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Kisan people
Kisan people
from Wikipedia

The Kisan are a tribal group found in the Indian states of Odisha, West Bengal and Jharkhand. They are traditional farmers and a food gathering people. They speak Kisan, a dialect of Kurukh, as well as Odia and Sambalpuri. The tribe mainly lives in northwestern Odisha, in the districts of Sundergarh, Jharsuguda and Sambalpur. Other populations live in Malda district in western West Bengal and Latehar and Gumla districts of western Jharkhand. They also reside in Nepal's Jhapa district in small number(around 1000).

Key Information

Culture

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Marriage

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The Kisan community practise endogamy and exogamy. Most practice monogamy, but bigamy is also accepted. The community practices adult marriage. Marriage within the same bansa is also forbidden, since they share a bloodline. However, since bansa is patrillineal, marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter is accepted and common. Widows are allowed to remarry.[3]

The Kisan recognise several forms of marriage common to tribal groups of central and eastern India: marriage by negotiation (arranged marriage), marriage by capture, love marriage, marriage by intrusion, marriage by adoption and marriage by exchange. Of these, marriage by negotiation is the most common, and is known as benja. In this marriage, the father or guardian of the person to be married selects the partner. In these negotiations the village headman is consulted.[3]

The benja process is as follows. The agua, a mediator who negotiates between the two families, approaches the bride's father to ask for his daughter's hand in marriage for the groom. Then the groom and his family visit the bride's house with gifts of rice, handia (rice-beer), and animals. By the taking of the food, the bride's family accepts the groom's proposal. The groom's party prepares their food, celebrates with the bride's family in the evening, and returns to their village. The bride's relatives then visit the groom's village. Next, the two families settle on a bride price, called kania muli hessu or sukha mula. The price is paid in rice and may be 10 khani, equivalent to 1 quintal of rice, and is paid by the groom's father to the bride's family. One the kania mula is settled, the date of marriage is fixed with the consent of the kalo, or village priest. Since marriage is time-consuming it can only take place after the harvest, where there is little work to do in the field.[3]

The marriage ceremony is common to tribes of central and eastern India. On the morning of the marriage day, the groom's barat (wedding procession) arrives at the bride's village with handia. They, along with relatives of the bride, escort her to the groom's village. On the village outskirts, the relatives of the bride and groom stage a mock fight, after which the bride is welcomed into the groom's house. The groom and bride and their parents wear clothes of red, yellow and white: never black. In the evening, the bride and groom and led to a pandal in the courtyard of the groom's house. Their rice is cooked in a new pot. The kalo then worships the Dharme Belas, supreme gods. The groom applies vermillion on the bride's forehead and their clothes are tied together, usually by the bride's sister. and the two walk around the pandal 7 times invoking the Dharme Belas. Afterwards there is celebration, dancing and feasting throughout the night.[3]

A marriage is considered successful when the couple have had a child. Divorce is permitted in cases of adultery, impotency or cruelty, or if the marriage just does not work out. Remarriage of widows, widowers and divorcees is also permitted. A widow can marry her younger brother-in-law while widowers can similarly marry their younger sister-in-laws.[3]

Marriage practices have changed in recent years, with the greater influence of broader Odia culture and modernisation. The bride's father now welcomes the barat of the groom to his house before accompanying her to the house of the bridegroom. In addition, instead of using a palaki to carry the bride and groom to the groom's house as was the case in earlier days, a cycle or rickshaw is used now. The members of the barat are now served mahua liquor instead of handia, along with meat and rice, at the bride's house. The post-ceremony dances and celebrations were previously done to the sound of mandar drums, while now loudspeakers are used.[3]

Kisan people in Nepal

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The Central Bureau of Statistics of Nepal classifies the Kisan as a subgroup within the broader social group of Terai Janajati.[4] At the time of the 2011 Nepal census, 1,739 people (0.0% of the population of Nepal) were Kisan. The frequency of Kisan people by province was as follows:

The frequency of Kisan people was higher than national average (0.0%) in the following districts:[5]

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Kisan are a Scheduled Tribe indigenous to eastern , primarily inhabiting the states of , , and , where they engage in settled as expert cultivators and landowners, supplemented by gathering. Their name derives from the term for "farmer," underscoring their historical role as peasant agriculturists who migrated from the region and settled in hilly terrains. The Kisan speak Kisan, a Dravidian language allied to Kurukh and associated with the Oraon tribal group, while adhering to a syncretic belief system that blends autonomous animistic rituals with Hindu festivals and deities. Constituting one of 's 62 recognized tribes, they maintain distinct cultural practices, including village councils for dispute resolution and lifecycle rituals tied to agrarian cycles, though socioeconomic integration has led to some adoption of regional languages like Odia and Sambalpuri.

