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Seth-Peribsen
Seth-Peribsen
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Seth-Peribsen (also known as Ash-Peribsen, Peribsen and Perabsen) is the serekh name of an early Egyptian monarch (pharaoh), who ruled during the Second Dynasty of Egypt (c. 2890 – c. 2686 BC).[1] His chronological position within this dynasty is unknown and it is disputed who ruled both before and after him. The duration of his reign is also unknown.[2]

Key Information

Peribsen's name is unusual, in that Set, not Horus, was his patron deity. This goes against the Egyptian tradition of a king choosing the falcon-shaped deity Horus as his royal patron.

Peribsen's tomb was discovered in 1898 at Abydos. It was well preserved and showed traces of restoration undertaken during later dynastic periods.[3]

Attestations

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Contemporaneous sources

[edit]
Granodiorite tomb stela of Peribsen, now on display at the British Museum[4]

The serekh for Peribsen was found pressed in earthen jar seals made of clay and mud and in inscriptions on alabaster, sandstone, porphyry and black schist vessels. These seals and vessels were excavated from Peribsen's tomb and at an excavation site in Elephantine. One clay seal with Peribsen's name was found inside the mastaba tomb K1 at Beit Khallaf.[5][6][7]

Two large tomb stelae made of granite were found at his burial site. Their shape is unusual and they appear unfinished and rough. Egyptologists suspect that this was done deliberately, but the reasons are unknown.[8][9] A cylinder seal of unknown provenance shows Peribsen's name inside a cartouche and gives the epithet Merj-netjeru ("beloved of the gods"). This arrangement leads Egyptologists and archaeologists to the conclusion that the seal must have been created later, in memoriam, because the use of royal cartouches began long after Peribsen's reign. Another seal of the same material shows Peribsen's name without a cartouche, but with the royal title Nisut-Bity ("king of Upper- and Lower Egypt") instead.[10][11]

Historical sources

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Existing skeptical views about Peribsen's existence are based on New Kingdom Ramesside king lists, such as the Abydos King List, the Saqqara King List and the Royal Canon of Turin, which all omit Peribsen's name. These, however, are known to have been created nearly 1,500 years after his death[12] and several Fourth Dynasty tombs of priests performing the funerary cult for Peribsen have been uncovered. These tombs report Peribsen's name correctly and their existence demonstrates that Peribsen was seen as a legitimate pharaoh, not subject to damnatio memoriae as Akhenaten later would be. Historians and Egyptologists therefore consider the possibility that Peribsen's name was actually forgotten over time or that his name was preserved in a distorted, misspelled form.[13]

Name

[edit]

Peribsen's royal name is a subject of curiosity for Egyptologists because it is connected to the deity Seth rather than Horus, as was traditional for the name of a pharaoh. Traditionally, the Horus name of the king was written within a serekh: the image of the facade of the royal palace beneath a falcon representing the god Horus (see Egyptian hieroglyphs). Instead, Peribsen chose to have the Set animal, representing Seth, on his serekh. Although Peribsen is the only known pharaoh to have the Set animal preside alone over his serekh, he is not the only king to associate himself with Seth. Examples include the 13th Dynasty pharaoh Seth Meribre,[14] the 19th Dynasty rulers Seti I and Seti II and the 20th Dynasty king Setnakhte.[15][16]

The debate continues over why Peribsen chose this name. Earlier theories favoured the idea that Egypt was split into two realms during Peribsen's time or that he was a heretic who sought to start a new monotheistic religion with Seth as the only worshipped god.[12] However, newer evidence and evaluations tend to show that the Egyptian kingdom was unified, but witnessed a vast and profound reform during the Second Dynasty. Seal impressions from tombs of this era reveal great changes in the titles held by high officials, pointing to a reduction of their power. Further seal impressions show that several deities were worshipped under Peribsen, refuting the monotheism theory. Other contemporary inscriptions indicate that Egyptian grammar was perfected during his time: In particular, the earliest seal impressions with complete sentences date back to Peribsen's reign. Thus, Peribsen's reign was in fact a time of cultural and religious advancement.[17][18]

Peribsen's choice of patron, and his rule during the shadowy period of the mid-Second Dynasty, have led Egyptologists and historians to search for possible explanations for both his name and the troubled times he lived in. The following sections discuss some of the theories that they have put forth.

Religious theories uniting Peribsen with Seth

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Inscription from a porphyry-vase displaying the serekh of Peribsen; note the Seth-animal with a sun-disk above.[19]

Older theories

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A theory that was popular until the mid-20th century, supported by Egyptologists Percy Newberry, Jaroslav Černý,[20] Walter Bryan Emery[21] and Bernhard Grdseloff [fr][12] held that Peribsen was a heretic who sought to introduce a new, monotheistic state religion to Egypt, with Seth as the only worshipped god. Peribsen's actions were thought to be similar to those of the much later 18th Dynasty pharaoh Akhenaten, who had required Egyptians to serve only the Aten. Newberry proposed that the priests of Horus and Seth fought each other "in the manner of a War of the Roses" during the second half of the Second Dynasty.[22]

The "heretic Peribsen" theory was based on three observations: that the name "Peribsen" was excluded from later king lists (or perhaps substituted with the Ramesside name "Senedj"), that the king's tomb had been destroyed and plundered during antiquity and, finally, that the tomb stelae of Peribsen, that once displayed the Set animal, were badly scratched with the clear intention of effacing the Seth image. Egyptologists hypothesized these were the actions of religious opponents to the Sethian priest-caste.[20][22] Lauer and Firth relied on the "heretic Peribsen" theory to explain the enormous quantity of stone vessels inscribed with the name of First and Second Dynasty kings found beneath Djoser's pyramid in bags bearing seals of Khasekhemwy and Djoser. They proposed that Peribsen had plundered the tombs of his predecessors, followers of Horus, and scattered their funerary equipment. These vessels were gathered in the royal treasury during Khasekhemwy's reign following his reunification of Egypt, and finally put beneath the Step Pyramid by Djoser, in an act of pious devotion.[23]

Contemporary theories

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Today this theory, as well as Lauer and Firth's conclusions, is widely questioned. Archaeological evidence of Peribsen has been found almost entirely in Upper Egypt. In particular, his name does not appear in Lower Egyptian records surviving from that time. It is argued that Peribsen may not have ruled over all of Egypt and therefore did not have the authority to force a change in state religion. Another piece of evidence that argues against the "heretic Peribsen" theory is the false door of the priest Shery at Saqqara. Shery held office during the early Fourth Dynasty. The inscription on the false door connects the name of Peribsen in one sentence with another shadowy king of the Second Dynasty, Senedj. According to the addendum, Shery was "overseer of all wab-priests of king Peribsen in the necropolis of king Senedj, in his mortuary temple and at all other places". This implies that the funerary cult of Peribsen continued at least until the Fourth Dynasty, inconsistent with the assumption that Peribsen's name was not allowed to be mentioned. Additionally, Egyptologists such as Herman te Velde [de] point out that Shery was not the only Fourth Dynasty priest participating in the funerary cult of Peribsen. Inkef, possibly a brother or cousin of Shery, also held the title of a "supervisor of Ka-priests of Peribsen".[17]

Seal impressions found in Peribsen's tomb at Abydos show several deities: Ash, Min and Bastet, suggesting they were venerated during Peribsen's time on the throne. This finding argues against Peribsen worshipping a single god, or promoting monotheism.[24][25][26] The heretic theory of Newberry, Černý, Grdseloff and others was devised from the very limited archaeological information available during their lifetimes. Most of the clay seal impressions found were still undeciphered and untranslated in their time.[27]

Vessel from the tomb of king Peribsen, Ashmolean Museum.

