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Thutmose II
Thutmose II
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Thutmose II was the fourth pharaoh of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, and his reign is thought to have lasted for 13 years, from 1493 to 1479 BC (Low Chronology), or just 3 years from around 1482 to 1479 BC. Little is known about him, and he is overshadowed by his father Thutmose I, half-sister and wife Hatshepsut, and son Thutmose III. There are relatively few monuments that refer to Thutmose II.

Key Information

He died before the age of 30, and a body claimed to be his was found in the Royal Cache above the Mortuary temple of Hatshepsut. His tomb, in the Western Wadis near the Valley of the Queens, was found in 2022 and confirmed to be his in 2025. The tomb was built under waterfalls, leading to periodic flooding, which damaged the tomb throughout the ages. His mummified body was relocated in ancient times, and its final resting place is disputed.

Family

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The name Thutmose II is read as Thutmosis or Tuthmosis II, Thothmes in older history works in Latinized Greek, and derives from Ancient Egyptian: /ḏḥwty.ms/ Djehutymes, meaning "Thoth is born".

Thutmose II was the son of Thutmose I and his minor wife, Mutnofret, who was probably a daughter of Ahmose I.[2] He was, therefore, a lesser son of Thutmose I and chose to marry his fully royal half-sister, Hatshepsut, in order to secure his kingship. Because Mutnofret was a princess and Thutmose I was common born, they most likely married only after Thutmose became king,[3] hence their son would be born after his father's coronation, and probably after his half-sister Hatshepsut, who was the pharaoh's daughter by his primary wife.[4] That would mean Thutmose II was in his early teens when he became pharaoh himself. While he successfully put down rebellions in Nubia and the Levant and defeated a group of nomadic Bedouins, these campaigns were specifically carried out by the king's generals, and not by Thutmose II himself.[5] This is often interpreted as evidence that Thutmose II was still a minor at his accession.

Thutmose II fathered Neferure with Hatshepsut, and Thutmose III, by a lesser wife named Iset.[6]

Some archaeologists believe that Hatshepsut was the real power behind the throne during Thutmose II's rule because of the similar domestic and foreign policies that were later pursued under her reign and because of her claim that she was her father's intended heir. She is depicted in several raised relief scenes from a Karnak gateway dating to Thutmose II's reign both together with her husband and alone.[7] She later had herself crowned pharaoh several years into the rule of her husband's young successor Thutmose III; this is confirmed by the fact that "the queen's agents actually replaced the king's name in a few places with her own cartouches" on the gateway.[8]

If Thutmose II had indeed been born after his father's coronation, he would either have been in his early teens (short reign) or early twenties (long reign) upon his death.

Reign

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Dates and length of reign

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The Epitome by Manetho refers to Thutmose II as "Chebron" and credits this ruler with a reign of 13 years. The Greek name may reflect a version of the prenomen, Aakheperenre. Egyptologists debate whether Thutmose II had a short or long reign. Some suggest a short reign of three years, based on his highest attested date is Year 1, II Akhet day 8 stele.[9] There are only a small number of surviving documents, and a minimal amount of scarabs attested to this king.

It is still possible to estimate when Thutmose II's reign would have begun by means of a heliacal rise of Sothis in Amenhotep I's reign, which would give him a reign from 1493 to 1479 BC,[10] although uncertainty about how to interpret the rise also permits a date from 1513 to 1499 BC,[11] and uncertainty about how long Thutmose I ruled could also potentially place his reign several years earlier still. Nonetheless, scholars in the 20th century were assigning him a reign from 1493 or 1492 to 1479.[10][12]

Alternatively, Thutmose could have ruled around two or three years, from 1482 to 1480/1479 BC.[13][14]

Argument for a short reign

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Aakheperenre, the praenomen of Thutmose II, temple of Hatshepsut, Luxor

Ineni, who was already aged by the start of Thutmose II's reign, lived through this ruler's entire reign into that of Hatshepsut.[15] In addition, Thutmose II is poorly attested in the monumental record and in the contemporary tomb autobiographies of New Kingdom officials. A clear count of monuments from his rule, which is the principal tool for estimating a king's reign when dated documents are not available, is nearly impossible because Hatshepsut usurped most of his monuments, and Thutmose III in turn reinscribed Thutmose II's name indiscriminately over other monuments.[16] However, apart from several surviving blocks of buildings erected by the king at Semna, Kumma, and Elephantine, Thutmose II's only major monument consists of a limestone gateway at Karnak that once lay at the front of the Fourth Pylon's forecourt. Even this monument was not completed in Thutmose II's reign but in the reign of his son Thutmose III, which hints at "the nearly ephemeral nature of Thutmose II's reign".[17] The gateway was later dismantled and its building blocks incorporated into the foundation of the Third Pylon by Amenhotep III.[8]