Origins and History

Etymology and Identity

The term "Kisan" derives from the word kisan, meaning "" or "," which directly reflects the community's historical and primary occupation as cultivators and agriculturists. This nomenclature underscores their expertise in farming practices, including settled and supplementary food gathering, distinguishing them from other tribal groups in eastern . The Kisan maintain a distinct ethnic identity as a , self-identifying through their agrarian and cultural traditions tied to cultivation. In , they are officially classified as a Scheduled , granting legal recognition of their indigenous status in states such as , , and , where they trace origins to migrations from areas like and affiliations with broader Dravidian-speaking groups. In , smaller populations in districts like Jhapa assert a similar identity, often navigating lower social standing within while preserving ties to farming and traditional organization. This self-perception emphasizes communal land-based economies over urban or nomadic pursuits, though external classifications sometimes vary, such as scheduled status in Nepali contexts.

Historical Settlements and Migrations

The Kisan people, a Dravidian-speaking tribal group closely affiliated with the Oraon (Kurukh), originated from migratory bands that moved northward from southern , likely the or Deccan regions, as part of broader Dravidian dispersals. Linguistic and ethnographic evidence points to early movements along river valleys, including the , Narmada, and , dated approximately 3500–2500 B.C. by some reconstructions drawing on oral histories and . These paths reflect adaptations to ecological shifts and population expansions, with groups practicing slash-and-burn agriculture while evading dominant expansions. Further migrations occurred through Bihar's Rohtasgarh and areas around 600–800 B.C., culminating in settlements on the Chhotanagpur Plateau by circa 100 B.C., propelled by conflicts with incoming Indo-Aryan populations and resource competition. Kisans, often indistinguishable from Oraons in early records, cleared forested highlands for cultivation, establishing villages in homogeneous clusters guided by rituals like grain divination for . Anthropological analyses posit Kisans as a regional lineage of the Oraon, with shared Kurukh dialects and customs differentiating them through localized naming during 19th-century administrative surveys, such as the Settlement in Odisha's Gangpur Paragana. In , Kisans preceded Oraon arrivals, settling under Bhuinya chiefs in princely states like Gangapur, Bonai, and Bamanda by the medieval period, concentrating in western districts including Sundargarh, , , and . These areas, part of the eastern Chhotanagpur extension, supported terraced farming and forest gathering, with communities maintaining single-lineage hamlets along trade routes. Extensions into , , and followed similar plateau adaptations, while smaller cross-border flows to Nepal's and occurred in modern eras, tied to labor and land scarcity rather than ancient patterns. Oral traditions and gazetteers affirm these trajectories, though exact timelines remain debated due to reliance on colonial ethnographies and folk etymologies linking "Kisan" to "Kunha" (hill cultivators).

Genetic and Linguistic Origins

The Kisan language belongs to the North Dravidian branch of the Dravidian , closely related to Kurukh, the language spoken by the Oraon people. It is characterized as a variety or derived from Kurukh, with influences from surrounding such as Odia and due to prolonged contact, yet retaining core Dravidian phonological and grammatical features. This classification positions Kisan among the northernmost , distinct from the southern Dravidian cluster, suggesting an ancient divergence within the family predating significant Indo-Aryan expansions in the region. Genetically, the Kisan are regarded as an offshoot of the Oraon tribe, sharing a common prehistoric origin and cultural-linguistic ties that imply substantial genetic continuity. Studies on Oraon populations reveal genetic homogeneity across settled and migrant groups, with clustering alongside other central Indian tribes such as the Bhils, indicative of a shared indigenous substrate typical of Proto-Australoid or pre-Neolithic South Asian ancestry. This affinity reflects elevated levels of Ancestral South Indian (ASI) components, with limited recent admixture from Ancestral North Indian (ANI) sources compared to caste populations, underscoring deep-rooted autochthonous origins in the region rather than external migrations post-Dravidian linguistic establishment. Comparative analyses further show Oraon (and by extension Kisan) genetic distances closer to certain non-tribal groups like Brahmins than to neighboring Austroasiatic tribes like the Munda, despite linguistic distinctions, pointing to complex historical within eastern India's tribal mosaic. Recent investigations confirm no recent shared ancestry with distant Dravidian outliers like the Brahui of , reinforcing localized evolution within the subcontinent's genetic landscape.