In the opinion of Sainte Fare Garnot (1956) and te Velde (1956), the name of "Peribsen" accords religious meaning, even before association with a deity. The name "Peribsen" literally means "He who comes forth by their will" or "His heart and will comes forth for them."[citation needed][clarification needed] The Egyptian syllable sn means "them, their, those", revealing a clear plural writing. Te Velde and Garnot are convinced that Peribsen used the heraldic Seth animal as a serekh patron, but also linked his name to Horus. If true, it would prove that Peribsen worshipped Horus and Seth on an equal footing during his lifetime.[17][28] An ostentatious plural meaning with religious ambiguity was not uncommon for pharaohs' names in the early Egyptian dynasties. Peribsen may have been perceived as a living incarnation of both Horus and Seth in equal measure, just like his predecessors on the throne. Therefore, Peribsen's name may actually show no break in the sacred tradition; he added the power of Seth to Horus. As further examples, the titles of early dynastic queens used plural patron deities, such as "she who is allowed to see Horus and Seth" and "she who carries Horus and Seth".[17][28] Similarly, the unusual serekh of king Khasekhemwy, the last ruler of the Second Dynasty, shows the deities Horus and Seth together atop the serekh. Horus wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt and Seth wears the Red Crown of Lower Egypt. The two gods are depicted facing each other in a kissing gesture. This special name was meant to illustrate the dual incarnation of the king as the representative of Horus and Seth, with power over all Egypt. Khasekhemwy's name can be interpreted as an advanced form of Peribsen's serekh name.[17][28]

Egyptologists Ludwig David Morenz and Wolfgang Helck[29] remark that the targeted gouging of Seth-animals did not occur until the New Kingdom of Egypt. The erasure of the Seth chimera on Peribsen's tomb stelae had been attributed to activity shortly after his death under the "heretic" theory; new discoveries suggested the defamation occurred centuries later.[30] Historian Dietrich Wildung states that the necropolis of Abydos was not the only one plundered in antiquity: the tombs at Saqqara and Giza were also ransacked. Thus, he concludes that any targeted action against one particular pharaoh can be excluded.[31]

Political theories

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The earlier theories of Newberry, Černý and Grdseloff[12] said that the Egyptian state under Peribsen suffered from several civil wars, either economic or political in origin. If he was held responsible for the putative misery in the past, this could explain why later king lists excluded Peribsen.[20][22]

In contrast, more recent theories now hold that, if the Egyptian kingdom was divided, the division happened peacefully. Egyptologists such as Michael Rice,[32] Francesco Tiradritti[33] and Wolfgang Helck point to the once palatial and well preserved mastaba tombs at Saqqara and Abydos belonging to high officials such as Ruaben [de] and Nefer-Setekh. These are all dated from the reign of Nynetjer to that of Khasekhemwy, the last ruler of the Second Dynasty. Egyptologists consider the archaeological record of the mastabas' condition and the original architecture as proof that the statewide mortuary cults for kings and noblemen operated successfully during the entire dynasty. If true, their preservation is inconsistent with the theory of civil wars and economic problems during Peribsen's reign. Rice, Tiradritti and Helck think that Nynetjer decided to leave a divided realm because of private or political reasons and that the split was a formality sustained by Second Dynasty kings.[32][33][34]

The origin of the political division is unknown. It might have happened at the beginning of Peribsen's rule or shortly before. Because Peribsen chose the deity Seth as his new throne patron, Egyptologists are of the view that Peribsen was a chieftain from Thinis or a prince of the Thinite royal house. This theory is based on Seth being a deity of Thinite origin, which would explain Peribsen's choice: his name changing may have been nothing more than smart political (and religious) propaganda.[34][35] Peribsen is thought to have gained the Thinite throne and ruled only Upper Egypt, whilst other rulers held the Memphite throne and ruled Lower Egypt.[27]

Identity

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Seal impression of king Sekhemib from Abydos
Seal impression of Peribsen

Egyptologists Walter Bryan Emery, Kathryn A. Bard and Flinders Petrie believe that Peribsen was also known as Sekhemib-Perenmaat, another Second Dynasty ruler that had connected his name with the falcon god Horus. As evidence, clay seals of Sekhemib found in the entrance of Peribsen's tomb support this hypothesis. Sekhemib's tomb has not yet been found.[1][36][37][38]

This theory is debatable; Hermann Alexander Schlögl [de], Wolfgang Helck, Peter Kaplony[39] and Jochem Kahl[40] argue that the clay seals were only found at the entrance area of Peribsen's tomb and none of them depict Peribsen and Sekhemib's names together in one inscription. Furthermore, they remark that it was customary for a pharaoh to bury his predecessor and seal his tomb; the presence of Sekhemib's seals shows the line of dynastic inheritance. Similar inferences can be drawn from the ivory tablets of king Hotepsekhemwy found at the entrance of king Qa'a's tomb and the clay seals of Djoser found at the entrance of Khasekhemwy's tomb. Schlögl, Helck, Kaplony and Kahl are convinced that the discovery of Sekhemib's seals support the view that Sekhemib immediately succeeded Peribsen and buried him.[27][41]

Scholars Toby Wilkinson and Helck believe that Peribsen and Sekhemib could have been related. Their theory is based on the stone vessel inscriptions and seal impressions that show strong similarities in their typography and grammar. The vessels of Peribsen show the notation "ini-setjet" ("tribute of the people of Sethroë"), whilst Sekhemib's inscriptions have the notation "ini-khasut" ("tribute of the desert nomads"). A further indication that Peribsen and Sekhemib were related is their serekh names; they both used the syllables "Per" and "ib" in their names.[42][43]

The false door inscription of Shery might indicate that Peribsen is identical with king Senedj ("Senedj" means "the frightening") and that this name was used in the king lists by proxy, as the Seth name was forbidden to mention.[44] In contrast, Dietrich Wildung and Wolfgang Helck identify Peribsen with the Ramesside cartouche name Wadjenes. They think it is possible that the name Per-ib-sen was misread from a sloppy hieratic inscription of Wadj-sen.[45]

Reign

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Seal impression from Peribsen's tomb with the first known complete sentence in Egyptian history: “Sealing of everything of Ombos (i.e., Naqada): He of Ombos has joined the Two Lands for his son, the Dual King Peribsen.”[46][47]

As some archaeological records support the view that the Egyptian state was divided during Peribsen's reign, there is continued debate as to why his predecessors decided to divide the realm, and whether Peribsen ruled part or all of Egypt.

