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Alexandra Feodorovna (Alix of Hesse)
Alexandra Feodorovna (Alix of Hesse)
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Alexandra Feodorovna (Russian: Александра Фёдоровна Романова, romanizedAleksandra Fyodorovna Romanova; born Princess Alix of Hesse and by Rhine; 6 June 1872 – 17 July 1918) was the last empress of Russia as the consort of Nicholas II from their marriage on 26 November [O.S. 14 November] 1894 until his forced abdication on 15 March [O.S. 2 March] 1917. A granddaughter of Queen Victoria, Alexandra was one of the most famous royal carriers of hemophilia and passed the condition to her son, Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia.

Key Information

Alexandra was deeply involved in the personal and political life of her husband, Tsar Nicholas II. Her reputation suffered due to her influence over Nicholas, particularly in her insistence on maintaining autocratic rule in the face of growing revolutionary pressures in Russia.[2] Her relationship with the Russian mystic Grigori Rasputin became a subject of controversy. Rasputin's alleged ability to alleviate Alexei's suffering from hemophilia increased Alexandra's reliance on him, damaging the public perception of the Romanovs and fueling rumors about Rasputin's power within the royal family. These associations with Rasputin and her opposition to political reform were seen as contributing factors to the collapse of the Romanov dynasty.

Following Nicholas II's abdication, the imperial family were placed under house arrest by the Bolsheviks during the Russian Revolution. On 17 July 1918, they were murdered by Bolshevik forces in Yekaterinburg, marking the violent end of over three centuries of Romanov rule. Despite her unpopularity during her reign, Alexandra was canonized as Saint Alexandra the Passion Bearer by the Russian Orthodox Church in 2000.

Early life

[edit]
Princess Alix of Hesse and by Rhine when she was a child

Alexandra was born on 6 June 1872 at the New Palace in Darmstadt as Princess Alix Viktoria Helene Luise Beatrix of Hesse and by Rhine,[3][4] a grand duchy then part of the German Empire. She was the sixth child and fourth daughter among the seven children of Louis IV, Grand Duke of Hesse, and his first wife, Princess Alice of the United Kingdom, the second daughter of Queen Victoria.

Alix was baptized on 1 July 1872 (her parents' tenth wedding anniversary) in the Protestant Lutheran Church and given the names of her mother and each of her mother's four sisters, some of which were transliterated into German. Her mother wrote to Queen Victoria, "'Alix' we gave for 'Alice' as they murder my name here: 'Ali-ice' they pronounce it, so we thought 'Alix' could not so easily be spoilt."[5] Her mother gave her the nickname of "Sunny", due to her cheerful disposition, a name adopted later by her husband. Her British relatives nicknamed her as "Alicky", to distinguish her from her aunt-by-marriage, Alexandra, Princess of Wales, who was known within the family as Alix.[6]

Alix's godparents were the Prince and Princess of Wales (her maternal uncle and aunt), Princess Beatrice of the United Kingdom (her maternal aunt), the Duchess of Cambridge (her great-great-aunt), the Tsesarevich and Tsesarevna of Russia (her future parents-in-law), and Princess Anna of Prussia.

Alix's older brother Prince Friedrich of Hesse and by Rhine ("Frittie") suffered from hemophilia and died in May 1873 after a fall, when Alix was about one year old. Of her siblings, Alix was closest to Princess Marie ("May"), who was two years younger; they were noted as "inseparable".

In November 1878, diphtheria swept through the House of Hesse; Alix, her three sisters, her brother Ernst ("Ernie"), and their father fell ill. Elisabeth ("Ella"), Alix's older sister, was visiting their paternal grandmother, and escaped the outbreak. Alix's mother Alice tended to the children herself, rather than abandon them to nurses and doctors. Alice fell ill and died on 14 December 1878, when Alix was six years old. This was the 17th anniversary of Alice's own father's death. Marie also died, but the rest of the siblings survived. She described her childhood before the deaths of her mother and sister as "unclouded, happy babyhood, of perpetual sunshine, then of a great cloud".[7]

Princess Alix of Hesse, lower right, with her grandmother Queen Victoria and her four older siblings in mourning after the deaths of her mother and sister. January 1879

Queen Victoria doted on the motherless Alix and became a surrogate mother to her. She felt highly protective of Alix and declared that "while I live Alicky, til she is married, will be more than ever my own child."[8] She handpicked Alix's tutors and instructed them to send detailed reports back to Windsor every month. She invited Alix and her surviving siblings to England for their holidays, and they grew close to their British cousins. Every birthday and Christmas, she sent Alix gifts of dresses, jewelry, lace, and dolls. Alix signed herself "your loving and grateful child," rather than grandchild, in her letters. Alix reflected that she saw Queen Victoria as "the best and dearest of grandmamas," "a very august person," "a Santa Clause,"[9] and "the dearest and kindest Woman alive." When she was betrothed to Nicholas, Alix assured Victoria that "my marrying will [not] make a difference to my love for You."[10] When Queen Victoria died in 1901, Alix openly wept at her memorial service in Saint Petersburg and shocked the Russian courtiers who considered her cold and unfeeling.[11]

Along with her sister, Princess Irene, Alix was a bridesmaid at the 1885 wedding of her godmother and maternal aunt, Princess Beatrice, to Prince Henry of Battenberg.[12] At the age of 15, she attended Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebrations in 1887.

Princess Alix when she was 15
Alix of Hesse (center) with her siblings, Ernest Louis, Grand Duke of Hesse, Victoria of Hesse, Irene of Hesse, and Elisabeth Feodorovna (née Princess Elisabeth of Hesse and by Rhine), in mourning for their father's death, 1892

In March 1892, when Alix was nineteen years old, her father Grand Duke Louis IV, died of a heart attack.[13] According to her biographer, Baroness Buxhoeveden, Alix regarded the death of her father as the greatest sorrow of her life. Buxhoeveden recalled in her 1928 biography that "for years she could not speak of him, and long after when she was in Russia, anything that reminded her of him would bring her to the verge of tears".[14]

Proposed matches

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Queen Victoria greatly favored Alix and she wanted Alix to become the queen consort of the United Kingdom, which she considered "the greatest position there is."[15] On 2 March 1888, she wrote to Alix's oldest sister Victoria that "My heart and mind are bent on securing dear Alicky for either Eddy or Georgie",[16] respectively the second in line to the British throne and his brother, the future George V, both of whom were Alexandra's first cousins. In 1889, Victoria invited Alix and Eddy to Balmoral in hopes that they would fall in love. Eddy grew infatuated with her and proposed, but Alix was not interested in him and rejected his proposal. However, Victoria still persisted and tried to convince Alix of the benefits of the match. Victoria wrote to Princess Victoria of Hesse and by Rhine, Alix's older sister, that Alix "should be made to reflect seriously on the folly of throwing away the chance of a very good husband, kind, affectionate and steady, and of entering a united happy family and a very good position which is second to none in the world!"[17] Alix's older sister Ella opposed the match because "he [Eddy] does not look over strong and is too stupid."[18] In May 1890, Alix wrote a letter to Eddy that although it "pained her to pain him,"[15] she only saw him as a cousin and could not marry him. She wrote to Victoria that she would marry Eddy if she were "forced" by the family but that both of them would be miserable. Victoria was disappointed, but she decided that Alix had shown "great strength of character" in refusing to acquiesce to such strong pressure.[15]

In 1891, Queen Victoria tried to arrange a match between Alix and Prince Maximilian of Baden. She asked Louis to invite the prince to Darmstadt as soon as possible. When he arrived in Darmstadt, Maximilian told Alix that he intended to propose to her. Alix was surprised and unhappy, and she later reflected that "I did not know him at all."[19] She asked her older sister Victoria to intervene and help her reject Maximilian politely.

Engagement

[edit]
Alix of Hesse, 1890

In 1884, Alix attended the wedding of her sister Elisabeth to Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich in St. Petersburg. At this wedding, the 12-year-old Alix met the 16-year-old Tsesarevich Nicholas, nephew of the groom and heir-apparent to the Imperial throne of Russia. In his diary Nicholas called Alix "sweet little Alix"[20] and declared "we love each other." He gave her a brooch as a sign of his affection, and they scratched their names into a windowpane.

In January 1890, Alix visited her sister Ella in Russia. She and Nicholas skated together, met at tea parties, and played badminton. Nicholas wrote in his diary: "It is my dream to one day marry Alix H. I have loved her for a long time, but more deeply and strongly since 1889 when she spent six weeks in Petersburg. For a long time, I have resisted my feeling that my dearest dream will come true."[21]

Alix's sister Ella and her husband Sergei were enthusiastically in favor of the match between Nicholas and Alix. Ella and Alix's uncle, the future King Edward VII, told his mother, Queen Victoria, that "Ella will move heaven and earth to get [Alix] to marry a Grand Duke."[22] Ella wrote to Ernest, "God grant this marriage will come true."[23]

Nicholas and Alix were second cousins through Wilhelmina of Baden, the mother of both Nicholas's paternal grandmother, Empress Maria Alexandrovna of Russia, formerly Princess Wilhelmine Marie of Hess-Darmstadt, the first wife of Tsar Alexander II, and Alix's paternal grandfather, Prince Charles of Hesse and by Rhine, brother of Louis III, Grand Duke of Hesse and by Rhine.

Queen Victoria opposed the match to Nicholas. She personally liked Nicholas, but she disliked Russia and Nicholas's father and worried that Alix would not be safe in Russia. She wrote to Alix's older sister Victoria of her suspicions that Sergei and Ella were encouraging the match.[24] After the betrothal was announced, she reflected: "The more I think of sweet Alicky's marriage the more unhappy I am. Not as to the personality for I like [Nicholas] very much but on account of the country and the awful insecurity to which that poor child will be exposed."[25]

Alexander and Maria Feodorovna were both vehemently anti-German and did not want Alix as a daughter-in-law. Maria Feodorovna told her sister Alexandra of Denmark that the youngest daughter of an undistinguished grand duke was not worthy to marry the heir to the Russian throne, and she believed that Alix was too tactless and unlikeable to be a successful empress.[26] Alexander favored Princess Hélène of Orléans, the tall, dark-haired daughter of Philippe, Comte de Paris, pretender to the throne of France.[21] Nicholas was not attracted to Hélène, writing in his diary: "Mama made a few allusions to Hélène, daughter of the Comte de Paris. I myself want to go in one direction and it is evident that Mama wants me to choose the other one."[27] Hélène also resisted this match, as she was Roman Catholic and her father refused to allow her to convert to Russian Orthodoxy. Alexander sent emissaries to Princess Margaret of Prussia, sister of Wilhelm II, German Emperor, and a granddaughter of Queen Victoria. Nicholas declared that he would rather become a monk than marry Margaret; she in turn was unwilling to convert to the Russian Orthodox Church from being Protestant.

When his health failed in 1894, Alexander III decided to allow Nicholas to marry Alix so that he could secure the succession.[28] Maria reluctantly permitted Nicholas to propose to Alix. Nicholas was ecstatic and immediately inquired about Alix.

Despite her love for Nicholas, Alix was initially reluctant to marry Nicholas because she did not want to renounce her Lutheran faith to join the Orthodox Church. She wrote to Nicholas that "I cannot [convert to Orthodoxy] against my conscience" because "What happiness can come from a marriage which begins without the real blessing of God?"[29] Nicholas was devastated, but he remained hopeful because Ella assured him that Alix was "utterly miserable" and had a "deep and pure" love for him.[30] Nicholas begged her "not [to] say 'no' directly" and declared, "Do you think there can exist any happiness in the whole world without you!"[30]

In April 1894 Alix's brother Ernest Louis married Princess Victoria Melita of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Princess Victoria was Alexander III's niece by his sister Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna of Russia and Nicholas's first cousin, so several Russians attended the wedding, including Grand Dukes Vladimir, Sergei and Paul, Grand Duchesses Elisabeth Feodorovna and Maria Pavlovna, and Nicholas.[31] Nicholas was determined to persuade Alix to marry him. He was evidently confident in his future success: he brought Father Ioann Yanyshev, confessor to the Imperial family, to teach Alix about Russian Orthodoxy, and he brought Ekaterina Adolfovna Schneider to teach Alix Russian.[32]

The day after his arrival in Coburg Nicholas proposed to Alix and tried for two hours to persuade her to convert to Orthodoxy. She wept continuously but refused. Ella spoke to Alix afterwards and she convinced Alix that she did not need to renounce Lutheranism to convert to Orthodoxy. Ella herself had not been required to abjure her Lutheran faith when she converted to Orthodoxy. The next day Alix spoke to Wilhelm II (who hoped that a German empress would lead to better German-Russian relations) and Duchess Marie of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (a German princess who had converted from Lutheranism to Orthodoxy to marry Nicholas's uncle Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich of Russia). She accepted Nicholas's second proposal.[33]

Tsar Nicholas II, in hussar uniform, and Princess Alix of Hesse in an official engagement photograph, 1894

Following the engagement Alix returned to England and her grandmother. In June Nicholas travelled to England to visit her and attend the christening of the eldest son of Prince George, Duke of York. Alix and Nicholas were both named as godparents of the boy, who reigned briefly as Edward VIII of the United Kingdom in 1936.[34] Alix wrote to her old governess that "I am more happy than words can express. At last, after these five sad years!"[35] Nicholas declared that "my soul was brimming with joy and life."[36]

In September, as Alexander III's health declined, Nicholas obtained the permission of his dying father to summon Alix to the Romanovs' Livadia Palace in Crimea. Escorted by her sister Ella from Warsaw to the Crimea, she traveled by ordinary passenger train.[37] The dying tsar insisted on receiving Alix in full dress uniform and gave her his blessing.[38]

Empress of Russia

[edit]

Wedding

[edit]
Portrait by Laurits Tuxen of the wedding of Tsar Nicholas II and the Princess Alix of Hesse-Darmstadt, which took place at the Chapel of the Winter Palace, St Petersburg, on 14/26 November 1894.[39]

On 1 November 1894, Alexander III died at the age of 49. Nicholas was confirmed as Tsar Nicholas II. The next day, Alix was received into the Russian Orthodox Church as "the truly believing Grand Duchess Alexandra Feodorovna."[40] However, she was not required to repudiate Lutheranism.[41] Alix wanted to take the name Yekaterina, but Nicholas wanted her to take the name Alexandra so that they could be a second Nicholas and Alexandra. He was inspired by his great-grandfather Nicholas I and his great-grandmother Alexandra Feodorovna.[42]

Alexandra, the Prince and Princess of Wales, and Nicholas's Greek relatives accompanied the coffin of Alexander III first through Moscow and St. Petersburg. The funeral of Alexander III occurred on 19 November.

