0.5% of GDP if unaddressed. The 2024 reforms introduced net expenditure targets and multi-year medium-term fiscal-structural plans, allowing greater flexibility for investments in green and digital transitions while emphasizing debt sustainability, though enforcement remains uneven due to political negotiations within the . These fiscal obligations apply uniformly to all 27 EU member states, irrespective of euro adoption, to foster overall and avoid spillover risks from high-debt countries. As of October 2025, several states remain under EDP: and face ongoing scrutiny for persistent deficits exceeding 3%—France at 5.5% in 2024 and Italy's debt at 140% of GDP—while , , , and have active procedures, highlighting challenges in consistent application amid economic pressures like post-pandemic recovery and energy crises. The monitors compliance through annual stability or convergence programs submitted by member states, with the deciding on EDP steps, a process criticized for leniency toward larger economies due to powers. On , EU member states commit to the (EMU) framework, with participants—20 countries as of July 2025, including Bulgaria's accession on January 1, 2025—ceding national monetary sovereignty to the (ECB), which conducts a single monetary policy aimed at with a 2% inflation target over the medium term. Non-euro states, such as (with a permanent opt-out under the ), , , Czechia, and others, maintain independent central banks but must coordinate policies with ECB guidelines and prepare for eventual adoption by meeting convergence criteria. To join the , aspiring members must satisfy the convergence criteria: inflation not exceeding by more than 1.5 percentage points the average of the three best-performing states; budget deficit under of GDP; debt below or approaching 60% of GDP; stable s via participation in the exchange rate mechanism (ERM II) for at least two years without ; and long-term interest rates not more than 2 percentage points above the three lowest-inflation states' average. The ECB and Commission jointly assess these biennially, as in the June 2025 Convergence Report, which evaluates legal compatibility and economic indicators but does not compel immediate adoption absent political will, allowing delays in countries like where public opposition persists. states relinquish flexibility, relying solely on fiscal tools and ECB policy for adjustment, which amplifies the importance of adhering to fiscal rules to mitigate asymmetric shocks.

Sovereignty and Competences

Exclusive EU Powers

The European Union's exclusive competences, as defined in Article 3 of the on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), encompass policy areas where the Union holds sole authority to make legal acts and conclude international agreements, prohibiting member states from unilateral action except as expressly delegated by the or for implementing Union law. This framework, codified by the Lisbon effective December 1, 2009, ensures uniformity in critical domains essential to the and external relations, with member states ceding to prevent fragmentation that could undermine EU objectives. The exclusive areas are enumerated as follows:
  • Customs union: The EU maintains a common external tariff and unified customs procedures for imports from non-EU countries, eliminating internal border controls on goods since the union's establishment in 1968 under the European Economic Community. Member states cannot impose independent tariffs or quotas, with the European Commission representing the bloc in tariff negotiations via the World Trade Organization.
  • Competition rules necessary for the functioning of the internal market: The EU enforces antitrust measures, merger controls, and state aid prohibitions through Regulations such as 1/2003 and 139/2004, with the Commission fining violations exceeding €10 billion in cases like Google Shopping (2017) and Amazon (2021 probes). National authorities assist in enforcement but lack autonomous rulemaking.
  • Monetary policy for eurozone members: For the 20 states adopting the euro as of 2024, the European Central Bank sets interest rates and conducts operations under the Eurosystem, as per Article 127 TFEU, with national central banks executing decisions; non-euro members retain full monetary sovereignty.
  • Conservation of marine biological resources under the common fisheries policy: The EU sets total allowable catches and quotas annually via Council regulations, managing stocks in EU waters (including the North Sea and Atlantic) through scientific advice from the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea, with member states handling day-to-day enforcement but bound by EU limits.
  • Common commercial policy: The EU negotiates and concludes trade agreements exclusively, covering goods, services, intellectual property, and investment; as of 2023, over 70 such agreements exist, including the EU-Mercosur deal (provisionally agreed 2019), with the Commission acting on behalf of all members post-Lisbon expansion of scope to "trade and trade-related aspects."
Additionally, under Article 3(2) TFEU, the EU gains implied exclusive external competence where internal rules exist if agreements affect them or are necessary for internal competence exercise, as affirmed in Court of Justice rulings like Opinion 2/15 ( FTA, 2017), which struck down mixed agreements to preserve unity. This has led to centralized handling of modern trade pacts, reducing veto power and exposing divergences, such as Hungary's 2023 delays on EU-China investment scrutiny. Member states implement these policies domestically but face infringement proceedings for non-compliance, with over 1,200 such cases annually tracked by the Commission as of 2022.