Demographics

Population in India

The Kisan, recognized as a Scheduled Tribe, are predominantly distributed across eastern and , with the largest concentration in , where they numbered 331,589 individuals according to the 2011 Census. This figure represents a modest increase from the 321,592 recorded in during the 2001 Census, reflecting gradual population growth amid rural agrarian lifestyles. Smaller populations reside in neighboring states including (where they are listed as Kisan or Nagesia in census appendices), , , and , often in contiguous districts facilitating historical migrations and shared cultural ties. In , the Kisan are primarily settled in districts such as Sundargarh, , and , comprising rural communities engaged in subsistence farming and forest-based livelihoods, with over 90% residing in villages as per state-level tribal demographics. data from proximate censuses indicate a balanced demographic, with approximately 993 females per 1,000 males, though literacy rates lag behind state averages at around 50%, underscoring challenges in access to and development. Nationwide, the Kisan constitute a minor fraction of India's total Scheduled Tribe population of over 104 million (8.6% of the country's inhabitants), but their numbers highlight localized ethnic diversity in tribal heartlands prone to displacement from and industrialization.

Population in Nepal

According to 's National Population and Housing 2021, the Kisan ethnic group numbers 1,479 individuals nationwide, comprising 700 males and 779 females. This represents a decline from the 1,739 Kisan recorded in the 2011 census. The group constitutes a minute fraction of 's total population of approximately 29.2 million as of 2021. The Kisan are primarily concentrated in within (formerly Province No. 1) in eastern Nepal's region, with limited presence elsewhere. In specifically, 1,358 Kisan were enumerated in , accounting for the bulk of the national total. This geographic restriction underscores their status as an endangered indigenous community, confined largely to rural agricultural settings in the district. Demographic indicators reveal a female-majority of about 111 females per 100 males among the Kisan in , higher than the national average. Population trends suggest stagnation or slight contraction, potentially attributable to low rates, out-migration to urban areas or , and assimilation pressures, though specific causal data remains limited in reports. As one of Nepal's 59 recognized indigenous nationalities, the Kisan's small size highlights vulnerabilities to cultural erosion amid broader national and economic shifts. The Kisan people are primarily distributed across eastern and , with significant concentrations in the states of , , , , and . In , they are scattered throughout much of the state but form major population clusters in the districts of , , and , where they engage predominantly in and forest-related livelihoods. Smaller communities exist in (particularly post-2000 state formation from ) and adjacent regions of and , reflecting historical migrations tied to agrarian settlements. In , the Kisan population is minimal and concentrated in in the eastern region, numbering approximately 1,479 individuals as per the 2021 National Population and Housing , with a slight female majority (779 females to 700 males). This group represents an endangered indigenous community, often maintaining cross-border ties with Indian Kisan populations due to shared ethnic origins. Urbanization among the Kisan remains limited, with the community overwhelmingly rural; in of , where Kisan form a notable portion of the Scheduled Tribe population (which constitutes 83.2% of the district's total as of ), only 2.4% of Scheduled Tribes resided in urban areas at that time. Recent trends indicate gradual out-migration from rural Kisan villages to nearby urban centers and industrial hubs, driven by factors such as land scarcity, seasonal agricultural shortfalls, and lack of local employment opportunities, leading to labor migration for construction, mining, or informal sector work. This shift has increased remittances to rural households but also contributed to cultural dilution and urban formation among migrants, though comprehensive data on Kisan-specific urbanization rates post-2011 remains sparse due to aggregated tribal reporting.

