Hubbry Logo
European valuesEuropean valuesMain
Open search
European values
Community hub
European values
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
European values
European values
European values
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

European values are the norms and values that Europeans are said to have in common, and which transcend national or state identities.[1] In addition to helping promote European integration, this doctrine also provides the basis for analyses that characterise European politics, economics, and society as reflecting a shared identity; it is often associated with human rights, electoral democracy, and rule of law.

Overview

[edit]

Especially in France, "the European idea" (l'idée d'Europe) is associated with political values derived from the Age of Enlightenment and the republicanism growing out of the French Revolution and the Revolutions of 1848 rather than with personal or individual identity formed by culture or ethnicity (let alone a "pan-European" construct including those areas of the continent never affected by 18th-century rationalism or Republicanism).[2]

The phrase "European values" arises as a political neologism in the 1980s in the context of the project of European integration and the future formation of the European Union. The phrase was popularised by the European Values Study, a long-term research program started in 1981, aiming to document the outlook on "basic human values" in European populations. The project had grown out of a study group on "values and social change in Europe" initiated by Jan Kerkhofs, and Ruud de Moor (Catholic University in Tilburg).[3] The claim that the people of Europe have a distinctive set of political, economic and social norms and values that are gradually replacing national values has also been named "Europeanism" by McCormick (2010).[4]

"European values" were contrasted to non-European values in international relations, especially in the East–West dichotomy, "European values" encompassing individualism and the idea of human rights in contrast to Eastern tendencies of collectivism. However, "European values" were also viewed critically, their "darker" side not necessarily leading to more peaceful outcomes in international relations.[5]

The association of "European values" with European integration as pursued by the European Union came to the fore with the eastern enlargement of the EU in the aftermath of the Cold War.[6]

The Treaty of Lisbon (2007) in article 1A lists a number of "values of the Union", including "respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights including the rights of persons belonging to minorities", invoking "a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail".[7]

The 2012 Eurobarometer survey reported that 49% of those surveyed described the EU member states as "close" in terms of "shared values" (down from 54% in 2008), 42% described them as "different" (up from 34% in 2008).[8]

Habermas and Derrida (2005)

[edit]

The philosophers Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida wrote an article for the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung in which they claimed the birth of a 'European public sphere'. They argued that new values and habits had given contemporary Europe 'its own face', and saw an opportunity for the construction of a 'core Europe' (excluding Britain and Eastern Europe) that might be a counterweight to the United States.

Attempting to explain what Europe represented, the two philosophers listed six facets of what they described as a common European 'political mentality':

McCormick (2010)

[edit]

Political scientist John McCormick[10] expands on these ideas, and identifies the following as core attributes of Europeanism:

  • Secularism is probably the one quality most clearly associated with Europe: while religion continues to grow in most of the rest of the world, in virtually every European country, its role is declining, and it plays an increasingly marginal role in politics and public life, while heavily influencing Europeanist attitudes towards science and towards public policies in which religious belief plays a role.
  • A rethinking of the meaning of citizenship and patriotism. In regard to the latter, pride in country is being replaced with pride in ideas, otherwise known as constitutional patriotism. Identification with nations or states is being increasingly joined with identification with Europe.
  • Cosmopolitanism, or an association with universal ideas, and a belief that all Europeans, and possibly even all humans, belong to a single moral community that transcends state boundaries or national identities. The local and the global cannot be separated or divorced.
  • Communitarianism, which - in contrast to the liberal emphasis on individual rights - supports a balance between individual and community interests, emphasizing the responsibilities of government to all those who live under its jurisdiction. Europeanism argues that society may sometimes be a better judge of what is good for individuals rather than vice versa.
  • The collective society. Europeanism emphasizes the view that societal divisions will occur in spite of attempts to ensure equal opportunity, and accepts the role of the state as an economic manager and as a guarantor of societal welfare.
  • Welfarism, or a reference to Europeanist ideas that while individual endeavor is to be welcomed, applauded and rewarded, the community has a responsibility for working to ensure that the playing field is as level as possible, and that opportunity and wealth are equitably distributed. Europeanism emphasizes equality of results over equality of opportunity.
  • Sustainable development, or the belief that development should be sustainable, meeting the needs of the present without compromising the needs of future generations.
  • Redefining the family. The place of the European family is changing, with fewer Europeans opting to marry, their ages at marriage rising, their divorce rates growing, their fertility rates declining, more children are being born outside marriage, and single-parent and single-person households becoming more usual.
  • Working to live. Post-material Europeans are working fewer hours, are doing more with those hours, and have developed family-friendly laws and policies.
  • Criminal rights. In matters of criminal justice, Europeanism means a greater emphasis on individual rights, and a preference for resolving disputes through negotiation rather than confrontation through the law.
  • Opposition to capital punishment. In league with above named criminal rights. State sponsored executions are prohibited in all European Union and Council of Europe member states, and European governments have worked to achieve a global moratorium as a first step towards its worldwide abolition.
  • Multiculturalism, in which Europe has a long and often overlooked tradition arising from the diversity of European societies, and a Europeanist habit of integrating core values and features from new groups with which its dominant cultures have come into contact.
  • Perpetual peace. Where once Europe was a region of near constant war, conflict and political violence, it is today a region of generalised peace, and one which has made much progress along the path to achieving the Kantian condition of perpetual peace. Inter-state war in the region is alleged to be unthinkable and impossible, even during the worst economic or financial troubles.
  • Multilateralism. Europeanism has eschewed national self-interest in favour of cooperation and consensus, of the promotion of values rather than interests, of reliance on international rules and agreements, and of building coalitions and working through international organisations to resolve problems.

European Union

[edit]

The European Union declares the fundamental EU values to be the ones "common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail".[11] They are: human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law, and human rights. These fundamental values are defined in the Treaty of Lisbon.[12]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

European values

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
European values refer to the constellation of ethical, political, and cultural principles that have animated European civilizations, blending Greco-Roman emphases on reason, law, and civic virtue with Judeo-Christian moral frameworks of human dignity and communal solidarity, further refined by Enlightenment commitments to individual liberty and empirical inquiry. These values manifested historically in institutions like Roman republicanism, medieval canon law, and the scientific revolution, fostering advancements in governance, science, and human rights that distinguished Europe from contemporaneous societies. In the modern era, particularly within the European Union, they are formalized in the Treaty of Lisbon as human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law, and human rights, serving as criteria for membership and policy. Empirical surveys through the European Values Study, initiated in the late , reveal a shift from traditional authority-oriented norms toward post-materialist priorities such as self-expression, tolerance, and , though persistent east-west divides highlight uneven adherence to and minority views. Achievements include the post-World II stabilization via and welfare systems predicated on and , which curbed interstate conflict and elevated living standards. Controversies arise from assertions that these values are not innate universals but products of Europe's specific historical synthesis, clashing with imported cultural practices—such as honor-based norms or from —that undermine and secular governance. Internal disputes, exemplified by sanctions on member states like and for judicial reforms perceived as eroding independence, underscore tensions between supranational enforcement and national sovereignty. Declining native birthrates and demographic replacement further strain the sustainability of welfare-oriented , prompting debates on whether revitalizing Christian roots or reinforcing borders is essential for preservation.

Historical Foundations

Classical and Judeo-Christian Roots

The foundations of European values in rational inquiry, civic governance, and moral accountability originated in the classical and were profoundly shaped by the tradition. Ancient Greek philosophers, notably (c. 427–347 BC) and (384–322 BC), emphasized reason as a tool for understanding , , and the natural order, influencing subsequent European thought through concepts like the pursuit of and the . Aristotle's works on logic and empirical observation, preserved and expanded in medieval , provided a framework for scientific and philosophical discourse that persists in European intellectual heritage. In politics, ' reforms in around 508 BC established the world's first , reorganizing the citizenry into demes and tribes to promote broader participation in the ecclesia, fostering ideals of self-rule and deliberation that echoed in later European republican experiments. The , founded circa 509 BC, advanced legal principles through the of 451–450 BC, codifying rights and procedures that emphasized impartial justice and property protections, forming the basis for civil law traditions across . These classical elements prioritized human agency, law's supremacy over arbitrary power, and rational discourse, countering earlier tribal or despotic norms. The tradition introduced transcendent moral absolutes and the inherent dignity of individuals as images of , complementing classical reason with ethical imperatives rooted in divine . Biblical ethics, from the Hebrew Torah's (traditionally dated to c. ), stressed , prohibitions against and , and communal responsibility, influencing European conceptions of natural rights and moral law. , spreading from the 1st century AD teachings of emphasizing love for neighbor and forgiveness, integrated these with Greco-Roman thought, as seen in Augustine's (354–430 AD) synthesis of Platonic philosophy and . Key milestones included Emperor Constantine's in 313 AD, which legalized and ended systematic persecution, enabling its institutional growth. The in 380 AD under elevated to the Roman Empire's , embedding its ethics into public life and supplanting pagan practices like gladiatorial combat. This tradition fostered Europe's early hospitals from the 4th century onward, driven by Christian mandates for caring for the sick as an expression of charity, and universities such as (founded 1088 under ecclesiastical authority), which advanced knowledge under theological auspices. Together, these roots instilled values of human equality before law and , personal moral accountability, and welfare as duties, distinguishing European civilization from contemporaneous empires reliant on divine kingship or .