Proponents of the divided-realm-theory

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Egyptologists Wolfgang Helck,[41] Nicolas Grimal, Hermann Alexander Schlögl[48] and Francesco Tiradritti believe that king Nynetjer, the third ruler of the Second dynasty and predecessor to Peribsen, ruled an Egypt that was suffering from an overly complex state administration. Nynetjer decided to split Egypt to leave it to two chosen successors who would rule two separate kingdoms, in the hope that the state administration could improve. Archaeological evidence, such as the imprinted clay seals and inscribed jars, appear to support the claim that Peribsen ruled only in Upper Egypt. A great number of these were found in Abydos, Naqada and at Elephantine, with only a single clay seal bearing his name found in Lower Egypt, at Beit Khallaf. Historians think Peribsen's realm would have extended from Naqada to the Isle of Elephantine. The rest of Egypt would therefore have been controlled by a different, coexisting ruler.[33][49]

Egyptologist Dimitri B. Proussakov supports his theory with notations on the famous Palermo stone concerning the year events of king Nynetjer. From the twelfth year event onward, "The king of Upper- and Lower Egypt appears" was amended to "The king of Lower Egypt appears". Proussakov sees this as a strong indication that Nynetjer's power over Egypt had diminished.[50] Egyptologists compare the situation to that of king Qa'a, one of the last rulers of the First Dynasty. When Qa'a died, obscure claimants appeared and battled for the throne of Egypt. The struggles reached an apex with the plundering of the royal cemetery at Abydos, whereupon the cemetery was abandoned and Saqqara became the new royal burial site. The conflict was ended by the ascension of king Hotepsekhemwy, the founder of the Second Dynasty.[51][52]

Barbara Bell, another scholar, believes that an economic catastrophe such as a famine or a long-lasting drought affected Egypt. To better address the problem of feeding the Egyptian population, Nynetjer split the realm into two and his successors founded two independent realms, perhaps with intent to reunite after the famine. Bell points to the inscriptions of the Palermo stone, where, in her opinion, the records of the annual Nile floods show constantly low levels during this period.[53] Bell's theory is refuted today by Egyptologists such as Stephan Seidlmayer, who asserts her calculations were incorrect. Seidlmayer has shown that the annual Nile floods were at usual levels at Nynetjer's time up to the period of the Old Kingdom. Bell overlooked that the heights of the Nile floods in the Palermo stone inscription take into account the measurements of the nilometers around Memphis, but not elsewhere along the river. A state-wide drought was unlikely.[54]

Rulers of Lower and Upper Egypt

Egyptian historians such as Helck, Tiradritti, Schlögl, Emery and Grimal are convinced that Peribsen was a co-ruler. The investigation into the rulers of Lower Egypt is ongoing. The Rammesside king lists differ in their order of royal names from king Senedj onward. The royal table of Sakkara and the royal canon of Turin reflect Memphite traditions, which only allowed Memphite rulers to be mentioned. The Abydos king list reflects instead the Thinite traditions and therefore only Thinite rulers appear on that list. Until king Senedj, all the king lists are in agreement. After him, the Sakkara list and the Turin list mention three kings as successors: Neferkara I, Neferkasokar and Hudjefa I. The Abydos king list jumps forward to Khasekhemwy, calling him "Djadjay". The discrepancies are considered by Egyptologists to be the result of the division of Egypt during the Second dynasty.[27][33][49][55]

Alabaster fragment with the nebti-name Weneg.[56]

Additional contradictory findings are the Horus and Nebty names of kings discovered in the Great Southern Gallery in the necropolis of the (Third dynasty) king Djoser at Sakkara. Stone vessel inscriptions mention the kings Nubnefer, Weneg-Nebty, Horus Ba, Horus "Bird" and Za; each of these is mentioned only a few times, suggesting their reigns were short. King Sneferka might be identical with king Qa'a or an ephemeral successor of his. King Weneg-Nebty might be identical with the Ramesside cartouche name Wadjenes. But kings such as "Nubnefer", "Bird" and "Za" remain a mystery. They never appear anywhere else and the number of objects surviving from their lifetimes is very limited. Schlögl, Helck and Peter Kaplony postulate, that Nubnefer, Za and Bird were contemporaries of Peribsen and Sekhemib and ruled over Lower Egypt, whilst the latter two ruled Upper Egypt.[27][33][49][55][57]

Opponents of the divided-realm-theory

[edit]

Scholars such as Herman TeVelde,[17] I. E. S. Edwards[58] and Toby Wilkinson[13] believe the inscription of the famous Annal stone of Fifth dynasty, a black olivin-basalt slabstone displaying a very detailed king list, argues against the division of the realm. On the stone the kings from 1st to 7th dynasty are listed by their Horus name, their gold name and their cartouche name, their name banderoles end with the name of their royal mother. The lists also contain rectangular windows presenting year events from the day of king's coronation up to his death. The most famous fragments of the Annal stone are called Palermo Stone and Cairo Stone. On the Cairo stone, in line IV, the nine last years of king Nynetjer are preserved (but most of the year windows are illegible now).[13] The date of Nynetjer's death is followed by a new king. Recent investigations reveal that the serekh of that new king is surmounted by a four-legged animal, not by the Horus-falcon. Since the only four-legged heraldic serekh animal in early Egypt was the chimera of the god Seth, despite passionate disagreement, the indicated ruler is likely to be Peribsen. Egyptologists such as TeVelde, Barta and Edwards do not agree; Peribsen might have not been the only king with a Seth-name. The year events under Nynetjer show increasing references to Seth, suggesting the tradition of a Horus name as the sole name of kings might have already evolved. The rise of a king allied with Seth was thus unsurprising. TeVelde, Barta and Edwards think that, in addition to Peribsen, the rulers Wadjenes, Nubnefer or Sened might have been Seth-kings as well; one of them surely was the true direct successor of Nynetjer. The comparatively large amount of archaeological finds from Peribsen's reign contradict the brief estimated length of rulership, only 10 to 12 years, as presented on the Annal stone.[13]