Language

Kisan Dialect Characteristics

The Kisan dialect, a variety of the North Dravidian language Kurukh spoken primarily by the Kisan people in Odisha, India, exhibits phonological features typical of Dravidian languages with influences from neighboring Indo-Aryan tongues like Odia. It possesses a vowel system comprising five short vowels (/i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/) and their long counterparts (/i:/, /e:/, /a:/, /o:/, /u:/), alongside nasalized variants in both short (ĩ, ẽ, ã, õ, ũ) and long forms (ĩ:, ẽ:, ã:, õ:, ũ:). The consonant inventory includes 38 phonemes, encompassing stops (/p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, etc.), aspirated stops (/ph/, /bh/), nasals (/m/, /n/, /ɳ/), fricatives (/s/, /h/), retroflex sounds (/ʈ/, /ɖ/, /ɳ/), flaps (/ɽ/), trills (/ɾ/), laterals (/l/), and semivowels (/w/, /j/), reflecting retroflexion characteristic of Dravidian phonology. Syllable structures are predominantly CV or CVC, extending to mono-, di-, tri-, and tetra-syllabic forms, with consonant clusters (e.g., /pp/, /tt/) emerging under Indo-Aryan substrate influence. Morphologically, Kisan demonstrates agglutinative traits common to , particularly in verbal , where roots combine with suffixes for , person, number, and . Verbs mark via infixes like /-d-/ or /-n-/, with /-k-/, /-c-/, or /-A/, and future with /-o-/, showing a three-way tense system shaped by contact with , diverging from the typical Dravidian non-tense-based aspectual focus. Pronominal suffixes encode person and number (e.g., /-Ae/ for second-person masculine singular, /-Am/ for first-person masculine plural), with distinctions (masculine /-dAn/, feminine /-en/). Additional derivations include forms via /-tA-/ (e.g., "to cause to rise" as co-tA-nA) and a distinctive passive construction marked by /-r-/ (e.g., deps-r-I-d "money is lost"), which contrasts with the general absence of dedicated passive suffixes in core Dravidian morphology. Lexically and syntactically, Kisan retains Dravidian roots but incorporates loanwords from Odia and , particularly in and daily life domains, while maintaining subject-object-verb . Compared to standard Kurukh, Kisan shows phonemic shifts, such as variations in aspirates (e.g., Kurukh /kh/ patterns differing in realization), underscoring its dialectal status within the North Dravidian subgroup. Preservation efforts note its oral transmission, with limited script use, primarily in .

Relation to Kurukh and Broader Dravidian Family

The Kisan language is classified as a dialect or closely related variety of Kurukh (also known as Kurux or Oraon), a North Dravidian tongue spoken primarily by the Oraon and Kisan communities in eastern . Linguistic analyses, including those from the early 20th-century by George Grierson, position Kisan speech as a subdialect of Kurukh, characterized by regional phonological shifts such as the regular change of Kurukh's r to h in areas like , . Despite challenges due to geographic separation and lexical divergences, the core grammar, vocabulary roots, and agglutinative structure align closely, supporting their treatment as interconnected forms within the same linguistic continuum. Within the broader Dravidian language family, which encompasses over 70 languages spoken by approximately 250 million people primarily in southern but with northern outliers, Kurukh and its Kisan variety belong to the North Dravidian subgroup. This subgroup, comprising Kurukh, Malto, and Brahui, diverges from the more populous South and Central Dravidian branches through features like retroflex consonants and verb-final syntax, reflecting ancient migrations northward from a proto-Dravidian homeland possibly in the around 4,000–5,000 years ago based on comparative reconstructions. Genetic and archaeological correlations suggest North Dravidian speakers, including Kisan and Kurukh groups, represent relic populations displaced by Indo-Aryan expansions, preserving archaic Dravidian traits amid substrate influences from Munda and . data from 2011 recorded about 206,100 Kisan speakers, often enumerated separately from Kurukh's roughly 2 million, highlighting administrative distinctions despite linguistic affinity.

Usage and Preservation Efforts

The Kisan language, a of Kurukh spoken primarily by the Kisan ethnic group in and , , remains largely oral and confined to domestic and community domains, with limited use in formal or media. As of the 2011 , the Kisan dialect had approximately 206,100 speakers in , though usage is declining due to widespread bilingualism, with 81.87% of speakers proficient in dominant languages like Odia or , accelerating among younger generations. In , where the Kisan population numbers around 1,739, only 601 individuals reported speaking Kisan in the 2011 , predominantly among older adults, with negligible transmission to children. Preservation efforts in focus on documentation and educational materials, particularly in , where the and have developed bilingual primers in Kisan alongside 14 other tribal languages to support mother-tongue-based education and counter extinction risks. The Odia-Kisan Sabdakosh, a compiled for the Panposh and Gadposh regions of Sundargarh district, aids lexical preservation and translation. Organizations like the Tribal Language Development Centre promote revitalization through cultural programs, though challenges persist from and assimilation pressures, contributing to a documented 12.3% decline in speakers between 1991 and 2001. In , broader indigenous language policies under the encourage documentation, but Kisan-specific initiatives remain minimal amid competition from Nepali.