On 26 November 1894, Alexandra and Nicholas married in the Grand Church of the Winter Palace of Saint Petersburg. Court mourning could be relaxed because it was the birthday of Nicholas's mother, now Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna.[43] Many Russians considered Alexandra a bad omen because she arrived so soon after the death of Emperor Alexander: "She has come to us behind a coffin. She brings misfortune with her."[44] Alexandra herself wrote to her sister: "Our wedding seemed to me, a mere continuation of the funeral liturgy for the dead Tsar, with one difference; I wore a white dress instead of a black one."[45]

Coronation

[edit]
Lesser arms of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna

On 26 May 1896, Alexandra and Nicholas were crowned at the Dormition Cathedral in the Kremlin.

Five hundred thousand Russians gathered in Moscow to watch the entertainment, eat the court-sponsored food, and collect the gifts in honor of their new tsar. There were rumors that there was not enough food for everyone, so the crowd rushed towards the gift tables. The police failed to maintain order, and a thousand Russians were trampled to death at the Khodynka Field.

Nicholas and Alexandra were horrified by the deaths, and they decided not to attend the ball that the French ambassador, the Marquis de Montebello, hosted in their honor. Nicholas's uncles urged him to attend so as not to offend the French and give credence to the rumors that the German Alexandra was prejudiced against the French. Sergei Witte commented, "We expected the party would be called off. Instead it took place as if nothing had happened and the ball was opened by Their Majesties dancing a quadrille."[46] The British ambassador informed Queen Victoria that "the Empress appeared in great distress, her eyes reddened by tears."

The next day, Alexandra and Nicholas visited the wounded and paid for the coffins of the dead. However, many Russians took the disaster at Khodynka Field as an omen that Nicholas's reign would be unhappy. Others used the circumstances of the tragedy and the behaviour of the royal establishment to underscore the heartlessness of the autocracy and the contemptible shallowness of the young tsar and his "German woman".[47]

Rejection by the Russian people

[edit]
Alexandra Feodorovna, 1895

Alexandra was extremely unpopular among her husband's Russian subjects. Her shy and introverted nature was interpreted as arrogance and coldness, and she struggled to win friends. The Russian court judged her as "devoid of charm, wooden, cold eyes, holds herself as if she'd swallowed a yardstick."[48]

Alexandra struggled to communicate. She spoke English and German fluently, but she is said to have struggled to speak French, the official language of the court. Her letters and notes show that she could read and write French very fluently however, and communication between herself and her children's French tutor Pierre Gilliard was always in French. Alexandra also spoke Italian, having learned that language as a teenager.

It is often said that she struggled with Russian and did not learn it until she became Empress. This is however untrue. Her teenage diaries show that she had some Russian lessons prior to visiting her sister Ella in Russia. She began learning Russian in earnest after her engagement to Nicholas, and during the period of her engagement wrote long passages to him in Russian - with some minor errors, but improving over time. She learned to speak Russian very well. The letters between Alexandra and her son Alexei were almost without exception in Russian.[49]

Alexandra failed to understand her public role at court as the empress. Traditionally, the empress led the social scene and hosted numerous balls. However, Alexandra was shocked by the decadence, love affairs, and gossip that characterized parties. She declared that "the heads of the young ladies of St. Petersburg are filled with nothing but thoughts of young officers,"[50] and she crossed off the names of noblemen and noblewomen whom she deemed scandalous from the invitation lists until no one was left. Many people in St. Petersburg society dismissed Alexandra as a prude. In one of her first balls, Alexandra sent a lady-in-waiting to reprimand a young woman in a low-cut gown: "Her Majesty wants me to tell you that in Hesse-Darmstadt we don't wear our dresses this way." The unnamed woman replied, "Pray tell Her Majesty that in Russia we do wear our dresses this way."[51] In 1896, she launched the "Help Through Handwork" project. She wanted to create a series of workshops in which noblewomen would teach poor peasants how to sew and raise funds for needy families.[52]

Alexandra had a difficult relationship with her mother-in-law, Maria Feodorovna. Unlike other European courts of the day, Russian protocol gave the dowager empress seniority in rank to the empress. At royal balls, Maria entered on her son's arm and Alexandra followed on the arm of one of the grand dukes. Maria was so accustomed to the tradition that she was surprised when Alexandra was bitter about her junior role at court.[citation needed] Maria also "carried her insistence on precedence so far that the chiffres of the maids of honor of both Empresses bore the initials M. A. instead of A. M., which was the proper order."[53] The crown jewels were the property of the current Empress, but Maria initially refused to relinquish them to Alexandra. Maria begrudgingly surrendered the magnificent collection only after Alexandra threatened not to wear any jewels at all to official court events.[citation needed]

Alexandra was unpopular in the imperial family. She was a fervent advocate of the 'divine right of kings' and believed that it was unnecessary to attempt to secure the approval of the people, according to her aunt, German Empress Victoria, who wrote to Queen Victoria that "Alix is very imperious and will always insist on having her own way; she will never yield one iota of power she will imagine she wields ..."[54] She dreaded social functions and enjoyed being alone with Nicholas, so she did not host the balls and parties that a tsarina normally would. Members of the imperial family resented that she closed off their access to the tsar and the inner court. She disliked Nicholas's uncle, Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich. She declared that Vladimir's sons Kirill, Boris and Andrei were irredeemably immoral. In 1913 she refused Boris's proposal for the hand of Grand Duchess Olga. During the war Vladimir's wife, Grand Duchess Marie Pavlovna, openly criticized Alexandra.[citation needed]

Insecure about her modest origins as a minor German princess, Alexandra insisted on being treated with the full honors due to an empress. In 1896 Alexandra and Nicholas went on a European tour. When Wilhelm II lent her an antique silver toilette service that had once belonged to his great-grandmother, Queen Louise of Prussia, she was insulted and declared that only a gold service was suitable for an empress. She dressed herself "with great magnificence".[55] At the Russian court courtiers mocked for her "dress[ing] in the heavy brocade of which she was so fond, and with diamonds scattered all over her, in defiance of good taste and common sense."[56]

Alexandra refused to court the public because she believed that the Russian people automatically loved and revered their emperor and empress. When she and Nicholas were traveling to Crimea by train, hundreds of peasants wore their best clothes and waited overnight to see the imperial couple. Nicholas went to the window and waved, but Alexandra refused to open the curtains and acknowledge the crowd. Dowager Empress Maria was furious that "[Alexandra] thinks the Imperial family should be 'above that sort of thing.' What does she mean? Above winning the people's affection?...And yet, how often she complains of the public indifference toward her."[57] Queen Victoria worried about Alexandra's unpopularity in her new country and she advised her granddaughter: "I've ruled more than 50 years ... and nevertheless every day I think about what I need to do to retain and strengthen the love of my subjects ... It is your first duty to win their love and respect." Alexandra replied, "You are mistaken, my dear grandmamma; Russia is not England. Here we do not need to earn the love of the people. The Russian people revere their Tsars as divine beings ... As far as Petersburg society is concerned, that is something which one may wholly disregard."[58] This letter, while quoted in Montefiore's book, The Romanovs, was first published in English in Orlando Figes's book A People's Tragedy. The footnotes show that the source of this letter was to be found in the Russian language book "Tsar i Tsaritsa" by Vladimir Iosifovich Gurko, who also noted "Of course, I do not vouch for the authenticity of the letters cited, but in any case they were passed around Petersburg and, of course, did not contribute to the establishment of good relations between the young Empress and the only outside world with which she came into direct contact."[59] Following the death of Queen Victoria, all the correspondence of Empress Alexandra to Queen Victoria was returned to her. In 1917, following the Tsar's abdication, Alexandra burnt the entirety of her correspondence with Queen Victoria, and therefore the veracity of these letters cannot be confirmed as there are no extant letters between Queen Victoria and Alexandra Feodorovna in the Russian State Archives, nor is there any in the Royal Archives post 1894 other than a couple of telegrams.

Struggle to bear an heir

[edit]

On 15 November 1895, Alexandra gave birth to her eldest child and daughter, Olga, at the Alexander Palace. Many Russians and members of the imperial family were disappointed in the sex of the child, but Nicholas and Alexandra were delighted with their daughter and doted on her. The birth of Olga did not change Grand Duke George's position as Nicholas's heir presumptive. The Pauline Laws implemented by Tsar Paul I forbade women from taking the Romanov throne as long as any male Romanov was alive. If Alexandra did not bear a son, Nicholas's heirs would be his brothers and uncles. However few worried because Alexandra was only 23, so she was expected to be able to bear a son soon.

A few months after giving birth to Olga Alexandra was pregnant again. Owing to the stress of the coronation she had a miscarriage.[60] No announcement was made, because she had not publicly confirmed her pregnancy. However, there were unfounded and malicious rumors in St Petersburg that Alexandra had become pregnant by a lover and aborted the baby to hide her infidelity.[61]

On 10 June 1897 Alexandra gave birth to her second child and daughter, Tatiana. Nicholas was overjoyed but the members of his family were unhappy and worried. When she woke up from the chloroform, Alexandra saw the "anxious and troubled faces" around her and "burst into loud hysterics." She cried, "My God, it is again a daughter. What will the nation say, what will the nation say?"[62] Alexandra's failure to have a son made her even more unpopular among the Russians. Nicholas's brother George said that he was disappointed not to have a nephew to relieve him of his duties as heir: "I was already preparing to go into retirement, but it was not to be.[63]

On 26 June 1899 Alexandra gave birth to her third child and daughter, Maria. Queen Victoria sent Alexandra a telegram when Maria was born: "I am so thankful that dear Alicky has recovered so well, but I regret the third girl for the country."[64] Grand Duke Konstantin fretted: "And so there's no Heir. The whole of Russia will be disappointed by this news."[65] Russians saw the birth of a third daughter as proof that Alexandra was bad luck. Two weeks after Maria's birth, Nicholas's brother George died and their younger brother Michael became the heir presumptive to the throne. Courtiers flocked to Michael and treated him as the heir apparent, which distressed Alexandra. In October 1900 Nicholas became ill with abdominal typhus and was confined to bed for five weeks. The cabinet were forced to discuss what would happen if Nicholas died. Alexandra was pregnant with her fourth child, and she insisted that she be named regent in the hope that she would bear a son. However Nicholas's ministers refused: If Nicholas died, Michael would become tsar. If Alexandra's baby was a boy, Michael would renounce the throne in his nephew's favor. Alexandra was not satisfied and she grew to distrust Nicholas's ministers for trying to "steal" her future son's inheritance.

On 18 June 1901 Alexandra gave birth to Anastasia. Nicholas's sister, Grand Duchess Xenia, exclaimed, "My God! What a disappointment!... a fourth girl!"[66] The French diplomat Maurice Paléologue reported: "The German [Alexandra] has the evil eye. Thanks to her nefarious influence our Emperor is doomed to catastrophe."[67] The Russian peasants decided that "the Empress was not beloved in heaven or she would have borne a son."[68]

Alexandra and Nicholas turned to the faith in hopes of having a son. Shortly after Anastasia's birth, Grand Duchess Militza Nikolaevna introduced Alexandra to a mystic named Philippe Nizier-Vachot. He was an unlicensed quack who claimed that he could use his magnetic powers to change the sex of a baby inside the womb.[69] Nicholas contrived a medical diploma from the Imperial Military Medical Academy for Philippe and made him State Councilor and military doctor. Nicholas's mother (Maria), sister (Xenia) and sister-in-law (Ella) were alarmed and warned him and Alexandra to stay away from Philippe, but the imperial couple did not heed their advice.

In the end of 1901 Alexandra seemed to have become pregnant again and Philippe swore that she was carrying a boy. By the summer of 1902 it was clear that the Empress was not pregnant. Grand Duke Constantine Constantinovich of Russia wrote, "From 8 August we have been waiting every day for confirmation of the Empress's pregnancy. Now we have suddenly learned that she is not pregnant, indeed that there never was any pregnancy, and that the symptoms that led to suppose it were in fact only anaemia!".[70] In reality, Alexandra had had a molar pregnancy. On 19 August 1902 she had suffered a discharge of "a spherical, fleshy mass the size of a walnut",[70] which Dr Dmitry Ott confirmed was a dead fertilized egg in the fourth week of gestation. To save face, the court physicians published a bulletin on 21 August claiming that Alexandra had "a straightforward miscarriage, without any complications."[71] Humiliated, Alexandra sent Philippe to France.

In 1903 Alexandra and Nicholas decided to support the canonisation of Seraphim of Sarov. Before he left Russia Philippe told them that Seraphim would grant Alexandra a son. Seraphim had been a monk in the Tambov region who had supposedly performed local miracles and had been dead for seventy years. The Metropolitan of Moscow reluctantly agreed to canonize the saint. On 19 August Alexandra and Nicholas bathed in the Sarov Spring in which Seraphim had once bathed and prayed that the sacred waters would bless them with a son.[72]

In 1904 Alexandra became pregnant. There was high anticipation for a son. As her due date drew near, a newspaper noted that "a few days will decide whether the Czarina is to be the most popular woman in Russia, or regarded by the great bulk of the people as a castaway – under the special wrath of God."[73] On 12 August 1904 Alexandra gave birth to Alexei Nikolaevich in Peterhof. Alexei's birth affirmed Nicholas and Alexandra's faith in Philippe. In her diary Nicholas's sister Olga wrote, "I am sure it was Seraphim who brought it about." Nicholas wrote to Militza to "pass on our gratitude and joy ... to Philippe."[74]

Relationship with her children

[edit]
The Russian imperial family, 1913. Left to right: Grand Duchess Maria, Tsarina Alexandra, Grand Duchesses Olga and Tatiana, Tsar Nicholas, and Grand Duchess Anastasia. Tsesarevich Alexei sits in front of his parents.