Enlightenment and Modern Philosophical Influences

The Enlightenment, spanning roughly from the late 17th to early 19th centuries, emphasized reason, , and toward traditional authority, laying foundational principles for European political and social values such as , equality, and secular governance. Thinkers like argued in his (1689) that individuals possess inherent natural rights to life, , and property, which governments must protect through consent-based social contracts, influencing constitutional frameworks across . This rationalist approach countered absolutism and religious dogma, promoting empirical inquiry and human progress as antidotes to superstition and tyranny. Montesquieu's The Spirit of the Laws (1748) advanced into legislative, executive, and judicial branches to prevent , a concept adopted in modern European constitutions and institutions like the European Union's tripartite structure. championed and free expression, critiquing clerical influence in works like (1759), which contributed to the decline of state-enforced orthodoxy and the rise of pluralistic societies. These ideas fueled the of 1789, whose Declaration of the and of the Citizen enshrined , , security, and resistance to oppression, disseminating Enlightenment principles via Napoleonic reforms across by 1815. In the modern era, Enlightenment legacies evolved through liberalism and humanism, reinforcing values of personal autonomy and rational ethics. John Stuart Mill's On Liberty (1859) extended protections for individual freedoms against majority rule and state overreach, shaping European liberal democracies' commitment to civil liberties amid 19th-century industrialization and suffrage expansions. Immanuel Kant's Perpetual Peace (1795) proposed republican constitutions and international federations to foster lasting peace, influencing post-1945 European integration efforts like the European Coal and Steel Community (1951), which prioritized supranational rule of law to avert conflict. Secular humanism, building on Enlightenment deism, prioritized human dignity and reason over divine command, as seen in 20th-century philosophical syntheses that underpin European human rights frameworks, though critiques note its tension with collectivist welfare states emerging later.

Post-World War II and Cold War Era Developments

The end of World War II in 1945 prompted Western European states to institutionalize values centered on democracy, human rights, and collective security as bulwarks against totalitarianism and renewed conflict, drawing from the experiences of fascism, occupation, and mass atrocities. In May 1948, the Congress of Europe in The Hague, convened by figures including Winston Churchill, advocated for a united Europe grounded in Christian civilization, parliamentary democracy, and the rule of law to foster peace and liberty. This culminated in the founding of the Council of Europe on May 5, 1949, by ten member states, explicitly tasked with achieving greater unity through promoting democracy, human rights, and the rule of law across the continent. A cornerstone of these efforts was the (ECHR), drafted under the Council's auspices and opened for signature on November 4, 1950, entering into force on September 3, 1953, after ratification by a sufficient number of states. The ECHR enshrined protections for , including life, liberty, fair trials, and freedom from , reflecting a consensus that individual dignity and legal accountability must supersede state absolutism, as evidenced by the wartime failures of unchecked national sovereignty. The establishment of the in 1959 further operationalized these principles, providing supranational adjudication to enforce compliance. Parallel to human rights frameworks, economic integration emerged as a value-driven mechanism for reconciliation and stability, epitomized by the of May 9, 1950, in which French Foreign Minister proposed pooling Franco-German coal and steel production under a supranational authority to render war "not only unthinkable, but materially impossible." This initiative, motivated by the causal link between industrial rivalry and two world wars, led to the (ECSC) treaty signed on April 18, 1951, by six founding members (, , , , the , and ), embedding solidarity and interdependence as core European principles. The U.S.-led , enacted via the Economic Cooperation Act of April 3, 1948, and disbursing approximately $13 billion in aid (equivalent to over $150 billion today) through 1952, complemented these efforts by facilitating economic recovery and conditionality tied to democratic governance and market-oriented reforms, thereby countering Soviet influence and reinforcing liberal values in recipient nations. During the (1947–1991), these post-war developments solidified in opposition to Soviet-imposed in , where values of individual liberty and were systematically eroded under one-party rule. Western institutions like the (), formed on April 4, 1949, emphasized collective defense alongside , while the () treaty of March 25, 1957, extended integration to broader trade and mobility, promoting prosperity as a foundation for political stability. advocacy gained traction as ideological weaponry, with the ECHR serving as a normative contrast to suppressions, though enforcement remained limited to Western signatories until and later expansions. This era entrenched European values as a fusion of anti-totalitarian resilience, supranational cooperation, and welfare-oriented capitalism, particularly through Christian Democratic influences prioritizing and social over pure individualism or collectivism.

Core Components

Democracy and Rule of Law

The European Union's foundational values, as articulated in Article 2 of the (TEU), explicitly include and the , positioning them as essential to the Union's identity and the shared principles of its member states. in this context emphasizes representative through free and fair elections, political pluralism, and of public authorities to citizens, ensuring that power derives from the . The complements this by requiring that all public powers operate within legal constraints, upholding principles such as , prohibition of arbitrariness, independent judiciary, effective judicial protection, , and . These elements are interdependent, with the safeguarding democratic processes against executive overreach. In the EU's institutional framework, democracy manifests through direct mechanisms like elections held every five years since 1979, involving over 400 million eligible voters across member states, and indirect representation via national parliaments influencing EU legislation. The is enforced via supranational oversight, including the European Commission's annual Reports since 2020, which assess compliance in areas like and , and the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU), which has issued rulings affirming these standards as binding on member states. Article 7 TEU provides a mechanism to address "clear risk of a serious breach" of these values, potentially leading to suspension of voting rights in the , as invoked against Poland in December 2017 and in September 2018 following concerns over judicial reforms. For EU enlargement, the Copenhagen criteria established in 1993 mandate candidate countries to demonstrate "stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the , , and respect for and protection of minorities" as a prerequisite for membership. This has been applied rigorously, with negotiating chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security) focusing on these areas; for instance, as of 2024, progress in Western Balkan candidates like has stalled partly due to rule-of-law deficiencies. Challenges to these values within the EU have tested enforcement mechanisms, particularly in Hungary and Poland. In Hungary, legislative changes since 2010, including the centralization of judicial appointments and media control, prompted the European Commission to withhold €20 billion in cohesion funds under the 2020 Conditionality Regulation by December 2022, citing risks to the EU budget from rule-of-law breaches. Similarly, Poland's 2015-2023 government under the Law and Justice party enacted reforms merging disciplinary proceedings for judges, leading to CJEU fines exceeding €500 million by 2021 for non-compliance; following the October 2023 parliamentary elections and government change, the Commission noted "significant progress" in restoring prosecutorial independence by July 2024, lifting some infringement procedures. In Hungary, issues persist as of 2024, with ongoing Article 7 proceedings and limited reforms, highlighting tensions between national sovereignty and EU-wide standards. These cases underscore the causal link between domestic institutional erosion—often driven by populist majorities—and supranational responses aimed at preserving systemic integrity, though enforcement relies on unanimous Council action under Article 7(2), which has not progressed to sanctions.

Human Rights, Dignity, and Individual Liberties

The European framework originates with the (ECHR), adopted on November 4, 1950, by the to safeguard in response to atrocities and to promote democratic stability across member states. The ECHR, ratified by all 46 members, includes protections against arbitrary deprivation of life (Article 2), (Article 3), and unlawful detention (Article 5), with enforcement through the , which has adjudicated over 25,000 cases since 1959. This convention forms the bedrock for in Europe, influencing national constitutions and law, though enforcement relies on state compliance, with persistent violations reported in areas like in countries such as and as of 2023. Human dignity stands as the inviolable foundation of these rights, explicitly enshrined in Article 1 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, proclaimed in 2000 and legally binding since the 2009 Treaty: "Human dignity is inviolable. It must be respected and protected." Article 2 of the (TEU) lists respect for human dignity as a core value shared by member states, underpinning pluralism and non-discrimination in societies recovering from totalitarian regimes. This emphasis traces to post-1945 ethical reconstruction, prioritizing inherent human worth over utilitarian considerations, though academic critiques, such as those from legal scholars examining EU jurisprudence, argue that dignity's abstract nature allows interpretive expansion beyond original intent, potentially conflicting with other liberties. Individual liberties, integral to European values, encompass freedoms of expression, thought, , assembly, and privacy, protected under both the ECHR and EU Charter to enable personal autonomy within legal bounds. Article 10 of the ECHR guarantees freedom of expression, permitting restrictions only for , public safety, or rights of others, while Article 11 of the Charter extends this to information and ideas, fostering open debate essential for democracy. , conscience, and religion (ECHR Article 9; Charter Article 10) allows manifestation of beliefs subject to public order limits, and the right to private and family life (ECHR Article 8; Charter Article 7) shields against unwarranted state intrusion. These rights, applied in over 1,500 annual judgments, support individual agency but face tensions from national laws curbing speech deemed hateful, as seen in varying prohibitions across states like (strict post-2015) versus more permissive Nordic approaches, highlighting uneven application despite shared commitments.