The Annal stone gives absolutely no indication of a division of the Egyptian realm. Barta, TeVelde, Wilkinson and Edwards argue that the theory of state division is untenable. An administrative reorganization or split in the priesthood sects is more likely.[13]

Political accomplishments

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During his time on the throne, Peribsen founded an administrative center called "The white house of treasury" as well as a new royal residence, called the "protection of Nubt", located near Ombos ("Nubt" being the Ancient Egyptian name of Naqada).[59] The administrative titles of scribes, seal-bearers and overseers were adjusted to correspond to the divided bureaucratic state administration. For example, titles like "sealer of the king" were changed into "sealer of the king of Upper Egypt". This bureaucratic reform may indicate an attempt by Peribsen to limit the power of these officials, further evidence for a bloated and unwieldy state administration under Nynetjer.[60]

The administration system under Peribsen and Sekhemib had a clear and well-defined hierarchy; as an example, from highest to the lowest rank: Treasury house (royal and therefore highest in ranking) → pension office → property → vineyards → private vineyard (property of citizens and therefore lowest in ranking). King Khasekhemwy, the last ruler of the Second dynasty, was able to re-unify the state administration of Egypt and therefore unite the whole of Ancient Egypt. He brought the two treasury houses of Egypt under the control of the "House of the King", bringing them into a new, single administration centre.[60][61][62]

Peribsen also founded royal edifices such as Per-nubt ("house of Ombos") and Per-Medjed ("house of meetings") and created several cities of economic importance. Their names, Afnut ("city of the headdress-makers"), Nebj ("protector's city"), Abet-desheret ("city of the red granite jars") and Huj-setjet ("city of the Asians'), are mentioned on numerous clay seals alongside Peribsen's serekh, often preceded by the phrase "visit of the king at ...".[62][63] Inscriptions on stone vessels also mention an "ini-setjet" ("tribute of the people of Sethroë"), which might indicate that Peribsen founded a cult centre for the deity Seth in the Nile Delta. This may suggest Peribsen ruled over the whole of Egypt, or, at least, that he was accepted as king across all of Egypt.[64]

One official from Peribsen's reign, Nefer-Setekh ("Seth is beautiful"), the "wab-priest of the king", is known to Egyptologists by his stela. His name may highlight the appearance and popularity of Seth as a royal deity.[55]

In Peribsen's tomb at Abydos, clay seals were found that demonstrate the first complete written sentence in recorded Egyptian history. The inscription reads:[65]

"The golden one/He of Ombos hath unified/handed over the two realms for/to his son, the king of Lower and Upper Egypt, Peribsen".

The title "The golden one", also read as "He of Ombos", is considered by Egyptologists to be a religious form of address to the deity Seth.[66][67][68]

Religious changes

[edit]

Despite his alignment with Seth, numerous deities were worshipped by the populace under Peribsen. Numerous clay seal impressions and jar inscriptions mention the gods Ash, Horus, Nekhbet, Min, Bastet and Kherty. The depictions of the deities are followed by the name of the place or town where they had their principal cult center. On the Cairo stone, a statue of Ash and a fetish of Seth are credited to Peribsen, complementing the clay seal impressions. Curiously, several seal impressions show a sun disc over the Seth chimera atop the royal serekh: the ancient symbol for the god Ra. There is no archaeologic proof that the sun god Ra was part of the Egyptian pantheon at this early date; the appearance of the disc may be the first evidence of the evolving sun cult and theistic change. The sun disc appears in connection to one of the state patrons (for example, under Peribsen's predecessor Raneb the sun was connected to Horus); under Peribsen it was connected to Seth. Under king Khasekhemwy the sun finally received its own name (ra) and, at the time of throne change between Khasekhemwy and his follower Djoser, several priests and officials also connected their name to Ra.[69][70]

Tomb

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Peribsen's funerary enclosure at Abydos, in the background the Great Enclosure of king Khasekhemwy is visible
Mehen game board from Peribsen's tomb in Abydos, on display at the Louvre.

Peribsen was buried in the tomb P of the royal cemetery at Umm el-Qa'ab near Abydos. The first excavation of the tomb started in 1898 under the supervision of French archaeologist and Egyptologist Émile Amélineau.[71] This first foray was followed by excavations in 1901 and 1902 under the supervision of British archaeologist Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie.[5][72][73] Further exploration of the tomb was undertaken in 1911-1912 by the Swiss Egyptologist Edouard Naville.[74]


The tomb's construction is straightforward and, compared to the size of other royal tombs in the same area, surprisingly small. The design model was the tomb of king Djer (third pharaoh of the First dynasty), thought to be the 'Tomb of Osiris' from the Middle Kingdom. The architecture of Peribsen's tomb is similar to the residential palace. The tomb measures 16 metres (52 ft) x 13 metres (43 ft) and comprises three independent structures nested into one another: in the center is the main burial chamber, measuring 7.3 metres (24 ft) x 2.9 metres (9.5 ft), and which is made of mud bricks, reeds, and wood. On the north, east and west sides the burial chamber is surrounded by nine small storage rooms leading into one another; on the south face is a long antechamber. A passageway runs between the inner structures and the outer wall.[5][72][73]

Excavations under the supervision of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Kairo (DAIK) in 2001 and 2004 revealed that the tomb had been erected and completed in a great hurry. The building works took place in a single phase; the walls were plastered roughly; and the monument had collapsed several times over the centuries. During the Middle Kingdom, Peribsen's tomb was restored at least twice together with the tomb of Djer, which was thought to be that of Osiris.[72][75] The final report on the excavations was published in 2020.[76]

Findings

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The tomb had been extensively plundered by tomb robbers during antiquity, yet numerous stone vessels and earthen jars remained. Some of the stone vessels had copper-coated rims and are similar to the better known finds from tomb of Khasekhemwy. Vessels from preceding rulers such as Nynetjer and Raneb were also found. Beads and bracelets made of fayence and carnelian and tools made of copper were excavated. Special findings include a silver needle engraved with the name of king Hor Aha and clay seal fragments with the name of king Sekhemib. The two stone stelae from the entrance, common to burial chambers of the First and Second dynasties, are now on display in two different museums.[5][72][73]

Royal funerary enclosure

[edit]