Shared and Supporting Competences

In areas of shared competence, the and its s may both legislate and adopt legally binding acts, but member states cease to have the ability to exercise their competence to the extent that the Union has exercised or intends to exercise its competence, as stipulated in Article 2(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the (TFEU). This principle ensures that EU measures take precedence once adopted, limiting national in harmonized fields while preserving member state authority in unexhausted areas. Shared competences encompass the internal market; for aspects defined in the treaties; economic, social, and territorial cohesion; and fisheries, excluding conservation of marine biological resources; environment; ; ; ; area of , , and ; and common safety concerns in the field of nuclear power, as enumerated in Article 4 TFEU. The practical operation of shared competences involves the EU adopting directives or regulations that set minimum standards or full harmonization, after which member states must transpose or implement them, often resulting in uniform application across the bloc. For instance, in , the EU has legislated extensively through directives like the 2008 Ambient Air Quality Directive (2008/50/EC), preempting divergent national approaches and requiring states to align air quality standards, though implementation remains a national responsibility subject to EU enforcement via infringement proceedings. In the internal market, EU rules on free movement of goods, services, persons, and capital—codified in Titles II-IV of Part Three TFEU—override conflicting national laws, as affirmed by the Court of Justice of the EU in cases like Cassis de Dijon (Case 120/78, 1979), which established mutual recognition principles. This dynamic has expanded EU influence over time; between 1958 and 2022, shared competence legislation grew significantly, with over 80% of environmental directives adopted post-1992 amendments. Supporting competences, outlined in Article 6 TFEU, allow the EU to carry out actions that support, coordinate, or supplement member states' initiatives without harmonizing national laws or encroaching on state primacy. These include protection and improvement of human health; industry; ; , , , and vocational ; civil protection; and tourism, among others. EU involvement is typically non-binding, such as funding programs like Erasmus+ for (established 2014, with €26.2 billion budget for 2021-2027) or coordinating responses in health crises via the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (founded 2005). Member states retain full legislative authority, with EU actions limited to incentives or best-practice sharing; for example, in , the Creative Europe program (2014-2020) provided €1.46 billion in grants but did not impose uniform policies. These competence categories balance supranational integration with national , but shared areas have prompted debates on competence creep, where EU measures progressively encroach via broad interpretations of treaty bases, as critiqued in analyses of post-Lisbon (2009) expansions. Member states can challenge overreach through annulment actions under Article 263 TFEU or by withholding consensus in Council voting, yet EU law's primacy—enshrined in Article 4(3) TEU and (Case 6/64, 1964)—ensures that once activated, shared competences constrain unilateral national action, affecting policy domains representing approximately 60% of EU legislative output as of 2022. In supporting competences, remains largely intact, with EU roles confined to facilitation, preserving diverse national approaches in non-economic spheres.

National Derogations and Opt-Outs

Certain European Union member states benefit from derogations and opt-outs negotiated during treaty accessions or amendments, allowing them to abstain from specific areas of integration while remaining full members. These arrangements, enshrined in protocols annexed to the (TEU) and Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), preserve national sovereignty in sensitive domains such as , and home affairs, and border controls. holds the most extensive such provisions, stemming from the 1992 Edinburgh Agreement following the Treaty's challenges. Denmark's from (EMU), formalized in Protocol No 16 to the TFEU, exempts it from adopting the and participating in the third stage of EMU, including the European Central Bank's governance. This derogation, justified by Denmark's maintenance of the krone pegged to the via the ERM II mechanism since 1999, was secured after a narrow 1992 rejection of the . As of 2025, Denmark remains outside the alongside six other non-opted-out states that have yet to meet convergence criteria. Additionally, under Protocol No 22, Denmark maintains a general from Title V of the TFEU on Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), excluding it from EU measures on asylum, , judicial cooperation in civil and criminal matters, and police cooperation unless it chooses to opt in on a case-by-case basis. Denmark has selectively participated in over 30 AFSJ instruments via opt-ins, such as the on asylum responsibility. Its previous defence opt-out under the same protocol, which barred involvement in EU decisions, was repealed following a June 2022 where 66.9% voted to abolish it, enabling full participation effective , 2022. Ireland's primary derogation is its from the , as per Protocol No 21 to the TFEU, originally shared with the to safeguard the (CTA) facilitating open borders between Ireland, the , and associated islands. This exemption permits Ireland to maintain independent border controls and visa policies, diverging from the EU's internal border-free zone encompassing 23 land-border states and four associated non-members. Ireland cooperates with on external border information exchange via the but conducts its own checks at EU entry points. While Protocol No 21 also applies to AFSJ, Ireland exercises an opt-in mechanism, participating in most AFSJ legislation, including recent asylum pacts adopted in 2024. Other member states lack formal permanent opt-outs but operate de facto derogations through transitional arrangements or non-fulfillment of entry conditions. Sweden, for instance, retains the krona despite treaty obligations to adopt the upon meeting convergence criteria, as it has not entered the Exchange Rate Mechanism II (ERM II) since its 1995 accession—a prerequisite it interprets as voluntary. Similar delays affect , Czechia, , , and , though joined the on January 1, 2023. Poland's Protocol No 30 provides interpretive guarantees on the EU Charter of , clarifying non-interference with national constitutional identities, but does not constitute a full from its applicability. Accession treaties for newer members, such as those for and in 2005, included temporary derogations in areas like free movement of persons and competition policy, phased out by 2014 and ongoing for Schengen full membership as of 2025. These mechanisms underscore differentiated integration, balancing uniformity with national exceptions to facilitate consensus in an increasingly heterogeneous union.

Representation and Governance

Participation in EU Institutions

Member states participate in the through their heads of state or government, with one representative per state among the 27 voting members, alongside the President and the President; this body sets the EU's political direction and priorities, where each state holds an equal voice regardless of size. Decisions are typically by consensus, though qualified majority voting applies in specified cases. In the , each member state is represented by its relevant national minister, forming configurations based on policy areas such as or economic matters; this ensures governmental input into , where votes use qualified (requiring 55% of states representing 65% of ) or for sensitive issues like taxation. The presidency rotates every six months among states, coordinating agendas and representing the Council externally during that term. The provides indirect state participation via the allocation of seats to nationals elected directly by citizens; following the 2024 elections, the 720 Members of the (MEPs) are distributed under , granting larger states more seats (e.g., with 96) while ensuring smaller states like receive at least 6, with MEPs acting independently to represent EU-wide interests rather than national mandates. National electoral laws govern elections, held every five years, but MEPs join transnational political groups for legislative work. Each nominates one to the , forming a college of 27 members led by the President; nominees are proposed by national governments but must be approved by the after hearings, committing to prioritize interests over national ones upon appointment for a five-year term. The Commission proposes legislation and enforces EU law, with Commissioners collectively responsible for decisions. Judicial participation occurs in the Court of Justice of the , where the Court of Justice includes one judge per (27 total) plus 11 Advocates General, appointed by common accord of governments for six-year renewable terms to interpret EU law; the General Court features two judges per state (54 total) for handling disputes involving individuals or states. Judges are selected for independence and legal expertise, ensuring balanced representation without national bias in rulings.