Alexandra had a distant relationship with Olga.[75] She relied on Olga to keep her younger siblings in order. Her letters to Olga include frequent reminders to mind her siblings: "Remember above all to always be a good example to the little ones"[76] and "Try to have a serious word with Tatiana and Maria about how they should conduct themselves towards God.[77]" Olga was frustrated by trying to keep her boisterous siblings in order, and she complained that her mother had no time for her. Olga preferred her father.

The White Flower Day
The empress Alexandra and her children during the 1914 White Flower Day charity event, selling white flowers to the people in Livadiya and Yalta in order to help people with tuberculosis. The tsarina particularly loved this ceremony that took place every spring time from 1911 to 1917.

Alexandra was closest to her second daughter, Tatiana.[53] Tatiana resembled Alexandra the most in terms of appearance and personality. She was described by her paternal aunt Xenia: "[Tatiana] and her mother are like as two peas in a pod!.... so pretty."[78] She was cautious and reserved, and she was unquestioningly devoted to Alexandra. During the family's final months, she helped her mother by pushing her about the house in a wheelchair.

Maria felt insecure about her role in the family, and Alexandra frequently assured Maria that she was as loved as her siblings: "Sweet child you must promise me never again to think that nobody loves you. How did such an extraordinary idea get into your little head? Get it quickly out again." Maria worried that Alexandra favored Anastasia over her, and Alexandra reassured her that "I have no secrets with Anastasia."[79]

Anastasia physically resembled Alexandra, but her boisterous, mischievous personality was very different from her mother's. She was dubbed the shvibzik, Russian for "imp."[80] During the family's last months, Anastasia was the only one who could make the melancholy Alexandra laugh.

Alexandra doted on Alexei because he was her only son and the heir to the Russian Empire. The children's tutor Pierre Gilliard wrote, "Alexei was the centre of a united family, the focus of all its hopes and affections. His sisters worshipped him. He was his parents' pride and joy. When he was well, the palace was transformed. Everyone and everything in it seemed bathed in sunshine."[81] Alexandra was obsessed with trying to protect him from his disease of hemophilia. According to Gilliard, she "press[ed] the little boy to her with the convulsive movement of a mother who always seems in fear of her child's life."[82] She sat at Alexei's bedside for days as he suffered through his attacks. She feared that he would injure himself in tantrums, so she spoiled him and never punished him.

Despite her fears of never bearing a son, Alexandra loved her daughters and called them her "little four-leaved clover". She wrote that "our girlies are our joy and happiness" and "the apostles of God".[83]

Health

[edit]

Alexandra's health was never robust and her frequent pregnancies, with four daughters in six years and her son three years after, drew from her energy. Her biographers, including Robert K. Massie, Carolly Erickson, Greg King, and Peter Kurth, attribute the semi-invalidism of her later years to nervous exhaustion from obsessive worry over the fragile tsarevich, who suffered from hemophilia. She spent most of her time in bed or reclining on a chaise in her boudoir or on a veranda. This immobility enabled her to avoid the social occasions that she found distasteful. Alexandra regularly took a herbal medicine known as adonis vernalis in order to regulate her pulse. She was constantly tired, slept badly, and complained of swollen feet. She ate little, but never lost weight (except for the last year of her life). She may have suffered from Graves disease (hyperthyroidism), a condition resulting in high levels of the thyroid hormone, which can also result in atrial fibrillation, poor heartbeat and lack of energy.[84]

Hemophilia and Rasputin

[edit]
Alexandra with her son, Alexei, 1913
Alexandra Feodorovna with Rasputin, her children and a governess, 1908

Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich of Russia was heir apparent to the throne of Russia and the only son of Nicholas and Alexandra. Shortly after his birth, the court doctors realized that he had hemophilia. After his umbilical cord was cut, his stomach bled for days, and his blood did not clot. Nicholas wrote that Alexei lost "1/8 to 1/9 of the total quantity" of his blood in 48 hours.[85] Hemophilia had entered the royal houses of Europe via the daughters of Queen Victoria, including Alexandra's mother, Princess Alice.[86] In the early 20th century, hemophilia was often fatal, and the average life expectancy of hemophiliacs was 13. Alexandra's brother, Friedrich, and maternal uncle Prince Leopold, Duke of Albany, had died young of hemophilia. Alexandra's sister Princess Irene of Hesse and by Rhine and first cousin Princess Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg were also carriers of the hemophilia gene and had hemophiliac sons.

Alexandra felt immense guilt that she had passed down the disease to her son. Shortly after Alexei's diagnosis, she wept and told the nurse, "If only you knew how fervently I've prayed for God to protect my son from our inherited curse."[87] Nicholas's sister Xenia called hemophilia "the terrible disease of the English family",[88] and members of the imperial family blamed Alexandra for "contaminating the Romanovs with the diseases of her own race."[89]

As the incurable illness threatened the sole son and heir of the emperor, the imperial family decided to keep his condition secret from the Russian people. They wanted to limit social instability because of uncertainty. At first, Alexandra turned to Russian doctors to treat Alexei. Their treatments generally failed. Burdened with the threats to her son from any fall or cut, Alexandra turned toward faith for comfort. She studied the Orthodox faith and saints and spent hours daily praying in her private chapel for deliverance.[90]

Grigori Rasputin, a peasant from Siberia, appeared to have a cure for her son by praying for him and became powerful in court as a result. Over time, Alexandra grew to believe that Rasputin was the only man who could save her son's life. Rasputin was straightforward with Alexandra and told her, "Neither the Emperor nor you can do without me. If I am not there to protect you, you will lose your son... within six months."[91] Alexandra blinded herself to evidence of Rasputin's debauchery and the harm his presence did to imperial prestige. The director of the national police told Alexandra that a drunk Rasputin had exposed himself at a popular Moscow restaurant and bragged that Nicholas gave him sexual access to her, but she blamed the account on malicious gossip. "Saints are always calumniated," she once wrote. "He is hated because we love him."[92] Nicholas recognized Rasputin's faults, but he felt powerless to do anything about the man who seemingly saved his only son's life. Pierre Gilliard wrote, "He did not like to send Rasputin away, for if Alexei died, in the eyes of the mother, he would have been the murderer of his own son."[93][self-published source]

From the start, members of the court exchanged gossip about Rasputin. Although some of St Petersburg's top clergy accepted him as a living prophet, others angrily denounced him as a fraud and a heretic. Made-up stories from his life in Siberia were heard in St. Petersburg. For instance, he was said to conduct weddings for villagers in exchange for sleeping on the first night with the bride. He lived in St Petersburg with his two daughters and two housekeepers and was often visited by persons seeking his blessing, a healing, or a favour from the tsarina. Women, enchanted by the healer, also came to Rasputin for advice and individual blessings and received a private audience in his apartment, jokingly called the "Holy of Holies". Rasputin liked to preach a unique theology that one must become familiar with sin before having a chance to overcome it.[94] No one believed that Rasputin could heal Alexei, so court officials were confused as to why Alexandra was so dependent on him.

In 1912, Alexei suffered a life-threatening haemorrhage in the thigh while the family was at Spała in Poland. Alexandra sat for days at his bedside, and she rarely ate or slept.[95] She cried helplessly when Alexei begged for death and asked her to bury him in a forest instead of the mausoleum with his Romanov ancestors. The doctors expected Alexei to die, and a priest performed his last rites. The court officials prepared an official telegram to announce the death of the tsarevich. In desperation, Alexandra sent a telegram to Rasputin, who replied: "God has seen your tears and heard your prayers. Do not grieve. The Little One will not die. Do not allow the doctors to bother him too much."[95] To the shock of his doctors, Alexei recovered his health and survived. From 1912, Alexandra came to rely increasingly on Rasputin and to believe in his ability to ease Alexei's suffering. It looked as if this reliance enhanced Rasputin's political power, but it is hard to detach gossip from the truth. His role in the court seriously undermined Romanov rule during the First World War.

Rasputin was assassinated to end his perceived interference in political matters on 30 December 1916. Among the conspirators were the nobleman Prince Felix Yusupov, who was married to Nicholas II's niece, Princess Irina of Russia, and Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich, who had once been close to Nicholas and Alexandra's family.

World War I

[edit]
Alexandra Fyodorovna in her nursing uniform during the war together with Vera Gedroits, 1916.

The outbreak of World War I was a pivotal moment for Russia and Alexandra. The war pitted the Russian Empire of the Romanov dynasty against the German Empire of the Hohenzollern dynasty.[96] When Alexandra learned of the Russian mobilization, she stormed into her husband's study and said: "War! And I knew nothing of it! This is the end of everything."[97] During the first World War, Alexandra and Nicholas exchanged around 1,700 letters.[98]

Alexandra's ties to Germany made her more unpopular among some societies in Russia. Her brother Ernest Louis ruled the Grand Duchy of Hesse and by Rhine, so he fought with the Germans. The German Emperor, Wilhelm II, was Alexandra's first cousin. Alexandra's sister, Irene, was married to Wilhelm's brother, Henry. Ironically, Alexandra was an ardent Russian patriot and disliked the German Emperor. She privately wrote that Wilhelm II "is really nothing but a clown. He has no real worth. His only virtues are his strict morals and his conjugal fidelity."[99]

High society in St Petersburg, renamed the Russified Petrograd, accused her of collaboration with the Germans.[100] In Petrograd there was a rumor that Alexandra was hiding her brother Ernest in Russia. In 1916 Alexandra's lady-in-waiting wrote that she was asked "in all seriousness whether the Grand Duke of Hesse was not hidden in the cellars of the palace."[101] Alexandra worked as a nurse to wounded soldiers but her efforts went unappreciated. There were also rumors that Alexandra and Rasputin were carrying on nightly conversations with Wilhelm II in Berlin to negotiate a dishonorable peace.[102]

When Nicholas travelled to the front line in 1915 to take personal command of the army he left Alexandra in charge as regent in the capital. Her brother-in-law, Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich, recorded, "When the Emperor went to war of course his wife governed instead of him."[103]

It looked as if Alexandra appointed and dismissed ministers based on Rasputin's self-serving advice but those close to the imperial family circle denied it. In only sixteen months she appointed three prime ministers, five ministers of the interior and three ministers of war.[104] "After the middle of 1915," wrote Florinsky, "the fairly honorable and efficient group who formed the top of the bureaucratic pyramid degenerated into a rapidly changing succession of the appointees of Rasputin."[104] Alexei Polivanov was an excellent official, credited with revitalizing the Imperial Russian Army, but Alexandra declared, "I don't like the choice of Minister of War Polivanov. Is he not our Friend's [Rasputin's] enemy?"[105] The general Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich disliked Rasputin because Rasputin saw and told Alexandra that the grand duke was deliberately currying favor in the army and overshadowing Nicholas so that he could claim the throne. On 16 June Alexandra wrote to the tsar, "I have absolutely no faith in N.... [he has] gone against a Man of God [Rasputin], his work can't be blessed or his advice good... Russia will not be blessed if her sovereign lets a Man of God sent to help him be persecuted, I am sure."[106] She insisted to Nicholas that "[Rasputin] has your interest and Russia's at heart. It is not for nothing God sent him to us, only we must pay more attention to what He says. His words are not lightly spoken and the importance of having not only his prayers but his advice is great."[107]

Ever a believer in autocracy, Alexandra persuaded Nicholas that he must never relinquish his absolute power as Emperor. She wrote to him: "You are master and sovereign of Russia. Almighty God set you in place, and they should all bow down before your wisdom and steadfastness."[108] She advised him to "Be Peter the Great, Ivan the Terrible, Emperor Paul-- crush them all."[108] She criticized the Duma and declared "they want to discuss things not concerning them and bring more discontent—they must be kept away.... We are not ready for constitutional government."[109]

During the war there was great concern within the imperial house about the influence Empress Alexandra had upon state affairs through the Tsar and the influence Rasputin was believed to have upon her, since it was considered to provoke the public and endanger the safety of the imperial throne and the survival of the monarchy.[110] On behalf of the imperial relatives of the Tsar, Grand Duchesses Elizabeth Feodorovna and Victoria Feodorovna had been selected to mediate and ask Empress Alexandra to banish Rasputin from court to protect her and the throne's reputation, the former twice, but without success. In parallel, several of the grand dukes had tried to intervene with the Tsar but with no more success.

Nicholas, Alexandra and their children in Yevpatoria, Crimea, May 1916

During this conflict of 1916–1917 Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna reportedly planned a coup d'état to depose the Tsar with the help of four regiments of the Russian Imperial Guard, which were to invade the Alexander Palace, force the tsar to abdicate and replace him with his underage son under the regency of her son Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich.[111]

There are documents that support the fact that, in this critical situation, the Empress Dowager Maria Feodorovna was involved in a planned coup d'état to depose her son from the throne in order to save the monarchy.[110] The plan was reportedly for Maria to make a final ultimatum to the Tsar to banish Rasputin unless he wished her to leave the capital, which would be the signal to unleash the coup.[110] Exactly how she planned to replace her son is unconfirmed but two versions are available: first, that Grand Duke Paul Alexandrovich would take power in her name and that she herself would thereafter become ruling empress; the other version claims that she and Grand Duke Paul would replace the Tsar with his son, the heir to the throne, Maria's grandson Alexei, whereupon Maria and Paul would share power as regents during his minority.[110] Reportedly, Empress Alexandra was informed about the planned coup and when Maria Feodorovna made the ultimatum to the Tsar the empress persuaded him to order his mother to leave the capital.[110] Consequently, the dowager empress left Petrograd to live in the Mariinskyi Palace in Kiev the same year. She never again returned to the capital of Russia.

