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Third Crusade
Third Crusade
from Wikipedia
Third Crusade
Part of the Crusades

Routes taken by the Crusader armies
Date11 May 1189 – 2 September 1192
Location
Result See § Outcome
Belligerents
Commanders and leaders
Strength

36,000–74,000 total (estimate)

  • 8,000–9,000 Angevin (English, Normans, Aquitanians, Welsh, Navarrese, etc.) troops with Richard I,[1] up to 17,000 or 50,000 according to some sources including non-combatants and sailors[2]
  • 7,000+ French with Phillip II (inc. 650 knights and 1,300 squires)[1]
  • 12,000–20,000 Germans with Frederick I (inc. 3–4,000 knights)[3][4]
  • 2,000 Hungarians with Géza[5]

Two additional contingents also joined Frederick's army while travelling through Byzantine Empire. Numbered about 1,000 men.

  • From 7,000[6] to 40,000[7] from the rest of Europe and Outremer, plus some Turcopoles
Ayyubids:
40,000 (Saladin's field army, 1189 – estimate)[8]
5,000–20,000 (Acre's garrison, 1189)[9][10]
Seljuks:
22,000+ (Qutb al-Din's field army only, 1190)[11][12]

The Third Crusade (1189–1192) was an attempt led by King Philip II of France, King Richard I of England and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa to reconquer the Holy Land following the capture of Jerusalem by the Ayyubid sultan Saladin in 1187. For this reason, the Third Crusade is also known as the Kings' Crusade.[13]

It was partially successful, recapturing the important cities of Acre and Jaffa, and reversing most of Saladin's conquests, but it failed to recapture Jerusalem, which was the major aim of the Crusade and its religious focus.

After the failure of the Second Crusade of 1147–1149, the Zengid dynasty controlled a unified Syria and engaged in a conflict with the Fatimid rulers of Egypt. Saladin ultimately brought both the Egyptian and Syrian forces under his own control, and employed them to reduce the Crusader states and to recapture Jerusalem in 1187. Spurred by religious zeal, King Henry II of England and King Philip II of France (later known as "Philip Augustus") ended their conflict with each other to lead a new crusade. The death of Henry (6 July 1189), however, meant the English contingent came under the command of his successor, King Richard I of England. The elderly German Emperor Frederick Barbarossa also responded to the call to arms, leading a massive army across the Balkans and Anatolia. He achieved some victories against the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm, but he died whilst crossing a river on 10 June 1190 before reaching the Holy Land. His death caused tremendous grief among the German Crusaders, and most of his troops returned home.

After the Crusaders had driven the Ayyubid army from Acre, Philip—in company with Frederick's successor in command of the German crusaders, Leopold V, Duke of Austria—left the Holy Land in August 1191. Following a major victory by the Crusaders at the Battle of Arsuf, most of the coastline of the Levant was returned to Christian control. On 2 September 1192 Richard and Saladin finalized the Treaty of Jaffa, which recognised Muslim control over Jerusalem but allowed unarmed Christian pilgrims and merchants to visit the city. Richard departed the Holy Land on 9 October 1192. The military successes of the Third Crusade allowed the Christians to maintain considerable states in Cyprus and on the Syrian coast, restoring the Kingdom of Jerusalem on a narrow strip from Tyre to Jaffa.

The failure to re-capture Jerusalem inspired the subsequent Fourth Crusade of 1202–1204, but Europeans would only regain the city—and only briefly—in the Sixth Crusade in 1229.

Background

[edit]
The Near East, c. 1190, at the inception of the Third Crusade

Second Crusade

[edit]
The Near East around 1140, a few years before the Second Crusade

The fall of Edessa, an important city held by the crusaders from 1098 to 1144, deeply shook Europe, which until then had observed the events unfolding in the Near East during the first half of the 12th century with relative passivity.[14] The possession of Edessa was also considered crucial for maintaining control of Jerusalem, located further south and in crusader hands for several decades.[14] The aggressive and astute policy adopted by the atābeg Zengi, the founder of the Zengid dynasty, had enabled the unification of the regions of Aleppo and Mosul under a single domain.[15] Crusader expansion was halted, with the County of Tripoli suffering the most significant damage from Muslim attacks.[15] Zengi’s immediate successor was his son Nur al-Din (Nūr ad-Din), who established himself in Aleppo and immediately focused on continuing the holy war against the Christians of Outremer.[16]