In 1987, Luc Gabolde published a study that statistically compared the number of surviving scarabs found under Thutmose I, Thutmose II and Hatshepsut.[18] While monuments can be usurped, scarabs are so small and comparatively insignificant that altering their names would be impractical and without profit; hence, they provide a far better insight into this period. Hatshepsut's reign is believed to have lasted for 21 years and 9 months. Gabolde highlighted, in his analysis, the consistently small number of surviving scarabs known for Thutmose II compared to Thutmose I and Hatshepsut respectively; for instance, Flinders Petrie's older study of scarab seals noted 86 seals for Thutmose I, 19 seals for Thutmose II and 149 seals for Hatshepsut while more recent studies by Jaeger estimate a total of 241 seals for Thutmose I, 463 seals for Hatshepsut and only 65 seals for Thutmose II.[19] Hence, unless there was an abnormally low number of scarabs produced under Thutmose II, this would indicate that the king's reign was rather short-lived. On this basis, Gabolde estimated Thutmose I and II's reigns to be approximately 11 and 3 full years, respectively.

Kara Cooney argues for short reign, no longer than 3 years, by judging that there were "hardly any temples with his name on them, no campaigns, no mortuary complex of any worth", and points that all known children of Thutmose II were toddlers at the time of his death, which suggests his untimely death before they could grow up.[20]

Consequently, the reign length of Thutmose II has been a much debated subject among Egyptologists with little consensus given the small number of surviving documents for his reign.

Argument for a long reign

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Thutmose II in front of an offering table. From the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari, Egypt. Neues Museum, Berlin
A depiction of the Tomb of Thutmose II

Thutmose's reign is still traditionally given as 13 or 14 years. Although Ineni's autobiography can be interpreted to say that Thutmose reigned only a short time, it also calls Thutmose II a "hawk in the nest", indicating that he was perhaps a child when he assumed the throne.[15] Since he lived long enough to father two children—Neferure and Thutmose III—this suggests that he may have had a longer reign of 13 years in order to reach adulthood and start a family. The German Egyptologist J. Von Beckerath uses this line of argument to support the case of a 13-year reign for Thutmose II.[21][page needed] Alan Gardiner noted that at one point a monument had been identified by Georges Daressy in 1900,[22] dated to Thutmose's 18th year, although its precise location has not been identified.[23] This inscription is now usually attributed to Hatshepsut, who certainly did have an 18th year. Von Beckerath observes that a Year 18 date appears in a fragmentary inscription of an Egyptian official and notes that the date likely refers to Hatshepsut's prenomen Maatkare, which had been altered from Aakheperenre Thutmose II, with the reference to the deceased Thutmose II being removed. There is also the curious fact that Hatshepsut celebrated her Sed Jubilee in her Year 16, which von Beckerath believes occurred 30 years after the death of Thutmose I, her father, who was the main source of her claim to power. This would create a gap of 13 to 14 years where Thutmose II's reign would fit in between Hatshepsut and Thutmose I's rule.[24] However Kara Cooney proposes Hatshepsut was celebrating 30 years of her father's dynasty (11 years for Thutmose I, 3 years for Thutmose II and 16 for Thutmose III) which would suggest short reign for her husband after all.[25]

Von Beckerath additionally stresses that Egyptologists have no conclusive criteria to statistically evaluate the reign length of Thutmose II based on the number of preserved objects from his reign.[26]

Catherine Roerig has proposed that tomb KV20, generally believed to have been commissioned by Hatshepsut, was the original tomb of Thutmose II in the Valley of the Kings.[27] If correct, this would be a major project on the part of Thutmose II, which required a construction period of several years and implies a long reign for this king. Secondly, new archaeological work by French Egyptologists at Karnak has produced evidence of a pylon and an opulent festival court of Thutmose II in front of the 4th pylon according to Luc Gabolde.[28] Meanwhile, French Egyptologists at Karnak have also uncovered blocks from a chapel and a barque sanctuary constructed by Thutmose II there.[29] Finally, Zygmunt Wysocki has proposed that the funerary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari was originally begun as Thutmose II's own mortuary temple. Thutmose III here later replaced depictions of Hatshepsut with those by Thutmose II in those parts of the temple that are proposed to have been executed by the latter king before Hatshepsut took over the temple following Thutmose II's death.[30] Thutmose II also contributed to the decoration of the temple of Khnum at Semna.[31]

A reconsideration of this new archaeological evidence would remove several arguments usually advanced in support of a short reign: namely the absence of a tomb that can be assigned to Thutmose II (prior to 2025), the absence of a funerary temple and the lack of any major works undertaken by this pharaoh.[32] Thutmose II's Karnak building projects would also imply that his reign was closer to 13 years rather than just 3 years.

Military campaigns

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Fragment of a painted relief of Thutmose II wearing the Khat while being blessed by Horus, from the Temple of Buhen.