Social Welfare, Equality, and Solidarity

The European Union's foundational values, as articulated in Article 2 of the , include equality and , which underpin policies promoting , non-discrimination, and protection against . Equality is framed as ensuring pluralism, tolerance, and equal treatment across genders and other dimensions, while emphasizes mutual support among member states and citizens to address economic and social disparities. These principles manifest in the , which combines market economies with extensive social protections, including fair working conditions and access to services. Social welfare systems across Europe feature high public expenditure on protection benefits, averaging 26.8% of EU GDP in 2023, up from prior years in nominal terms but stable as a share after adjusting for economic growth. This includes pensions (typically the largest component at around 13% of GDP), healthcare, unemployment benefits, and family support, with Nordic countries like France and Denmark exceeding 30% of GDP while Eastern European states like Romania lag below 20%. Empirical data indicate these systems reduce poverty rates by 20-30% through redistribution, though outcomes vary: universal models in Scandinavia achieve lower child poverty (under 10%) compared to means-tested approaches in Southern Europe. Income equality in Europe, measured by the Gini coefficient of disposable income, stood at 29.6 for the EU in 2023, reflecting effective redistribution via taxes and transfers that lower pre-tax inequality by up to 30 points in countries like Germany and Sweden. This positions Europe below the OECD average of 0.31 and far under the United States' 0.41, with lowest inequality in Slovakia (24.1) and highest in Bulgaria (37.2). However, wealth Gini coefficients reveal greater disparities, often exceeding 0.70 in Southern states due to housing and asset concentrations unaffected by income transfers. Solidarity operates both nationally and supranationally, with EU cohesion funds allocating €392 billion from 2021-2027 to less developed regions, aiming to bridge GDP per capita gaps exceeding 50% between countries like Luxembourg and Bulgaria. Nationally, it supports intergenerational transfers via pay-as-you-go pensions, but aging populations—with EU old-age dependency ratios projected to reach 50% by 2050—strain finances, prompting reforms like raising retirement ages to 67 in Germany and France by 2030. Critiques highlight sustainability risks: public debt exceeded 80% of GDP in 2023 for high-welfare states like Italy (140%) and France (110%), with demographic declines and low fertility (1.5 births per woman EU-wide) reducing contributor bases. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz stated in August 2025 that the welfare state requires fundamental reform to remain viable amid these pressures. Despite this, surveys show sustained public support for solidarity toward vulnerable groups, though attitudes toward migrants are more conditional.

Cultural Heritage, Secularism, and Religious Identity

Europe's cultural heritage forms a foundational element of its shared values, encompassing the legacy of and Roman civilizations, medieval , , and Enlightenment , which collectively emphasize reason, individual dignity, and communal solidarity. This heritage is officially recognized by the as a "rich and diverse mosaic of cultural and creative expressions" inherited from previous generations, including tangible elements such as archaeological sites, monuments, and artworks, as well as intangible traditions that underpin social cohesion. In the context of European values, this heritage promotes a sense of continuity and identity, with the mandating respect for cultural and linguistic diversity while safeguarding its development. However, interpretations vary, as some analyses highlight how selective emphasis on certain historical narratives serves political aims, such as fostering a unified "idea of " amid diverse national traditions. Secularism has emerged as the dominant paradigm in European public life, rooted in historical processes including the Protestant Reformation's decentralization of religious authority and the Enlightenment's advocacy for reason over dogma, which facilitated the allocation of resources away from ecclesiastical control toward state and civil institutions. By the , post-World War II welfare states further diminished religion's societal role by providing traditionally offered by churches, leading to widespread privatization of . Today, European states generally maintain a separation of religion and governance, prioritizing freedom of belief while restricting religious influence in policy, as seen in models like French laïcité or the EU's emphasis on neutral public spaces. This framework aligns with core values of pluralism and individual autonomy but has been critiqued for fostering , where secular norms marginalize expressions of that conflict with progressive ideals. Empirical data from surveys indicate that correlates with generational shifts in values, such as prioritizing self-expression over . Religious identity in Europe remains predominantly Christian in nominal terms, with approximately two-thirds of the population identifying as such in 2020, though active practice is minimal—only about 22% in Western Europe attend services monthly—and unaffiliated individuals comprise around 25%, alongside 6% Muslims. This discrepancy reflects a pattern of "believing without belonging," where Christianity functions more as a cultural marker tied to heritage—such as Christmas traditions or ethical norms derived from Judeo-Christian sources—rather than doctrinal commitment. Declines have accelerated since the 1990s, particularly in countries like Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden, with younger cohorts showing sharp drops: for instance, Christian identification fell in several nations between 2010 and 2018, mirrored by rises in non-religious shares. Christianity's historical imprint on values like human dignity and rule of law persists, yet surveys reveal eroding transmission, with immigration introducing demographic pressures that challenge cultural homogeneity. Critics argue that downplaying this Christian foundation in favor of abstract secularism risks diluting the causal roots of European ethical frameworks, as evidenced by debates over heritage in EU narratives. Tensions arise where intersects with , as Europe's values framework seeks to accommodate diversity while preserving heritage; for example, policies on religious symbols in public spaces, such as France's 2004 burqa ban or court rulings on crucifixes in Italian schools, illustrate efforts to balance neutrality with cultural norms. Data from the European Values Study indicate that while overt religiosity wanes, residual Christian-influenced attitudes—on , , and —endure among the , even as secular elites advocate stricter separation. This dynamic underscores a causal realism in which historical Christian dominance shaped institutions, but modern , driven by education and , has led to de facto pluralism, with ongoing debates over whether nominal identities suffice for sustaining values amid rising non-Christian populations.

Theoretical and Intellectual Perspectives

Habermas and Derrida's 2003-2005 Appeal

In response to the transatlantic divisions exacerbated by the U.S.-led invasion of in March 2003 and the contrasting stances of European governments—such as the opposition from and versus support from the and several Eastern European states—philosophers and co-signed an appeal on May 31, 2003, published in the and other outlets. Titled ", or What Binds Europeans Together: A Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in the Core of ," the statement identified the synchronized mass demonstrations against the war on , 2003, across major European cities as a watershed event, marking the first pan-continental political synchronization since the end of and signaling an emergent European demos. Habermas and Derrida interpreted these protests not merely as anti-war sentiment but as evidence of a shared European sensibility shaped by the continent's 20th-century catastrophes, including two world wars and totalitarian regimes, which instilled a profound toward and military . Central to their argument was a delineation of distinctive European values diverging from American ones: whereas the U.S. embodies a "positive nationalism" that justifies exporting through superior power, has developed a "post-national" constellation predicated on , , and a preference for legal-diplomatic resolutions over force, drawing from Kantian notions of perpetual peace and the centrality of the . They emphasized 's historical aversion to raw power politics—rooted in experiences of self-inflicted destruction—as fostering commitments to , regulated via the , and social solidarity that tempers , positioning these as normative alternatives to U.S.-style . In their view, this cultural-political heritage, rather than geographic or ethnic ties, binds Europeans and obliges them to cultivate a unified to preserve and project these principles globally. The appeal specifically called for "core Europe"—led by France, Germany, and proximate states—to pioneer a common foreign, security, and defense policy, enhancing Europe's voice in reforming international institutions like the UN Security Council and countering unilateral tendencies without descending into parochialism. Habermas and Derrida framed this as an opportunity for Europe's "rebirth" amid postwar integration efforts, urging intellectuals and publics to foster a transnational public sphere. While the initiative drew endorsements from figures like Umberto Eco and Giovanni Sartori, it elicited critiques for sidelining Eastern Europe's security concerns post-communism and for an implicit Eurocentrism that prioritized Western continental powers. Habermas extended these ideas in subsequent writings through 2005, including reflections on cosmopolitanism and EU constitutionalism, though Derrida's involvement waned after his death in 2004; their joint statement nonetheless influenced debates on Europe's strategic autonomy.