It was on these premises and the intense preaching activity of several church figures, most notably Bernard of Clairvaux, that Pope Eugene III proclaimed the Second Crusade.[17] Despite the involvement of the two most powerful European sovereigns of the first half of the 12th century, namely Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany, a series of issues compromised the expedition's outcome.[18][19] These included the lack of cohesion between Germans and French, the journey to the destination, during which a large number of soldiers died (most notably in the defeat at Dorylaeum on October 25, 1147),[20] and the decision to attack Damascus, the only city that intended to maintain peaceful relations with the crusaders due to its fear of Nur al-Din’s expansionist tendencies in Syria.[21] At the end of a brief five-day siege, the largest Frankish[22] army ever to arrive in the Near East withdrew from Damascus without achieving any concrete results.[23]

Unification of Syria

[edit]

The defeat of the crusaders and disputes in the Christian world allowed Nur al-Din to unify Syria and reduce the Crusader states' size.[24] By enlisting Turkmens and Kurds,[25] he achieved victories like Inab in 1149, conquering the Orontes Valley, dissolving the County of Edessa (1151), securing Damascus (1154), and nearly destroying the Principality of Antioch.[19][25][26] The crusaders, led by Baldwin III, captured Ascalon in 1153.[27] Raids in 1156 were halted by an earthquake,[28] and Nur al-Din's attacks on Baniyas in 1157 failed.[29] After falling ill in 1157, crusader raids followed,[30] but peace stabilized after Nur al-Din's defeat at Butaiha in 1158.[31]

Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos inspired hope among crusaders[32] but allied with Nur al-Din against the Seljuks in 1159, dismaying the Franks.[33][34] This alliance forced Seljuk sultan Kilij Arslan II to become Nur al-Din's vassal.[34] In 1160, Nur al-Din's lieutenant captured the Prince of Antioch, Reynald of Châtillon.[35][36] Baldwin III raided Damascus,[35] and truces followed in 1161.[37] Nur al-Din undertook a hajj in 1162,[37] respecting the crusaders’ mourning after Baldwin III’s death.[37]

Nur al-Din targeted Egypt's Fatimid dynasty,[38] while Amalric I of Jerusalem also sought to conquer it.[39] Amalric’s 1163 campaign failed due to Nile floods.[39][40] Vizier Shawar, ousted by Ḍirghâm, sought Nur al-Din’s help.[39] Nur al-Din’s attack on Tripoli’s Krak des Chevaliers in 1163 failed due to the intervention of a group of French nobles (including Hugh VIII of Lusignan) returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.[41] Nur al-Din's lieutenant Shirkuh, with Saladin, restored Shawar in Egypt, but Shawar allied with Amalric in 1164.[42][43][44] Nur al-Din’s attack on Antioch in 1164 captured leaders but avoided direct assault to prevent Byzantine intervention.[42][44][45] Amalric and Shirkuh agreed to leave Egypt in 1164.[44] In 1167, Shirkuh returned to Egypt, but Amalric and Shawar halted him, and Saladin negotiated a Muslim withdrawal.[42][46][47][48] In 1168, Amalric attacked Egypt, massacring Bilbeis, but withdrew after Shawar allied with Nur al-Din, who extended control over the northern Fertile Crescent and Egypt.[49][50]

Rise of Saladin and the crisis

[edit]

Shawar was sentenced to death for his alliance with the crusaders, and Shirkuh succeeded him as vizier of Egypt but died in 1169 after a few weeks due to indigestion.[49][50] Saladin, his nephew, became vizier at thirty-one, a compromise candidate.[51][52] Nur al-Din later regretted this, fearing Saladin’s ambitions after successes in Yemen, Cyrenaica, and Nubia.[53][54] Saladin avoided aiding Nur al-Din’s sieges of Krak des Chevaliers.[54] Nur al-Din died in 1174, leaving his empire to his eleven-year-old son As-Salih Ismail al-Malik.[55] Saladin, invited by Ibn al-Muqaddam, entered Damascus as the young emir’s guardian, defeating the Zengids at the Battle of the Horns of Hama in 1175, securing supremacy over Syria except Aleppo.[56] He survived assassination attempts by the Assassins in 1176 and agreed not to attack them.[57]