Decision-Making Mechanisms

Member states exercise significant influence in EU decision-making via the , where national ministers representing their governments negotiate and adopt legislation, coordinate policies, and conclude international agreements. Preparatory work occurs through national experts in working parties and the (COREPER), which aligns positions ahead of ministerial meetings. In the Council, approximately 80% of acts under the ordinary legislative procedure employ qualified majority voting (QMV), requiring support from 55% of member states—at minimum 15 of the 27—representing at least 65% of the . A blocking minority demands opposition from at least four member states, preventing smaller coalitions from overriding larger ones. For proposals not originating from the Commission or High Representative, a reinforced QMV threshold applies: at least 72% of member states (20 of 27) alongside the 65% criterion. Unanimity remains mandatory in domains impinging on national sovereignty, such as harmonization of indirect taxation, (excluding limited exceptions like appointing special representatives), EU accession, citizenship rights, own resources, the , and select justice and home affairs measures including and operational police cooperation. Under unanimity, abstentions do not block decisions, enabling passage without explicit dissent. The , comprising heads of state or government from each member state alongside the Council President and Commission President, sets the EU's overarching political priorities, addresses crises, and nominates senior appointees like the President, but enacts no legislation. It convenes quarterly in , prioritizing consensus among leaders, with qualified majority or unanimity applied only to designated procedural or substantive votes. Only heads of state or government cast votes, underscoring direct executive accountability. These mechanisms, refined by the effective 1 December 2009, facilitate efficient collective action in shared competences while upholding veto rights in vital areas, though empirical analyses indicate often delays responses to urgent threats like sanctions or fiscal .

Role of National Governments

National governments of EU member states represent their countries' interests in the Union's highest-level political bodies. In the , composed of the heads of state or government from each of the 27 member states, the , and the , they set the EU's overall political priorities and directions, typically meeting quarterly or as needed for summits on pressing issues such as economic governance or external relations. These leaders deliberate without formal legislative powers but provide strategic guidance that shapes subsequent actions by other EU institutions, with decisions often reflecting consensus among national positions to maintain unity. In the (distinct from the ), national governments are represented by their relevant ministers, who convene in configurations based on policy areas like , , or , with one minister per member state participating per meeting. These ministers negotiate and adopt EU legislation alongside the under the ordinary legislative procedure, exercising budgetary powers and coordinating policies in fields such as and justice. Voting occurs primarily by qualified majority (requiring 55% of member states representing at least 65% of the EU population), though applies in sensitive domains like taxation, foreign policy, and EU enlargement, granting individual governments veto authority to protect core national interests. Preparatory work is handled by national ambassadors in the (COREPER), ensuring member states' views inform agendas. National governments also bear primary responsibility for implementing EU law domestically. EU regulations apply directly across member states, while directives require transposition into national within specified deadlines, a task executed by governmental authorities who adapt EU requirements to local administrative frameworks. The oversees compliance through infringement procedures, having initiated over 1,000 cases annually in recent years against states failing to fully enforce directives, such as in environmental or single-market rules. In areas of exclusive EU competence, like the , governments enforce supranational rules without discretion, but retain autonomy in non-EU fields such as and , where they legislate independently unless EU measures intrude via shared competences. This dual role underscores national governments' position as both co-legislators at the EU level and executors of its outputs, balancing supranational commitments with domestic sovereignty.

Variations in Integration Levels

Multi-Speed and Differentiated Integration

Differentiated integration refers to arrangements in the whereby member states participate in policies and legal frameworks at varying levels, allowing subsets of to advance integration in specific areas while others maintain exemptions or slower paces. This approach acknowledges heterogeneity among the 27 member states in , political priorities, and public support for supranationalism, enabling flexibility without requiring unanimous adoption of all rules. The concept's formal mechanisms emerged with the of 1992, which established the (EMU) with opt-outs for and the , permitting non-participation in the while remaining in the . Earlier precedents include the of 14 June 1985, initially signed by , , , , and the to abolish internal border controls, later incorporated into EU law via the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty but with opt-outs for and the . The Amsterdam Treaty also introduced "," allowing at least nine member states to proceed on issues like or social security without binding non-participants, formalized in Article 20 of the . Multi-speed integration, a related variant, manifests in asynchronous adoption across policy domains, as seen in the , where 20 member states adopted the single currency by 2023, while others like and retain national currencies under convergence criteria established in the 1992 treaty. The exemplifies this, encompassing 23 EU states plus non-members like , with external border responsibilities varying by participant. Post-2004 eastern enlargements amplified differentiation, as newer members faced transitional periods for full or , reflecting divergent readiness levels. Proponents argue that such models sustain momentum amid veto-prone unanimity requirements, as evidenced by the 2011 "Six-Pack" regulations strengthening fiscal surveillance primarily for states during the sovereign debt crisis. The European Commission's 2017 White Paper on the Future of explicitly endorsed multi-speed approaches to prevent paralysis from diverse interests. Critics, including Eurosceptic voices in and , contend that differentiation fosters a "two-tier" EU, eroding equality and , potentially incentivizing further opt-outs and weakening the single market's cohesion. Empirical surveys of EU experts indicate mixed views, with 60% seeing benefits in flexibility for enlargement but 40% warning of risks to democratic accountability and policy transparency.