Contributions from Other Thinkers and Surveys

, a British philosopher, argued that European values are rooted in shared cultural traditions, aesthetic sensibilities, and national particularities, warning that supranational institutions risk diluting these by prioritizing over organic civilizational bonds. He contended that true European solidarity emerges from reverence for , local customs, and the as expressions of inherited wisdom, rather than abstract imposed from above. Pope emphasized the spiritual foundations of as a unique synthesis of biblical faith, Greek rationality, and Roman legal order, asserting that severs from its vital sources of moral coherence and human dignity. In addresses such as his 2006 , he critiqued reductive rationalism divorced from transcendent truth, positing that 's enduring values—, , and scientific inquiry—depend on this historical interplay, without which cultural vitality erodes. The European Values Study (EVS), a longitudinal survey series initiated in 1981 across over 30 European countries, documents shifts in attitudes toward core domains including structures, democratic participation, religious observance, and tolerance. Findings indicate sustained prioritization of as a foundational value, with 80-90% of respondents in waves up to 2017-2020 viewing it as essential for personal and societal stability, alongside widespread support for (over 70% deeming it the best system) but declining (below 20% weekly in ). Complementing EVS, the (WVS) Wave 7 (2017-2022) across European nations reveals a transition toward , with high scores on tolerance for diverse lifestyles (e.g., 60-80% acceptance of in Northern/) and , yet persistent traditionalism in family roles and national pride in . Data show Europeans ranking and above in post-materialist hierarchies, though interpersonal trust remains low (around 30% overall), underscoring causal links between institutional stability and value adherence. Recent surveys, such as the 2024 assessment, affirm public identification of EU-representative values with (39%), (35%), and (30%), based on responses from 27 member states. Standard 101 (2024) further highlights 62% attachment to the EU, tied to perceptions of and , though with skepticism toward supranational overreach in cultural matters. These empirical patterns, drawn from representative samples exceeding 1,000 per country, provide quantifiable evidence of value convergence amid regional divergences, challenging narratives of uniform secular progressivism.

Critiques of Theoretical Constructions

Theoretical constructions of European values, such as the 2003 appeal by and urging a unified European response to global challenges rooted in Enlightenment principles, have faced criticism for embodying despite their cosmopolitan pretensions. Critics argue that these frameworks prioritize a post-national, secular universalism that overlooks non-European perspectives, particularly from the Global South, while framing Europe as a moral exemplar without addressing its historical impositions. Philosophers like have contended that such theoretical appeals advance an agenda detached from the particular cultural, historical, and national values that sustain European societies, effectively promoting a supranational that erodes loyalties essential for civic trust and . Scruton highlighted how the European Union's intellectual foundations ignore the "specific needs and values of the European nations," treating them as interchangeable units in an abstract project rather than organic communities bound by shared inheritance. Broader critiques portray these constructions as elite-driven abstractions lacking empirical resonance, with surveys such as consistently showing that national identities predominate over a pan-European sense of belonging— for instance, in 2023, only 63% of citizens identified as European at all, and far fewer prioritized it over . Skeptical scholars describe European identity as a "theoretical " rather than a lived reality, sustained by institutional rhetoric but undermined by cultural fragmentation and the absence of shared rituals or narratives beyond economic ties. Nationalist and sovereigntist thinkers further object that universalist framings of values like and serve to homogenize diverse traditions, imposing a liberal-secular model that conflicts with rooted Christian heritage or familial structures prevalent in Eastern and . Right-wing analyses, including those from organizations opposing integration, view these theories as mechanisms for diluting national sovereignty under the guise of shared principles, with from referenda like the 2005 French and Dutch rejections of the Constitution illustrating popular resistance to top-down identity engineering. The devaluation of these constructions' universalist claims stems partly from their selective emphasis on progressive ideals, which critics attribute to institutional biases in academia and policy circles favoring over particularist realism, as evidenced by the marginalization of dissenting voices in mainstream . This has led to accusations of ideological capture, where theoretical appeals reinforce power asymmetries rather than fostering genuine consensus across Europe's heterogeneous polities.

Institutional and Political Frameworks

Role in the European Union Treaties and Policies

Article 2 of the (TEU), as consolidated following the Treaty entering into force on 1 2009, declares that the is founded on values of respect for human dignity, , , equality, the , and respect for , including rights of minorities, within a society characterized by pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, , , and equality between women and men. These values serve as normative foundations for integration, binding member states and informing legal and policy frameworks. In enlargement policy, adherence to Article 2 values forms a core condition alongside the adopted by the in June 1993, which require stable institutions guaranteeing , , , and protection of minorities. Candidate countries undergo assessments during accession negotiations, with progress tied to reforms aligning with these standards; for instance, the 2024 enlargement reports for Western Balkans nations emphasized advancements as prerequisites for chapters on and . This conditionality has delayed accessions, such as Montenegro's judicial reforms stalling negotiations as of October 2023. Internally, Article 7 TEU provides mechanisms to enforce values against member states, comprising a preventive arm under paragraph 1 for risks of serious breach and a punitive arm under paragraph 2 for persistent breaches, potentially leading to suspension of voting rights determined by the . The procedure was first triggered against on 20 December 2017 following concerns over reforms, and against on 12 September 2018 regarding legislative acts undermining and . As of 2025, neither has advanced to sanctions due to required excluding the accused state, highlighting enforcement limitations. The 2020 Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation (Regulation 2020/2092), effective from 1 January 2021, links EU budget disbursements to compliance, enabling the Commission to suspend or withhold funds if breaches affect financial management; it was applied in April 2022 to , freezing 55% of certain cohesion funds totaling approximately €6.3 billion pending reforms, and similarly to before partial unfreezing in 2024 after judicial changes. This instrument operationalizes values by tying economic incentives to adherence, though its scope is confined to budget impacts rather than all Article 2 violations. These treaty provisions and policies integrate values into operational frameworks, such as the Charter of Fundamental Rights proclaimed in 2000 and binding since , which operationalizes human dignity and liberties in . Enforcement relies on Commission infringement actions under Article 258 TFEU and Court of rulings, with over 200 rule of law-related cases since 2010, predominantly targeting and in eastern member states.

National Implementations and Variations

European national implementations of shared values such as , , , social welfare, and exhibit significant variations, shaped by historical, cultural, and constitutional contexts. While member states accede under the condition of respecting core principles outlined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union, domestic policies diverge in emphasis and scope, leading to tensions with supranational standards. For instance, prioritize universal welfare and high-trust , whereas Southern and Eastern states often integrate familial or nationalistic elements into social frameworks. In social welfare, Gøsta Esping-Andersen's typology classifies regimes into three broad types: social-democratic (e.g., , ), characterized by universal benefits, low stratification, and high decommodification of labor; conservative-corporatist (e.g., , , ), emphasizing family-based transfers and occupational with moderate market intervention; and liberal (e.g., , pre-Brexit influences in some policies), relying on means-tested aid and private provision, resulting in higher inequality. These models reflect causal differences in post-war state-building: Nordic stems from Lutheran egalitarianism and late industrialization, while conservative regimes preserve Bismarckian legacies of status-based entitlements. Empirical outcomes vary, with social-democratic states achieving lower rates (e.g., Denmark's at-risk-of-poverty rate of 11.6% in 2022 vs. Italy's 20.1%), though all reduce inequality through redistribution, albeit to differing degrees. Rule of law implementation shows stark contrasts, as measured by the Index 2024, where scores 0.90 (top globally), followed by (0.89), (0.87), and (0.86), reflecting strong and low , while ranks lower at approximately 0.60, amid concerns over executive influence on courts. The EU's 2024 Report highlights persistent issues in and , including media capture and judicial reforms perceived as undermining checks and balances, contrasting with robust enforcement in Western states. These variations arise from transitional legacies in , where post-communist consolidation prioritized stability over , leading to hybrid regimes critiqued for democratic . Human rights protections, particularly on life issues, diverge notably. remains nearly prohibited in and under constitutional protections for the unborn, with 's 2020 near-total ban upheld despite protests, reflecting Catholic influence, whereas it is available on request up to 24 weeks in the and . is legalized under strict conditions in , , , and (since 2021), accounting for 4.6% of deaths in the in 2022, but prohibited in most others, including and , where it conflicts with sanctity-of-life doctrines. Such differences stem from secular-liberal vs. traditionalist balances, with Eastern states showing lower acceptance of (e.g., 8% in view it as morally acceptable per surveys) compared to Western averages. Secularism policies vary from France's rigorous laïcité, banning religious symbols in public schools since 2004 and prohibiting face coverings in public since 2010, to more accommodating models in (cooperation with churches) and the (established Anglican Church). Eastern Europeans attribute greater importance to (e.g., 72% in vs. 22% in ), influencing policies like Hungary's 2011 affirming Christian heritage, which prioritizes national over strict neutrality. These implementations balance pluralism with historical majorities, with Western states exhibiting higher rates driven by and education, while Eastern resilience to correlates with post-atheist revivals.