Revolution (1917)

[edit]

World War I put what proved to be an unbearable burden on Imperial Russia's government and economy, both of which were dangerously weak. Mass shortages and hunger became the daily situation for tens of millions of Russians owing to the disruptions of the war economy. Fifteen million men were diverted from agricultural production to fight in the war and the transport infrastructure (primarily railroads) was diverted towards war use, exacerbating food shortages in the cities since available agricultural products could not be brought to urban areas. Inflation was rampant. This, combined with the food shortages and the poor performance by the Russian military in the war, generated a great deal of anger and unrest among the people in Petrograd and other cities.[112]

The decision of the Tsar to take personal command of the military was disastrous, since he was blamed personally for all losses. His relocation to the front, leaving the Empress in charge of the government, helped undermine the Romanov dynasty. The poor performance of the military led to rumours, believed by the people, that the German-born Empress was part of a conspiracy to help Germany win the war. Moreover, within several months of taking personal command of the army, the Tsar replaced several capable ministers with less able men at the Empress's and Rasputin's behest; most notable among these replacements was replacing N. B. Shcherbatov with Alexei Khvostov as minister of the interior.[113] The severe winter of 1916–17 essentially doomed Imperial Russia. Food shortages worsened and famine gripped the cities. The mismanagement and failures of the war turned the soldiers against the Tsar. By 1917 the Tsar had realized that Russia could not fight the war much longer, and as railroads carried troops to the front there was little capacity left to bring food to the cities.

By March 1917 conditions had become even worse. Steelworkers went on strike on 7 March and the following day crowds hungry for bread began rioting on the streets of Petrograd to protest against food shortages and the war. After two days of rioting the Tsar ordered the army to restore order and on 11 March they fired on the crowd. That very same day the Duma, the elected legislature, urged the Tsar to take action to ameliorate the concerns of the people. The Tsar responded by dissolving the Duma.[114]

On 12 March soldiers sent to suppress the rioting crowds mutinied and joined the rebellion, thus providing the spark to ignite the February Revolution. (Like the later October Revolution of November 1917, the Russian Revolutions of 1917 are named according to the Old-Style calendar.) Soldiers and workers set up the 'Petrograd Soviet" of 2,500 elected deputies whilst the Duma declared a Provisional Government on 13 March. Alexander Kerensky was a key player in the new regime. The Duma informed the Tsar that day that he must abdicate.

In an effort to put an end to the uprising in the capital, Nicholas tried to get to Petrograd by train from army headquarters at Mogilev. The route was blocked so he tried another way. His train was stopped at Pskov where, after receiving advice from his generals, he first abdicated the throne for himself and later, on seeking medical advice, for himself and his son, the Tsarevich Alexei.[115]

Alexandra was now in a perilous position as the wife of the deposed Tsar, hated by the Russian people. Attempts were made by the mutinous Tsarskoye Selo garrison to storm the Alexander Palace but it was successfully defended by the palace guards.[116] The palace guards and other troops gradually left for the capital after being informed about the abdication and Alexandra asked the Duma to put in place security measures for her and her household in view of the riots and violence in the nearby capital.[117] On 18 March Mikhail Rodzianko sent the newly appointed Minister of War, Alexander Guchkov, and General Lavr Kornilov to Alexandra to inspect the security of the palace, which resulted in an officer being appointed to maintain the security of the palace as well as to act as a channel of communication between the palace and the Duma.[117] After this Alexandra noticed that the guards defending the palace gradually began to wear handkerchiefs around their wrists, signalling that they supported the Duma, which also meant that she and her children, while being defended from immediate harm, were nevertheless under de facto house arrest from that moment on.[116] Alexandra and her children and household were not molested in any way and the household was left to continue its everyday life as before, with the exception of occasional power cuts.[118] On 21 March Kornilov informed Alexandra that she was formally under house arrest and the members of the household were informed that they were free to leave if they wished but if they chose to stay they would have to obey the same rules as pertained to the house arrest of Alexandra.[117]

The following day, on 22 March, Nicholas was finally allowed to return to the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoe Selo, where he was placed under arrest with his family. Alexandra told him that "the husband and father was of more value in her eyes than the Emperor whose throne she had shared."[119][self-published source]

Imprisonment (1917–1918)

[edit]
The last photograph ever taken of Alexandra. With her are her daughters Olga (right) and Tatiana (left). They are sitting on the balcony of the Governor's Mansion, Tobolsk, in Siberia in spring of 1918.

The Provisional Government formed after the revolution kept Nicholas, Alexandra and their children confined under house arrest in their home, the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo. They were visited by Alexander Kerensky from the government, who interviewed Alexandra regarding her involvement in state affairs and Rasputin's involvement in them through his influence over her.[120] She answered that as she and her spouse kept no secrets from each other they often discussed politics and she naturally gave him advice to support him; as for Rasputin, he had been a true holy man of God and his advice had been only in the interest of the good of Russia and the imperial family.[120] After the interview Kerensky told the Tsar that he believed that Alexandra had told him the truth and was not lying.[118]

The Provisional Government did not wish to keep the family in Russia, particularly as both the family and the government were under threat from the Bolsheviks; they trusted that the former Tsar and his family would be received in Great Britain and ensured that inquiries were being made.[118] Despite the fact he was a first cousin of both Nicholas and Alexandra, George V refused to allow them and their family permission to evacuate to the United Kingdom, since he was alarmed by their unpopularity in his country and the potential repercussions to his own throne.[121] After this it was suggested they be moved to France. However, although the French government was never asked, British diplomats in France reported that the family was not likely to be welcome there, since anti-German sentiments were strong in France during the war and Alexandra was widely unpopular because she was believed to be a sympathizer of Germany.[118] The Provisional Government was reportedly very disappointed that no foreign state seemed to be willing to receive the family and was forced to relocate them within Russia, since the security situation was becoming more and more difficult.[118]

In August 1917 the family were moved to Tobolsk in Siberia, a step by the Kerensky government designed to remove them from the capital and possible harm.[118] Nicholas and Alexandra had themselves suggested that they be moved to the Livadia Palace in the Crimea, but Kerensky deemed it to be too dangerous: to get to the Crimea they would have to travel through Central Russia, an area at that time affected by widespread revolutionary violence and riots where the upper classes and aristocracy were attacked by the public and their mansions burned.[118] Tobolsk in Siberia was, in contrast to Central and Southern Russia, a calm and peaceful place with greater security and more sympathy for the former Tsar.[118] There were indications that the Provisional Government were actually attempting to transport them out of Russia by the Trans-Siberian Railway, thus fulfilling the government's wish to have them expelled, but now via a different route, after the first attempt to exile them to Europe had failed.[118] However this plan was not revealed to the family, and if it had indeed been the intent of the government it had to be cancelled because of a strong Bolshevik presence in Yekaterinburg and other cities along the Trans-Siberian Railway east of Tobolsk, and the family therefore continued to their official destination.[118]

From Tobolsk Alexandra managed to send a letter to her sister-in-law, Xenia Alexandrovna, in Crimea:

My darling Xenia,

My thoughts are with you, how magically good and beautiful everything must be with you – you are the flowers. But it is indescribably painful for the kind motherland, I cannot explain. I am glad for you that you are finally with all your family as you have been apart. I would like to see Olga in all her new big happiness. Everybody is healthy, but myself, during the last 6 weeks I experience nerve pains in my face with toothache. Very tormenting ...

We live quietly, have established ourselves well [in Tobolsk] although it is far, far away from everybody, But God is merciful. He gives us strength and consolation ...[122]

Alexandra and her family remained in Tobolsk until after the Bolshevik Revolution in November 1917. The fall of the Provisional Government and the Bolshevik's accession to power greatly worsened their position.[118]

In 1918 they were moved to Bolshevik-controlled Yekaterinburg. Nicholas, Alexandra and their daughter Maria arrived at the Ipatiev House on 30 April 1918. On entering their new prison they were ordered to open all their luggage. Alexandra immediately objected. Nicholas tried to come to her defence saying, "So far we have had polite treatment and men who were gentlemen but now -"[123] The former Tsar was quickly cut off. The guards informed him he was no longer at Tsarskoye Selo and that refusal to comply with their request would result in his removal from the rest of his family; a second offence would be rewarded with hard labour. Fearing for her husband's safety, Alexandra quickly gave in and allowed the search. On the window frame of what was to be her last bedroom in the Ipatiev House, Alexandra scrawled a swastika, her favourite good-luck symbol, and pencilled the date 17/30 April 1918.[123] In May the rest of the family arrived in Yekaterinburg. They had not been able to travel earlier owing to the illness of Alexei. Alexandra was pleased to be reunited with her family once more.

Seventy-five men did guard duty at the Ipatiev House. Many of them were factory workers from the local Zlokazovsky Factory and the Verkh-Isetsk Factory. The commandant of the Ipatiev House, Alexander Avadeyev, was described as "a real Bolshevik". The majority of witnesses recall him as coarse, brutish and a heavy drinker. If a request for a favour on behalf of the family reached Avadeyev, he always gave the same response, "Let them go to hell!" The guards in the house often heard him refer to the deposed Tsar as "Nicholas the Blood-Drinker" and to Alexandra as "The German Bitch".[124]

For the Romanovs life at the Ipatiev House was a nightmare of uncertainty and fear. The imperial family never knew if they would still be in the Ipatiev House from one day to the next or if they might be separated or killed. The privileges allowed to them were few. For an hour each afternoon they could exercise in the rear garden under the watchful eye of the guards. Alexei could still not walk and his sailor Nagorny had to carry him. Alexandra rarely joined her family in these daily activities. Instead she spent most of her time sitting in a wheelchair, reading the Bible or the works of St Seraphim. At night the Romanovs played cards or read; they received little mail from the outside world and the only newspapers they were allowed were outdated editions.[125]

Dmitri Volkogonov and other Soviet historians believe that indirect evidence indicates that Vladimir Lenin personally ordered the execution of the imperial family,[126] although official Soviet accounts place the responsibility for the decision with the Ural Regional Soviet.[127] Leon Trotsky, in his diary, makes it quite clear that the execution took place on the authority of Lenin. Trotsky wrote:

My next visit to Moscow took place after the fall of Ekaterinburg. Talking to Sverdlov I asked in passing, "Oh yes, and where is the tsar?" "It's all over," he answered. "He has been shot." "And where is his family?" "And the family with him." "All of them?" I asked, apparently with a touch of surprise. "All of them," replied Sverdlov. "What about it?" He was waiting to see my reaction. I made no reply. "And who made the decision?" I asked. "We decided it here. Ilyich (Lenin) believed that we shouldn't leave The Whites a live banner to rally around, especially under the present difficult circumstances."[128]

On 4 July 1918 Yakov Yurovsky, the chief of the Yekaterinburg Cheka, was appointed commandant of the Ipatiev House. Yurovsky was a loyal Bolshevik, a man Moscow could rely on to carry out its orders regarding the imperial family. Yurovsky quickly tightened security. From the imperial family he collected all of their jewellery and valuables. These he placed in a box which he sealed and left with the prisoners. Alexandra kept only two bracelets, which her uncle Prince Leopold, Duke of Albany had given her as a child and which she could not take off. He did not know that the former tsarina and her daughters wore concealed on their person diamonds, emeralds, rubies and ropes of pearls. These would be discovered only after the executions. Yurovsky had been given the order for the execution on 13 July.[129]

On Sunday 14 July 1918 two priests came to the Ipatiev House to celebrate the Divine Liturgy. One of them, Father Storozhev, later recalled:

I went into the living room first, then the deacon and Yurovsky. At the same time Nicholas and Alexandra entered through the doors leading into the inner room. Two of his daughters were with him. I did not have a chance to see exactly which ones. I believe Yurovsky asked Nicholas Alexandrovich, "Well, are you all here?" Nicholas Alexandrovich answered firmly, "Yes, all of us." Ahead beyond the archway, Alexandra Feodorovna was already in place with two daughters and Alexei Nicolaievich. He was sitting in a wheelchair and wore a jacket, as it seemed to me, with a sailor's collar. He was pale, but not so much as at the time of my first service. In general he looked more healthy. Alexandra Feodorovna also had a healthier appearance. ...According to the liturgy of the service it is customary at a certain point to read the prayer, "Who Resteth with the Saints." On this occasion for some reason the deacon, instead of reading the prayer began to sing it, and I as well, somewhat embarrassed by this departure from the ritual. But we had scarcely begun to sing when I heard the members of the Romanov family, standing behind me, fall on their knees ...[130]

Execution

[edit]

Tuesday 16 July 1918 passed normally for the former imperial family. At four o'clock in the afternoon, Nicholas and his daughters took their usual walk in the small garden. Early in the evening, Yurovsky sent away the fifteen-year-old kitchen boy, Leonid Sednev, saying that his uncle wished to see him. At 7 pm, Yurovsky summoned all the Cheka men into his room and ordered them to collect all the revolvers from the outside guards. With twelve heavy military revolvers lying before him on the table he said, "Tonight, we shoot the entire family, everybody." Upstairs Nicholas and Alexandra passed the evening playing bezique; at ten thirty they went to bed.[131]