The Nubian Rebellion

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In Year 1, the Coronation of Thutmose triggered Kush to rebel, as it had the habit of doing upon the transition of Egyptian kingship. The Nubian state had been completely subjugated by Thutmose I.[33] Rebels from Khenthennofer rose up, and the Egyptian forces retreated into a fortress built by Thutmose I.[34] On account of his relative youth at the time, Thutmose II dispatched an army into Nubia rather than leading it himself. He seems to have easily crushed this revolt with the aid of his father's military generals.[35] An account of the campaign is given by the historian Josephus who refers to it as the Ethiopic War.

Aswan Stela of Thutmose II summary: Kush started to conspire, making subjects of the Lord of the Two Lands (nb-tawy) to contemplate a revolt. Plundering took place behind the fortification lines built by Thutmose I to hold back revolts from the foreign lands of the tribesmen of Ta-Seti of Khent-hen-nefer. The chief (wr) to the north of Kush had started hostilities, together with two tribesmen of Ta-Seti who were the sons of the chief (wr) of Kush. The foreign lands were divided into five parts.

The Shashu Rebellion

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In the Sinai, Thutmose II seems to have fought against the Shasu Bedouin in a campaign mentioned by Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet.[23] This campaign has been called a minor raid by some scholars[citation needed].

There is a fragment recorded by Kurt Sethe that records a campaign in Upper Retenu, or Syria, which appears to have reached as far as a place called Niy where Thutmose I hunted elephants after returning from crossing the Euphrates.[36] This quite possibly indicates that the raid against the Shasu was only fought en route to Syria.[36]

Attestations

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Red granite fragment bearing the cartouche of Thutmose II. Probably from a throne of a seated statue. From Thutmose III Temple at Koptos, Egypt. 18th Dynasty

There are relatively few monuments that refer to Thutmose II. One reason is that his wife and successor, Hatsheput, placed her name on monuments begun by Thutmose II.[citation needed] Another problem is that Thutmose III later reassigned monuments to Thutmose II.[citation needed]

Aswan Stela

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At Aswan, the "Aswan Stela" is dated to Year 1, II Akhet 8 of Thutmose II.[37] The monument is the highest dated attestation of the king. It records a rebellion in Upper Nubia.[38]

Karnak, Gateway

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At Karnak, Thutmose II started the construction of a limestone gateway in the forecourt in front of the Fourth Pylon at the Temple. The monument was not completed until Thutmose III.[17] Under Amenhotep III, the gateway was dismantled and its building blocks became part of the foundation of the Third Pylon.[8]

Deir el-Bahari, Stone Chest

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Archaeologists from Warsaw University's Institute of Archaeology led by Andrzej Niwiński have discovered a treasure chest and a wooden box dated 3,500 years back in the Egyptian site of Deir el-Bahari in March 2020.[39] The stone chest consisted of several items and all of them covered with linen canvas. Three bundles of flax were found during the excavation. A goose skeleton was found inside one of them, sacrificed for religious purposes. The second one included goose eggs. It is believed that what the third bundle contained was an ibis egg which had a symbolic meaning for the ancient Egyptians. In addition, a little wooden trinket box was discovered inside the bundle, believed to contain the name Pharaoh Thutmose II. According to the Andrzej Niwiński, "The chest itself is about 40 cm long, with a slight smaller height. It was perfectly camouflaged, looked like an ordinary stone block. Only after a closer look did it turn out to be a chest."[39]

Death

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Burial

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Sarcophagus of Thutmose II

Until 2025, a variety of locations had been proposed for the location of Thutmose II's tomb. It was speculated that it may have originally been KV42, but the lack of royal funerary equipment suggests the tomb was never used for burial.[40] In 2020, a team led by Polish archeologist Andrzej Niwiński proposed a location near the Temple of Thutmose III and Temple of Hatshepsut due to the discovery of a chest bearing Thutmose's cartouche.[41]

In 2022, a joint Egyptian-British team led by the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities and the University of Cambridge's McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research uncovered a new tomb in the Western Wadis, near the Valley of the Kings.[42][43] The tomb, designated Wadi C-4, was likened by the excavators to KV5 due to both tombs being filled with rubble and debris from flash floods, and was believed to have been dedicated during the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III.[42] While the king's tomb was discovered in 2022, the king's purported remains were found in the Royal Cache of Mummies at Deir el-Bahari (Theban Necropolis) in 1881.