A royal funerary enclosure made of mud bricks was found close to Peribsen's tomb. Clay seals with Peribsen's serekh name on them were located near the eastern entrance and inside a destroyed offering shrine. The findings support the view that the building was part of Peribsen's burial site. The funerary enclosure is commonly known as "Middle Fort". This was first discovered in 1904 under the supervision of Canadian archaeologist Charles Trick Currelly and British Egyptologist Edward Russell Ayrton. The enclosure wall was located on the north-west side of Khasekhemwy's funerary enclosure "Shunet El Zebib" ("raisin barn"). Peribsen's measures 108 metres (354 ft) x 55 metres (180 ft) and housed only a few cult buildings. The enclosure has three entrances: one to the east, one to the south and one to the north. A small shrine, measuring 12.3 metres (40 ft) x 9.75 metres (32.0 ft) was located at the south-east corner of the funerary enclosure. It once comprised three small chapels. No subsidiary tombs were found.[72][73][77]

The tradition of burying the family and court of the king when he died was abandoned at the time of Qa'a, one of the last rulers of the First dynasty.[78]

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
was an ancient Egyptian of the Second Dynasty, reigning circa the mid- to late 28th century BCE, notable for incorporating the Seth animal into his in place of the conventional falcon. This iconographic departure has prompted interpretations of religious innovation favoring , potentially tied to regional power dynamics in . His tomb at Umm el-Qa'ab near Abydos, a substantial mud-brick structure measuring approximately 21 by 18.5 meters, contained seals, stone vessels, and other artifacts evidencing royal administration and trade contacts. Scholars debate the extent of his control, with evidence suggesting possible political division where governed the south while northern territories may have been under separate authority, reflected in scarce Lower Egyptian attestations and later military engagements there. The transition to his successor, possibly , who reverted to imagery alongside elements, underscores the transitional nature of this period amid evolving royal theology and state consolidation.

Sources and Attestations

Primary Archaeological Evidence

The principal archaeological remains associated with originate from his at Abydos in the Umm el-Qa'ab royal cemetery, designated tomb P. This subterranean structure, featuring a central corridor and subsidiary chambers, was first excavated by Émile Amélineau between 1897 and 1898, revealing a hasty construction with a single phase and rudimentary plaster application. Artifacts recovered include inscribed stone vessels, clay seal impressions, and monumental stelae positioned at the entrance, all bearing Peribsen's —a rectangular enclosure containing his name topped by the animal rather than the conventional falcon. Two large stelae, measuring approximately 113.5 cm in height and 33 cm in width, were found flanking the tomb entrance; one, housed in the (EA 35597), displays the in a central panel with flanking hieroglyphic columns reading right to left. These stelae represent standard Early Dynastic funerary markers adapted with the iconography. Clay seal impressions from the tomb, used to secure storage jars and doors, frequently incorporate the alongside titles asserting dominion, such as references to control over Upper Egyptian regions like Nubt (Ombos). One notable impression contains the earliest known complete sentence in , approximately "Sealing of everything of Nubt: He of Nubt is king of ," evidencing administrative oversight and linguistic development circa 2700–2650 BCE. Stone vessels, including a porphyry vase inscribed with "tribute of the people of Sethroë" (now in the National Archaeological Museum, ), suggest tribute collection and regional affiliations tied to Seth's centers. These artifacts, primarily from the tomb's burial goods and sealing systems, indicate Peribsen's focus on Upper Egyptian administration without evidence of major building projects or inundation records in the surviving material. No contemporary monuments outside Abydos have been definitively linked to his reign.

Later Historical References

Peribsen's name is absent from the major New Kingdom king lists, such as the carved in the temple of circa 1290–1279 BC, which enumerates 76 pharaohs but omits him despite including other Second Dynasty rulers; the King List from the Third Dynasty; and the Royal Canon, a Ramesside-period fragment that records nine kings for the Second Dynasty without specifying Peribsen. The Turin Canon's entry for "Hudjefa" (ḥḏfꜣ, interpreted as "erased" or "one who hides"), placed among Second Dynasty kings with a reign length of approximately 31 years, has been linked by Egyptologists to Peribsen based on chronological positioning and the pattern of lacunae in royal annals, suggesting a deliberate gap in transmission rather than total oblivion. No direct attestations of Peribsen appear in later Egyptian textual sources, including Ramesside inscriptions or materials from temples such as those at or Ombos, where Second Dynasty figures are otherwise sparsely echoed through generic references to early dynastic predecessors. Peribsen's archaeological remains, including his tomb at Umm el-Qa'ab in Abydos (designated Tomb P), were first systematically excavated by Émile Amélineau in 1897–1898, with re-examination and publication by in 1901–1902, enabling the reconstruction of his identity from inscribed stone vessels and seals bearing the Seth-overlaid .

Name, Titles, and Iconography

The Serekh and Seth Symbol

The of Seth-Peribsen consists of the traditional rectangular palace facade enclosure enclosing his royal name, surmounted by the Seth animal in place of the conventional . This iconographic element represents a departure from the established practice seen in the First Dynasty and early Second Dynasty, where kings such as , , and employed the atop their serekhs to symbolize divine kingship. The animal is depicted as a chimeric creature with a curved, elongated , tall square-tipped ears, and an erect, arrow-like or forked tail, corresponding to Gardiner sign E20. In Peribsen's attestations, this figure stands directly on the without accompanying , emphasizing a singular association with . Archaeological examples include a stela from Abydos ( EA35597), where the bears the name "Peribsen" topped by the animal, though the animal's image shows signs of later deliberate defacement. Cylinder seals and stone vessels from his complex at Abydos further display this form, consistently featuring the animal without dual symbolism.

Interpretations of "Peribsen"

The throne name Peribsen is transliterated as pr-ỉb-sn from its hieroglyphic form, comprising the biliteral sign for pr (house or emergence/going forth, Gardiner O1), the ideogram for ỉb (heart, Gardiner F34), and the suffix sn (possibly denoting possession, "brother," or a plural/dative "them," rendered via Gardiner S29 and N35). This etymological structure suggests connotations of emotional or volitional progression, with scholarly consensus favoring a translation as "hope of all hearts" or "the heart goes to him," evoking loyalty or aspiration toward the ruler. In contrast to predecessors such as Hotepsekhemwy, whose Horus name Ḥṯp-sḫm-wj ("the two powers are at peace") explicitly integrated the falcon of Horus atop the serekh to signify unified divine kingship, Peribsen's titulary omits Horus elements entirely, with the Seth animal substituting in the enclosure. This symbolic shift underscores the name's linguistic focus on internal resolve or collective sentiment without invoking the traditional falcon-god protector. Known attestations of Peribsen, such as on stone vessels and seal impressions from Umm el-Qa'ab tomb U, employ the without enclosing , consistent with Second Dynasty conventions predating the standardized use for names that became prevalent by the late dynasty.