The King Amalric had died, like Nur al-Din, in 1174, leaving the throne of Jerusalem to his nearly thirteen-year-old son Baldwin IV, who was afflicted with leprosy.[58][59] The Franks, divided between peace and war factions, launched expeditions against Egypt from 1175 to 1178.[60][61] Baldwin IV won at the Battle of Montgisard in 1177,[62][63] but Saladin defeated him at Marjayoun in 1179 and Jacob’s Ford.[64][65][66] Reynald of Châtillon, freed in 1181, attacked caravans, prompting Saladin’s offensive in 1182, including the Battle of Belvoir Castle and an attack on Beirut.[67][68] Saladin besieged Kerak in 1183[69] but withdrew when Baldwin’s army approached.[70] Baldwin IV died in 1185, succeeded by his nephew Baldwin V, then a five-year-old child, who died in 1186.[71] Sibylla and her new husband Guy of Lusignan became rulers,[72] but Raymond III of Tripoli refused to recognize Guy, signing a pact with Saladin.[73][74]

Reynald’s attack on a caravan in 1187 led Saladin to declare war.[75][76] The crusaders, led by Guy and Raymond, united at Sepphoris but were defeated at the Battle of Hattin in 1187.[77][78] Saladin’s army massacred the crusaders, capturing Guy, Reynald, and Gerard de Ridefort.[79] Saladin beheaded Reynald and enslaved prisoners.[77][80] Saladin captured Acre, Beirut, Ascalon, and Jerusalem in 1187, allowing Christians to ransom themselves.[81] Tyre resisted Saladin’s siege in 1187–1188, aided by Conrad of Montferrat, but the crusader situation remained with few strongholds left.[82][83]

Miniature depicting the coronation of Baldwin IV of Jerusalem (1161–1185), known as the Leper, from a 14th century edition of the Historia belli sacri by William of Tyre

Preparations for the Third Crusade

[edit]
The Near East and Middle East around 1190. Saladin’s empire and its vassals in red, with the territories taken from the Crusader states between 1187 and 1189 in pink. Light green indicates the crusader territories that survived Saladin’s death.

According to tradition, Pope Urban III died of stroke on October 20, 1187, upon hearing of these events, just managing to complete the writing of the encyclical Audita tremendi.[84] The new pontiff, Gregory VIII, declared that the fall of Jerusalem was to be considered God’s punishment for the sins of Christians in Europe.[84] It was thus decided to prepare for a new crusade: Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended the war that had pitted them against each other, and both imposed the so-called Saladin tithe, “a ten percent tax on income and movable goods” to finance the expedition.[85] The Archbishop of Canterbury, Baldwin of Exeter, alone, while traveling through Wales, managed with great fervor to convince numerous men to set out for the Holy Land (as recounted by Gerald of Wales in his Itinerario).[85] At Gisors, on January 22, 1188, King Philip Augustus of France and King Henry II of England temporarily resolved their differences and decided to embark on the crusade.[85][86]

Prominent participants in the Third Crusade included Emperor Frederick Barbarossa of the Holy Roman Empire, along with the aforementioned kings of France and England, and numerous other groups of European fighters who went to the Holy Land hoping to recapture Jerusalem.[87] For instance, the Pisans, led by their archbishop Ubaldo Lanfranchi, were joined in the late summer of 1189 by the Genoese and Venetians.[87] Over the summer, various French and Burgundians arrived, including, for example, Theobald V of Blois and his brother Stephen I of Sancerre.[88] On September 1, a large fleet carrying various Frisians and Danes (estimated, likely exaggeratedly, at around 500) landed,[89] of whom only about a hundred survived the crusade.[87] During their journey, they had conquered Alvor, taking it from the Moors on behalf of the Portugal.[87] A small fleet of London fighters also left the Thames in August and reached Portugal a month later. There, as had happened forty years earlier with other Englishmen, they agreed to serve temporarily the Portuguese king Sancho I.[89] With their help, he was able to wrest from the Almohads, after a siege, the castle of Silves, located east of Cape of St. Vincent.[89] On September 2, a baron of Hainaut, James of Avesnes, arrived overseas with some Flemings; “a soldier of great renown,” he became one of the crusade’s commanders.[87] The Bretons then completed their journey, and shortly afterward, in mid-September, various French barons appeared.[90] On the 24th, the Archbishop of Ravenna Gerard and the Landgrave of Thuringia Louis III arrived, the latter succeeding James of Avesnes as the crusade’s leader.[91] On September 29, the Londoners who had helped conquer Silves continued their journey through the Strait of Gibraltar and arrived at their destination some time later.[89] The last to complete their journey were other Danes, accompanied by an unspecified nephew of King Canute VI.[91]