The former tsar, tsarina and all of their family, including the gravely ill Alexei, along with several family servants, were executed by firing squad and bayonets in the basement of the Ipatiev House, where they had been imprisoned, early in the morning of 17 July 1918, by a detachment of Bolsheviks led by Yakov Yurovsky.[132] In the basement room of the Ipatiev House Alexandra complained that there were no chairs for them to sit on, whereupon Nicholas asked for and received three chairs from the guards. Minutes later, at about 2:15 am, a squad of soldiers, each armed with a revolver, entered the room. Their leader Yurovsky ordered the entire party to stand; Alexandra complied "with a flash of anger" and Yurovsky then casually pronounced, "Your relatives have tried to save you. They have failed and we must now shoot you." Nicholas rose from his chair and had time to utter only "What...?" before he was shot several times, not (as is usually said) in the head but in the chest; his skull bears no bullet wounds but his ribs were shattered by at least three fatal bullet wounds.[133] Standing about six feet from the gunmen and facing them, Alexandra watched the execution of her husband and two manservants before military commissar Peter Ermakov took aim at her. She instinctively turned away from him and began to make the sign of the cross, but before she could finish the gesture Ermakov killed her with a single gunshot which, as she had partly turned away, entered her head just above the left ear and exited at the same spot above her right ear. After all the victims had been shot, Ermakov in a drunken haze stabbed Alexandra's body and that of her husband, shattering both their rib cages and chipping some of Alexandra's vertebrae.[134]

Identification of remains

[edit]
Yekaterinburg's "Church on the Blood", built on the spot where the Ipatiev House once stood

After the execution of the Romanov family in the Ipatiev House, Alexandra's body, along with those of Nicholas, their children and some faithful retainers who died with them, was stripped and the clothing burnt according to the Yurovsky Note, a secret report by Yurovsky, which came to light in the late 1970s but did not become public knowledge until the 1990s. Initially the bodies were thrown down a disused mine-shaft at Ganina Yama, 12 miles (19 km) north of Yekaterinburg. A short time later the bodies were retrieved. Their faces were smashed and the bodies, dismembered and disfigured with sulphuric acid, were hurriedly buried under railway sleepers with the exception of two of the children, whose bodies were not discovered until 2007. The Yurovsky Note helped the authorities to locate the bodies. The missing bodies were those of a daughter—Maria or Anastasia—and Alexei.[135] In the early 1990s, following the fall of the Soviet Union, the bodies of the majority of the Romanovs were located along with their loyal servants, exhumed and formally identified. Preliminary results of genetic analysis carried out on the remains of a boy and a young woman believed to belong to Nicholas II's son and heir Alexei and daughter Anastasia or Maria were revealed on 22 January 2008.[136][137] The Ekaterinburg region's chief forensic expert said, "Tests conducted in Yekaterinburg and Moscow allowed DNA to be extracted from the bones, which proved positive," Nikolai Nevolin said. "Once the genetic analysis has been completed in Russia, its results will be compared with test results from foreign experts."[136] Nevolin said the final results would be published in April or May 2008.[136] Certainty about the remains definitively put an end to the claim that Anna Anderson could be connected with the Romanovs, since all remaining bodies would be accounted for.

DNA analysis represented a key means of identifying the bodies. A blood sample from Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh (a grandson of Alexandra's oldest sister, Princess Victoria of Hesse and by Rhine), was used to identify Alexandra and her daughters through their mitochondrial DNA. They belonged to Haplogroup H (mtDNA). Nicholas was identified using DNA obtained from, among others, his late brother Grand Duke George Alexandrovich of Russia. Grand Duke George had died of tuberculosis in the late 1890s and was buried in the Peter and Paul Fortress in St Petersburg.[138][139][140]

Burial

[edit]

Alexandra, Nicholas and three daughters plus the servants who were killed with them were reinterred in the St Catherine Chapel of the Peter and Paul Cathedral at the Peter and Paul Fortress in Saint Petersburg in 1998, with much ceremony, on the eightieth anniversary of the execution.

Personality and appearance

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Alexandra, 1890

Alexandra was revered by many for her beauty. Her maternal grandmother, Queen Victoria, praised her as "a most lovely child."[141] Her friend Anna Vyrubova described her as "tall...and delicately, beautifully shaped, with exquisitely white neck and shoulders. Her abundant hair, red gold, was so long that she could easily sit upon it when it was unbound. Her complexion was clear and as rosy as a little child's. The Empress had large eyes, deep gray and very lustrous."[142] A lady-in-waiting, Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden, said that she was "a tall, slim girl" with "beautiful luminous eyes," "regular features," a "very good complexion," and "beautiful golden hair."[143] An imperial courtier commented favourably about "her wonderful hair which lay like a heavy crown on her head and large dark-blue eyes beneath long lashes."[144] In 1905, her daughters' tutor Pierre Gilliard wrote that "the Tsarina was still a beautiful woman at that time. She was tall and slender and carried herself superbly. But all this ceased the moment one looked into her eyes—those speaking, grey-blue eyes which mirrored the emotions of a sensitive soul."[145]

Alexandra was shy. When her grandmother Queen Victoria insisted that she play the piano for others, she felt that her "clammy hands... [were] literally glued to the keys" and later described the experience as "one of the worst ordeals" of her life.[146] When she was empress, a page in the imperial household described her as "so obviously nervous of conversation" and claimed that "at moments when she needed to show some social graces or a charming smile, her face would become suffused with little red spots and she would look intensely serious."[147] Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich of Russia noted that she "is terribly shy... It's noticeable that she does not have her mother-in-law's charm, and still does not, therefore, inspire general adulation."[148] Nadine Wonar-Larsky, her lady-in-waiting, noted that she was "extremely shy even at such an informal affair as receiving" Wonlar-Larsky and her mother to tea.[148] An imperial courtier noted that "when she was conversing or grew tired, her face became covered in red blotches [and] her hands were red and fleshy."[144] She herself admitted that during social functions, she "long[ed] to disappear into the ground."[149] She told her friend Marie Bariatinsky that "I am not made to shine before an assembly—I have not got the easy nor the witty talk one needs for that."[150] This was often mistaken as haughtiness. Her brother Ernest Louis reflected that "she would unsmilingly tilt her head to one side if something displeased her, with the result that people often thought that she was unhappy, or bored, or simply capricious."[151] Her daughters' tutor Pierre Gilliard reflected that "the reserve which so many people had taken as an affront and had made her so many enemies was rather the effect of a natural timidity, as it were—a mask covering her sensitiveness."[152]

Left to right (back row): Princess Alix of Hesse; Princess Irene of Hesse; (front row): Princess Marie Louise of Schleswig-Holstein; Charlotte, Princess Bernhard of Saxe-Meiningen; Princess Helena Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein.

Even from a young age, Alexandra was serious and melancholic. Her first cousin and childhood friend Princess Marie Louise said that she had "a curious atmosphere of fatality."[153] Princess Marie Louise allegedly asked her, "Alix, you always play at being sorrowful; one day the Almighty will send you some real crushing sorrows, and then what are you going to do?"[153] Sir George William Buchanan, who was a diplomat for Alexandra's grandmother Queen Victoria, reflected that Alexandra had a "sad and pathetic expression."[154]

Alexandra was devoutly religious. Although she loved Nicholas, she initially refused his proposal because she refused to convert from Lutheranism and join the Russian Orthodox Church, as was expected of all wives of Russian emperors. She told Nicholas that even though "it grieves me terribly and makes me very unhappy" not to marry him, leaving the Lutheran church would be "a wrongful thing."[155] Generous to her friends, she would try to help others: her lady-in-waiting Sophie Buxhoeveden wrote that she was "ready to do literally anything for her friends" and that "she would take up things and people with violent enthusiasm."[156] Alexandra admitted that "I am of the preacher type. I want to help others in life, to help them to fight their battles and bear their crosses.".[157] Such feelings give a clue to her friendship with the plain, naïve Anna Vyrubova whom she consoled after a brief and disastrous marriage.

Princess Alice had encouraged in her children the importance of and potential learning from literature and Alexandra grew up well-read in English and German. In her first years as empress, she translated Russian writings and studied Russian music to improve her command of the language. She read Leo Tolstoy's novels and discussed them with her husband.[158]

Alexandra enjoyed music. When she was young, she played the banjo and sang duets for hours with Queen Victoria's lady-in-waiting Minnie Cochrane.[159] She enjoyed playing the piano with her daughter Olga, who inherited her musical talent.

Sainthood

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Alexandra Romanova of Russia
Tsaritsa, Passion-Bearer or Martyr
Venerated inEastern Orthodox Church
Canonized
Major shrineChurch on Blood, Yekaterinburg, Russia
Feast17 July

In 1981 Alexandra and her immediate family were recognised as martyrs by the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia. In 2000 Alexandra was canonized as a saint and passion bearer by the Russian Orthodox Church, together with her husband, their children and others including her sister Grand Duchess Elisabeth Feodorovna and the Grand Duchess's fellow nun Varvara.

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Honours

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National decorations

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Foreign decorations

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Archives

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Alexandra Feodorovna's letters to Anna Vyrubova and Lili Dehn, written in the years 1916–1918, are preserved in the 'Romanov collection' in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University (New Haven, Connecticut, USA).[172]

Documents about Alexandra and her family (including photographs and correspondence) can also be found in the Archive of the House of Hesse, which is kept in Fasanerie Palace in Eichenzell, Germany.[173]

Ancestry

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References

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from Grokipedia

Alexandra Feodorovna (born Princess Alix of Hesse and by Rhine; 6 June 1872 – 17 July 1918) was the last Empress consort of Russia, as the wife of Emperor Nicholas II from their marriage on 26 November 1894 until the abdication of the Romanov dynasty in March 1917.
Born in Darmstadt in the Grand Duchy of Hesse to Grand Duke Louis IV and Princess Alice (daughter of Queen Victoria), she was raised in a Protestant household marked by familial tragedies, including the early deaths of her mother and youngest sister from diphtheria.
Upon converting to Russian Orthodoxy and marrying Nicholas, she bore four daughters—Olga, Tatiana, Maria, and Anastasia—and the long-awaited heir Alexei, whose inherited hemophilia (traced through Victoria's lineage) prompted her desperate turn to the Siberian mystic Grigori Rasputin for relief from his bleeding episodes, as conventional medicine failed.
Deeply pious and reclusive, Alexandra wielded increasing influence over court appointments and policy during World War I, exacerbated by Nicholas's frontline command and her German heritage, which bred suspicions of pro-German sympathies amid wartime Russophobia; this, combined with Rasputin's scandals, eroded public support for the monarchy and hastened revolutionary fervor.
Imprisoned after the February Revolution, she was executed by Bolshevik firing squad with Nicholas and their children in Yekaterinburg on 17 July 1918, an act later canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church as martyrdom despite the dynasty's political isolation.

Early Life and Formative Influences

Birth and Family Origins

Princess Alix Viktoria Helene Luise Beatrix of Hesse and by Rhine was born on 6 June 1872 at the Neues Palais in Darmstadt, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Hesse and by Rhine, a German state within the German Confederation. She was the seventh child and fourth daughter of her parents. Her father, Louis IV, Grand Duke of and by Rhine, ruled the duchy from 13 June 1877 until his death on 13 March 1892; he was born on 12 September 1837 as Prince Ludwig, the son of Prince Charles of and by Rhine and Princess Elisabeth of Prussia. Her mother, Princess Alice of the , was born on 25 April 1843 as the second daughter and third child of and Prince Albert; she married Louis on 1 July 1862 and became Grand Duchess of , actively engaging in and charitable work influenced by her service during the . Alix's siblings included three older sisters—Victoria (born 5 April 1863), Elisabeth (born 11 February 1864), and Irene (born 11 July 1866)—an older brother Ernst Ludwig (born 25 November 1868), and a brother Friedrich (born 20 September 1870) who suffered from hemophilia and died on 29 May 1873 after a fall. Two younger sisters followed: Marie (born 24 May 1874, died 16 November 1878 of ) and May (born and died 24 November 1878). The family belonged to the House of Hesse-Darmstadt, with maternal ties to the British through , linking Alix to a network of European royalty. The Hessian court maintained Lutheran Protestantism, reflecting the duchy's German heritage.

Childhood in Darmstadt and Education

Following the death of her mother, Grand Duchess Alice, from diphtheria on 14 December 1878, six-year-old Princess Alix experienced profound loss amid a family diphtheria outbreak that also claimed her younger sister Marie and nearly took Alix's own life. Her father, Grand Duke Louis IV, assumed primary responsibility for raising Alix and her surviving siblings—Victoria, Elisabeth, Irene, and Ernst Ludwig—in 's old town Schloss, to which the family relocated for a more intimate environment. , Alice's mother and Alix's grandmother, maintained close oversight, receiving monthly progress reports on the children and intervening with advice on their upbringing. Alix's early education commenced in the schoolroom around 1879–1880, initially in solitude before joining her siblings under who followed her late mother's structured curriculum. Key figures included the English Margaret Jackson, known as "Madgie," who profoundly influenced Alix's moral development and intellectual rigor, and Fraulein Textor, emphasizing languages, history, and literature. Alix applied herself diligently to her studies, demonstrating a strong sense of duty and thoroughness; she excelled in English, reflecting her Anglo-German heritage, but found French more challenging. Her mother's legacy instilled values of and service, as Alice had modeled involvement in the poor and sick, exposing her children to practical alongside formal lessons. The period shaped Alix's personality from an initially merry and hot-tempered child into a more reserved, self-restrained individual, marked by generosity and sensitivity, influenced by sibling bonds—particularly with elder sisters Victoria and Elisabeth—and familial excursions organized by her affectionate father. Further tragedies, including the death of her infant sister May prior to the epidemic and Queen Victoria's evolving role after Alice's passing, deepened Alix's early sense of isolation and , fostering resilience amid ongoing .