Opt-In Arrangements like Schengen and Eurozone

The represents an opt-in framework for border-free travel among participating EU member states, originally established by the 1985 and integrated into EU law via the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, enabling the abolition of internal border controls while maintaining common external borders and visa policies. As of January 1, 2025, 25 of the 27 EU member states participate fully, following the complete accession of and after partial air and sea integration in 2024; this allows over 450 million people to move freely without routine checks. maintains a permanent under a protocol in the treaties to preserve its with the , prioritizing national and migration controls independent of EU-wide rules. remains outside due to ongoing territorial division and concerns, though it is treaty-bound to join once feasible, targeting 2026. Temporary reintroduction of internal border controls is permitted under Schengen rules during threats to or , as invoked by several states during the 2015-2016 migration surge and the , highlighting the arrangement's flexibility but also vulnerabilities to asymmetric participation.
Schengen Participation (EU Member States, 2025)Status
, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , Slovenia, Spain, Full participants
Permanent opt-out
CyprusPending accession
The exemplifies monetary union as an opt-in mechanism, where participating states adopt the currency under the (ECB)'s oversight, forgoing independent monetary policy to achieve price stability and economic convergence as outlined in the convergence criteria (e.g., inflation not exceeding 1.5% above the three best performers, public debt below 60% of GDP). As of 2025, 20 EU member states form the , with as the most recent entrant on January 1, 2023; the ECB sets interest rates and conducts , credited with stabilizing the bloc post-2008 but criticized for exacerbating disparities between core and peripheral economies during sovereign debt episodes in and others. holds a permanent via protocol, retaining the krone while pegging it to the through the ERM II mechanism, reflecting voter rejection in referendums (e.g., 2000) prioritizing fiscal sovereignty. Other non-participants like , , , , , and face no formal but must meet criteria before obligatory adoption; , for instance, maintains the krona after a 2003 referendum defeat, arguing national control over interest rates better suits its export-driven economy.
Eurozone Members (2025)Non-Participants with Opt-Out or Derogation
Austria, Belgium, Croatia, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, SpainDenmark (permanent opt-out); Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Sweden (derogation pending convergence)
These arrangements stem from enhanced cooperation provisions in EU treaties (Articles 20 TEU and 329 TFEU), permitting at least nine member states to advance integration in specific areas without requiring unanimity, as used initially for Schengen before its mainstreaming; this "multi-speed" Europe accommodates varying national preferences, such as Denmark's broader justice and home affairs opt-outs, but raises concerns over fragmented decision-making and potential coercion on laggards through economic incentives or legal obligations to eventually align. Empirical data shows Schengen boosting intra-EU trade by 5-10% via reduced transaction costs, while Eurozone adoption correlated with lower inflation variance but higher vulnerability to asymmetric shocks, as evidenced by Greece's 2010-2018 debt crisis where GDP contracted 25% under ECB austerity mandates.

Controversies and Criticisms

Sovereignty Erosion and Euroscepticism

The principle of the primacy of EU law, established through foundational case law such as Costa v ENEL (1964), requires that EU legislation overrides conflicting national laws, thereby limiting member states' sovereign authority in areas of shared competence like internal market regulation and environmental policy. This supranational framework, enforced by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), has resulted in rulings that compel national courts to disapply domestic statutes, as affirmed in cases like Commission v Italy (1968) and subsequent precedents extending to post-accession national measures. Critics argue this constitutes an erosion of sovereignty, as member states cannot unilaterally reclaim ceded powers without treaty amendment or exit, a dynamic exemplified by the inability of national apex courts to nullify CJEU interpretations without risking infringement proceedings. In fiscal policy, EU integration has notably constrained national autonomy, particularly for members bound by the and excessive deficit procedures. During the Greek sovereign debt crisis (2009–2018), the EU and IMF provided three packages totaling approximately €289 billion, conditional on structural reforms including pension cuts, labor market , and privatizations that bypassed full parliamentary consent in . These measures, monitored by the "troika" of , ECB, and IMF, effectively subordinated Greek budgetary decisions to supranational oversight, with non-compliance triggering capital controls in 2015 and heightened recessionary pressures—Greece's GDP contracted by 25% from 2008 to 2013. Similar dynamics played out in Ireland, , and , where s imposed fiscal consolidation targets, illustrating how monetary union sharing erodes independent macroeconomic policy without corresponding fiscal transfers or mutualization. Euroscepticism has emerged as a direct political backlash to these perceived encroachments, manifesting in electoral gains for parties advocating of competences and opposition to further centralization. In the European Parliament elections, Eurosceptic and nationalist groupings, including the alliance, secured around 25% of seats, with notable advances in (FPÖ at 28.9%), (RN at 31.4%), and (AfD at 15.9%), reflecting voter discontent over migration quotas, rule-of-law conditionality withholding €36 billion from and by 2023, and regulatory overreach. National referenda underscore this trend: Denmark's 2022 opt-out preservation vote passed with 67% support, while earlier rejections like Ireland's initial Lisbon Treaty "no" in 2008 (53%) forced concessions, highlighting persistent resistance to transfers. Public opinion surveys reveal uneven support, with EU-wide trust at 52% in spring 2025 per —its highest since 2007—but lower in eastern member states like (38%) and among youth cohorts skeptical of integration benefits. This skepticism correlates with regional economic disparities, where peripheral states bear disproportionate adjustment costs from EU policies, fueling narratives of "two-tier" Europe and demands for differentiated integration. Eurosceptic governments, such as 's under , have invoked Article 7 proceedings since 2018 over , yet retained veto powers in , demonstrating incomplete erosion while amplifying domestic critiques of ' "federalist" ambitions.