Arrivals ceased during the winter but resumed in the spring of 1190. Count Henry II of Champagne, leading a large contingent composed of most of the forces of the French king Philip Augustus, arrived on July 27 and immediately took command.[91] Also arriving were some Normans, who distinguished themselves when they intercepted a Muslim ship with reinforcements and supplies for Acre on June 6, 1191.[91] The continuous and steady influx of men, ships, and various resources (including materials for building siege engines) continued throughout the months while awaiting the arrival of the three main European monarchs who had decided to participate in the crusade.[91]

Barbarossa's crusade

[edit]

The crusade of Frederick Barbarossa, Holy Roman Emperor, was "the most meticulously planned and organized" yet.[92] Frederick was sixty-six years old when he set out.[93] Two accounts dedicated to his expedition survive: the History of the Expedition of the Emperor Frederick and the History of the Pilgrims. There is also a short tract, the Letter on the Death of the Emperor Frederick.[94]

Taking the cross

[edit]

On 27 October 1187, just over three weeks after Saladin's capture of Jerusalem, Pope Gregory VIII sent letters to the German episcopate announcing his election and ordering them to win the German nobility over to a new crusade. Around 23 November, Frederick received letters that had been sent to him from the rulers of the Crusader states in the East urging him to come to their aid.[95]

By 11 November, Cardinal Henry of Marcy had been appointed to preach the crusade in Germany. He preached before Frederick and a public assembly in Strasbourg around 1 December, as did Bishop Henry of Strasbourg. About 500 knights took the cross at Strasbourg, but Frederick demurred on the grounds of his ongoing conflict with Archbishop Philip of Cologne. He did, however, send envoys to Philip of France (at the time his ally) to urge him to take the cross. On 25 December, Frederick and Philip met in person on the border between Ivois and Mouzon in the presence of Henry of Marcy and Joscius, Archbishop of Tyre, but he could not convince Philip to go on a crusade because he was at war with England.[95]

Frederick held a diet in Mainz on 27 March 1188. Because of its purpose, he named the diet the "Court of Christ". The archbishop of Cologne submitted to Frederick and peace was restored to the empire. Bishop Godfrey of Würzburg preached a crusade sermon and Frederick, at the urging of the assembly, took the cross. He was followed by his son, Duke Frederick VI of Swabia,[a] and by Duke Frederick of Bohemia,[b] Duke Leopold V of Austria, Landgrave Louis III of Thuringia[c] and a host of lesser nobles.[99]

After taking the cross, Frederick proclaimed a "general expedition against the pagans" in accordance with the pope's instructions. He set the period of preparation as 17 April 1188 to 8 April 1189 and scheduled the army to assemble at Regensburg on Saint George's Day (23 April 1189). To prevent the crusade from degenerating into an undisciplined mob, participants were required to have at least three marks, which was enough to be able support oneself for two years.[99]

Protecting the Jews

[edit]

At Strasbourg, Frederick imposed a small tax on the Jews of Germany to fund the crusade. He also put the Jews under his protection and forbade anyone to preach against the Jews.[95] The First and Second Crusades in Germany had been marred by violence against the Jews. The Third Crusade itself occasioned an outbreak of violence against the Jews in England. Frederick successfully prevented a repetition of those events inside Germany.[100]

On 29 January 1188, a mob invaded the Jewish quarter in Mainz and many Jews fled to the imperial castle of Münzenberg. There were further incidents connected with the "Court of Christ" in March. According to Rabbi Moses ha-Cohen of Mainz,[d] there were minor incidents from the moment people began arriving for the Court of Christ on 9 March. This culminated in a mob gathering to invade the Jewish quarter on 26 March. It was dispersed by the imperial marshal Henry of Kalden. The rabbi then met with the emperor, which resulted in an imperial edict threatening maiming or death for anyone who maimed or killed a Jew. On 29 March, Frederick and the rabbi then rode through the streets together to emphasise that the Jews had imperial protection. Those Jews who had fled in January returned at the end of April.[100]

Diplomatic preparations

[edit]

Shortly after the Strasbourg assembly, Frederick dispatched legates to negotiate the passage of his army through their lands: Archbishop Conrad of Mainz to Hungary, Godfrey of Wiesenbach to the Seljuk sultanate of Rûm and an unnamed ambassador to the Byzantine Empire. He may also have sent representatives to Prince Leo II of Armenia.[101]

Because Frederick had signed a treaty of friendship with Saladin in 1175,[102] he felt it necessary to give Saladin notice of the termination of their alliance.[e] On 26 May 1188, he sent Count Henry II of Dietz to present an ultimatum to Saladin. The sultan was ordered to withdraw from the lands he had conquered, to return the True Cross to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and to make satisfaction for those Christians who had been killed in his conquests, otherwise Frederick would abrogate their treaty.[104]