Religion

Traditional Animist Beliefs

The traditional animist beliefs of the Kisan people revolve around the attribution of spiritual essence to natural elements, ancestors, and entities residing in the environment, reflecting a where living and non-living objects possess powers. Central to these beliefs is the worship of nature spirits, including the earth mother (Dharti Mata) and village guardians such as Gosain, Ganasir, Bandha, Baghia, and Bihma Devta, which are invoked for , , and . Ancestral spirits are revered as intermediaries influencing family welfare, with rituals emphasizing their to avert misfortune or ensure bountiful harvests. Key practices include Sarna Puja, a communal rite conducted in sacred groves to honor tree and forest spirits for rainfall and crop safeguarding, involving offerings of flowers, sun-dried rice, turmeric, sacred grass (duba), incense, fire, and animal sacrifices like goats or fowl, with contributions from all villagers. Belief in malevolent spirits prompts consultation of shamanic healers known as Gunia, Moti, or Baidya, who perform exorcisms and herbal cures to expel afflictions attributed to these entities. Ancestor veneration features prominently in secondary funeral rites, such as the immersion of bones in rivers termed Ganga Ghat post-harvest, and libations (Tarpan) during festivals to seek blessings from forebears. These beliefs manifest in seasonal rituals tied to agrarian cycles, such as invoking the sun and during site selection for homes via with fried rice grains scattered on the ground. Festivals like Puspunei (December-January) dedicate dances, songs, and sacrifices to ancestral shades, while Gamha (July-August) installs sacred Kendu twigs symbolizing protective forest spirits. Such practices underscore a causal linkage between observance, spiritual harmony, and empirical outcomes like agricultural success, persisting amid external religious influences.

Syncretism with Hinduism

The Kisan people exhibit in their religious practices by incorporating into their traditional animist framework, worshipping major figures such as , , Krishna, , , , , and others alongside indigenous tutelary spirits like Gosain, Bhim Devta, Budha Band, Baghia, and Samlei. This blending reflects historical influences from surrounding Hindu populations in regions like , , and western , where Kisam maintain animist rituals for nature spirits and ancestors while adopting Hindu festivals such as and . Local Kisan priests, often functioning as shamans or , conduct ceremonies that fuse Hindu rites with tribal customs, such as invoking Hindu gods during rituals originally tied to animist earth deities, though purohits are occasionally consulted for major life events. Despite this integration, core animist elements persist unabated, including offerings to village guardian spirits and belief in forces governing and , indicating incomplete assimilation into orthodox . In contemporary contexts, a majority of Kisan identify as Hindu, with syncretic practices evident in life-cycle rituals like thread ceremonies that adapt Hindu samskaras to tribal structures, though conversions to among some subgroups—particularly in —have introduced further since the mid-20th century. This underscores the Kisan's pragmatic adaptation to dominant cultural influences without fully supplanting indigenous beliefs, as documented in ethnographic studies of their communities.

Rituals and Deities

The Kisan pantheon encompasses indigenous deities rooted in animism and ancestor veneration, alongside adopted Hindu figures, reflecting syncretic practices. Key traditional deities include Gosain, a primary tutelary spirit, Veemdevata as the village guardian, and Samalai Mahaprabhu revered as the household protector. Nature-oriented entities such as Dharati Mata (Mother Earth), Gram Devata (village deity), Brahma Devata, Singbonga (a supreme being), Mati, and Sokha are propitiated for agricultural fertility and communal welfare. Hindu integrations feature Durga and Kali, often invoked during crises or festivals. Clan (Bansa) ancestors hold sacred status, with rituals seeking their blessings for lineage expansion and shielding against illnesses. Rituals center on offerings, invocations, and animal sacrifices to appease these deities, primarily led by shamans termed Gunia or Moti, who mediate between the human and spirit realms. These ceremonies emphasize nature worship tied to seasonal cycles, occurring in communal settings with chants, dances, and feasts; for instance, Sarhul celebrates spring renewal through salutations to forest spirits, while Karma, Sohrai, Phagun, and Jitia involve rhythmic performances and sacrifices for bountiful harvests. Life-cycle transitions incorporate deity rites, such as purificatory worship in marriages or eleven-day death observances enforcing pollution taboos and ancestral homage to restore balance. Such practices underscore causal linkages between ritual observance, environmental harmony, and empirical outcomes like crop yields and health, prioritizing tangible protections over abstract theology.

Culture and Society

Social Structure and Kinship

The Kisan exhibit a patrilineal kinship system, wherein descent, inheritance, and lineage affiliation are traced exclusively through the male line, reinforcing a patriarchal social organization. Clans, referred to as gotras, form the foundational units of social identity, with each gotra linked to totemic symbols—typically animals, birds, or plants—representing mythical ancestors and prohibiting intra-clan marriages to preserve exogamy and genetic diversity. These totems, numbering around 15 to 16 primary ones (such as those associated with specific fauna like deer or birds), serve as taboos against consumption or harm, embedding ecological and ancestral reverence into daily prohibitions. Social structure centers on the as the primary economic and residential unit, typically patrilocal, where post-marital residence favors the groom's , consolidating male authority over resources like and . Preferred marriage alliances include cross-cousin unions, particularly with the maternal uncle's daughter, alongside exchange marriages between families, which strengthen inter-clan ties while adhering to gotra rules. Widows may remarry, often within the community, though levirate practices are rare in documented cases. At the community level, villages constitute the key local group for socio-political functions, with traditional councils—comprising elders and heads—adjudicating disputes, enforcing norms, and organizing labor for or rituals. These councils operate informally without rigid hierarchies, drawing authority from consensus and , though external influences like state panchayats have increasingly intersected with them since the mid-20th century. Overall, this structure prioritizes agrarian cooperation and solidarity, adapting minimally to modern legal frameworks while retaining core patrilineal and totemic principles.