Religious Development and Conversion to Orthodoxy

Born Princess Alix of and by Rhine on 6 June 1872, she was baptized according to Lutheran rites on 1 July 1872 in the chapel of the Neues Palais in , receiving names honoring her mother and maternal aunts. Raised in the Protestant tradition of the Grand of , Alix's early religious formation emphasized personal devotion and moral discipline, shaped by the evangelical influences prevalent in her mother's circle following the death of Grand Duchess Alice in 1878 from . Her grandmother , though Anglican, facilitated periods of upbringing at and Balmoral, where Alix absorbed a broader Protestant ethic of charity and , yet remained anchored in Lutheran in spring 1888 under the guidance of Hessian theologian Dr. Sell, marking a pivotal deepening of her faith. Alix's piety manifested in a reserved, introspective character, often described as profoundly spiritual from youth, prioritizing over ceremonial pomp. This commitment intensified her reluctance toward conversion to Russian Orthodoxy, a prerequisite for marriage into the Romanov dynasty; as early as II's initial overtures in the 1890s, she expressed to him that renouncing would violate her , viewing such a change as incompatible with spiritual integrity absent genuine conviction. Her elder sister, Elizabeth Feodorovna (née Princess Elisabeth of ), who had voluntarily converted in April 1891 after the of her husband Sergei Alexandrovich, played a key role in persuasion, sharing experiences of Orthodoxy's mystical depth and encouraging Alix to prioritize love for alongside faith exploration during her visit to . Following III's death on 1 November 1894 (Gregorian), Alix accepted Nicholas's proposal and was received into the on 2 November 1894 at the in St. Petersburg, adopting the name Alexandra Feodorovna in a ceremony officiated by Orthodox clergy. The rite involved renunciation of prior beliefs, anointing with holy , and profession of the Orthodox creed, fulfilling the dynastic requirement while reflecting her resolution amid emotional turmoil. Post-conversion, Alexandra immersed herself in Orthodox practices with characteristic intensity, commissioning chapels, icons, and liturgical items, and cultivating a fervent personal that contrasted her prior Protestant restraint, evidenced by her later pilgrimages and advocacy for monastic revival.

Courtship, Marriage, and Ascension

Suitors and Path to Nicholas II

Princess Alix of Hesse, born in 1872, attracted attention from several royal suitors in her late teens and early twenties, reflecting her status as a granddaughter of Queen Victoria and her position in the interconnected European royal families. One prominent proposal came from Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and Avondale, the eldest son of the Prince of Wales and heir presumptive to the British throne; Queen Victoria actively promoted this match, viewing it as ideal for strengthening ties, but Alix rejected it around 1890, citing her inability to envision him as more than a cousin and her reluctance to leave her homeland. Another suitor, Prince Maximilian of Baden, proposed in 1891; Alix, with assistance from her sister Victoria, rebuffed his advances, as she harbored no romantic interest and was increasingly focused on her Lutheran faith, which complicated prospects requiring conversion. These refusals stemmed from Alix's principled stance against marriages of convenience, prioritizing emotional compatibility and religious conviction over dynastic pressures, even as her family, including Queen Victoria, urged acceptance. Alix's path to Tsarevich Alexandrovich, the future , began with their first meeting on 20 January 1884 (O.S. 8 January) at the wedding of Alix's sister, Elisabeth ("Ella"), to Sergei Alexandrovich in ; at age 11, Alix impressed the 15-year-old , who recorded in his diary his immediate enchantment with her blue eyes and gentle demeanor. , captivated from this encounter, pursued the match persistently over the next decade, despite Alix's youth and his parents' preferences for a more outgoing Orthodox princess; intermittent correspondence and family visits sustained his affection, though Alix remained hesitant, primarily due to the Orthodox Church's requirement for conversion from her Lutheran upbringing, which she viewed as a profound spiritual sacrifice. The decisive moment occurred in April 1894 during the wedding of Alix's brother, Ernest Louis of , to Princess Victoria Melita of in , ; , traveling with Romanov relatives, proposed to Alix on 6 April (O.S. 22 March), but she initially declined tearfully, citing her unresolved religious doubts. Following solitary prayer and counsel from Ella, who had converted for her own , Alix reconsidered and accepted by 20 April 1894 (O.S. 8 April), with the engagement announced publicly shortly thereafter; Emperor Alexander III, though reluctant due to Alix's perceived shyness and German origins, granted approval before his death later that year. This union marked the culmination of 's decade-long devotion, overriding familial opposition and Alix's scruples, setting the stage for her conversion to as Alexandra Feodorovna and their in November 1894.

Engagement and Pre-Marital Challenges

Nicholas II first proposed marriage to Princess Alix of Hesse in 1890 during her visit to Russia, but she refused, citing her deep commitment to Lutheranism and reluctance to convert to Russian Orthodoxy, which was mandatory for the empress consort. Despite this rejection, Nicholas persisted, maintaining correspondence and viewing her as his ideal match, while Alix grappled with the spiritual implications of renouncing her faith, a promise she felt bound to honor toward her late father's Lutheran heritage. The courtship resumed amid growing urgency in 1894 as Tsar Alexander III's health deteriorated from kidney disease. On 2 April 1894, attended the wedding of Alix's brother, Louis of , in , , where he proposed again; after days of hesitation influenced by her sister Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna's encouragement to embrace , Alix accepted on 20 April. Alexander III, who had initially disfavored the match in favor of politically advantageous unions such as one with a French princess to strengthen alliances, relented due to his failing condition and 's insistence that he would marry no other, granting permission for Alix to visit the imperial family at in that autumn. Empress Marie Feodorovna, Nicholas's mother, shared reservations about Alix's German Hessian origins and perceived shyness, viewing her as an unsuitable contrast to more outgoing candidates, though she eventually acquiesced. , Alix's grandmother, also opposed the engagement initially, confiding concerns about as a distant and unstable destination for her granddaughter and urging reconsideration despite Alix's affection for Nicholas. Following Alexander III's death on 1 November 1894, Alix formally converted to on 4 November, adopting the name Alexandra Feodorovna, which cleared the final religious barrier ahead of their wedding later that month.

Wedding, Coronation, and Early Court Integration

The marriage of and Alix of occurred on 26 November 1894 in the Imperial Chapel of the in . The ceremony followed a period of mourning for III, Nicholas's father, who had died on 1 November 1894, limiting the wedding's scale but not preventing its solemn execution. Upon marriage, Alix converted to Russian Orthodoxy, taking the name Alexandra Feodorovna, as required for her role as future tsaritsa. The imperial took place on 26 May 1896 in the Dormition Cathedral within the , marking the formal ascension of and as emperor and empress. Preparations included elaborate processions and rituals adhering to centuries-old traditions, with donning the during the ceremony. However, post- festivities were overshadowed by the on 18 May 1896, when a at Khodynka Meadow—amid crowds of over 500,000 seeking free food and beer gifts—resulted in 1,389 deaths and up to 20,000 injuries due to poor crowd management and a concealed . Despite the disaster, proceeded to a scheduled ball at the French Embassy that evening, a decision later criticized as insensitive, though expressed private horror and ordered aid for victims. Alexandra's early integration into the Russian court proved challenging, as her reserved Prussian-influenced demeanor clashed with the society's expectations for a more sociable and adaptable empress. She struggled to form alliances in St. Petersburg's aristocratic circles, feeling disliked from her arrival and preferring private family life over public engagements, which contrasted sharply with the outgoing style of Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, Nicholas's mother, who retained significant influence. Language barriers initially hindered interactions, though Alexandra diligently learned Russian; her stiffness at official functions, rooted in Victorian morals, further alienated observers who perceived her as prudish. Tensions arose with Maria Feodorovna over protocol and residence, exacerbating Alexandra's isolation in the formal environment.

Family Dynamics and Health Challenges

Efforts to Produce an Heir and Infant Losses

Following their marriage on November 26, 1894 (O.S.), Alexandra and anticipated the birth of children to secure the Romanov dynasty, as Russian imperial succession under the Pauline Laws of 1797 required a for direct , relegating females to subsidiary roles only in the absence of all male descendants. The empress's first pregnancy culminated in the birth of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna on November 15, 1895 (O.S.), a healthy daughter who, while personally cherished by her parents, did not alleviate dynastic concerns, as noted in his the hope for a future son. Subsequent pregnancies produced Grand Duchess on June 10, 1897 (O.S.), Grand Duchess Maria on June 26, 1899 (O.S.), and Grand Duchess on June 18, 1901 (O.S.), all surviving infancy without medical complications beyond routine royal ailments. The succession of daughters intensified external pressures on the couple, with courtiers and extended Romanov relatives, including Alexander Mikhailovich, urging to consider alternatives such as or to ensure male continuity, though firmly rejected such notions, affirming his commitment to and Orthodox marital indissolubility. , already predisposed to seclusion and influenced by her Hessian upbringing's emphasis on familial privacy, withdrew further from public life amid whispers of or divine disfavor, while enduring physically taxing pregnancies marked by large fetal size and prolonged labors that strained her frail . No verified miscarriages or stillbirths occurred during this period; claims of such events trace to anecdotal accounts in discredited memoirs, such as Marfa Mouchanow's, lacking corroboration from contemporary medical or court records. By late 1901, after Anastasia's birth, Alexandra experienced symptoms she and her entourage interpreted as another pregnancy, bolstered by assurances from the French mystic Philippe Vachon that it would yield a boy; however, by mid-1902, physicians diagnosed —a psychosomatic —attributed to , hormonal imbalance, and acute dynastic stress rather than actual gestation, resulting in profound emotional devastation without physical fetal loss. This episode underscored the couple's desperation, prompting pilgrimages, prayers, and consultations with healers, yet it delayed further attempts until Alexandra conceived genuinely in 1903. The empress gave birth to Alexei Nikolaevich on August 12, 1904 (O.S.), amid national jubilation that temporarily quelled succession anxieties, though his immediate hemophilia diagnosis—manifesting in umbilical bleeding—shifted familial focus from production to preservation of the heir. No additional pregnancies followed, as Alexandra's health, compromised by cumulative obstetric strain, rendered further efforts inadvisable per attending physicians.

Maternal Role and Bonds with Children

Alexandra Feodorovna exhibited a devoted maternal role, prioritizing her children's upbringing within a sheltered environment at the , where daily life emphasized simplicity, religious observance, and close parental involvement rather than courtly extravagance. She personally oversaw their alongside Tsar , teaching and ensuring instruction in languages such as French, Russian, and English, as well as social graces and practical skills like and . This hands-on approach fostered strong familial bonds, with Alexandra sharing in her children's games, sorrows, and interests, often nursing them through illnesses such as the outbreak in that affected the entire . Her relationships with daughters Olga, Tatiana, Maria, and Anastasia—collectively known as —were marked by mutual affection and respect, as evidenced in their letters and diaries where they frequently expressed love for "Mama." , in particular, maintained the closest bond with Alexandra, often acting as her confidante and intermediary for family requests due to her tact and maturity. The sisters, raised in a cohesive unit, supported one another and their mother, participating in shared activities like reading, embroidery, and charitable work, which reinforced their insular yet harmonious dynamic. Alexandra's bond with her son Alexei was especially intense, shaped by his hemophilia diagnosis at eight months old in 1904, which prompted her to dote on him and personally manage his care during frequent bleeding episodes that caused severe pain and mobility issues. She carried him in a custom sling for safety and sought spiritual solace for his condition, viewing it through a lens of religious trial while the sisters also assisted in his tending, further tightening amid the heir's vulnerability. This protective focus, while strengthening maternal devotion, contributed to the family's relative isolation from broader Russian society.

Personal Health Issues and Resilience

Alexandra experienced her first significant health challenges during childhood, surviving a severe bout of in the epidemic that claimed the lives of her mother Alice and sister May. This illness left her with lingering weakness, though she recovered sufficiently to engage in family activities. By her late teens, prior to her 1894 marriage to , she began suffering from and other pains, which medical contemporaries attributed to nervous disposition and physical strain. As empress, Alexandra's conditions intensified, including chronic that frequently confined her to bed or required a for mobility, as noted repeatedly in II's diaries from the late 1890s onward. She also endured persistent headaches, profound fatigue, irregular heartbeat necessitating herbal remedies like , and episodes of with breathing difficulties linked to anxiety. These ailments, compounded by four pregnancies between 1895 and 1904 and subsequent emotional strain from family losses, often rendered her listless and sleep-deprived, with swollen extremities and minimal appetite. Speculation of underlying endocrine disorders or has arisen among historians, though unproven and based on symptomatic overlap rather than direct evidence. Despite these debilities, Alexandra demonstrated resilience through steadfast adherence to familial and spiritual routines, managing household oversight from her sickbed and drawing strength from Orthodox faith practices. Her capacity to endure prolonged pain without reliance—opting instead for and light exercise when possible—contrasts with contemporary medical norms, reflecting personal fortitude amid diagnoses that some modern analysts interpret as partly somatic, amplified by and isolation. During , from 1914, she overcame physical limitations to train as a nurse and oversee military hospitals, performing hands-on care for wounded soldiers despite sciatica flares and cardiac strain, actions that sustained her and public contributions until the 1917 revolution. This persistence underscores a causal link between her unyielding sense of duty and mitigation of depressive episodes, prioritizing empirical endurance over surrender to affliction.

Imperial Duties and Public Role

Charitable Initiatives and Social Contributions

Upon ascending as Empress, Alexandra Feodorovna assumed patronage of the vast Establishment of the Empress Marie, originally founded by the wife of Emperor Paul I, which oversaw numerous charitable institutions across . This provided aid to the impoverished, including support for widows, orphans, and the infirm, reflecting her commitment to structured amid Russia's social challenges. She personally directed efforts to expand its reach, emphasizing practical assistance over ceremonial roles, though bureaucratic resistance often hindered implementation. In response to the 1898 famine affecting multiple districts, Alexandra donated 50,000 rubles from her private funds to relief operations, prioritizing direct aid to affected populations. She established the "Help by Work" committee to create workhouses nationwide, aiming to foster self-sufficiency among the poor through employment opportunities rather than mere almsgiving; this initiative involved detailed planning for facilities that combined labor with basic sustenance. Her focus extended to infant welfare, driven by high mortality rates in , where she advocated for improved maternal and child care systems as a foundational social contribution. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, Alexandra organized hospital trains and facilities for wounded soldiers, contributing personally to medical logistics and funding despite her limited public visibility at the time. In 1905, she opened a School for Nurses and Housemaids in Tsarskoe Selo, modeled after London's Princess Christian School, which she financed from her own resources and visited frequently to oversee training in hygiene and caregiving. These efforts underscored her preference for hands-on involvement in healthcare education, influencing later nursing reforms. Additionally, she instituted annual Christmas tree celebrations for children from impoverished families, distributing gifts and fostering community ties through these events.