A few days after Christmas 1188, Frederick received Hungarian, Byzantine, Serbian, Seljuk and possibly Ayyubid envoys in Nuremberg. The Hungarians and Seljuks promised provisions and safe-conduct to the crusaders. The envoys of Stefan Nemanja, grand prince of Serbia, announced that their prince would receive Frederick in Niš. An agreement was reached with the Byzantine envoy, John Kamateros, but it required Godfrey of Würzburg, Frederick of Swabia and Leopold of Austria to swear oaths for the crusaders' good behaviour. Bishop Hermann of Münster, Count Rupert III of Nassau, the future Henry III of Dietz and the imperial chamberlain Markward von Neuenburg with a large entourage[f] were sent ahead to make preparations in Byzantium.[104]

Mustering an army

[edit]

At the Strasbourg assembly in December 1187, Bishop Godfrey of Würzburg urged Frederick to sail his army to the Holy Land rather than proceed overland. Frederick declined[g] and Pope Clement III even ordered Godfrey not to discuss it further. Ultimately, many Germans ignored the rendezvous at Regensburg and went to the Kingdom of Sicily, hoping to sail to the Holy Land on their own. Frederick wrote to King William II of Sicily asking him to bar such sailings. The emperor and the pope may have feared that Saladin would soon seize all the crusader ports.[101]

Frederick was the first of the three kings to set out for the Holy Land. On 15 April 1189 in Haguenau,[h] Frederick formally and symbolically accepted the staff and scrip of a pilgrim.[92] He arrived in Regensburg for the muster between 7 and 11 May.[108] The army had begun to gather on 1 May. Frederick was disappointed by the small force awaiting him, but he was dissuaded from calling off the enterprise when he learned that an international force had already advanced to the Hungarian border and was waiting for the imperial army.[97]

Frederick set out on 11 May 1189 with an army of 12,000–26,000 men,[109] including 2,000–4,000 knights.[3][110][4] Contemporary chroniclers gave a range of estimates for Frederick's army, from 10,000 to 600,000 men,[i] including 4,000–20,000 knights.[3][111][112][113] After leaving Germany, Frederick's army was increased by the addition of a contingent of 2,000 men led by the Hungarian prince Géza, the younger brother of the King Béla III of Hungary, and Bishop Ugrin Csák.[114] Two contingents from the Empire, from Burgundy and Lorraine, also joined the army during its transit of Byzantium. The army that Frederick led into Muslim territory was probably larger than the one with which he had left Germany.[110]

Passage through the Balkans

[edit]
Third Crusade is located in Europe without the extreme north
Haguenau
Haguenau
Regensburg
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Esztergom
Esztergom
Belgrade
Belgrade
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Gallipoli
Gallipoli
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Seleucia
Seleucia
Key stops along the route of Barbarossa's crusade from his taking the cross to his death

Hungary

[edit]

Frederick sailed from Regensburg on 11 May 1189, but most of the army had left earlier by land for the Hungarian border. On 16 May, Frederick ordered the village of Mauthausen burned because it had levied a toll on the army. In Vienna, Frederick expelled 500 men from the army for various infractions. He celebrated Pentecost on 28 May encamped across from Hungarian Pressburg. During his four days encamped before Pressburg, Frederick issued an ordinance for the good behaviour of the army, a "law against malefactors" in words of one chronicle. It apparently had a good effect.[115]

From Pressburg, the Hungarian envoys escorted the crusaders to Esztergom, where King Béla III of Hungary greeted them on 4 June. He provided boats, wine, bread and barley to the army. Frederick stayed in Esztergom for four days. The king of Hungary accompanied the army to the Byzantine border at Belgrade. There were incidents during the crossing of the Drava and Tisza rivers, but the Sava was crossed on 28 June without incident. In Belgrade, Frederick staged a tournament, held a court, conducted a census of the army and wrote to the Byzantine emperor Isaac II to inform him that he had entered Byzantine territory.[116]

Byzantine Empire

[edit]

The army, still accompanied by Béla III, left Belgrade on 1 July, crossed the Morava and headed for Braničevo, which was the seat of the local Byzantine administration since Belgrade had been devastated in the Byzantine–Hungarian War (1180–1185) with the Hungarians and Serbs. The head of the Byzantine administration was a doux (duke). At Braničevo, Béla III took leave and returned to Hungary. He gave the crusaders wagons and in return Frederick gave him his boats, since they would no longer be travelling up the Danube.[117]