Marriage Customs and Family Dynamics

Among the Kisan people, primarily residing in and adjacent regions of , marriage is governed by strict endogamy within the tribe and exogamy outside specific clans or gotras, ensuring alliances strengthen intra-tribal bonds while avoiding consanguinity. Cross-cousin marriages, particularly to the mother's brother's , are preferred, reflecting a system that favors such unions to consolidate familial ties. predominates as the normative practice, though is socially tolerated in certain cases, and occurs infrequently. The most prevalent form is by , initiated through a who facilitates parental discussions, followed by visits to the bride's home for symbolic consent and negotiation of —traditionally equivalent to 10 quintals of or its cash value. Other recognized forms include (often leading to fines or ritual reconciliation), mock capture, service (groom works for bride's family), exchange between families, and adoption marriages. and widower is permitted, sometimes to a deceased spouse's , with rituals simplified compared to first marriages. is sanctioned by community councils for causes such as or incompatibility, requiring return of bride price. Ceremonies typically occur at the groom's residence on an elevated platform, involving application of , tying of garments, seven circumambulations around sacred symbols, and a communal feast featuring , , and fermented beverages, though modernization has introduced elements like loudspeakers and reduced alcohol use. Married women are marked by sindur (), bangles, earrings, and toe rings as symbols of status. Family structures among the Kisan are predominantly nuclear, comprising parents and unmarried children, though extended households form occasionally through joint residence of brothers or in childless families. Patrilineal descent prevails, with divided equally among sons and the eldest assuming paternal upon the father's death. The —typically the father—holds primary decision-making power, overseeing economic and ritual matters, while women occupy secondary positions yet contribute substantially to , household economy, and religious observances. distinguishes maternal and paternal relatives distinctly, with the maternal uncle (mamu) playing a pivotal role in marriages and ceremonies, often blurring lines with father-in-law duties in cross-cousin contexts. Social cohesion is maintained through village panchayats and hereditary leaders like the mukhia, who mediate disputes and enforce norms, reflecting a system where family units prioritize agricultural cooperation and clan-based solidarity. Contemporary influences, including and Hinduisation, have prompted shifts toward simpler rituals and increased prevalence, diminishing extended kin dependencies.

Festivals, Arts, and Oral Traditions

The Kisan people observe several agricultural festivals tied to the farming cycle, reflecting their identity as cultivators. Bihanbuna marks the ceremonial first sowing of paddy in April-May, involving rituals to invoke bountiful harvests. Gamha follows in July-August, with the installation of kendu twigs in fields to protect crops from pests and ensure fertility. Nuakhia in August-September celebrates the consumption of new , accompanied by offerings to . Dusserha in September-October honors the village through sacrifices of goats and fowls, while Puspunei in December-January focuses on ancestral worship with communal dances and songs. The , shared with neighboring tribes like Ho and Oraon, is a prominent rite dedicated to Karam Devta, the of and ; participants plant a Karam branch, circumambulate it while singing, and perform rituals to safeguard crops and community well-being. Phagun, another key observance, includes Tarpani offerings of beer to ancestors and the Dharmesh, emphasizing joy and continuity of lineage. Kisan arts center on performative traditions integral to social and ritual events. Dances such as are enacted during the , where groups circle the sacred tree branch to rhythmic drum beats, symbolizing harmony with nature and agricultural success; this form is performed annually by Kisan and allied tribes including Binjhals and Kol. Biha dance features prominently in wedding ceremonies, with men and women participating in energetic group movements accompanied by songs praising and union. Village-owned provide the primary , underscoring participation over individual artistry. These expressions blend animist reverence for natural elements with syncretic Hindu influences, often involving special festive foods like cakes and meats shared communally. Oral traditions form the backbone of Kisan cultural transmission, preserving , myths, and social norms without reliance on written records. Wedding songs, sung by both genders, recount lineages, ethical conduct, and auspicious omens during rites that may include or followed by death observances. embedded in these narratives traces Dravidian origins and migratory paths, countering the scarcity of archaeological evidence through generational recitation. songs during events like Puspunei and Karam invoke ancestral spirits and agricultural deities, reinforcing causal links between adherence and ecological prosperity. This oral corpus, vulnerable to modernization, sustains ethnic identity amid pressures from dominant Hindu practices.