Adaptation to Russian Society and Public Perception

Upon her marriage to on November 26, 1894 (November 14 Old Style), Alexandra, born Princess Alix of Hesse, faced immediate cultural and linguistic barriers in , having arrived from a modest German with limited exposure to the vast Orthodox empire's customs. She converted to Russian Orthodoxy the day before the wedding, adopting the name Alexandra Feodorovna, but the abrupt shift from to elaborate Orthodox rituals initially overwhelmed her, exacerbating her inherent and leading to perceptions of aloofness among courtiers accustomed to the outgoing demeanor of her predecessor, Empress Marie. Her command of remained rudimentary for years; she primarily conversed in English or German with Nicholas and intimates, which reinforced impressions of detachment from the native elite. Alexandra's preference for private family life over the extravagant court entertainments—such as balls and operas she deemed frivolous—further hindered her integration, as she curtailed many traditional social obligations after ascending as empress consort in 1896, prioritizing seclusion at or Peterhof palaces. This withdrawal strained relations with the , who viewed her as haughty and ungrateful for the splendor of imperial life, particularly amid tensions with Empress Marie, who criticized Alexandra's "provincial" habits and limited her access to court circles. Despite these frictions, she demonstrated commitment to Russian traditions by immersing herself in Orthodox piety, commissioning icons and attending services devoutly, though her German heritage fueled early whispers of foreign influence, especially as she advocated for autocratic reforms aligned with Nicholas's conservative instincts rather than liberal court factions. Public perception in the early years (1894–1905) was mixed but leaned toward disappointment rather than outright hostility; while the birth of heir Alexei in briefly elevated her status as a maternal figure fulfilling dynastic hopes, broader segments of society—urban elites and peasants alike—saw her as an enigmatic outsider, interpreting her reserve as pride or disdain for "Slavic" ways. Efforts at adaptation, such as founding the Siberian Committee for aiding prisoners' families in 1897 and promoting needlework charities, garnered some appreciation among conservative and religious groups, yet her avoidance of public appearances alienated the burgeoning press and , who contrasted her with more accessible European consorts. By the Russo-Japanese War's onset in , latent resentments crystallized around her perceived "Germanic" rigidity, though empirical accounts from loyalists indicate these views stemmed partly from court gossip amplified by revolutionary agitators rather than widespread popular animus before Rasputin's era. Her steadfast support for Nicholas's , evident in private correspondence urging resistance to reforms, was later misconstrued as meddling, but contemporaries noted it as wifely loyalty amid a court rife with intrigue.

World War I Nursing and Patriotic Efforts

Upon the outbreak of in August 1914, Alexandra Feodorovna, alongside her daughters Grand Duchesses Olga and Tatiana, underwent training as Red Cross nurses and established infirmaries at , converting palace spaces including the Catherine Wing into facilities for wounded soldiers. She personally oversaw operations in these hospitals, performing tasks such as wound dressing, assisting in surgeries, and managing patient care, often working long hours despite her limited physical stamina and recurring health issues like . The family remained at throughout the war to maintain continuity in hospital services, treating thousands of casualties from the front lines. In addition to hands-on nursing, Alexandra organized three military medical trains equipped for frontline evacuation and treatment, which transported injured troops from battlefields to rear hospitals, enhancing logistical support for the Russian army's medical needs. She patronized dozens of charitable organizations, funding hospital expansions and supplying medical provisions, while her efforts extended to establishing subsidiary infirmaries across the estate. These initiatives reflected a deliberate patriotic commitment, as evidenced by her correspondence emphasizing relief for "the valiant defenders of the fatherland," including the donation of imperial jewels to finance soldier aid. Despite her German birth prompting public suspicions of disloyalty amid pressures, Alexandra's documented involvement—corroborated by eyewitness accounts from medical staff like surgeon Vera Gedroitz—demonstrated practical dedication, with over 2,000 patients treated in her facilities by 1915 alone. Her work fostered a symbolic bond between the imperial family and the , though wartime later amplified critiques of her influence, often overlooking the empirical scale of these contributions. By 1916, as assumed command of the armies, her efforts shifted toward coordinating broader relief networks, including depots in Petrograd, , and frontline areas for distributing supplies.

Political Influence and Key Controversies

Ministerial Appointments and Correspondence with Nicholas

During World War I, after Tsar assumed personal command of the Russian armies on August 23, 1915, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna remained in Petrograd to monitor domestic affairs, effectively serving as his liaison with government officials and providing detailed reports through daily correspondence. The couple exchanged nearly 1,700 letters and telegrams between April 1914 and March 1917, in which Alexandra offered explicit political counsel, emphasizing the need for unwavering to autocratic principles and cautioning against ministers perceived as weak or sympathetic to liberal reforms promoted by the . Her recommendations prioritized individuals committed to the Tsar's absolute authority, often overriding counsel from court conservatives or military advisors who favored more conciliatory figures to stabilize the amid mounting war strains. Alexandra's influence manifested in key ministerial selections during 1916, a period of governmental instability marked by five changes in the chairmanship of the . In January 1916, she urged the reappointment of as , viewing him as a reliable defender of despite his advanced age and prior ouster in 1915; concurred, rejecting alternatives like a Duma-endorsed cabinet. By February 1916, following Goremykin's resignation amid supply shortages and , she endorsed Boris Stürmer—a former provincial with no strong ideological bent but presumed pliancy—for the premiership, a choice Nicholas approved despite Stürmer's lack of administrative experience and concurrent assumption of foreign affairs duties. Stürmer's tenure, criticized for inefficiency and vague pro-German leanings, reflected Alexandra's preference for ministers who deferred to imperial directives over those advocating parliamentary concessions, as evidenced in her letters decrying "intriguers" in the . Further exemplifying her role, Alexandra advocated Alexander Protopopov's appointment as Minister of the Interior in September 1916, praising his monarchist zeal and prior experience while dismissing concerns over his mental health or occult interests; , reliant on her assessments from Petrograd, installed him despite widespread elite opposition, leading to policies of heightened police surveillance that exacerbated public distrust without quelling unrest. These choices, drawn from her direct interactions with candidates and filtered through a lens of dynastic preservation, contrasted with 's earlier selections of reform-minded figures like , underscoring her shift toward insularity as war casualties mounted—over 2 million Russian soldiers killed or wounded by mid-1916. Contemporary accounts from revolutionary propagandists amplified claims of her "domineering" interference and alleged German sympathies, rooted in her Hessian origins, though surviving letters reveal her advice stemmed from fervent Russian patriotism and fear of constitutional erosion rather than disloyalty. Historians note that while retained final authority, his deference to her urgings—fueled by personal trust and isolation at —contributed to administrative paralysis, as appointees like Stürmer and Protopopov prioritized palace harmony over effective governance amid food riots and strikes.

The Hemophilia Affliction in Alexei and Medical Context

Alexei Nikolaevich, born on 12 August 1904 as the long-awaited male heir to the Russian throne, exhibited initial symptoms of hemophilia at six weeks of age through a bout of uncontrolled from the . By early 1905, imperial physicians, observing recurrent hemorrhages and family history, diagnosed the with hemophilia, a hereditary bleeding disorder that severely impaired blood clotting. The condition's secrecy was maintained to protect dynastic stability, as Alexei's vulnerability threatened the succession. Hemophilia in Alexei stemmed from an X-linked recessive genetic mutation carried asymptomatically by his mother, Alexandra Feodorovna, who inherited it from her mother, Princess Alice, granddaughter of Queen Victoria—the probable originator of the mutation in European royalty via spontaneous genetic change. DNA analysis of Romanov remains excavated in 2008 confirmed Alexei suffered hemophilia B, characterized by deficiency in coagulation factor IX, distinguishing it from the more common hemophilia A (factor VIII deficiency) and explaining the pattern observed in Victoria's descendants. This inheritance pattern, where carrier females transmit the defective X chromosome to half their sons on average, afflicted multiple royal males across generations, underscoring the disorder's disproportionate impact on hemizygous males lacking a second X chromosome for compensation. Medically, early 20th-century understanding of hemophilia relied on clinical and pedigree analysis rather than , with the genetic basis not fully elucidated until later decades. Treatments were palliative and ineffective: physicians prescribed rest, splinting for joint bleeds, and occasionally experimental remedies like horse serum or calcium injections, but transfusions were rare due to incompatibility risks and lack of precision. Aspirin, commonly administered for pain, worsened outcomes by inhibiting platelet aggregation, a fact not appreciated until modern . Alexei endured frequent episodes, including severe hemorrhages after minor trauma, leading to prolonged immobility and chronic ; a notable 1912 incident during a hunt in resulted in near-fatal bleeding that confined him for weeks. The affliction profoundly shaped family dynamics, instilling Alexandra with guilt over her carrier status and driving her toward unorthodox interventions amid medical futility. Without clotting factor concentrates—developed post-1960s via plasma fractionation—prognosis for severe cases like Alexei's remained poor, with life expectancy often under 20 years due to uncontrolled internal bleeds or infections. Empirical data from contemporaneous records highlight hemophilia's causal role in Alexei's fragility, independent of environmental factors, affirming its primacy as a biochemical deficit rather than mere coincidence or misdiagnosis.

Rasputin's Involvement: Benefits, Myths, and Criticisms

Grigori Rasputin, a Siberian mystic, first gained the trust of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna around 1905 after recommendations from associates highlighted his reputed spiritual gifts, leading to his introduction to the imperial family. His involvement intensified during Tsarevich Alexei's severe hemophilia episodes, particularly after a 1912 crisis in Spala, Poland, where Alexei's bleeding appeared to subside following Rasputin's prayers and telegraphed reassurances, convincing Alexandra of his divine intervention. This perceived efficacy stemmed from Rasputin's insistence on halting aspirin administration—a common painkiller at the time that exacerbates bleeding by inhibiting clotting—and discouraging overly aggressive medical interventions that risked further harm in an era of limited hemophilia knowledge. Additionally, Rasputin's calming presence likely reduced Alexei's anxiety, as psychological stress can trigger or worsen hemorrhages in hemophiliacs through elevated blood pressure and vessel fragility, providing tangible, if indirect, benefits to the boy's condition. Historians attribute these outcomes to practical measures rather than , noting Rasputin's familiarity with folk remedies and his ability to promote rest and over invasive treatments, which inadvertently aligned with better management of before modern clotting factors existed. Alexandra's diaries and letters document her reliance on Rasputin for Alexei's welfare, viewing him as a God-sent healer who alleviated the family's desperation amid repeated medical failures. However, claims of lack empirical support, with analyses emphasizing coincidental recoveries or Rasputin's psychological influence over the hysterically worried parents, who may have overreported improvements. Myths surrounding Rasputin's relationship with Alexandra, including allegations of a sexual affair, have been thoroughly debunked by primary evidence such as diaries, correspondence, and accounts, which reveal no substantiation beyond court gossip amplified by political opponents. Douglas Smith, drawing on archival materials, asserts there is "no truth" to lover narratives, portraying their bond as spiritually advisory, rooted in shared and Alexandra's Lutheran-influenced seeking solace in Rasputin's perceived holiness. Exaggerated tales of Rasputin as an omnipotent puppet master controlling ignore the tsar's ultimate authority and Rasputin's limited, often rejected, political counsel, as evidenced by surviving imperial records showing selective influence primarily via Alexandra's intercessions. Criticisms of Rasputin's role centered on his scandalous personal conduct—frequent drunkenness, patronage of prostitutes, and liaisons with court ladies—which eroded the imperial family's moral standing and fueled public contempt amid wartime hardships. His recommendations for ministerial appointments, channeled through to , often favored incompetent or opportunistic figures, contributing to governmental instability and perceptions of corruption, though retained final decisions and Rasputin's sway was overstated by contemporaries like monarchist critics. By 1916, Rasputin's visibility in court affairs had crystallized elite opposition, portraying as a "German witch" under his spell, exacerbating anti-monarchy sentiment without addressing underlying structural failures in the . While his medical interventions offered short-term relief for Alexei, the broader political entanglement amplified the Romanovs' isolation, as noble petitions and media exposés decried his undue proximity to the .

Revolution, Captivity, and Demise

Escalating Crises Leading to Abdication

In September 1915, Tsar Nicholas II assumed direct command of the Russian armies on the Eastern Front amid mounting defeats, such as the Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive that cost Russia nearly 1 million casualties and forced a retreat from Poland, leaving Empress Alexandra to oversee internal administration in Petrograd. Through nearly 1,700 letters exchanged between April 1914 and March 1917, Alexandra pressed Nicholas to prioritize autocratic loyalty over compromise, advocating appointments of conservative ministers often endorsed by Grigori Rasputin, resulting in over 50 government reshuffles that undermined administrative stability. The of June-September 1916, Russia's most successful operation, captured over 400,000 Austro-Hungarian prisoners but inflicted 1.15 million Russian losses, depleting reserves and triggering Romania's entry against the while failing to decisively alter the war's course. Rasputin's assassination on December 30, 1916 (O.S.), by nobles including , exposed elite fractures but did little to restore confidence, as public scandals over his sway—real and exaggerated—had already eroded the monarchy's legitimacy. War-induced disruptions—railway strains, harvest shortfalls, and inflation that quadrupled —compounded by the 1916-1917 winter's severity, sparked widespread unrest; by early , desertions exceeded 1 million soldiers annually, and urban failed amid and . Alexandra's correspondence reinforced Nicholas's resistance to Duma reforms proposed by the Progressive Bloc, dismissing liberal demands as disloyalty and prioritizing "firmness" over concessions amid growing strikes. Strikes ignited in Petrograd on February 18, 1917 (O.S.), with 40,000 Putilov plant workers protesting lockouts and shortages; participation swelled to 200,000 by February 25, fueled by demonstrations against bread queues and war continuation. On February 27, garrison units totaling 66,000 mutinied, seizing armories and aligning with crowds, toppling the Golitsyn ministry and enabling the Duma's Provisional Committee alongside the . , traveling from , ordered suppression but faced railway blockades and telegrams from generals urging to avert collapse; on March 2 (O.S.) in , he renounced the throne for himself and Alexei, nominating brother Mikhail—who refused the next day—thus ending the Romanov dynasty. Contemporary propaganda amplified Alexandra's Hessian origins into charges, portraying her as a German agent via forged "dark forces" narratives, though post-revolutionary inquiries and later analyses found no evidence of , attributing crises primarily to systemic failures and her unyielding counsel against .