The Burgundian contingent under Archbishop Aimo II of Tarentaise and a contingent from Metz caught up with the army at Braničevo. The duke of Braničevo gave the army eight days' worth of provisions. The enlarged army, including a Hungarian contingent, left Braničevo on 11 July following the Via Militaris that led to Constantinople. They were harassed by bandits along the route. According to crusader sources, some captured bandits confessed that they were acting on the orders of the duke of Braničevo.[117]

On 25 July, Frederick was in Ćuprija when he received word that Peter of Brixey had arrived in Hungary with the contingent from Lorraine. It was there that the problems of communication between Frederick and Isaac became apparent. Frederick's envoys had reached Constantinople, but Isaac was away besieging rebels in Philadelphia under a pretender named Theodore Mangaphas. Nonetheless, John Kamateros wrote to inform Frederick that a market would be available in Sofia.[118] It was probably from Ćuprija that Frederick sent another envoy, a Hungarian count named Lectoforus, to Constantinople to see what was going on.[119]

Frederick was welcomed by Grand Prince Stefan Nemanja in Niš with pomp on 27 July. Although the Serbian ruler asked the emperor to invest him with his domains, Frederick refused on the grounds that he was on a pilgrimage and did not wish to harm Isaac as the Serbians rebelled against the Byzantines earlier. A marriage alliance was arranged between a daughter of Duke Berthold of Merania and a nephew of Nemanja, Toljen. Frederick also received messages of support from Tsar Peter II of Bulgaria, but refused an outright alliance. Despite Frederick's care not to be drawn into Balkan politics, the events at Niš were regarded by the Byzantines as hostile acts.[118]

Before leaving Niš, Frederick had Godfrey of Würzburg preach a sermon on the importance of discipline and maintaining the peace. He also reorganized the army, dividing it into four, because it would be entering territory more firmly under Byzantine control and less friendly. The vanguard of Swabians and Bavarians was put under the command of the Duke of Swabia assisted by Herman IV of Baden and Berthold III of Vohburg. The second division consisted of the Hungarian and Bohemian contingents with their separate standard-bearers. The third was under the command of the Duke of Merania assisted by Bishop Diepold of Passau. The fourth was under Frederick's personal command and Rupert of Nassau was named its standard-bearer in absentia.[120]

The crusaders left Niš on 30 July and arrived in Sofia on 13 August. They found the city practically abandoned. There was no Byzantine delegation to meet them and no market. The following day the crusaders left Sofia and the Lorrainers under Peter of Brixey finally caught up with the main army. The Gate of Trajan was held by a Byzantine force of 500 men. According to Diepold of Passau, the garrison retreated at the sight of Frederick's scouts, but the History of the Expedition says that it retreated only after being engaged by Frederick and a small group of knights. The army arrived at Pazardzhik on 20 August, finding an abundance of supplies.[121]

Conflict with Byzantium

[edit]

Lectoforus met the army at Pazardzhik and informed Frederick of the disrespect shown to his envoys. On 24 August, the imperial army reached Philippopolis, the Byzantine forces in the area having fled at their approach. On 25 August, Lectoforus' report was confirmed: Hermann of Münster, Rupert of Nassau, Henry of Dietz and Markward von Neuenburg had been stripped of their possessions and openly mocked in presence of the Ayyubid ambassador. That same day, a Byzantine envoy, James of Pisa, arrived with a letter from Isaac, who referred to Frederick as "king of Germany", refusing him the imperial title, and accused him of plotting to put his son Frederick on the throne of Constantinople. He nonetheless offered to fulfill the agreement of December 1188 to ferry the crusaders across the Dardanelles if he received hostages (including Duke Frederick and six bishops) in addition to the envoys he had arrested. Frederick's response that he would consider the offer only after the envoys were released.[122]

According to the History of the Expedition, the receipt of Isaac's letter marked a break in crusader–Byzantine relations. Thereafter, the crusaders resorted to plunder and a scorched earth policy. On 26 August, the crusaders seized Philippopolis and its plentiful supplies. Frederick tried to communicate with the nearest Byzantine commander, the protostrator Manuel Kamytzes. When he received no response, he attacked his army on 29 August, killing fifty. The following day (30 August) or a week later (6 September), Duke Frederick and Duke Berthold occupied Berrhoe unopposed. Henry of Kalden occupied a castle called Scribention, while Bishop Diepold and Duke Berthold took a further two towns and ten castles. At this point, the local Armenian and Bulgarian population swore oaths to Frederick to supply the market in Philippopolis as long as the crusaders stayed. They remained there and in partial occupation of Macedonia until 5 November.[122]