In 2025, Egyptian Egyptologists from the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities announced that the tomb Wadi C-4 was the tomb of Thutmose II.[44] The tomb showed many features typical for a king's burial, such as a blue-painted ceiling with yellow stars, the remains of an Amduat depicted on the walls and inscribed vessels bearing the king's name and Hatshesput's name as his great wife.[45] Additionally, fragments of alabaster jars with the names of Thutmose II and Hatshepsut were found in the tomb which helped confirm ownership.[46] The tomb is the first royal tomb discovered in the Valley of the Kings area since the Tomb of Tutankhamun in 1922.[47] The tomb was built under waterfalls, leading to periodic flash flooding which damaged the tomb throughout the ages.[46] According to the Mohamed Abdel Badi, head of the Egyptian Antiquities Sector: "The tomb is situated in a poorly-chosen place beneath two waterfalls and at the bottom of a slope down which water would have (and did) pour in the much wetter weather of the 18th dynasty."[48] Some time after his initial burial, Thutmose II's body was moved to the Deir el-Bahari Cache, where his mummy was uncovered in the 19th century.[46]

Mummy

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The mummified head of Thutmose II

Thutmose II's mummy was discovered in the Deir el-Bahari cache, revealed in 1881. He was interred along with other 18th and 19th dynasty leaders including Ahmose I, Amenhotep I, Thutmose I, Thutmose III, Ramesses I, Seti I, Ramesses II, and Ramesses IX. It included a label that indicated it had been re-wrapped in the Twenty-first Dynasty.[49]

The mummy was unwrapped by Gaston Maspero on 1 July 1886. There is a strong familial resemblance to the mummy of Thutmose I, his likely father, as the mummy's face and shape of the head are very similar. The body of Thutmose II suffered greatly at the hands of ancient tomb robbers, with his left arm broken off at the shoulder-joint, the forearm separated at the elbow joint, and his right arm chopped off below the elbow. His anterior abdominal wall and much of his chest had been hacked at, possibly by an axe. In addition, his right leg had been severed from his body.[50] All of these injuries were sustained post-mortem, though the body also showed signs that Thutmose II did not have an easy life, as the following quote by Gaston Maspero attests:

He had scarcely reached the age of thirty when he fell a victim to a disease of which the process of embalming could not remove the traces. The skin is scabrous in patches, and covered with scars, while the upper part of the skull is bald; the body is thin and somewhat shrunken, and appears to have lacked vigour and muscular power.[51]

James Harris and Fawzia Hussien (1991) conducted an X-ray survey on New Kingdom royal mummies and examined the mummified remains of Thutmose II. The results of the study determined that the mummy of Thutmose II had a craniofacial trait measurement that was common among Nubian populations.[52]

His mummy has the inventory number CG 61066.[49] In April 2021, his mummy was moved from the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities to the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization along with those of 17 other kings and 4 queens in an event termed the Pharaohs' Golden Parade.[53] The identity of the mummy has been questioned in recent times.[49] Piers Litherland who helped discover Thutmose II's tomb in February 2025 notes that Thutmose II's mummy, from the Royal Cache "has been repeatedly [been] given an age at death of 30, was labelled “Aa-en-re”. Since the only king with an “en” in his name is Thutmose II, whose regnal name was "Aa-kheper-en-re”, Litherland says this mummy was identified as being Thutmose II."[54] The re-wrapping label appears to identify him as Thutmose II but it may have been modified from that of Thutmose I.[49]

But as Litherland notes:

“This is the only basis for identifying the mummy as Thutmose II. It is known that several of the mummies were mislabelled so this evidence is pretty shaky. It is only the fact that it has been repeated over and over again which has given it any weight....If his body has been found why, unlike many other kings of the New Kingdom, have his funerary goods, or fragments of his burial equipment, never been found?”[55]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Thutmose II was the fourth of Egypt's Eighteenth Dynasty, reigning approximately from 1493 to 1479 BCE as successor to his father . Born to and a secondary consort named Mutneferet, he strengthened his legitimacy by marrying his half-sister , daughter of 's principal wife Ahmose. During his rule, Thutmose II dispatched forces to quell a Nubian revolt, extending Egyptian control southward, and conducted punitive raids against nomads in the Sinai and southern Levant to secure trade routes and borders. These campaigns, while successful in preserving imperial stability, yielded limited monumental records, with his reign's documentation overshadowed by the subsequent prominence of as for his young son and successor, . Scholarly analysis of contemporary inscriptions suggests his effective rule may have been shorter than traditional chronologies indicate, possibly limited to a few years before his death in his early thirties.

Family and Early Life

Parentage and Succession

Thutmose II was the son of Pharaoh and his secondary consort Mutneferet, a non-principal wife likely of noble but not fully royal descent. This filiation is confirmed by royal inscriptions from his reign, including dedicatory texts at the temple complex that explicitly name Mutneferet as his mother, distinguishing her from Thutmose I's chief queen Ahmose. Such attestations served to establish his direct lineage within the Eighteenth Dynasty, countering any ambiguity arising from his mother's secondary status. Upon Thutmose I's death circa 1493 BC, Thutmose II ascended as the legitimate heir, having outlived his elder brothers Amenmose and Wadjmose, who predeceased their father without issue. Egyptian dynastic norms prioritized male for pharaonic succession, ensuring continuity through the paternal line rather than female relatives, such as Thutmose I's daughter Ahmose or other princesses born to Ahmose. This adherence is evidenced by the absence of rival claims in contemporary stelae and the seamless transition reflected in administrative scarabs dated to early years of Thutmose II's sole rule. To bolster his royal purity amid questions of maternal lineage, Thutmose II married his half-sister , the fully royal daughter of and Ahmose, thereby aligning his rule with the purest bloodline and preempting challenges to dynastic legitimacy. While some scarabs and stelae show overlapping regnal dating patterns suggestive of a brief co-regency overlap with around 1506–1493 BC, the preponderance of evidence supports direct succession without formal joint rule.