Economy and Livelihood

Traditional Agriculture Practices

The Kisan traditionally engage in settled on fertile ancestral lands, with farming serving as their primary occupation and a source of , as the term "Kisan" itself derives from the word for . Their methods emphasize rain-fed cultivation during the Kharif season, beginning with ceremonial rituals called Bihanbuna in or May to invoke prosperity for the harvest. Paddy () dominates as the staple crop, yielding the bulk of food grains, while secondary crops include millets such as gulji (little millet) and mandia (), , pulses like arhar (), black gram, red gram, and horse gram, and oilseeds including til (). Double cropping occurs where limited allows, but yields have historically been constrained by decline and irregular monsoons. Agricultural labor relies on rudimentary, locally crafted tools, including wooden ploughs pulled by for primary tilling, kodali (hoes) and (spades) for soil preparation, khurpi (weeding sickles) for maintenance, and larger sickles and axes for harvesting and clearing. Fertilization draws from organic sources like , sourced from reared such as cows, goats, and pigs, which also provide meat and draft power while integrating with crop cycles. Bamboo baskets and ropes facilitate storage, transport, and processing of produce. These practices intertwine with forest-dependent , where Kisan collect roots, tubers, wild fruits, , and mahua flowers to supplement diets and buffer against poor harvests, reflecting a holistic reliance on ecosystems adjacent to farmlands. Agricultural milestones are celebrated through festivals like Nuakhia (or Nua Khai), held in or to ritually consume the first new , underscoring the community's reverence for seasonal rhythms and bountiful yields.

Supplementary Occupations and Modern Shifts

In addition to , traditional supplementary occupations among the Kisan include collection, such as gathering minor forest produce for subsistence and sale, and crafting items like ropes and baskets from fibers, particularly in . Landless Kisan households often engage in agricultural wage labor on others' fields or, historically, in plantations in after being displaced from native regions. Women contribute through handicrafts, including leaf weaving for mats and utensils, which provides supplemental income in areas like Sundargarh district, . Modern economic pressures, including low agricultural productivity and land constraints, have driven shifts toward non-farm livelihoods, with seasonal migration becoming prevalent post-paddy harvest in and , where Kisan workers seek construction, brick kiln, or urban casual labor in states like NCR. Participation in government programs like MGNREGA has increased, offering rural wage employment during lean seasons and reducing distress migration for some , though uptake varies by access to work sites. Efforts to promote , such as training in traditional crafts under community-led initiatives, aim to sustain supplemental income amid and market competition, but face challenges from and youth disinterest. Overall, these shifts reflect broader tribal patterns of livelihood diversification, with remittances from migrants supporting stability despite vulnerabilities like informal contracts and gaps.

Land Ownership and Resource Use

The Kisan people, recognized as a Scheduled Tribe in Indian states such as , , and , traditionally practice settled on family-owned lands, reflecting their status as a community with expertise in cultivation. Land ownership is typically individual or familial, with holdings passed down through patrilineal inheritance, enabling self-sufficient farming of crops like and millets on hill slopes and valleys. In regions where land scarcity or historical displacement limits personal holdings, many Kisan serve as agricultural laborers on others' plots, underscoring the centrality of land access to their economic stability. As forest-adjacent dwellers, Kisan communities in exercise customary over non-timber forest products (NTFPs) for subsistence, including collection of , fruits, and fibers, though formal titling under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest ) Act, , remains unevenly implemented for tribal groups like them. This Act grants eligible Scheduled Tribes individual and community to cultivate forest land up to 4 hectares and manage resources sustainably, addressing pre- encroachments, but bureaucratic hurdles have delayed claims for many Kisan families reliant on such areas. In , where Kisan are an endangered indigenous group concentrated in eastern districts like Jhapa, land mirrors Indian patterns with some households owning small plots for , while landless individuals depend on wage labor or tenancy. Resource use extends to ethnobotanical practices, with communities harvesting over 40 medicinal plant from local forests for treating ailments, integrating spiritual rituals into sustainable gathering to avoid depletion. However, broader indigenous land insecurity in , stemming from historical policies, has marginalized Kisan access to communal resources, prompting reliance on shifting informal arrangements rather than secure titles.