Isaac ordered Kamytzes to shadow the crusaders and harass their foraging parties.[123] About 22 November 1189, with some 2,000 horsemen, Kamytzes set up an ambush for the crusaders' supply train near Philippopolis. The crusaders were informed of this from the Armenian inhabitants of the fortress of Prousenos, where Kamytzes had set up his main camp. They set out with 5,000 cavalry to attack the Byzantine camp. The two forces met by accident near Prousenos, and in the ensuing battle, Kamytzes was routed. The historian Niketas Choniates, who was an eyewitness, writes that the Byzantines fled as far as Ohrid, and that Kamytzes did not rejoin his men until three days after the battle.[124]

Turkish territory

[edit]
Battle scene, in Varka and Golshah, mid-13th century Seljuk Anatolia.[125]

After reaching Anatolia, Frederick was promised safe passage through the region by the Turkish Sultanate of Rum, but was faced instead with constant Turkish hit-and-run attacks on his army.[126] A Turkish army of 10,000 men was defeated at the Battle of Philomelion by 2,000 Crusaders, with 4,174–5,000 Turks slain.[127] After continued Turkish raids against the Crusader army, Frederick decided to replenish his stock of animals and foodstuffs by conquering the Turkish capital of Iconium. On 18 May 1190, the German army defeated its Turkish enemies at the Battle of Iconium, sacking the city and killing 3,000 Turkish troops.[128]

While crossing the Saleph River on 10 June 1190, Frederick's horse slipped, throwing him against the rocks; he then drowned in the river. After this, much of his army returned to Germany by sea in anticipation of the upcoming Imperial election. The Emperor's son, Frederick of Swabia, led the remaining 5,000 men to Antioch. There, the Emperor's body was boiled to remove the flesh, which was interred in the Church of Saint Peter; his bones were put in a bag to continue the crusade. In Antioch, however, the German army was further reduced by fever.[129] Young Frederick had to ask the assistance of his kinsman Conrad of Montferrat to lead him safely to Acre, by way of Tyre, where his father's bones were buried. While the Imperial army did not achieve its objective of capturing Jerusalem, it did capture the capital of the Seljuk Sultanate and had inflicted considerable damage on Turkish forces, with more than 9,000 Turkish soldiers killed in all battles and skirmishes combined.[130]

Maritime crusades

[edit]

There were two main international maritime expeditions that travelled independently of the main armies from northern European waters between the spring and autumn of 1189. In addition, there were probably numerous unrecorded sailings on a smaller scale. Some may have sailed as early as 1188.[131]

The earlier of the two fleets departed England during Lent. It was already a large international fleet, including some 10,000 men and 50–60 ships from England, Denmark, Frisia, Flanders, Holland and the Rhineland.[132][133] After a stop in Lisbon, the fleet sacked Alvor and massacred its Almohad defenders.[131][134] It arrived in Acre on 1 September 1189.[135]

The later of the two main fleets is the better recorded, since a short eyewitness account of its feats has survived, the De itinere navali. It was composed mainly of commoners.[136] It departed from Germany in April 1189 with eleven ships, although this was augmented after it arrived in Lisbon in early July by an English fleet that had set out in May.[137][138] It was recruited by King Sancho I of Portugal to assist in an attack on Silves. At the ensuing siege of Silves, the fleet had 38 vessels, including two from Brittany and Galicia.[139][140] The city capitulated after 45 days.[141] The second fleet arrived at Acre between April and June 1190.[142] According to the Narratio de primordiis ordinis theutonici, wood and sail from its cogs was used to construct a field hospital, which ultimately became the Teutonic Order.[143]

According to the Bayān of Ibn Idhari, a northern fleet fought a naval battle with the Almohad navy near the Strait of Gibraltar in the spring of 1190 and was defeated, with its men being either killed or captured. The fleet may have wintered in Portugal. This incident is not mentioned in Christian sources.[131] In the summer of 1190, a lone English ship separated from its fleet sailed into Silves while the city was besieged by the Almohads. Upon the request of Bishop Nicholas—himself a former member of the 1189 expedition—the English crusaders participated in the successful defence.[144]