Marriage and Offspring

Thutmose II's primary marriage was to his half-sister , the daughter of and his principal wife Ahmose, a union arranged to reinforce the purity of the royal bloodline amid the Eighteenth Dynasty's tradition of sibling marriages among pharaohs. This marriage is attested in temple reliefs and inscriptions where Hatshepsut is depicted and titled as , underscoring her elevated status despite Thutmose II's origins from a secondary union. The couple produced at least one verified offspring, a daughter named , whose existence is confirmed through dedicatory inscriptions and statues portraying her in royal contexts, such as alongside her parents in temple scenes. Thutmose II also had a secondary consort, Iset (sometimes titled as a lesser wife or member), who bore his sole known male heir, ; Iset's role and maternity are evidenced by her posthumous titles and references in Thutmose III's era inscriptions linking her to the succession. These heirs contributed to dynastic continuity, with the male successor ensuring the throne's transmission despite the limited progeny from the principal marriage.

Reign

Chronological Debates

The chronology of Thutmose II's reign has been contested in Egyptological , with the primary divide between a brief tenure of approximately 3–4 years (ca. 1479–1476 BC) and a longer period of 13–14 years (ca. 1493–1479 BC). The short reign draws on the scarcity of securely dated contemporary monuments, where the highest attested regnal dates are limited to Year 1 or possibly Year 2, such as an inscription referencing II Akhet in Year 1. This paucity aligns with the rarity of artifacts like scarabs bearing his names, which are far less common than those of contemporaries, suggesting limited time for production and distribution under his rule. Supporting the short duration, Hatshepsut's premature in her 16 has been interpreted as commemorating roughly 30 years of dynastic continuity from I's accession, incorporating an abbreviated reign for II of about 3 years alongside I's 11–12 years and her own initial years as or co-ruler. This reading implies minimal overlap between II's death and Hatshepsut's consolidation of power, consistent with III's youth at succession and the absence of extended co-regency markers in surviving inscriptions. Recent analyses reinforce this view, estimating II's effective rule at 13–22 months based on succession patterns and the lack of mid- or high-year administrative records. Advocates for the longer reign cite traditional reconstructions derived from broader Eighteenth Dynasty timelines and sporadic attestations potentially extending to , including scarabs and wine jar dockets that some attribute to his administration, though these remain unverified or contested due to possible posthumous reuse or misattribution. Such is often indirect, relying on assumptions of administrative continuity rather than explicit dated inscriptions, and has been challenged by the empirical shortfall in primary materials compared to pharaohs with comparable purported tenures. Key empirical hurdles persist across both positions, including Hatshepsut's selective erasures and appropriations of earlier monuments, which complicate attribution but do not fully explain the underrepresentation of Thutmose II's own dated outputs relative to narrative expectations of a substantive rule. Inscriptional primacy over speculative alignments, such as debated astronomical data or Manethonian fragments, favors the shorter model, as causal factors like health decline (evident in indicators, though not datable here) and rapid dynastic transition better account for the evidentiary gap than assuming widespread suppression.

Administrative Policies

Thutmose II dispatched mining expeditions to the , where inscriptions at Maghara record the extraction of and under his authority, contributing to sustained resource inflows that bolstered Egypt's economy. Similar operations extended into , where administrative oversight ensured the procurement of from regional deposits, as indicated by contemporary records of resource yields following pacification efforts. These expeditions, documented through quarry marks and official dispatches, reflect a policy of exploiting peripheral territories for raw materials essential to metallurgical and activities, rather than relying solely on internal production. Infrastructure maintenance focused on the eastern , particularly the "Ways of " route, where a fortress at Tell Habua bears a depicting Thutmose II, evidencing royal investment in border defenses and trade corridors linking to Levantine exchanges. This network, originating from the Tjaru stronghold, facilitated the secure movement of goods and personnel, underscoring a approach that prioritized logistical continuity over expansion. Boundary markers and fortification repairs, as attested in such sites, supported by safeguarding against disruptions in overland . Fiscal measures emphasized temple endowments, with donation lists at recording allocations of land and to institutions like the cult, derived from empirical tallies of yields rather than pharaonic hyperbole. These grants, verified through archival inventories, aimed to institutionalize revenue streams from and , fostering long-term administrative resilience amid a marked by constraints on the king. Such policies, grounded in quantifiable assets, sustained elite loyalty and cultic operations without evident inflationary pressures.