Economic Disparities and Bailout Mechanisms

Significant economic disparities persist among EU member states, particularly along north-south and east-west axes, as evidenced by GDP figures. In 2024, recorded the highest GDP at 242% of the EU average (141% above), followed by at 211% (111% above), while remained the lowest at roughly 40-50% of the average, highlighting entrenched productivity and institutional gaps. These differences reflect structural factors, including weaker labor markets, lower investment in , and historical fiscal laxity in southern and eastern states, which contrasted with disciplined northern economies like and the (both exceeding 120% of the EU average). The adoption of the amplified these imbalances by preventing adjustments to correct competitiveness losses, leading to current account deficits in peripheral states that built up unsustainable debt prior to the global . The sovereign debt crisis from 2010 onward necessitated bailout mechanisms to avert defaults in vulnerable members. Initially, the (EFSF), established in May 2010 as a temporary special-purpose vehicle, provided loans backed by guarantees up to €440 billion, circumventing the EU Treaty's no- clause (Article 125 TFEU) through "financial assistance" conditioned on and reforms. This was succeeded by the permanent (ESM) in October 2012, with a €500 billion lending capacity funded by member contributions and bond issuance, designed for precautionary programs, direct bank recapitalization, and sovereign support under strict macroeconomic adjustment programs monitored by the "Troika" (, ECB, IMF). Programs targeted (€289 billion across three packages from 2010-2018, including private sector involvement haircut of 53.5% in 2012), (€85 billion in 2010), (€78 billion in 2011), (€41 billion bank in 2012), and (€10 billion in 2013). Critics argue these mechanisms fostered moral hazard by rewarding pre-crisis profligacy—such as Greece's debt-to-GDP ratio exceeding 100% by 2009 through off-balance-sheet accounting—while imposing procyclical austerity that contracted recipient economies by up to 25% in Greece's case, without resolving root causes like rigid labor laws and tax evasion. Northern creditor states, including Germany and the Netherlands, shouldered disproportionate costs via implicit transfers, fueling resentment and perceptions of a de facto transfer union that undermines fiscal sovereignty and incentivizes future imbalances rather than convergence. Post-bailout, disparities widened initially, with southern unemployment peaking at 25.6% in Greece by 2015, though partial recoveries occurred; Greece's debt-to-GDP remained above 170% into the 2020s, underscoring limited long-term efficacy absent deeper structural reforms. ESM enhancements, like the 2021 review increasing flexibility, have not fully addressed critiques of insufficient conditionality enforcement or the risk of perpetual support eroding market discipline.
Selected EU StatesGDP per Capita (% of EU Average, 2024)Regional Grouping
242%North/West
211%North/West
~130%North
~70%South
~40-50%East

Migration Policies and Border Control Failures

The European Union's migration policies, primarily governed by the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and the , have faced persistent criticism for failing to manage irregular inflows effectively, leading to systemic overload on frontline member states such as , , and . The mandates that asylum claims be processed in the first EU state of entry, aiming to prevent secondary movements, but its implementation has resulted in low transfer rates—only about 20-25% of requested take-backs occur—exacerbating imbalances where southern borders bear disproportionate burdens. In 2023, recorded approximately 386,000 irregular border crossings into the EU, a figure derived from a 38% decline to 239,000 in 2024, highlighting ongoing pressures despite external deals like the EU-Turkey agreement of 2016, which temporarily reduced flows but failed to address root incentives for continued attempts. Border control mechanisms, coordinated by , have proven inadequate in deterring crossings along key routes such as the Central Mediterranean and Western Balkans, where detections surged post-2020 despite increased patrols and externalization efforts with third countries like and . Critics argue that policies emphasizing and expansive asylum criteria create pull factors, as evidenced by the low return rates—less than 20% of rejected applicants are repatriated—allowing many to remain irregularly or relocate northward via secondary movements that undermine the framework. The 2024 EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, intended to reform burden-sharing through mandatory solidarity, has been faulted for lacking enforcement teeth, with opt-outs for states like and , perpetuating de facto failures where frontline nations report overwhelmed reception systems and rising public discontent. These shortcomings have causal links to integration strains and security risks, as rapid inflows—peaking at over 1 million in —overwhelm , welfare, and labor markets in receiving states, with empirical showing elevated correlations in high-migration areas, though mainstream sources often attribute issues to socioeconomic factors rather than policy-induced volume. The reliance on externalization, while reducing some routes (e.g., drops), has not stemmed overall pressures, as shifts to other paths like the Atlantic route to demonstrate adaptive networks exploiting enforcement gaps. Academic and media analyses, frequently aligned with pro-integration viewpoints, underemphasize these failures by focusing on humanitarian narratives over verifiable capacity limits, contributing to policy inertia. Despite 2024-2025 declines to 95,200 crossings in the first seven months of 2025, projections indicate sustained challenges without stricter deterrence, as evidenced by persistent boat arrivals and undetected entries estimated at 10-20% of totals.