Evidence from Inscriptions and Seals

Seal impressions from administrative contexts feature Peribsen's , in which the Seth animal replaces the conventional falcon atop the rectangular enclosure enclosing his name, Pr-jb-snj. These seals consistently depict the Seth animal as a striding quadruped with a curved tail, showing stylistic uniformity across finds that emphasizes its propagandistic role in associating the king with the deity of . Many such seals bear the title nswt-bjt ("King of "), directly asserting Peribsen's claim to sovereignty over the entire realm, while others incorporate the Nebty title (nb.tj), invoking the protective goddesses and to legitimize dual rule. A prominent clay sealing includes the text: "Seal of all gold things. The golden one has joined the two lands for his son, the King of , Peribsen," interpreted as referring to granting unified dominion, marking the earliest attested complete sentence in and underscoring divine endorsement of Peribsen's authority. Fragments of inscribed stone vessels, likely used in votive or administrative capacities, repeat elements of the and titles such as nswt-bjt nb.tj Pr-jb-snj, reinforcing the propagandistic narrative of royal legitimacy tied to without introducing iconography.

Identity and Chronological Placement

Relation to

Some Egyptologists have proposed that Seth-Peribsen and represent the same individual, interpreting the dual naming as evidence of a deliberate shift in royal titulary during the ruler's reign, possibly reflecting a personal or administrative evolution. This view, advanced by scholars including , Kathryn Bard, and Walter Bryan Emery, draws on perceived stylistic overlaps in seal impressions and vessels, such as comparable incision techniques and motifs on stone bowls attributed to both names, though direct artifactual matches remain unverified. Counterarguments emphasize distinct archaeological contexts that favor separate identities, with Sekhemib-Perenmaat's primary remains—an unfinished tomb complex at —contrasting sharply with Seth-Peribsen's cenotaph and burial goods centered at Abydos, approximately 100 kilometers south. Clay seals bearing Sekhemib's discovered at the entrance to Peribsen's Abydos tomb suggest Sekhemib acted as successor, potentially overseeing the sealing or commemoration of Peribsen's interment rather than occupying the site himself. No inscriptions combining the Horus Sekhemib and Seth Peribsen elements have been confirmed, undermining claims of a simple name change; a purported seal impression linking both, once cited by Petrie, has been re-examined and rejected as misread. The absence of overlapping primary deposits, combined with the geographic separation of key finds—Sekhemib's materials predominantly from northern Memphite necropoleis and Peribsen's from southern Upper Egyptian sites—supports treating them as consecutive rulers rather than a single entity, though the sparse attestation of Second Dynasty artifacts leaves room for ongoing reassessment. This interpretation aligns with broader patterns of dynastic practices, where successors occasionally marked predecessors' without implying identity.

Position Within the Second Dynasty

Peribsen's placement within the Second Dynasty king list relies primarily on relative derived from archaeological contexts, as remains imprecise due to limited textual records. Artifactual evidence, including and stone vessels from his tomb (designated P) at Umm el-Qa'ab in Abydos, aligns with late Second Dynasty ceramic traditions, positioning him after Ninetjer (also known as Raneb or Nynetjer) and before . These styles, characterized by specific vessel forms and surface treatments, show continuity from mid-dynasty developments but lack the innovations seen in Third Dynasty materials. Seal impressions provide further hierarchical and sequential insights, with examples bearing Peribsen's recovered alongside those of contemporaries or successors, suggesting administrative overlap. Notably, seals of , featuring a falcon, appear at the entrance to Peribsen's , indicating possible , rivalry, or direct succession rather than strict linearity. This superposition implies Peribsen's reign intersected with Sekhemib's, potentially reflecting regional power dynamics in , though no definitive overlayering establishes priority. The and related annals fragments exacerbate chronological gaps for the latter Second Dynasty, recording events up to Ninetjer's reign but omitting later rulers like Peribsen due to breakage or incomplete coverage. This absence hinders verification of regnal years or sequence, compelling reliance on for reconstruction, which favors Peribsen's mid-to-late dynastic slot amid attested kings such as Weneg or Sened.

Succession and Coregency Debates

The accession of Seth-Peribsen to the throne is situated within the political instabilities of the mid-Second Dynasty, potentially following the long reign of (c. 2715–2740 BC), though direct succession evidence is absent and no Horus-titled predecessor is explicitly named in contemporary records. Scholarly reconstructions posit that may have intentionally divided administrative authority between heirs or regional rulers to manage succession pressures, with Peribsen emerging as a proponent of Upper Egyptian interests, evidenced by the concentration of his monuments at Abydos and the adoption of iconography over traditional symbolism. This shift lacks attestation of violent usurpation, but the obscurity of intervening figures like Sened or Weneg—known only from fragmentary king lists—suggests fragmented legitimacy claims rather than linear inheritance. A central concerns Peribsen's relation to , his posited immediate predecessor or alter ego, with titulary evidence from seals and stelae showing Sekhemib's Horus-dominant palette juxtaposed against Peribsen's Seth-centric , prompting arguments for a reflecting ideological realignment rather than replacement. Proponents of identity, such as those citing reused materials in Peribsen's tomb contexts (Umm el-Qa'ab Tomb P), argue for continuity in personnel and style, while opponents highlight distinct archaeological distributions—Sekhemib artifacts primarily at versus Peribsen's southern focus—as indicating separate reigns or even parallel rule amid regional division. No inscriptions or seals a formal between them, though the transitional use of dual Horus-Seth elements in some Second Dynasty artifacts fuels speculation of overlapping authority to stabilize power. Regarding handover, Peribsen's successor is generally identified as , with tomb proximity at Abydos (Peribsen's enclosure adjacent to 's) implying peaceful transition and possible familial ties, but lacking joint seals, administrative documents, or shared titulary that would confirm . Excavations reveal no preparatory overlaps in funerary complexes, and 's later Horus-Seth unification motif appears as ideological reconciliation rather than co-rule evidence. Roles of royal women or viziers in these transitions remain unattested for Peribsen specifically, though broader Second Dynasty patterns suggest elite intermediaries facilitated legitimacy without inscribed proof. These debates underscore the evidentiary gaps in early dynastic records, prioritizing archaeological distributions over later historiographic narratives.

Reign and Political Context

Estimated Duration and Key Events

The precise duration of Seth-Peribsen's reign cannot be determined from direct contemporary attestations such as dated seals or inscriptions mentioning specific regnal years, which are absent for his rule. Scholarly estimates place it at approximately 10 to 20 years, inferred from the relative chronology of the Second Dynasty, the scale of his Abydos tomb complex, and the scarcity of his monuments compared to predecessors like or successors like . Evidence from seal impressions and stone vessel fragments recovered from his (designated P at Umm el-Qa'ab) points to administrative continuity rather than disruption, with notations reflecting standard royal titulary and domain offerings but no references to Nile inundation heights or annual flood events that might calibrate a timeline. The 's , involving a large mudbrick-lined burial chamber and subsidiary structures, represents a key undertaking, requiring coordinated labor and resources that imply a stable period of sufficient length for major funerary projects. No records of military expeditions or conflicts appear in surviving inscriptions, unlike the explicit references to "smiting the rebels" under ; this absence suggests a focused on internal consolidation rather than expansion or warfare. Potential administrative developments, such as refinements in hieroglyphic forms evident in his serekhs, may indicate ongoing scribal or bureaucratic evolution during this interval.