Building and Domestic Achievements

Thutmose II contributed to the expansion of the Temple Complex, most notably through the construction of a pylon and associated festival court located to the west of the fourth pylon. This structure facilitated ritual processions and underscored the pharaoh's devotion to , aligning with New Kingdom practices of enhancing sacred spaces to legitimize rule. Archaeological evidence, including reused blocks and architectural models, confirms these additions as part of his domestic building program, though much was later dismantled or incorporated into subsequent constructions. Fragmentary remains indicate further temple activity near on the , where traces of a structure attributed to Thutmose II have been identified just north of the later Ramesside complex. These findings suggest modest restorative or foundational efforts in the , potentially aimed at maintaining cult sites amid administrative priorities. Unlike the expansive projects of his predecessors and successors, Thutmose II's efforts appear limited, reflecting a reign focused on consolidation rather than monumental innovation, with evidence derived primarily from scattered blocks and inscriptions rather than intact edifices. Domestic infrastructure under Thutmose II emphasized continuity in resource extraction, though specific attributions remain sparse; general Pharaonic-era quarrying ramps at , preserved from New Kingdom contexts, supported granite procurement for Theban projects like those at . Such facilities enhanced administrative efficiency by streamlining material transport via the , enabling the pharaoh's contributions without evidence of novel designs unique to his rule. Overall, these achievements laid groundwork later amplified by and , prioritizing stability over grandeur.

Military Campaigns

Nubian Operations

In his first , on the eighth day of the second month of the inundation season, Thutmose II responded to a reported in Kush, where Nubian groups plotted incursions into Egyptian-held territories to seize cattle and challenge control. An inscription detailing these events describes the dispatch of a substantial Egyptian army to , the southern frontier region, which decisively overthrew the rebels through direct confrontation. The operation emphasized rapid suppression, with most insurgents killed to eliminate immediate threats, while selectively sparing and capturing one child of a Kushite ruler to serve as a , thereby deterring future revolts via familial leverage and demonstrated Egyptian dominance. The campaign's outcome reimposed subjugation on the affected Nubian lands, with surviving captives transported back to for presentation before the , accompanied by public celebrations of the victory. Evidence from the inscription indicates the action targeted areas between the Third and Fourth Cataracts, focusing on punitive measures to restore order rather than territorial expansion, as the primary inscriptions prioritize the causal efficacy of overwhelming force and psychological deterrence over prolonged occupation. This approach aligned with New Kingdom strategies for managing peripheral threats, extracting compliance through fear of annihilation and conditional mercy, without reliance on naval elements or early forces, which were not yet central to such operations.

Shasu and Levantine Engagements

Thutmose II launched a against the , nomadic pastoralists inhabiting the and likely extending into the region, to secure Egypt's eastern desert frontiers from raids that threatened trade routes and mining operations. The campaign is attested in the of Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet, a long-serving Egyptian official who participated, recording the capture of numerous living Shasu prisoners without enumeration, indicating a focus on suppression rather than extensive conquest. This military action reflects pragmatic defensive expansion, prioritizing control over arid borderlands where nomadic mobility posed logistical challenges, such as securing water sources and rapid strikes against dispersed tribes. Evidence for tribute extraction or executions stems primarily from the prisoners' fate in Egyptian custody, though specific depictions of processions or killings in reliefs are not directly preserved for this reign; such motifs appear in later New Kingdom representations of similar frontier conflicts. The operation's success is inferred from the absence of subsequent threats during Thutmose II's lifetime, underscoring adaptive tactics suited to , including pursuits and exploitation of seasonal migrations for ambushes. Levantine engagements remain sparsely documented, with a fragmentary inscription noted by Egyptologist Kurt Sethe describing a foray into Upper Retenu (Syria-Palestine), potentially reaching Niy near the , possibly as an extension of the campaign or a separate raid to reaffirm Egyptian influence. However, no detailed , stelae, or foreign corroboration exist, limiting interpretations to Egyptian alone; debates persist on whether this constituted a full incursion or mere border patrol, as or Canaanite sources from the period yield no references to Thutmose II. The enterprise highlights logistical realism in projecting power northward, relying on coastal routes for supply amid potential alliances or unrest in Retenu principalities, but without transformative conquests like those under his predecessors or successor.

Monuments and Evidence

Primary Inscriptions and Stelae

The Aswan Stela, erected along the road between and Philae, dates to the initial phase of Thutmose II's reign and narrates the suppression of Nubian rebellions through intervention. It describes the pharaoh's response to disobedience by local chiefs, involving the deployment of forces that resulted in their defeat and the execution of adult males, while sparing children as a strategic measure to prevent future uprisings. The text invokes divine endorsement from , framing the campaign as a restoration of order under pharaonic authority, though independent archaeological confirmation of the rebellion's scale is scarce, suggesting possible propagandistic amplification of routine pacification efforts. At , the limestone gateway attributed to Thutmose II features raised reliefs depicting the king in victory poses over subdued foes, accompanied by hieroglyphic inscriptions that proclaim the reestablishment of Ma'at—the principle of cosmic and social harmony—following disruptions by rebels. These monuments assert pharaonic triumphs in maintaining Egypt's frontiers, yet the absence of detailed contemporary records or foreign attestations limits verification, aligning with the era's convention of idealized royal narratives over empirical detail. The chest, a small wooden inscribed with II's cartouches and the sema-tawy unification symbol, contains hieroglyphic texts invoking perpetual offerings for the king's ka, linking directly to preparatory funerary rituals. Unlike nearby monuments later modified under , this artifact preserves unaltered Eighteenth Dynasty phrasing, providing unembellished evidence of royal mortuary provisioning without subsequent regnal overlays.