Differences Across EU and Non-EU Europe

EU member states are subject to supranational enforcement mechanisms for values enshrined in Article 2 of the , including , , and , through instruments like the Court of Justice of the EU, infringement procedures, and conditional funding, which promote convergence but can lead to tensions with national sovereignty. In contrast, non-EU European countries, such as the , , , and , rely primarily on domestic institutions or looser alignments like the (EEA) for and , allowing greater policy divergence while often maintaining high adherence to similar principles via the (ECHR). This results in variations where non-EU states like emphasize through frequent referendums on issues like and family policy, contrasting with the EU's more centralized approach. On democracy and rule of law, EU countries generally score highly but face internal challenges, as evidenced by the European Commission's 2024 Rule of Law Report, which highlights progress in judicial independence across members yet persistent issues in Hungary and Poland under Article 7 procedures. Non-EU comparators often outperform or match EU averages; for instance, in the Economist Intelligence Unit's 2024 Democracy Index, Norway (non-EU, EEA) topped the global rankings with a score of 9.87 out of 10, followed closely by Iceland (9.58, non-EU EEA), while EU states like Sweden (third) and Finland dominated the top tier but showed no uniform superiority over select non-members. Switzerland, outside both EU and EEA, maintains robust rule of law through federalism and citizen initiatives, ranking consistently high in indices without supranational oversight. Post-Brexit United Kingdom has diverged by debating ECHR withdrawal to enable policies like migrant returns, illustrating sovereignty-driven flexibility absent in EU frameworks. Social welfare and equality policies exhibit harmonization in the EU via coordination rules ensuring portability of benefits across borders, as per EU social security regulations, fostering solidarity but sparking debates over free movement burdens on national systems. Non-EU states like , integrated via EEA, adopt many EU standards yet retain control over fiscal policies, exemplified by its enabling expansive welfare without full EU fiscal transfers. Switzerland's decentralized model emphasizes cantonal variations in benefits, often more generous in high-income regions, while the has pursued reforms reducing certain EU-influenced entitlements post-2020 to address domestic fiscal pressures. Eastern non-EU countries like , aspiring to accession, align welfare toward EU norms amid conflict but face implementation gaps due to lacking tools. Cultural and religious dimensions of values show divergence, with EU policies promoting and through directives, yet non-EU Western states like the and permit greater national leeway on issues like or burqa bans via referendums. Surveys indicate Central and Eastern non-EU populations, such as in or pre-2022 , prioritize traditional over secular more than Western EU counterparts, with lower acceptance of issues like . and , despite secular trends, integrate Protestant into welfare ethics without EU-mandated uniformity, allowing policies reflecting national majorities.
AspectEU Member StatesSelect Non-EU Examples
Democracy EnforcementSupranational (CJEU, Article 7)National/EEA (e.g., high scores sans full oversight)
Rule of Law MonitoringAnnual EU reports, funding conditionalityDomestic + ECHR (e.g., federal audits)
Welfare CoordinationCross-border portability mandatoryNational discretion (e.g., post-Brexit reforms)
Value ConvergenceToward liberal secularism via acquisGreater variation (e.g., Eastern religious traditionalism)

Criticisms and Controversies

Nationalist and Sovereigntist Objections

Nationalist and sovereigntist critics argue that the European Union's core values—enumerated in Article 2 of the as including respect for human dignity, , and the —function primarily as instruments for supranational centralization, compelling member states to subordinate national sovereignty to ' directives on migration, , and judicial standards. These objections posit that such values lack genuine democratic legitimacy, as key decisions emanate from unelected bodies like the , overriding national parliaments and fostering an elitist detachment from citizens' preferences. Eurosceptic parties across , including Hungary's , France's , and Italy's , reject the federalist trajectory implicit in these values, advocating instead for a "Europe of nations" where integration yields to repatriation of competencies in defense, borders, and economic . In Hungary, Prime Minister has exemplified these critiques by portraying enforcement of rule-of-law criteria as ideological overreach that undermines national , particularly in media and . 's government, facing €7.5 billion in withheld cohesion funds as of 2023 due to alleged democratic , counters that such measures protect from supranational interference akin to historical occupations, prioritizing Christian cultural over cosmopolitan pluralism. In a 2024 address, decried digital as "anti-freedom proposals" aimed at media control, framing them as assaults on decision-making. Similarly, Poland's party (PiS), during its 2015–2023 tenure, resisted pressures on judicial reforms, arguing that Warsaw's constitutional identity supersedes uniform standards, which critics within the party viewed as a mechanism to impose liberal values discordant with national traditions. These positions have galvanized support, with securing 54% of the vote in Hungary's 2022 parliamentary elections despite sanctions. French sovereigntist , leader of the , has long assailed values for eroding France's grandeur through obligatory solidarity in migration and , proposing a "" if reforms fail to restore fiscal and border autonomy. Le Pen's 2022 presidential platform demanded renegotiating treaties to prioritize national vetoes on , contending that values like enable unchecked inflows—over 100,000 asylum applications in in 2023 alone—diluting cultural cohesion without democratic consent. Her critiques extend to the eurozone's rigidity, which she blames for exacerbating France's 110% by 2024, imposing misaligned with domestic priorities. Italian Prime Minister , heading , adopts a reformist stance within the , urging overhauls to safeguard national sovereignty amid integration, as articulated in her June 2024 call for recalibrating defense, financing, and identity protections without federal dilution. Meloni's government has negotiated bilateral migration pacts, such as the 2023 Italy-Tunisia deal reducing irregular arrivals by 60% in 2024, to circumvent EU-wide quotas perceived as sovereignty-eroding. Her ECR group in the , gaining seats in the 2024 elections, pushes for confederalism, arguing that uniform values ignore variances like Italy's Mediterranean burdens versus northern states' preferences. The United Kingdom's 2016 referendum crystallized these objections, with 51.9% of voters endorsing departure to reclaim sovereignty over laws, borders, and trade, rejecting values as constraints on independent foreign policy and cultural self-rule. Campaign rhetoric, echoed by figures like , highlighted how supremacy—evident in the European Court of Justice's primacy over courts—undermined parliamentary , a view substantiated by post-Brexit repatriation of £350 million weekly in net contributions and control over non- migration, which rose to 1.2 million net inflows in 2023. These movements, while diverse, converge on empirical grounds: integration correlates with rising national debt burdens (e.g., Greece's 170% GDP in 2010s ) and migration pressures (1.3 million asylum claims -wide in 2023), fueling demands to prioritize verifiable national interests over abstract supranational ideals.

Erosion Through Multiculturalism and Mass Immigration

Mass immigration to Europe, particularly from culturally dissimilar regions in the , , and , has intensified since the 2010s, with over 1 million asylum seekers arriving in alone in 2015 amid the and related conflicts. This influx, coupled with policies favoring over assimilation, has fostered parallel societies in urban enclaves where host-country norms are often subordinated to imported customs, eroding core European values such as , secular governance, and the . Empirical data from national statistics reveal persistent integration failures, including overrepresentation of foreign-born individuals in violent and sexual offenses, which strain social cohesion and public trust in institutions. In , a model of generous welfare and open borders, migrants constituted 33% of the in 2017 but accounted for 58% of suspects in total crimes on reasonable grounds, with even higher disparities in murders, manslaughters, and robberies. Official analyses confirm that foreign-born men exhibit excess risks for drug-related convictions compared to native , despite declines in some categories over time, attributing this to socioeconomic factors intertwined with cultural barriers to integration. These patterns reflect a causal link between unvetted mass inflows and elevated criminality, as low-skilled, non-Western immigrants disproportionately fail to adapt to Europe's high-trust, individualistic societies, leading to ghettoized areas with heightened and activity that challenge the universal application of legal equality. The 2015-2016 assaults in , , exemplify cultural clashes inherent to , where over 1,200 women reported sexual attacks and robberies by groups predominantly of North African and origin, resulting in more than 500 criminal cases, including 40% involving . German authorities later acknowledged inadequate preparation for such migration-driven challenges, with similar incidents reported across 12 of 16 states, prompting a reevaluation of open-door policies and highlighting incompatibilities between patriarchal norms from origin countries and European standards of women's . Peer-reviewed assessments of 's refugee influx similarly document localized spikes in property and violent crimes attributable to the arrivals, countering aggregated claims of overall lower immigrant criminality by isolating effects on specific demographics. Public opinion data underscores the perceived erosion, with surveys across showing majorities viewing levels as excessively high and poorly managed, often linking it to cultural dilution and threats. In , 42% cited as a top concern in 2025, tied with economic issues, while broader European polls indicate significant portions believe inflows have negatively impacted and social harmony. Declarations by leaders, including Angela Merkel's 2010 admission of 's "utter failure" in , reflect empirical recognition that state-sponsored has enabled enclaves resistant to host values, fostering resentment and populist backlashes without resolving underlying assimilation deficits. Estimates of up to 900 "no-go" zones—neighborhoods with authority vacuums—across further illustrate how unchecked undermines the shared civic framework essential to European Enlightenment-derived principles.