Democratic Accountability and Federalist Debates

The European Union's structure has long been criticized for a , characterized by limited direct accountability of key institutions to EU citizens, as the —responsible for initiating legislation—lacks direct election and operates with significant autonomy from national electorates. The , while directly elected every five years, holds co-legislative powers under the ordinary legislative procedure but cannot propose legislation, faces constraints on budgetary authority (limited to non-compulsory expenditures comprising about 20% of the total EU budget), and exercises oversight via motions that have never succeeded in forcing a Commission resignation. National parliaments contribute through scrutiny, introduced by the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, allowing them to issue reasoned opinions if proposed EU laws overreach national competencies; however, triggering a yellow card (requiring review) demands coordinated input from at least one-third of national chambers (15 out of 82 by 2023 data), and only two such cards have led to withdrawals since 2010, underscoring limited practical influence. This deficit manifests in public disengagement, evidenced by election turnout averaging 50.66% in 2019—lower than national averages—and repeated rejections of deeper integration, such as France's 54.7% "no" vote on the Constitutional on May 29, 2005, and the ' 61.6% rejection two days later, halting amid concerns over sovereignty dilution without enhanced democratic safeguards. Similar patterns occurred in Ireland, where the Nice failed 53.9% to 46.1% in 2001 before passing after concessions, and the Lisbon was rejected 53.4% to 46.6% in 2008, only succeeding in a 2012 rerun following economic crisis pressures and guarantees. Critics attribute these outcomes to a causal disconnect: policies often impose binding obligations on member states (e.g., via qualified voting in the , representing governments rather than parliaments directly), bypassing national democratic processes and eroding chains from citizens to rulers. Federalist advocates, drawing from post-World War II integration ideals, argue for resolving the deficit through constitutional deepening—transferring more powers to supranational bodies like an empowered and a directly elected Commission president—to foster EU-level mirroring federal states like the , where divided enables collective accountability. Proponents, including figures in the Spinelli Group and Conference on the Future of Europe (2021–2022), contend this would legitimize policies on transnational issues like and , citing the 's growing role since (1992) in areas like co-decision. In contrast, intergovernmentalists emphasize preserving , viewing the EU as a where national governments, accountable via domestic elections, retain vetoes on core interests (e.g., unanimity in and taxation), arguing federalization risks alienating citizens further by distancing decisions from familiar democratic forums. This tension persists, as seen in and Poland's 2020–2023 rule-of-law disputes, where EU sanctions via conditional funding bypassed national electorates, fueling Eurosceptic claims that federalist encroachment undermines rather than enhances legitimacy. Empirical resistance, including Brexit's 2016 referendum (51.9% leave), underscores that causal realism favors incremental, consent-based cooperation over imposed federal structures, with integration advances correlating to economic crises (e.g., debt post-2009) rather than broad democratic mandates.