Imprisonment Conditions and Family Endurance

Following Nicholas II's abdication on March 15, 1917, the Romanov family, including Alexandra and her children, were placed under at the in , where they remained until August 1917. Initial conditions under the allowed the family to retain some servants, access to gardens for limited walks, and medical care from their physician , though they were confined to specific rooms and subjected to constant surveillance by soldiers. By mid-1917, restrictions intensified with searches of possessions, curtailment of correspondence, and isolation from outsiders, yet the family endured through structured daily routines of , reading, and light , with Alexandra emphasizing spiritual resilience amid growing uncertainty. In August 1917, the family was transported by train to , , and housed in the former Governor's Mansion, a spacious two-story building with access to a fenced , marking a temporary improvement in physical space compared to . Conditions included basic rations of soldier's fare—bread, porridge, and tea—supplemented by family provisions, though harsh Siberian winters caused fuel shortages, forcing to chop wood for heat and the group to huddle in shared rooms. Alexei's hemophilia complicated matters when he suffered a leg injury from a fall on stairs in late 1917, confining him to bed for months and requiring Alexandra's constant nursing; despite this, the family maintained religious observances, education for the daughters via tutor , and morale-boosting activities like and study, precious jewels into clothing seams as a safeguard. By April 1918, amid advancing White forces, separated , , and their daughters from Alexei and the younger servants, transferring them to the in , dubbed the "House of Special Purpose," where overcrowding plagued the 11 occupants in just four small rooms lacking or proper . Guards, numbering around 300 initially, enforced strict isolation—no newspapers, limited exercise in a fenced yard, boarded windows to prevent visibility, frequent intrusive searches, and mockery—while rations dwindled to meager portions without luxuries like coffee or butter, exacerbating 's chronic and heart issues. The family's endurance manifested in unwavering Orthodox piety, with daily prayers led by , mutual support among siblings, and stoic acceptance of hardships; when reunited with Alexei in May, they persisted in these practices, hiding valuables and sustaining emotional unity until the final days.

Execution, Identification of Remains, and Burial Developments

On the night of July 16–17, 1918, Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, their five children—Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria, Anastasia, and Alexei—and four loyal retainers were executed by Bolshevik forces in the of the in . The family, held as prisoners since the in March 1917, had been transferred to the "House of Special Purpose" amid advancing forces, prompting the Ural Regional Soviet to order the killings to prevent a potential . , commandant of the house, led the squad of about ten men; around 2:00 a.m., the victims were awakened, informed of a supposed transfer for safety, and led to the under of from gunfire. Yurovsky read a statement accusing Nicholas of betraying , then the executioners opened fire with pistols and rifles in a chaotic barrage that lasted about 20 minutes, as bullets ricocheted off hidden jewels sewn into the family's clothing, wounding survivors who were finished with bayonets and point-blank shots. The bodies were stripped, mutilated to conceal identities, loaded onto a truck, and transported to the Koptyaki forest, where they were doused in and , partially burned in a bonfire, and buried in a shallow pit; the remains of Alexei and one daughter (later identified as Maria) were separated, burned further, and interred nearby to mislead investigators. Official Bolshevik announcements initially claimed the alone was executed, with the family's fate concealed until Yurovsky's 1920 surfaced, detailing the events based on his supervision. Skeletal remains of nine victims were exhumed in 1979 by amateur investigators near the burial site but suppressed until 1991, when Soviet authorities permitted official recovery amid reforms. in 1991–1993, combined with mitochondrial DNA analysis matching sequences from living maternal relatives like Prince Philip (Alexandra's grandnephew), confirmed the identities of , , three daughters (Olga, , Maria), and retainers, with the DNA showing exact heteroplasmic matches unique to the Romanov lineage. Nuclear STR profiling further verified familial relationships and sexes, ruling out pretenders despite persistent impostor claims. While the identification was widely accepted based on the 1998 and subsequent analyses, independent forensic reviews have continued to examine various aspects of the evidence in scholarly literature, and alternative historical accounts, such as the , have been discussed. In 2007, additional remains nearby were DNA-tested, identifying Alexei and , completing the set with Y-chromosome and autosomal STR confirmation against Nicholas's relatives. On July 17, 1998—the 80th anniversary—the confirmed remains of , , their three elder daughters, and retainers were interred with state and Orthodox rites in St. Catherine's Chapel at the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg, fulfilling Nicholas's pre-revolutionary wish for burial there. The ceremony, attended by Russian officials and Romanov descendants, marked a post-Soviet reconciliation, though the delayed full recognition pending further investigation into ritual murder allegations. Alexei and Anastasia's remains, verified in 2008, faced prolonged church scrutiny over authenticity and burial protocols; they were finally buried alongside the family on September 18, 2015, after court-mandated delays, in a joint service emphasizing canonical veneration. These developments reflected tensions between and caution, with the church canonizing the family as passion bearers in 2000 despite incomplete remains transfer until 2015.

Character, Legacy, and Assessments

Personality Traits, Piety, and Domestic Virtues

Alexandra Feodorovna exhibited an introverted and reserved personality from an early age, often perceived by the Russian court as aloof or haughty due to her and discomfort in large social settings. Those who interacted with her intimately described her as resolute, dutiful, and deeply womanly, with a strong sense of moral rectitude shaped by Victorian English influences. Her traits included a profound to and , though this sometimes manifested as resistance to adapting to Russian court customs, prioritizing personal integrity over public popularity. Her piety was a defining characteristic, rooted in a Lutheran upbringing that evolved into fervent following her conversion on November 4, 1894, prior to her marriage. Alexandra spent hours in daily prayer, often kneeling for extended periods, and integrated religious devotion into family routines, such as joint evening prayers and charitable acts tied to Orthodox festivals. This spirituality informed her worldview, viewing as central to personal and familial life, with notes from her readings emphasizing faith's role in enduring trials. In domestic spheres, Alexandra embodied virtues of devoted motherhood and wifely fidelity, her children with emphasis on practical skills, languages, and moral education alongside governesses. She cultivated a close-knit environment at , fostering tender interactions and mutual support, as evidenced by her compiled excerpts on advocating constant signs of love and shared responsibilities. Her dedication extended to family members during illnesses, prioritizing private family welfare over extensive public engagements, which contemporaries acknowledged as exemplary despite criticisms of her seclusion.

Canonization, Veneration, and Religious Significance

![Yekaterinburg Cathedral on the Blood, site of the Romanovs' martyrdom and veneration][float-right] The Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR) canonized Alexandra Feodorovna as a on October 19/November 1, 1981, alongside her husband Tsar Nicholas II and their children, recognizing their execution as martyrdom for the faith. The Moscow Patriarchate's decided on their as Holy Passion-Bearers on October 10, 1996, with formal approval by the Council of Bishops on August 20, 2000, after years of investigation into their lives and deaths. Passion-Bearers, distinct from direct martyrs, denote those who endured violent with Christ-like and , as exemplified by the family's non-resistance and prayers during their and execution on July 17, 1918. Alexandra's emphasized her profound piety, conversion from to upon marriage in 1894, and steadfast faith amid personal and national trials, including her son Alexei's hemophilia. Her letters from captivity reflect trust in , toward captors, and spiritual consolation through prayer and Scripture, aligning with Orthodox ideals of enduring for moral purification. The Church highlighted the family's collective demonstration of Christian virtues, with Alexandra noted for maintaining household chapels, icons, and relics, and educating her children in saints' lives and study. Veneration includes the Synaxis of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearers on July 17 (Old Style)/July 4 (New Style, adjusted), commemorating their martyrdom, and Alexandra's name day on May 6, honoring Saint Alexandra of Rome, her patroness. Relics from the family's remains, authenticated in 2015, are enshrined in churches like the Church on the Blood in Yekaterinburg, built on the execution site, drawing pilgrims for prayer and icons depicting the saints. Devotional orders, such as the Order of the Holy Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, award recognition to those preserving her memory, particularly in monastic and aristocratic circles. In Orthodox theology, Alexandra signifies resilient Christian motherhood and spousal devotion, her writings like "The Garden of the Heart" underscoring faith's role in trials: "Sorrow sometimes staggers us, but Christ gives rest for the soul." She models submission to God's will amid political upheaval, her endurance viewed as a counter to revolutionary , inspiring contemporary for family sanctity and forgiveness.

Historiographical Debates: Causality in the Revolution's Fall

Historians remain divided on the extent to which Empress Alexandra Feodorovna's personal influence on Tsar Nicholas II constituted a causal factor in the collapse of the Romanov dynasty during the 1917 Revolution, with debates centering on whether her interventions in governance represented a decisive tipping point or merely amplified preexisting structural weaknesses in the Russian autocracy. Critics, including early 20th-century observers like Maurice Paléologue, French ambassador to Russia from 1914 to 1917, argued that Alexandra's persistent advocacy for ministerial appointments based on loyalty rather than competence—such as the elevation of figures like Boris Stürmer in 1916, whom she favored despite his lack of administrative skill—eroded public confidence and facilitated the perception of court intrigue as a substitute for effective wartime leadership. This view posits her correspondence with Nicholas, which intensified during his frontline absences from September 1915 onward, as exerting undue pressure to resist Duma reforms and maintain autocratic rigidity, thereby alienating moderate elites and fueling revolutionary agitation amid military setbacks that claimed over 2 million Russian lives by early 1917. Proponents of a more attenuated role for Alexandra emphasize that Russia's revolutionary trajectory predated her substantive political involvement, tracing back to unresolved agrarian discontent from the 1861 emancipation, which left 80% of in noble hands while peasants faced redemption payments until , and the incomplete liberalization following the 1905 Revolution's Bloody Sunday massacre of January 9, , which killed over 1,000 demonstrators. Scholars like contend that Nicholas's inherent deference to his wife's counsel, rather than Alexandra's agency alone, reflected the tsar's broader indecisiveness, as evidenced by his failure to delegate authority effectively even before her influence peaked; her German Hessian origins and the ensuing wartime amplified rumors of pro-German sympathies, but these were symptomatic of a vacuum rather than a root cause. Empirical analyses of causality highlight I's material toll— including 15 million mobilized troops, supply failures leading to the 1916 Brusilov Offensive's pyrrhic gains of 1 million casualties for minimal territorial advantage, and urban famine from disrupted —as the proximate triggers for the February Revolution's spontaneous strikes involving 300,000 Petrograd workers by March 1917, independent of palace dynamics. A consensus among post-Cold War , informed by declassified Romanov archives accessed after , leans toward viewing Alexandra's actions as accelerants within an overdetermined crisis: the autocracy's incompatibility with industrialized society's demands for representation, compounded by Nicholas's oath-bound commitment to absolutism, rendered improbable regardless of spousal input. While Soviet-era narratives dismissed personal factors to privilege class struggle, contemporary causal realism underscores that Alexandra's reliance on for counsel from onward, though scandalous and linked to at least five ministerial changes between and , did not originate the systemic graft and inefficiency plaguing the empire since the 1891 famine that exposed bureaucratic inertia. Critics of overemphasizing her role note potential biases in émigré accounts, which projected contemporary animus onto her and domestic focus, whereas quantitative assessments of revolutionary petitions reveal and war cessation as dominant grievances, not court mysticism. Ultimately, her influence exacerbated legitimacy deficits but lacked the independent causal power to precipitate the dynasty's fall absent the war's 7 million total casualties and the tsar's , 1917, under army mutiny.

Representations in Culture and Modern Reappraisals

In film, Alexandra Feodorovna has been depicted most prominently in the 1971 epic , directed by , where portrayed her as a devoted but increasingly isolated mother grappling with her son Alexei's hemophilia and the court's intrigues. The film, adapted from Robert K. Massie's 1967 biography of the same name, emphasized the personal tragedies of the Romanov family over simplistic villainy, drawing criticism for historical inaccuracies like exaggerated Rasputin influence but praised for humanizing Alexandra's and family focus. Earlier depictions, such as in the 1932 and the 1966 , often reduced her to a hysterical figure dependent on the mystic, reinforcing pre-revolutionary rumors of scandal without empirical substantiation from her documented correspondence, which prioritized Alexei's health over political meddling. Literature has similarly shaped her image, with Massie's marking a pivotal shift by framing her actions through the lens of hemophilia's genetic inheritance—traced empirically to Queen Victoria's lineage—and the resulting desperation that led to Rasputin's consultations, rather than inherent incompetence. Massie, motivated by his own son's hemophilia diagnosis, used primary sources like family letters to argue that Alexandra's conservatism stemmed from dynastic duty and religious conviction, not malice, influencing subsequent works to view her as a tragic consort rather than a causal agent of collapse. Modern reappraisals, particularly post-1991 in , have reevaluated Alexandra beyond Soviet-era that vilified her as a German sympathizer amid , with DNA-verified remains confirming the family's martyrdom and prompting recognition of her endurance in captivity. Historians now attribute the monarchy's fall primarily to structural factors—rapid industrialization, 1.8 million military deaths by , and II's direct command failures—rather than Alexandra's advisory role during his absences, which involved routine visits and petitions but no unilateral shifts. Critiques persist regarding her social withdrawal and preference for English-language seclusion, which alienated the Russian elite, yet causal analysis underscores that her German Hessian origins fueled unsubstantiated spy accusations, amplified by wartime press but lacking archival evidence of disloyalty. Western , while occasionally echoing outdated narratives of mysticism-driven , increasingly aligns with first-hand accounts portraying her as a resilient, faith-driven figure whose domestic virtues contrasted with the regime's broader inflexibility.

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