Conflicts with Traditional Christian and Family Values

European values, as enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and treaties like the (2007), prioritize non-discrimination on grounds of , , and reproductive autonomy, which frequently clash with traditional Christian teachings on as a between one man and one woman, the sanctity of from conception to natural death, and the family as the foundational unit centered on biological parenthood. These doctrines, rooted in Catholic and Protestant traditions, view deviations—such as same-sex unions, , and —as violations of and divine order, leading to institutional tensions where EU mechanisms enforce secular norms over religious objections. A primary conflict arises in the domain of marriage and sexuality. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has ruled that religious convictions cannot justify discrimination against same-sex couples, as in the 2013 case of Eweida and Others v. United Kingdom, where Christian employees were denied accommodations for manifesting beliefs conflicting with equality policies, prioritizing Article 14 (non-discrimination) over Article 9 (religious freedom) freedoms when they impede LGBTQ+ rights. Similarly, in Hämäläinen v. Finland (2014), the ECHR upheld restrictions on gender recognition that indirectly affect traditional family structures, reinforcing EU-wide pushes for same-sex marriage recognition under mutual recognition principles, despite opposition from churches viewing it as redefining the family ontology. In Poland and Hungary, national laws defining marriage heterosexually—aligned with Christian canon—have faced EU infringement procedures; for instance, Hungary's 2021 law restricting LGBTQ+ content in schools for minors prompted the European Commission to launch actions, withholding €6.3 billion in recovery funds partly over perceived violations of equality values. On life issues, EU promotion of reproductive and end-of-life rights undermines Christian pro-life stances. , legalized in most EU states by the 1980s-1990s with gestational limits averaging 12-24 weeks, conflicts with doctrines like those in the Catholic (1995), which deem it intrinsically evil; the EU Parliament's 2022 resolution urging decriminalization and access as a "fundamental right" pressured restrictive nations like Poland, where a 2020 Constitutional Tribunal ruling limiting abortions to life-threatening cases drew condemnation and legal challenges from , despite subsidiarity in . legalization in (2002), (2002), and expanding in (2021) and (2023) further exemplifies the rift, with rates rising—e.g., 2.3% of Belgian deaths in 2019—contradicting Christian emphasis on suffering's redemptive value; EU funding for "" often bundles with autonomy-focused programs, sidelining faith-based hospices opposing . Family policy divergences highlight causal tensions between and communal traditions. EU strategies like the 2022 European Declaration on the of Children emphasize "diverse forms," including single-parent and same-sex households, clashing with Christian prioritizations of stable, married, multi-child nuclear families; empirical show fertility rates below replacement (1.5 EU average in 2023) correlating with delayed and cohabitation rises, which pro-natalist Christian policies in —offering lifetime tax exemptions for mothers of four since 2019—seek to counter but face EU scrutiny for "traditionalist" biases. Poland's 500+ program (2016), boosting births temporarily by 10-15%, similarly incurred rule-of-law sanctions totaling €76 billion frozen by 2023, linked by critics to resistance against gender ideology in . These pressures reflect a secular favoring over teleological roles, eroding Christian demographic resilience amid Europe's aging population.

Contemporary Challenges and Evolutions

Rise of Populism and Anti-EU Sentiments (2010s-2025)

The 2010s marked a surge in populist movements across , driven by dissatisfaction with economic measures following the , perceived failures in EU migration policies, and concerns over national sovereignty erosion. Populist parties, particularly those emphasizing and stricter controls, saw their combined vote shares rise from marginal levels to substantial parliamentary representation in multiple countries. For instance, in the wake of the debt crisis, parties like Greece's and Spain's Podemos initially gained on left-populist platforms promising anti- reforms, while right-leaning groups such as France's National Front (later ) and Germany's (AfD) capitalized on anti-immigration sentiments amid the 2015 migrant influx, which saw over 1 million arrivals primarily from and . This momentum culminated in the United Kingdom's on June 23, 2016, where 51.9% of voters opted to leave the , reflecting widespread frustration with ' regulatory overreach and free movement policies that strained public services and cultural cohesion. The outcome emboldened similar "exit" campaigns, including France's short-lived push by and Italy's Italexit advocacy by Matteo Salvini's Lega, though these did not materialize into referendums due to legal hurdles and shifting public priorities. In national elections, populists achieved breakthroughs: AfD secured 12.6% in Germany's 2017 federal vote, entering the for the first time; Italy's 2018 general election delivered a populist coalition of Lega (17.4%) and (32.7%); and Austria's Freedom Party (FPÖ) joined government in 2017 before a 2019 scandal. These gains often framed integration as antithetical to organic national values, prioritizing and border controls over supranational governance. European Parliament elections underscored the trend's institutional impact. In 2014, Eurosceptic groups like Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) and Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) collectively held about 80 seats, rising to over 130 for the Identity and Democracy (ID) group and allies by 2019 amid heightened anti-EU rhetoric. The 2024 elections saw further advances, with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group expanding to 78 seats and the new Patriots for Europe alliance (successor to ID elements) securing around 84, representing roughly 25% of the chamber and amplifying calls for treaty reforms to restore national vetoes on migration and fiscal matters. Despite these electoral successes, mainstream pro-EU forces retained a majority, limiting radical policy shifts. Into the 2020s, persisted amid layered crises, with parties like Hungary's maintaining dominance since 2010 through 2022 elections (54% vote share) by critiquing sanctions on judicial reforms, and Poland's (PiS) governing from 2015 until 2023 losses, emphasizing family policies against perceived . In 2022, Italy's under won 26% to form , pledging to defend "Christian roots" against ; the ' (PVV) topped 2023 polls with 23.5%, entering coalition talks; and France's reached 41.5% in the 2022 presidential runoff, followed by 33% in the 2024 legislative first round, prompting President Macron's . ' support grew to 20.5% by 2022, bolstering a right-wing . These developments reflected causal links to unaddressed grievances—such as uneven economic recovery and cultural dilution from -open borders—rather than mere media-amplified backlash, as evidenced by consistent polling on concerns outpacing general favorability dips. By 2025, anti-EU sentiments had moderated in aggregate polls, with 74% of citizens viewing membership as beneficial per data, yet populist influence endured through coalition leverage and policy vetoes, challenging the EU's trajectory without dismantling it. This evolution highlighted tensions between elite-driven integration and voter demands for value-aligned , with parties like AfD polling at 20% ahead of Germany's 2025 federal election amid ongoing migration debates. Mainstream analyses often attribute rises to "," but empirical vote patterns correlate more strongly with policy failures, such as the EU's 2015 relocation quotas rejected by and others, underscoring causal realism in electoral shifts over ideological labeling.

Impacts of Recent Crises: Migration, COVID-19, and Ukraine War

The 2015 migration crisis, involving over 1 million asylum seekers arriving in the primarily from , , and , severely tested the principle of enshrined in EU treaties, as frontline states like and bore disproportionate burdens while northern and eastern member states resisted mandatory relocation quotas. This led to failures, where asylum claims were meant to be processed in the first entry country, exacerbating rule-of-law strains through irregular secondary movements and national opt-outs, such as Hungary's border fence and asylum suspensions. Empirical data from shows asylum applications peaked at 1.3 million in 2015, correlating with a solidarity deficit that prompted in protections, including pushbacks at borders that raised concerns under the . In the 2020s, renewed inflows—driven by conflicts in , post-2021 takeover, and African instability—totaled around 1 million non-EU migrants annually by 2023, further eroding social cohesion through integration failures, rising crime rates in high-immigration areas (e.g., Sweden's gang violence linked to unaccompanied minors), and public backlash fueling populist policies like Denmark's asset seizures for migrants. These dynamics challenged core values of versus , with surveys indicating declining trust in institutions amid perceived cultural incompatibilities and welfare strains, where non-EU migrants' net fiscal cost averaged €10,000-15,000 per person annually in countries like . The , from March 2020 onward with over 1.1 million deaths by 2023, exposed fractures in unity, as initial border closures by 20 member states undermined free movement—a foundational value—while divergent lockdown and strategies highlighted over supranational coordination. Joint procurement secured 4.6 billion doses by 2022, fostering via the €750 billion NextGenerationEU recovery fund approved in July 2020, yet economic divergences deepened core-periphery divides, with southern states like facing 10% GDP contractions versus Germany's 4%, amplifying resentments over fiscal transfers. Rule-of-law tensions arose from emergency powers, including Hungary's indefinite granting decree powers to Orbán, criticized by the for eroding democratic checks, and mandates in countries like clashing with individual liberties protected under the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Post-crisis polls showed a temporary uptick in support to 62% in 2021, but persistent inequalities—e.g., spikes to 25% in —fueled toward supranational values, prioritizing national resilience over abstract . Russia's full-scale invasion of on February 24, 2022, prompted unprecedented , with €177.5 billion in aid by October 2024 including €50 billion in loans and €35 billion in military support, reinforcing values of and against authoritarian aggression. This unity manifested in 14 sanction packages freezing €300 billion in Russian assets and reducing energy dependence from 40% to under 10% Russian gas imports by 2023, aligning with geopolitical realism over prior . However, the war strained internal cohesion through energy price surges—up 300% in 2022—triggering inflation at 10.6% -wide and farmer protests in the and against green policies and Ukrainian grain imports, highlighting tensions between with and domestic economic values like affordability. Defense spending rose to 2% of GDP targets for more members, challenging pacifist traditions in and , while hosting 4.2 million Ukrainian refugees tested integration limits without the cultural frictions of non-European migration, per integration indices showing higher rates. Polls from 2022 indicated prioritization of values like over the war, but fatigue by 2024— with aid fatigue in and —underscored limits to indefinite amid domestic priorities.