Recent Tomb Discovery

In February 2025, a joint Egyptian-British archaeological mission announced the discovery of a attributed to Thutmose II in the Gabbanat el-Qurud area of the Western Wadis, west of , marking the first identification of a new royal tomb from the 18th Dynasty in over a century. The expedition, led by British archaeologist Piers Litherland under the auspices of the New Kingdom Research Foundation, uncovered the site during surveys initiated years earlier, with the Egyptian Ministry of and confirming the attribution based on preliminary excavations. The tomb exhibits architectural features reminiscent of those in the Valley of the Kings (KV), including a descending corridor and chamber, but its location outside the traditional royal necropolis challenges prior assumptions of exclusivity for high-status burials. Key artifacts, such as alabaster jars inscribed with Thutmose II's cartouche and titles, provide direct epigraphic evidence linking the structure to his reign circa 1493–1479 BCE. The sarcophagus chamber was found empty, with traces of ancient flooding from seasonal wadi runoff and signs of post-interment looting, including scattered debris and breached seals, accounting for the absence of the mummy and major grave goods now presumed relocated during later cache operations. These findings prompt reevaluation of burial site selection for mid-18th Dynasty rulers, particularly those with abbreviated reigns like Thutmose II's estimated 13–14 years, suggesting pragmatic choices for peripheral locations over the more labor-intensive to expedite entombment amid political transitions. Empirical data from the site's and structural integrity indicate vulnerability to environmental degradation, contrasting with the engineered protections of KV tombs and underscoring causal factors in the uneven preservation of New Kingdom royal burials. Ongoing excavations as of mid- aim to clarify decoration remnants and potential secondary chambers, with non-invasive geophysical surveys supporting the interpretation of deliberate non-Valley placement over speculative royal relocation theories.

Death and Post-Mortem

Mummy Analysis

The mummy conventionally attributed to Thutmose II was recovered in 1881 from the Deir el-Bahri royal cache (tomb DB320) near the Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, a communal hiding place for royal remains relocated by High Priest Pinedjem II around 1069–945 BCE to safeguard them from desecration. This cache contained over 40 mummies, including those of other 18th Dynasty pharaohs, and the specimen bears a 21st Dynasty hieratic inscription on its wrappings identifying it as Thutmose II, restored during that era. It resides in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (catalogue number CG 61070), measuring approximately 1.67 meters in length and exhibiting a slender, athletic physique consistent with an adult male in his early thirties at death, as determined by radiographic assessment of skeletal maturity. Forensic imaging, including X-rays, reveals partial baldness with sparse hair remnants and scabrous skin patches across the torso and limbs, likely artifacts of the resins and rather than antemortem dermatological disease, as no underlying infectious or inflammatory markers are evident in the preserved tissues. Multidetector CT scans confirm the absence of brain excerebration—a deviation from later New Kingdom norms but aligned with early 18th Dynasty techniques seen in contemporaries like and III—indicating evisceration was limited to abdominal organs without cranial intervention, possibly reflecting resource constraints or traditional protocols at the time of initial mummification. No vascular calcifications suggestive of , fractures, or penetrating wounds appear in the scans, leaving the indeterminate amid post-mortem degradation from flooding and looting. Identification hinges on the restoration docket rather than intrinsic osteological or dental traits uniquely matching Thutmose II's era, with no dedicated genetic sequencing to date confirming kinship to verified 18th Dynasty profiles like those of or . Pathological analyses yield no conclusive evidence of systemic illness, trauma, or congenital defects, though the mummy's at death (circa 30–35 years) aligns with historical estimates of a reign ending prematurely around 1479 BCE. Recent 2025 excavations of a provisionally linked to Thutmose II have fueled scholarly debate over the cache mummy's authenticity, citing mismatches in expected accoutrements and prompting calls for renewed forensic scrutiny, including potential to resolve attribution uncertainties inherent to reused royal sarcophagi.