Claims to Rule Over Unified

Inscriptions from Seth-Peribsen's reign include seal impressions that explicitly assert control over the entirety of Egypt, referred to as the "Two Lands" encompassing Upper and Lower Egypt. A notable jar sealing, discovered among artifacts associated with his rule, bears the hieroglyphic text translated as: "Seal of all good things. The golden one has united the Two Lands for his son, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Peribsen." This represents the earliest known complete sentence in the Egyptian language and directly invokes unification under Peribsen's authority, attributing the act to a divine figure—likely Seth in a protective or granting role—thereby linking the pharaoh's dominion to the god's intervention. Peribsen's royal titulary further reinforces these claims through the Nebty name, one of the core components of early dynastic kingly nomenclature symbolizing the patronage of (vulture goddess of ) and (cobra goddess of ). His attested Nebty designation, rendered as pr-ỉb-sn ("House of the Heart of " or similar interpretive variants), integrates the Seth animal atop the traditional dual-goddess framework, extending the implication of balanced rule over both regions despite the unconventional Seth overlay. This usage maintains rhetorical continuity with prior Second Dynasty rulers, who employed the Nebty to proclaim nationwide sovereignty, even as Peribsen diverged by supplanting the falcon with Seth in his primary enclosure. Such epigraphic evidence, primarily from administrative seals rather than monumental stelae, underscores a formalized assertion of centralized kingship, with phrases like "king of " (nswt-bjt) appearing in direct association with Peribsen's . These motifs, including references to the Delta region's integration via the "Two Lands" formula, contrast with interpretive theories of regional limitation but align with the pharaoh's self-presentation as unifier, akin to predecessors' Horus-centric unity declarations. Scholarly analysis of these texts confirms the explicit claim to holistic dominion, though archaeological distribution remains concentrated in Upper Egyptian contexts.

Evaluation of the Divided Realm Theory

The Divided Realm Theory proposes that fragmented into northern and southern realms during Peribsen's reign, with Peribsen exercising authority over under Seth's patronage while a Horus-aligned controlled the Delta region. Proponents, including some early Egyptologists, base this on Seth's longstanding associations with Upper Egyptian locales like the deserts and oases, Peribsen's tomb and primary artifacts concentrated at Abydos in the south, and the conspicuous absence of his name in surviving Lower Egyptian records from sites like or Heliopolis. This interpretation posits a civil strife or partition echoing predynastic regional rivalries, potentially triggered by succession disputes following Ninetjer's rule. Critics counter that direct archaeological for a contemporaneous northern Horus king or rival administration remains entirely absent, with no monuments, seals, or inscriptions attesting to such a figure during Peribsen's estimated 10- to 20-year around 2700 BCE. Peribsen's own seals and stone vessels employ standard royal titulary, including the Nebty and Golden names that explicitly claim over the unified Two Lands, without qualifiers suggesting limited . The theory's reliance on negative —gaps in Lower Egyptian attestations—overlooks the incomplete nature of Early Dynastic records, where even major kings like exhibit uneven distribution. Moreover, later Egyptian traditions demonizing as a chaos may have retroactively amplified perceptions of division, projecting mythological antagonism onto historical events without contemporary corroboration. An alternative explanation frames Peribsen's Seth adoption as a symbolic theological innovation to legitimize rule amid internal challenges, rather than territorial severance, evidenced by the seamless transition to Khasekhemwy's reign. Khasekhemwy's Horus-and-Seth reconciled iconography and monuments in both regions, including Delta fortresses, indicate restoration of central authority without implying prior schism, as his name "The Two Powers Appear as One" reconciles divine poles rather than conquers divided polities. Empirical support for unity includes ivory labels and cylinder seals from Peribsen's complex bearing motifs of pharaonic control over Nile Valley resources, consistent with pan-Egyptian administration. While division cannot be ruled out given sparse data, the theory extrapolates beyond verifiable artifacts, prioritizing interpretive conjecture over the material record's emphasis on ideological continuity.

Religious Policies and Associations

Association with Seth as Royal Deity

Peribsen uniquely elevated in royal iconography by substituting the traditional falcon atop his with the striding Seth animal, marking the first attested instance of this replacement during the Second Dynasty. This innovation appears on numerous artifacts, including over 30 stone vessels and seal impressions discovered primarily at sites in , such as , indicating Seth's prominence in Peribsen's official titulary. The design underscores a deliberate association with as a royal patron , diverging from the longstanding Horus-centric tradition established since the First Dynasty. This shift likely reflects a strategic alignment with Seth's cult center at Nubt (modern Ombos) in Upper Egypt, where the god held regional significance as a protector against chaos and foreign threats. By adopting Seth's emblem, Peribsen may have sought to consolidate power in southern territories, potentially leveraging local loyalties amid dynastic instability. Artifact distributions, concentrated in Upper Egyptian contexts, support this regional emphasis, with fewer examples found in Lower Egypt, suggesting the association served to bolster legitimacy in Seth-associated domains rather than supplanting Horus universally. While Seth's depiction in the signifies elevated royal patronage, inscriptions on vessels like those bearing "tribute of the people of Sethroë" imply Seth's in administrative and contexts, yet without overt exclusion of other deities in this specific iconographic choice. The prominence gauged by artifact counts—dominated by Seth-stamped items in Peribsen's corpus—highlights a targeted theological emphasis, possibly causal to maintaining cohesion in Upper Egyptian power bases during a period of fragmented authority.

Evidence of Broader Polytheistic Worship

Clay seal impressions and jar inscriptions recovered from Peribsen's at Abydos (Tomb P) explicitly reference a range of deities including , , , Min, , and Kherty, demonstrating invocation of multiple gods in royal contexts alongside . These artifacts, primarily from offering or administrative seals, depict the gods in standard iconographic forms—such as as a and as a —followed by dedicatory phrases linking them to the king's domain, consistent with Early Dynastic funerary and cultic practices. The presence of these diverse divine mentions directly counters interpretations positing as an exclusive or sole patron, as the seals integrate Seth-related (e.g., the Seth animal) with invocations to opposing or complementary deities like , without evident subordination or exclusion./) This polyvalent worship aligns with the religious continuity of the First Dynasty, where pharaohs such as and employed seals honoring multiple local and state gods, reflecting a pragmatic pantheon rather than doctrinal innovation. No evidence from the tomb corpus supports monotheistic exclusivity, and post-excavation analyses of seal emphasize the syncretic nature of Second Dynasty devotion, with gods like Min (fertility and kingship) and (protection) appearing in parallel to , underscoring a broad cultic landscape rather than heresy or rupture.