References

  1. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/enlargement-policy/steps-towards-joining_en
  2. https://op.europa.eu/webpub/com/eu-what-it-is/en/
  3. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/eu-countries_en
  4. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/wdn-20250326-1
  5. https://www.imf.org/external/datamapper/profile/EU
  6. https://education.cfr.org/learn/reading/european-union-worlds-biggest-sovereignty-experiment
  7. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/how-enlargement-works/
  8. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/accession-criteria-copenhagen-criteria.html
  9. https://economy-finance.ec.europa.eu/international-economic-relations/candidate-and-neighbouring-countries/enlargement/economic-accession-criteria_en
  10. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/enlargement-policy/glossary_en
  11. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/eu-enlargement_en
  12. https://commission.europa.eu/topics/eu-enlargement_en
  13. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/summary/treaty-on-european-union-joining-the-eu.html
  14. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/accession-process-to-the-eu.html
  15. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/collection/eu-law/treaties/treaties-force.html
  16. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/principles-and-values/founding-agreements_en
  17. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12016M/TXT
  18. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/primacy-of-eu-law-precedence-supremacy.html
  19. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/collection/eu-law/treaties/treaties-accession.html
  20. https://www.gov.uk/eu-eea
  21. https://www.netherlandsworldwide.nl/eu-eea-efta-schengen-countries
  22. https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/european-union-countries
  23. https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/policy/themes/outermost-regions_en
  24. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12012E/TXT
  25. https://international-partnerships.ec.europa.eu/countries/overseas-countries-and-territories_en
  26. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=uriserv:OJ.L_.2013.355.01.0006.01.ENG
  27. https://diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/the-ministry-and-its-network/the-diplomatic-archives/documents-from-the-diplomatic-archives/the-birth-of-europe-the-treaty-establishing-the-european-coal-and-steel/ii-european-coal-and-steel-community/
  28. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/history-eu/1945-59_en
  29. https://www.cvce.eu/en/obj/treaty_establishing_the_european_economic_community_rome_25_march_1957-en-cca6ba28-0bf3-4ce6-8a76-6b0b3252696e.html
  30. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/enlargement-policy/6-27-members_en
  31. https://adst.org/2020/10/a-growing-community-the-early-days-of-eu-enlargement/
  32. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI%282021%29679064
  33. https://www.exteriores.gob.es/en/PoliticaExterior/Paginas/EspanaUE.aspx
  34. https://www.cvce.eu/en/education/unit-content/-/unit/02bb76df-d066-4c08-a58a-d4686a3e68ff/d4c04734-67dc-4e67-8168-1f996b10672f
  35. https://www.cvce.eu/en/collections/unit-content/-/unit/df06517b-babc-451d-baf6-a2d4b19c1c88/03167992-d38d-4f75-90f7-a8b69492bda3
  36. https://www.bmwet.gv.at/en/Topics/Europe-and-EU/Austria-in-the-European-Union.html
  37. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/20-years-together-eu-celebrates-2004-enlargement-2024-04-30_en
  38. https://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/articles/eu_economic_situation/article13913_en.htm
  39. https://europa.eu/50/news/theme/070105_en.htm
  40. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/eu-enlargement-2007-no-warm-welcome-labor-migrants
  41. https://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-13-625_en.htm
  42. https://mvep.gov.hr/services-consular-portal/access-to-information/croatia-and-the-european-union-245129/negotiation-process/245134
  43. https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-7960/
  44. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/the-eu-uk-withdrawal-agreement/timeline-eu-uk-withdrawal-agreement/
  45. https://www.euronews.com/2020/01/30/brexit-timeline-2016-2020-key-events-in-the-uk-s-path-from-referendum-to-eu-exit
  46. https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/23rd-february-1982-the-day-greenland-left-the-european-union
  47. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI%282025%29769527
  48. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/countries-that-have-left-the-european-union.html
  49. https://newunionpost.eu/2025/08/12/eu-accession-negotiations-all-chapters/
  50. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/topics/eu-enlargement/
  51. https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2023/10/05/the-eu-says-it-must-enlarge-but-why-did-it-stop-in-the-first-place
  52. https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2025/08/access-before-accession-rethinking-the-eus-gradual-integration?lang=en
  53. https://ecamaastricht.org/blueandyellow-zoomingin/eu-enlargement-is-that-still-a-thing
  54. https://theloop.ecpr.eu/why-the-eternal-waiting-room-is-a-risky-strategy-for-eu-enlargement/
  55. https://www.politico.eu/article/new-eu-members-could-join-without-full-voting-veto-rights/
  56. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E028
  57. https://taxation-customs.ec.europa.eu/customs/eu-customs-strategy_en
  58. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E/TXT
  59. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E026
  60. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E056
  61. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E207
  62. https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/eu-trade-relationships-country-and-region/negotiations-and-agreements_en
  63. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12016E101
  64. https://www.legislation.gov.uk/eut/teu/article/2
  65. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/resource.html?uri=cellar:2bf140bf-a3f8-4ab2-b506-fd71826e6da6.0023.02/DOC_1&format=PDF
  66. https://www.exteriores.gob.es/en/PoliticaExterior/Paginas/PoliticaExteriorSeguridadComunUE.aspx
  67. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2025/02/13/statement-by-the-hreu-on-the-alignment-of-certain-countries-with-the-council-decision-updating-the-list-of-persons-groups-and-entities-covered-by-common-position-on-the-application-of-specific-measures-to-combat-terrori/
  68. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI%282024%29762361
  69. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/institutions-and-bodies/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies/court-justice-european-union-cjeu_en
  70. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5a7f3444ed915d74e33f4f9c/Rights_and_obligations_of_European_Union_membership_print_version.pdf
  71. https://economy-finance.ec.europa.eu/economic-and-fiscal-governance/stability-and-growth-pact_en
  72. https://www.csis.org/analysis/new-european-fiscal-rules
  73. https://www.intereconomics.eu/contents/year/2023/number/1/article/numerical-compliance-with-eu-fiscal-rules-facts-and-figures-from-a-new-database.html
  74. https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/penny-pound-enforcement-dilemma-eu-fiscal-rules
  75. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/join-the-euro-area/
  76. https://wtop.com/europe/2025/06/the-euro-is-about-to-get-a-new-member-bulgaria-whats-the-eurozone-and-how-do-countries-join/
  77. https://economy-finance.ec.europa.eu/euro/enlargement-euro-area/convergence-criteria-joining_en
  78. https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/other-publications/convergence/html/ecb.cr202506~8941e288b6.en.html
  79. https://www.ecb.europa.eu/ecb/orga/escb/html/convergence-criteria.en.html
  80. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12008E003
  81. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/summary/division-of-competences-within-the-european-union.html
  82. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12012E002
  83. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12012E004
  84. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:62078CJ0120
  85. https://commission.europa.eu/about/role/law/areas-eu-action_en
  86. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12012E006
  87. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52014DC0002
  88. https://academic.oup.com/book/16534/chapter/171901847
  89. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:62064CJ0006
  90. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/opting-out.html
  91. https://www.thedanishparliament.dk/eu-information-centre/the-danish-opt-outs-from-eu-cooperation