Contemporary Status

The Kisan tribe is notified as a Scheduled Tribe under the (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950, in the states of , , , and , entitling community members to constitutional protections and benefits as per Article 342 of the Indian . This recognition stems from the original 1950 order for (predecessor to ), where Kisan was explicitly listed as entry 17 among notified tribes, alongside amendments incorporating the group in other eastern states. In , Kisan is included among the 62 notified Scheduled Tribes, primarily inhabiting districts such as Sundargarh, , and , with the community recognized for its Dravidian linguistic and agricultural heritage. In , the Kisan—often synonymous with or equated to the Nagesia subgroup—are affirmed as a Scheduled Tribe, reflecting their settled agrarian lifestyle and integration into the state's 32 notified tribes. West Bengal's list under the 1950 order similarly designates Kisan as a Scheduled Tribe, with data from 2011 recording a population of approximately 98,434 in the state, underscoring their presence in tribal demographics. Chhattisgarh's inclusion of Kisan occurred through the (Scheduled Tribes) Order (Fifth Amendment) Act, 2023, following passage of the bill by on December 21, 2022, and on July 25, 2023, addressing long-standing demands for parity with recognitions in neighboring states where phonetic or nomenclature discrepancies had previously excluded subgroups. This amendment added Kisan alongside communities like Dhanuhar and Binjhia, benefiting an estimated 72,000 individuals by extending access to reservations in , , and , as well as welfare schemes under the . Such state-specific notifications reflect the decentralized nature of Scheduled Tribe designations in , where ethnographic criteria like primitive traits, distinct , geographical isolation, and socio-economic backwardness are evaluated by the Registrar General of India and the prior to presidential approval. Despite this formal status, implementation varies, with Kisan communities in recognized states accessing benefits like the Scheduled Tribes Sub-Plan allocations, though disparities persist in areas like land rights and scheme penetration.

Challenges in Nepal

The Kisan, a small ethnic group of Tarai origin residing exclusively in , eastern , number approximately 773 individuals, with 380 males and 393 females, and maintain endogamous, clustered settlements proximate to forests that render them vulnerable to resource depletion and external pressures on traditional livelihoods. Their marginalization stems from historical exclusion, limiting and access to state resources, as evidenced by debates over ethnic that pit cultural preservation against risks of assimilation into dominant Nepali society. Socio-economic challenges are acute, with pervasive constraining household investments in ; many parents cannot finance schooling, yielding widespread deficits that perpetuate occupational stagnation in and forest-dependent activities. Home-brewed alcohol consumption among men exacerbates family economic strain and social cohesion issues, diverting resources from productive uses and contributing to intergenerational vulnerabilities. As a non-dominant group outside Nepal's prominently recognized Janajati categories, the Kisan encounter systemic barriers akin to those afflicting Tarai indigenous populations, including elevated rates exceeding 30% and diminished access to services amid broader ethnic patterns. insecurities near forested peripheries compound these, as informal claims face competition from development encroachments without robust legal safeguards, hindering sustainable resource use. Political underrepresentation further entrenches exclusion, with traditional kinship-based struggling against modern state assimilation dynamics.

Socio-Economic Developments and Criticisms

The Kisan tribe in , primarily concentrated in with a population of approximately 321,592 as per the 2001 , has experienced modest infrastructural advancements, including access to schools, , tube wells, and roads in many villages, facilitating limited connectivity to weekly markets within 0-3 km. improvements have enabled double cropping in some areas, supplementing traditional rain-fed paddy cultivation with wooden ploughs and , while a portion of households derive additional from or jobs. These shifts reflect broader influences of and modernization, though traditional crafts remain constrained by raw material shortages. Despite Scheduled Tribe status in states like , , and , socio-economic progress remains uneven, with 90% of surveyed households in Sundargarh district relying on stone or clay dwellings and facing declining harvests due to irregular monsoons, soil fertility loss, and restricted forest access for supplementary produce and hunting. Hereditary land ownership provides some stability, but overall dependency on perpetuates vulnerability, with limited diversification into non-farm occupations. Criticisms of developmental efforts highlight persistent governmental neglect, particularly in where over 231,000 Kisans in districts like Malda lack formal Scheduled Tribe recognition, sustaining illiteracy and backwardness in Diyara-area more than 70 years post-independence. Observers question the efficacy of state interventions, noting that despite national tribal welfare schemes, core challenges like cultural rigidities—such as purification rituals for inter-tribal marriages—impede and . In , the endangered Kisan ethnic group, numbering around 1,739 in , encounters marginalization with minimal documented economic advancements, though ethnic identity debates underscore tensions between traditional kingship structures and modern political inclusion, potentially hindering broader socio-economic integration.

References

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