Burial Practices and Relocation

Thutmose II was interred according to standard New Kingdom royal funerary customs, which emphasized mummification, placement in a equipped with sarcophagi, canopic jars for viscera, and to ensure sustenance in the . His , discovered in February 2025 by an Egyptian-British mission in the Western Wadis region west of —approximately 1.5 miles from the Valley of the Kings and designated as tomb C4—features corridors leading to multiple chambers, consistent with 18th Dynasty architectural norms for pharaonic burials outside the main royal to mitigate visibility and access by tomb robbers. Excavations yielded fragments of alabaster vessels and canopic jars inscribed with the king's name and titles, alongside references to his , evidencing ritual preservation of organs and offerings typical of the era's practices aimed at physical and spiritual continuity. These elements underscore a causal wherein elaborate designs, while symbolically potent, inadvertently heightened risks through concentrated wealth in unstable post-reign periods marked by weakened central authority. Following ancient tomb robberies, likely occurring during the late New Kingdom or early Third Intermediate Period amid economic decline and decentralized power, Thutmose II's was relocated by 21st Dynasty priests to safeguard it from further desecration, a pragmatic response to recurrent vulnerabilities in sites exposed by proximity to population centers and inadequate sealing. Records and mummy wrappings indicate an initial transfer to , the tomb of repurposed as a temporary cache around 1080 BCE, before consolidation into the Deir el-Bahri cache (DB320) near the temple complex, where it was rediscovered intact in during systematic clearance. This sequential hiding reflects empirical adaptations to looting cycles, as evidenced by papyri documenting judicial inquiries into violations during Ramesside times, prioritizing mummy integrity over original tomb integrity despite incomplete artifact recovery. Dispersal of burial artifacts further illustrates the disruptive continuity of these practices, with items like a stone chest inscribed with Thutmose II's —containing remains of a sacrificial for purposes—unearthed in 2020 at , suggesting post-burial fragmentation and reuse or discard during relocations or secondary looting episodes. Such findings, corroborated by the 2025 tomb's sparse remaining , highlight how funerary ensembles were vulnerable to piecemeal extraction, driven by value and in eras of scarcity, rather than systematic preservation.

Succession and Historical Assessment

Transition to Coregency

Upon the death of Thutmose II circa 1479 BCE, , as his principal wife and the daughter of , became for her stepson , the son of Thutmose II by a secondary wife named , who ascended as a child of approximately two years old. This transitioned into a , with Hatshepsut assuming pharaonic titles and regalia by around the seventh year of Thutmose III's reign (circa 1472 BCE), positioning herself as the senior ruler while Thutmose III remained the junior partner; monumental records bearing her pharaonic nomenclature alongside Thutmose III's appear from as early as year 2 and continue through year 22 of his regnal count. To consolidate her authority, engaged in selective usurpation of 's monuments, recarving royal cartouches and dedicatory inscriptions to insert her own names and titles, thereby claiming continuity with the established Thutmosid lineage while marginalizing direct references to her predecessor and stepson. This targeted defacement, evident in temple reliefs and stelae where 's identity was overwritten but not all instances were altered, reflects dynastic maneuvering to legitimize rule through appropriation of male precedent rather than invention of new paradigms or egalitarian reforms; untouched monuments of survived at rates suggesting deliberate preservation of paternal legitimacy to avoid broader instability. Political stability during this period was maintained through shared depicting and together in ritual and royal contexts, as seen in temple carvings where both figures receive offerings and divine sanction, ensuring visual reinforcement of joint rule without fully eclipsing the young king's position. Such representations, grounded in the survival of dual-dated inscriptions, indicate pragmatic power-sharing to avert factional challenges, with Hatshepsut's dominance yielding to 's sole rule after approximately two decades.

Long-Term Impact and Interpretations

Thutmose II played a pivotal role in stabilizing after the expulsion, bridging the foundational expansions of to the imperial zenith under by securing Nubian resources and Levantine buffers. His suppression of Nubian revolts ensured uninterrupted gold inflows critical for New Kingdom prosperity, while punitive forays into and Sinai against nomads preempted threats, creating logistical precedents for 's Syrian campaigns. These operations, documented in royal inscriptions, fortified borders and military infrastructure, enabling the dynasty's shift from defensive recovery to proactive without which 's 17 campaigns would lack viable staging grounds. Early 20th-century dismissed Thutmose II as ineffectual due to perceived brevity and evidential gaps, but recent recognizes his under-attested in regime consolidation, with the February 2025 tomb discovery in Luxor's Western Wadis—yielding inscribed jars naming him "deceased of "—prompting reassessment of his preparatory legacy over narratives of weakness. This find, the first intact pharaonic tomb since Tutankhamun's, underscores prior underdocumentation rather than inaction, aligning with stelae evidencing autonomous command structures he bequeathed. Interpretations overstating Hatshepsut's agency often derive from selective emphasis on her monuments, yet co-regnal records and 's independent Nubian stela attribute victories to his viziers and forces, establishing tactical norms amplified rather than invented. Such evidence counters diminution tropes by highlighting causal continuity: his frontier pacification generated tribute and troop experience essential for empire-scale operations, with historiographical pivots now favoring primary military texts over anachronistic gender-focused lenses that inflate co-ruler influence at his expense.

References

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