  92. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/summary/denmark-emu-opt-out-clause.html
  93. https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/denmark-statement-high-representative-outcome-referendum-opt-out-defence-matters_en
  94. https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/schengen/schengen-area_en
  95. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/eu-countries/ireland_en
  96. https://economy-finance.ec.europa.eu/euro/eu-countries-and-euro/sweden-and-euro_en
  97. https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/news/seven-eu-countries-have-obtained-derogation-national-phase-registration-craft-and-industrial-2025-06-06_en
  98. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/european-council/
  99. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/european-council-and-council-of-the-eu/
  100. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/voting-system/qualified-majority/
  101. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/
  102. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/institutions-and-bodies/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies/council-european-union_en
  103. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/presidency-council-eu/
  104. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20180126STO94114/2024-2029-european-parliament-how-many-meps-per-country
  105. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/institutions-and-bodies/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies/european-parliament_en
  106. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/faq/4/how-are-meps-elected
  107. https://commission.europa.eu/about/organisation/how-commission-appointed_en
  108. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/institutions-and-bodies/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies/european-commission_en
  109. https://commission.europa.eu/about/organisation/college-commissioners_en
  110. https://curia.europa.eu/jcms/jcms/Jo2_7024/en/
  111. https://curia.europa.eu/jcms/jcms/Jo2_7033/en/
  112. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/voting-system/unanimity/
  113. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/institutions-and-bodies/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies/european-council_en
  114. https://commission.europa.eu/law/application-eu-law/implementing-eu-law_en
  115. https://commission.europa.eu/law/law-making-process/types-eu-law_en
  116. https://op.europa.eu/webpub/com/eu-and-me/en/HOW_DOES_THE_EU_WORK.html
  117. https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1142
  118. https://indiveu.eui.eu/2022/01/28/what-is-differentiated-integration/
  119. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03932729.2022.2014103
  120. https://tepsa.eu/tepsa-videos/a-short-history-of-differentiated-integration-in-the-european-union/
  121. https://matisak.wordpress.com/2017/03/10/pros-and-cons-of-multi-speed-eu/
  122. https://liberalforum.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/ELF-Multispeed-Europe-2021-Final-Briefing_unlocked.pdf
  123. https://shapingeurope.eu/european-integration-in-multiple-speeds/
  124. https://academic.oup.com/book/4039/chapter/145701901
  125. https://theloop.ecpr.eu/the-benefits-and-risks-for-the-eu-of-differentiated-integration/
  126. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03932729.2022.2038424
  127. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/schengen-area/
  128. https://kpmg.com/xx/en/our-insights/gms-flash-alert/flash-alert-2025-002.html
  129. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20190612STO54307/schengen-a-guide-to-the-european-border-free-zone
  130. https://european-union.europa.eu/institutions-law-budget/euro/countries-using-euro_en
  131. https://www.ebc.com/forex/what-countries-use-the-euro-full-list-for
  132. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/enhanced-cooperation.html
  133. http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/883/the-sovereignty-of-the-european-court-of-justice-and-the-eus-supranational-legal-system
  134. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/summary/precedence-of-european-law.html
  135. https://verfassungsblog.de/national-courts-cannot-override-cjeu-judgments/
  136. https://www.cfr.org/timeline/greeces-debt-crisis-timeline
  137. https://www.bruegel.org/first-glance/when-greece-was-brink-euro-exit-disaster-averted-lessons-learned
  138. https://academic.oup.com/jeea/advance-article/doi/10.1093/jeea/jvaf021/8165679
  139. https://results.elections.europa.eu/en/
  140. https://www.chathamhouse.org/2024/06/how-will-gains-far-right-affect-european-parliament-and-eu
  141. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2025.2542254
  142. https://europa.eu/eurobarometer/surveys/detail/3372
  143. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S3050502X24000020
  144. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Purchasing_power_parities_and_GDP_per_capita_-_preliminary_estimate
  145. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/GDP_per_capita%2C_consumption_per_capita_and_price_level_indices
  146. https://www.piie.com/commentary/op-eds/north-south-divide-euro-area
  147. https://www.esm.europa.eu/about-us/history/10-years
  148. https://www.esm.europa.eu/publications/safeguarding-euro/early-days-efsf-and-its-doubters
  149. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-45245969
  150. https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/hhrg-115-ba19-wstate-rnelson-20170518.pdf
  151. https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2019/10/01/sp093019-The-IMF-and-the-Greek-Crisis-Myths-and-Realities
  152. https://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/20056/1/The%2520North-South%2520divide%2520in%2520Europe%2520An%2520economic%2520anomaly%2520or%2520more%2520of%2520an%2520existential%2520question.pdf
  153. https://www.esm.europa.eu/about-us/explainers
  154. https://ecre.org/eternal-dublination-the-implementation-of-the-dublin-system-in-2022/
  155. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2020-0245_EN.html
  156. https://www.frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/irregular-border-crossings-into-eu-drop-sharply-in-2024-oqpweX
  157. https://www.frontex.europa.eu/publications/2024-in-brief-PEEHJe
  158. https://ecfr.eu/publication/road-to-nowhere-why-europes-border-externalisation-is-a-dead-end/
  159. https://balkaninsight.com/2025/01/27/migration-a-new-pact-doomed-to-fail-from-the-start/
  160. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/borderline-irrelevant-why-reforming-dublin-regulation-misses-point
  161. https://digital.sandiego.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1019&context=ilj
  162. https://inss.ndu.edu/Media/News/Article/1824758/europes-responses-to-the-migration-crisis-implications-for-european-integration/
  163. https://www.boell.de/en/2024/10/15/migration-policy-european-union-increasingly-outsources-responsibility-asylum
  164. https://carnegieendowment.org/europe/strategic-europe/2022/11/judy-asks-is-migration-europes-achilles-heel?lang=en
  165. https://www.frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/eu-external-borders-irregular-crossings-down-18-in-the-first-7-months-of-2025-ArNz2R
  166. https://sites.bu.edu/pardeeatlas/opinions/op-ed-the-european-union-has-a-democratic-deficit-problem/
  167. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/19/the-european-parliament-powers
  168. https://protesilaos.com/limitations-europarl/
  169. https://commission.europa.eu/law/law-making-process/adopting-eu-law/relations-national-parliaments_en
  170. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8330181/
  171. https://theloop.ecpr.eu/why-the-eus-democratic-deficit-persists/
  172. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/jun/02/eu.politics
  173. https://www.robert-schuman.eu/en/monitor/66-referendum-on-the-nice-treaty-in-ireland-19th-october-2002
  174. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/10/19/asking-the-public-twice-why-do-voters-change-their-minds-in-second-referendums-on-eu-treaties/
  175. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/20414005.2017.1307316
  176. https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/Europe/borzel.pdf
  177. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2024/760354/EPRS_BRI%282024%29760354_EN.pdf
  178. https://www.jurist.org/commentary/2017/09/federalists-intergovernmentalists-view-eu/
  179. https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/faculty_scholarship/3585/
  180. https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/work-document/the-first-outcome-of-the-debate-on-the-future-of-europe-between-deepening-and-revision-2000-2002/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.