Comparisons to Preceding and Succeeding Rulers

Preceding rulers of the First and early Second Dynasties consistently identified with through the falcon symbol atop their serekhs, reflecting a theological framework where the king embodied as the divine unifier and protector of the realm. For instance, of the First Dynasty (c. 3000 BCE) employed iconography in tomb inscriptions and artifacts, emphasizing continuity with predynastic traditions of as the patron of kingship centered in . Similarly, Second Dynasty kings such as and Ninetjer maintained this -centric royal theology, with no attested use of in primary royal symbolism prior to Peribsen. In contrast, Peribsen's exclusive adoption of the Seth animal in his serekh marked a singular deviation, potentially signaling alignment with 's cult in Upper Egyptian strongholds like Nubt, where Seth represented strength and regional autonomy. This shift did not precipitate a broader theological rupture, as evidenced by the immediate successor (c. 2690–2670 BCE), who innovated by placing both the Horus falcon and Seth animal side-by-side atop his serekh, symbolizing a deliberate synthesis of the two deities to underpin political reunification. Succeeding rulers did not revert to pure Horus exclusivity but integrated Seth's martial attributes into royal ideology, with Khasekhemwy's dual symbolism persisting in artifacts like ivory labels and seals that attest to consolidated authority over both "" and "" domains. Empirical archaeological patterns indicate that Peribsen's Seth emphasis correlated with localized power bases rather than national discord, while the Horus-Seth reconciliation under facilitated administrative stability, as seen in expanded tomb complexes and uniform regalia across regions. This evolution underscores religious adaptations serving causal political imperatives, such as leveraging divine patrons for territorial cohesion, without evidence of cultic suppression.

Tomb and Funerary Complex

Location, Discovery, and Excavation History

The of Seth-Peribsen, designated as Tomb P, is situated in the Umm el-Qaʿāb royal necropolis at Abydos in , a primary site for rulers of the First and Second Dynasties. Initial discovery occurred during excavations led by French Egyptologist Émile Amélineau from 1897 to 1898, who cleared portions of the early royal tombs at Abydos, including the mud-brick substructure of Tomb P, which remained partially intact despite evidence of ancient looting. British archaeologist William Matthew Flinders Petrie conducted subsequent systematic investigations of the Umm el-Qaʿāb cemetery during the 1899–1900 and 1901–1902 seasons, re-examining Dynasty 1 and 2 royal tombs such as Tomb P and documenting preserved features amid traces of post-dynastic structural repairs. No major modern re-excavations of Tomb P have been reported, though ongoing studies of associated artifacts from early digs continue to refine understandings of its context.

Architectural Features and Layout

The substructure of Seth-Peribsen's tomb (designated P) at Umm el-Qa'ab consists of a central burial chamber surrounded by at least seven subsidiary magazines and connecting corridors, all excavated into a pit in the desert bedrock with mud-brick walls plastered in Nile silt for stability and waterproofing. Floors were laid with sand, and ceilings supported wooden beams topped by reed mats and mud bricks to prevent collapse. The burial chamber itself measures 7.8 m by 4.15 m, with a depth of 2.6 m, while the overall tomb footprint spans approximately 18 m by 15 m, entering from the southwest corner. This compact arrangement prioritizes storage functionality over expansive galleries, contrasting with the larger, multi-roomed mastabas of earlier First Dynasty kings at Abydos (often exceeding 50 m in length) and the linear, elongated underground complexes of fellow Second Dynasty rulers like Hetepsekhemwy at Saqqara. The design reverts to First Dynasty prototypes focused on provisioning the through adjacent magazines, but omits subsidiary graves typical of those predecessors, possibly reflecting reduced resources, administrative disruptions, or a deliberate simplification amid political instability. Compared to tombs of the era, which featured extensive corridors and niched facades for emulation, Peribsen's lacks such elaboration, suggesting a return to Abydos-centric traditions without the scale of Memphis-based innovations. No evidence of vaulting or advanced roofing beyond basic mud-brick layering appears, underscoring early dynastic reliance on earthen materials over stone for subterranean elements. Overlying the tomb, the funerary complex incorporates a rectangular mud-brick termed the "Middle Fort," measuring about 108 m by 55 m, which enclosed cultic facilities including potential chapels for ongoing offerings, distinct from the king's immediate but integral to post-interment rituals. This , oriented to align with the tomb, deviates from the vast, fortress-like perimeters of First Dynasty examples (e.g., over 200 m per side) by its modest proportions, implying constrained labor or a shift toward functional spaces rather than monumental display. Absent are the thick, battered walls or gated entrances seen in later Second Dynasty enclosures like Khasekhemwy's Shunet el-Zebib, nor any precursors, highlighting a transitional phase before Third Dynasty stone experimentation.

Artifacts, Inscriptions, and Interpretations

The primary artifacts recovered from Peribsen's tomb at Umm el-Qa'ab include a grey stela ( EA 35597), measuring 1.135 meters in height and 0.33 meters in width, which bears a enclosure topped by the animal above the royal name, flanked by offering formulas and titles asserting dominion. Clay seal impressions, such as jar sealings ( EA 35594), feature hieroglyphic inscriptions forming the earliest known complete sentence in Egyptian, crediting Peribsen with rule over both through phrases like "King of Upper and Lower Egypt who unifies the Two Lands." Fragments of inscribed stone vessels, including jars and bowls, were also found within the tomb, marked with Peribsen's and dedicatory texts linking to administrative or contexts from his reign. These goods, primarily utilitarian bases with applied seals rather than elaborate luxury items like gold or jewelry, suggest a funerary assemblage focused on sealing and storage rather than opulent display, consistent with early dynastic norms but possibly diminished by post-burial looting or limited elite production capacity. Interpretations of these finds emphasize their role in evidencing Peribsen's administrative continuity, as the seals and inscriptions denote standardized royal protocols for resource control and legitimacy claims, without indications of atypical rejection or innovation beyond the motif. The modest scale and material composition—lacking extensive subsidiary burials or precious metals noted in contemporaneous tombs—likely reflect practical constraints on labor and quarrying during a period of regional instability, rather than symbolic disfavor, as comparable haste appears in the tomb's single-phase construction and rough plastering. Such artifacts thus provide direct attestation of reign-length activities like sealing shipments, underscoring causal ties to bureaucratic function over ideological rupture.

References

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