Future Prospects and Global Comparisons

The persistence of European values, encompassing commitments to , secular governance, and social welfare, is threatened by persistent low rates, which stood at an of 1.46 children per woman across in 2023, far below the 2.1 replacement threshold required for stability without . projections for 2025 confirm that no European country exceeds the replacement level, with southern and eastern nations like and registering rates under 1.2, signaling a contraction in native-born cohorts that underpins these value systems. This demographic contraction is forecasted to reduce working-age populations in 22 of the EU's 27 member states by 2050, intensifying fiscal pressures on welfare states designed around intergenerational and potentially necessitating expanded non-EU to sustain labor forces. Immigration, projected to account for nearly all EU population growth through 2050 under baseline scenarios, introduces tensions regarding value transmission, as integration outcomes vary by origin and policy enforcement. Recent hardening of migration stances across , including stricter border controls and asylum reforms adopted in 2024, stems from empirical evidence of uneven assimilation, where sustained inflows from culturally distant regions have correlated with parallel societal structures resistant to secular and egalitarian norms. Policy analyses anticipate four plausible futures: from minimal net migration preserving homogeneity to heightened inflows amplifying diversity, with the latter risking erosion of consensus on core tenets like and free speech if civic fails to override imported preferences for and . Amid these pressures, populist movements may reinforce national variants of European values, prioritizing and cultural continuity, though EU-level supranationalism could dilute them further through harmonized policies favoring pluralism over heritage. In global perspective, European values align with post-materialist orientations documented in the (WVS), emphasizing self-expression, , and tolerance, yet they contrast sharply with the pronounced and in the United States, where 53% of adults in 2011 identified faith as central to compared to under 30% in . Americans exhibit higher support for and market-driven outcomes, with WVS data showing greater endorsement of personal achievement over state-provided security, while Europeans favor redistributive equity and , reflecting post-World War II traumas that prioritized collective stability. Comparisons with East Asia reveal further divergences: European societies score higher on WVS metrics for democratic and , but lower on familial and hierarchical , where Confucian-influenced values in countries like and prioritize communal harmony and elder deference over individual . For instance, East Asian respondents in WVS Wave 7 (2017-2022) report stronger adherence to obedience and , correlating with lower tolerance for , whereas Europeans emphasize participatory , though both regions share pragmatic commitments to and economic pragmatism amid rapid modernization. These contrasts underscore Europe's outlier status in fostering secular , potentially vulnerable to global demographic shifts where higher-fertility, tradition-bound societies in and the —projected to drive most migration—embody values less congruent with Europe's liberal framework.

References

  1. https://inters.org/Christian-Origins-Of-Western-Culture
  2. https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.2478/9788376560380.c12/html
  3. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/principles-and-values/aims-and-values_en
  4. https://europeanvaluesstudy.eu/about-evs/history/
  5. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/10/29/eastern-and-western-europeans-differ-on-importance-of-religion-views-of-minorities-and-key-social-issues/
  6. https://tif.ssrc.org/2020/07/07/is-europe-christian-an-introduction/
  7. https://www.cidob.org/en/publications/crisis-european-values
  8. https://lausanne.org/report/europe
  9. https://iep.utm.edu/aristotle/
  10. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/aristotelianism-renaissance/
  11. https://brewminate.com/roman-law-from-the-twelve-tables-to-the-corpus-iuris-civilis-2/
  12. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/religion-morality/
  13. https://christianhistoryinstitute.org/magazine/article/edict-of-milan
  14. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/edict-thessalonica
  15. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2359880/
  16. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/enlightenment/
  17. https://hwpi.harvard.edu/files/pluralism/files/enlightenment_and_revolution_0.pdf
  18. https://education.cfr.org/learn/reading/what-enlightenment-and-how-did-it-transform-politics
  19. https://www.history.com/articles/enlightenment
  20. https://pages.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/essays/libhumanism.pdf
  21. https://institutdelors.eu/content/uploads/2025/04/PP285_To-what-extent-are-European-values-universal_Chopin_EN.pdf
  22. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/history-eu/1945-59_en
  23. https://www.robert-schuman.eu/en/the-letter/935
  24. https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/human-rights/what-are-human-rights/what-european-convention-human-rights
  25. https://www.echr.coe.int/documents/d/echr/convention_ENG
  26. https://ukandeu.ac.uk/explainers/the-european-convention-on-human-rights/
  27. https://european-union.europa.eu/principles-countries-history/history-eu/1945-59/schuman-declaration-may-1950_en
  28. https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/R/PDF/R45079/R45079.3.pdf
  29. https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34525/chapter/292924249
  30. https://www.legislation.gov.uk/eut/teu/article/2
  31. https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/policies/justice-and-fundamental-rights/upholding-rule-law/rule-law/what-rule-law_en
  32. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/ftu/pdf/en/FTU_4.1.2.pdf
  33. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/accession-criteria-copenhagen-criteria.html
  34. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/enlargement-policy/policy-highlights/rule-law_en
  35. https://www.cer.eu/insights/eu-and-rule-law-much-movement-little-change
  36. https://www.humanrightscentre.org/blog/poland-no-longer-risk-violating-rule-law
  37. https://www.coe.int/en/web/human-rights-convention/the-convention-in-1950
  38. https://www.coe.int/en/web/portal/-/excessive-limits-on-freedom-of-expression-harm-europe-s-democratic-security
  39. https://fra.europa.eu/en/eu-charter/article/1-human-dignity
  40. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:12012M002
  41. https://www.eurac.edu/en/blogs/eureka/the-1st-of-all-eu-r-rights-dignity-and-how-the-charter-contributes
  42. https://www.journaloffreespeechlaw.org/hochmann.pdf
  43. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20210325STO00802/eu-values-explained-in-one-minute
  44. https://www.etuc.org/en/european-social-model
  45. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/ddn-20241125-2
  46. https://drees.solidarites-sante.gouv.fr/publications-en-anglais/250203_DD_socialprotection_2023
  47. https://shs.hal.science/halshs-01336298/document
  48. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Living_conditions_in_Europe_-_income_distribution_and_income_inequality
  49. https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/economic-inequality-gini-index
  50. https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/gini_inequality_index/Europe/
  51. https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/en/surveys-and-data/data-catalogue/net-wealth-inequality-eu-member-states-2010-and-2021-gini-index-
  52. https://www.oecd.org/en/data/dashboards/social-expenditure-dashboard.html
  53. https://www.cato.org/policy-report/january/february-2013/are-europes-welfare-states-sustainable
  54. https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/welfare-state-not-sustainable-says-154228672.html
  55. https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/sites/default/files/2023-06/TL8-Welfare-English.pdf
  56. https://culture.ec.europa.eu/cultural-heritage
  57. https://epthinktank.eu/2014/12/16/cultural-heritage-policy-in-the-european-union/
  58. https://www.coe.int/en/web/herein-system/european-union
  59. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14616696.2021.1913508
  60. https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/religious-roots-secular-west-protestant-reformation-and-allocation-resources-europe
  61. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/14/3/423
  62. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10965724/
  63. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2025/06/09/religion-in-europe/
  64. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/05/29/being-christian-in-western-europe/
  65. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2005/12/05/believing-without-belonging-just-how-secular-is-europe/
  66. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/05/29/religious-identity/
  67. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00472441221115571
  68. https://europeanvaluesstudy.eu/about-evs/research-topics/religion/
  69. https://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3748
  70. https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/is-euro-patriotism-possible/
  71. https://socialistregister.com/index.php/srv/article/download/5838/2734/7765
  72. https://www.roger-scruton.com/archive/lectures-speeches/europe
  73. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1118&context=gov_fac_pubs
  74. https://lawliberty.org/pope-benedict-and-the-drama-of-european-culture/
  75. https://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=6317
  76. https://europeanvaluesstudy.eu/
  77. https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSDocumentationWV7.jsp
  78. https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/
  79. https://www.veriangroup.com/news-and-insights/values-best-represent-eu-2024
  80. https://europa.eu/eurobarometer/surveys/detail/3093
  81. https://europa.eu/eurobarometer
  82. https://16beavergroup.org/articles/2003/09/01/rene-comment-on-derridahabermas-appeal-europe-and-the-global-south-towards-a-circle-of-equality/
  83. https://www.roger-scruton.com/articles/614-can-europe-learn-from-communism
  84. https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2017/08/burdens-belonging-roger-scrutons-nation-state/
  85. https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/29377/ssoar-2011-supl_3-udrea-european_identity_and_otherness_theoretical.pdf?sequence=1
  86. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003226123/right-wing-critique-europe-joanna-sondel-cedarmas-francesco-berti
  87. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/16118944241266708
  88. https://journals.oa.edu.ua/Philosophy/user/setLocale/en?source=%252FPhilosophy%252Farticle%252Fview%252F4286%253FarticlesBySimilarityPage%253D3
  89. https://www.theamericanconservative.com/lessons-from-europe-decline-roger-scruton/
  90. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/how-enlargement-works/
  91. https://commission.europa.eu/topics/eu-enlargement_en
  92. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/article-7-procedures/
  93. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/article-7-procedures/timeline-the-story-of-article-7/
  94. https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/eu-budget/protection-eu-budget/rule-law-conditionality-regulation_en
  95. https://epthinktank.eu/2020/09/28/protecting-eu-common-values-within-the-member-states-an-overview-of-monitoring-prevention-and-enforcement-mechanisms-at-eu-level/
  96. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2020/652088/EPRS_STU%282020%29652088_EN.pdf
  97. https://english.wrr.nl/binaries/wrr-eng/documenten/publications/2021/07/19/strengthening-eu-policy-based-on-european-variations-as-a-key-to-cooperation/Strengthening%2BEU%2Bpolicy%2Bbased%2Bon%2BEuropean%2BVariations%2Bas%2Ba%2BKey%2Bto%2BCooperation_def4.pdf
  98. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2465657/
  99. https://www.elgaronline.com/monochap/9781789905557/chapter04.xhtml
  100. https://worldjusticeproject.org/rule-of-law-index/
  101. https://commission.europa.eu/publications/2024-rule-law-report-communication-and-country-chapters_en
  102. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/political-science/articles/10.3389/fpos.2022.966711/full
  103. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/isa/bla01/
  104. https://confrontations.org/the-countries-of-europe-all-secular-all-different/
  105. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2018/12/05/how-do-european-countries-differ-in-religious-commitment/
  106. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07036337.2021.1956915
  107. https://verfassungsblog.de/a-non-eu-rule-of-law-commission/
  108. https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/policies/justice-and-fundamental-rights/upholding-rule-law/rule-law/annual-rule-law-cycle/2024-rule-law-report_en
  109. https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2024/
  110. https://www.stiftung-mercator.de/content/uploads/2024/10/Rule-of-Law-beyond-the-EU-Member-States-CEU-DI-RoLClinic.pdf
  111. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/european-union
  112. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20170616STO77648/social-europe-what-parliament-is-doing-on-social-policy
  113. https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/economic-bulletin/articles/2019/html/ecb.ebart201905_02~8fe859fe45.en.html
  114. https://migrationpolicycentre.eu/national-institutions-vs-eu-policies-differences-welfare-states-national-institutions-can-contribute-political-conflicts-rules-free-movement-workers/
  115. https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/rule-law-report-2024-5th-edition-eu-better-equipped-face-rule-law-challenges-2024-07-24_en
  116. https://shs.cairn.info/revue-horizons-strategiques-2006-2-page-51?lang=fr
  117. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12012M/TXT
  118. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jcms.13497
  119. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20240112IPR16780/the-hungarian-government-threatens-eu-values-institutions-and-funds-meps-say
  120. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14782804.2025.2543345
  121. https://abouthungary.hu/blog/pm-orban-if-we-defend-our-homeland-we-defend-our-families
  122. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/apr/15/frexit-what-marine-le-pen-win-mean-eu
  123. https://edition.cnn.com/2025/04/05/europe/le-pen-georgescu-judiciary-banning-candidates-intl
  124. https://decode39.com/9227/meloni-urges-eu-overhaul-on-defence-sovereignty-financing/
  125. https://decode39.com/12187/melonis-europe-stability-as-strategy/
  126. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07036337.2025.2560374?src=exp-la
  127. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/personal-values-brexit-vote/
  128. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/brexit-make-hard-choices-but-dont-confuse-sovereignty-with-autonomy/
  129. https://www.dw.com/en/new-years-eve-in-cologne-5-years-after-the-mass-assaults/a-56073007
  130. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338563093_Migrants_and_Crime_in_Sweden_in_the_Twenty-First_Century
  131. https://www.scup.com/doi/10.1080/2578983X.2021.1900038
  132. https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/sweden-immigrants-crisis/
  133. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35277249
  134. https://www.reuters.com/article/world/cologne-attacks-show-germany-unprepared-for-migration-challenge-idUSKCN0V6173/
  135. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0166046220303252
  136. https://yougov.co.uk/international/articles/51684-eurotrack-publics-across-western-europe-are-unhappy-with-immigration
  137. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/feb/26/western-europeans-say-immigration-is-too-high-and-poorly-managed-survey-finds
  138. http://assets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/i10965.pdf
  139. https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/europe-is-turning-into-one-big-no-go-zone
  140. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12012P/TXT
  141. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/10/06/populists-in-europe-especially-those-on-the-right-have-increased-their-vote-shares-in-recent-elections/
  142. https://ecfr.eu/publication/rise-to-the-challengers-europes-populist-parties-and-its-foreign-policy-future/
  143. https://www.statista.com/topics/3291/right-wing-populism-in-the-european-union/
  144. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-rise-of-european-populism-and-the-collapse-of-the-center-left/
  145. https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/jun/09/eu-elections-populist-right-makes-gains-but-pro-european-centre-holds
  146. https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-election-vote-populist-wave-alternative-for-germany-national-rally/
  147. https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/eu-approval-among-its-citizens-hits-record-high-security-fears-grow-poll-shows-2025-03-25/
  148. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2020/649344/EPRS_BRI%282020%29649344_EN.pdf
  149. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1708&context=law_globalstudies
  150. https://geopolitique.eu/en/articles/solidarity-deficit-refugee-protection-backsliding-and-eus-shifting-borders-the-future-of-asylum-in-the-eu/
  151. https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/001/2024/211/article-A001-en.xml
  152. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9899890/
  153. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/understanding-europes-turn-on-migration/
  154. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7203166/
  155. https://european-union.europa.eu/priorities-and-actions/common-eu-response-covid-19_en
  156. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7366487/
  157. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2022.2141305
  158. https://ecfr.eu/publication/together_in_trauma_europeans_and_the_world_after_covid_19/
  159. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/eu-solidarity-ukraine/
  160. https://academic.oup.com/yel/advance-article/doi/10.1093/yel/yeaf003/8112000
  161. https://www.cirsd.org/en/horizons/horizons-summer-2025--issue-no-31/europe-after-ukraine
  162. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14702436.2025.2562978
  163. https://institutdelors.eu/content/uploads/2025/04/PP289_valeurs-europeennes-Ukraine_Chopin_Naim_EN.pdf
  164. https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2025/03/21/Lost-Generations-Fertility-and-Economic-Growth-in-Europe-565380
  165. https://ourworldindata.org/fertility-rate
  166. https://www.visualcapitalist.com/mapped-european-fertility-rates-by-country/
  167. https://www.bruegel.org/policy-brief/demographic-divide-inequalities-ageing-across-european-union
  168. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-023-02482-4
  169. https://www.europenowjournal.org/2024/06/17/the-end-of-europes-immigration-dream/
  170. https://farsight.cifs.dk/the-futures-of-european-migration/
  171. https://ecfr.eu/publication/markets-migrants-microchips-european-power-in-a-world-of-demographic-change/
  172. https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2011/11/17/the-american-western-european-values-gap/
  173. https://ajges.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s40856-018-0034-9
  174. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2025/08/15/5-facts-about-global-fertility-trends/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.