Richard and Philip's crusade

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Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended their war with each other in a meeting at Gisors in January 1188 and then both took the cross.[95] Both imposed a "Saladin tithe" on their citizens to finance the venture. (No such tithe had been levied in the Empire.[92]) In Britain, Baldwin of Forde, the archbishop of Canterbury, made a tour through Wales, convincing 3,000 men-at-arms to take up the cross, recorded in the Itinerary of Gerald of Wales. Baldwin would later accompany Richard on the Crusade and would die in the Holy Land.[145]

Passage

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Henry II of England died on 6 July 1189. Richard succeeded him and immediately began raising funds for the crusade. In the meantime, some of his subjects departed in multiple waves by sea.[146] In April 1190, Richard's fleet departed from Dartmouth under the command of Richard de Camville and Robert de Sablé on their way to meet their king in Marseille. Parts of this fleet helped the Portuguese monarch defeat an Almohad counterattack against Santarém and Torres Novas, while another group ransacked Christian Lisbon until its leaders were arrested by the Portuguese monarch.[147] Richard and Philip II met in France at Vézelay and set out together on 4 July 1190 as far as Lyon where they parted after agreeing to meet in Sicily; Richard with his retinue, said to number 800, marched to Marseille and Philip to Genoa.[148] Richard arrived in Marseille and found that his fleet had not arrived; he quickly tired of waiting for them and hiring ships, left for Sicily on 7 August, visiting several places in Italy en route and arrived in Messina on 23 September. Meanwhile, the English fleet eventually arrived in Marseille on 22 August, and finding that Richard had gone, sailed directly to Messina, arriving before him on 14 September.[149] Philip had hired a Genoese fleet to transport his army, which consisted of 650 knights, 1,300 horses, and 1,300 squires to the Holy Land by way of Sicily.[113]

Philip II depicted arriving in Palestine, 1332–1350

William II of Sicily had died the previous year, and was replaced by Tancred, who imprisoned Joan of England—William's wife and Richard's sister. Richard captured the city of Messina on 4 October 1190 and Joan was released. Richard and Philip fell out over the issue of Richard's marriage, as Richard had decided to marry Berengaria of Navarre, breaking off his long-standing betrothal to Philip's half-sister Alys. Philip left Sicily directly for the Middle East on 30 March 1191 and arrived in Tyre in April; he joined the siege of Acre on 20 April.[150] Richard did not set off from Sicily until 10 April.

Shortly after setting sail from Sicily, Richard's armada of 180 ships and 39 galleys was struck by a violent storm.[151] Several ships ran aground, including one holding Joan, his new fiancée Berengaria and a large amount of treasure that had been amassed for the crusade. It was soon discovered that Isaac Dukas Comnenus of Cyprus had seized the treasure. The young women were unharmed. Richard entered Limassol on 6 May and met with Isaac, who agreed to return Richard's belongings and to send 500 of his soldiers to the Holy Land. Richard made camp at Limassol, where he received a visit from Guy of Lusignan, the King of Jerusalem, and married Berengaria, who was crowned queen. Once back at his fortress of Famagusta, Isaac broke his oath of hospitality and began issuing orders for Richard to leave the island. Isaac's arrogance prompted Richard to conquer the island within days, leaving sometime before June.[152] The anonymous chronicler of Béthune, however, offers the intriguing suggestion that Richard attacked Cyprus because Isaac was diverting the food supply from the Latin army at Acre.[153] Most modern scholars, however, accept that Richard's conquest of Cyprus was incidental.[154]

Siege of Acre

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Saladin released Guy of Jerusalem from prison in 1189. Guy attempted to take command of the Christian forces at Tyre, but Conrad of Montferrat held power there after his successful defence of the city from Muslim attacks. Guy turned his attention to the wealthy port of Acre. He amassed an army to besiege the city and received aid from Philip's newly arrived French army. The combined armies were not enough to counter Saladin, however, whose forces besieged the besiegers. In summer 1190, in one of the numerous outbreaks of disease in the camp, Queen Sibylla and her young daughters died. Guy, although only king by right of marriage, endeavoured to retain his crown, although the rightful heir was Sibylla's half-sister Isabella. After a hastily arranged divorce from Humphrey IV of Toron, Isabella was married to Conrad of Montferrat, who claimed the kingship in her name.

During the winter of 1190–91, there were further outbreaks of dysentery and fever, which claimed the lives of Frederick of Swabia, Patriarch Heraclius of Jerusalem, and Theobald V of Blois. When the sailing season began again in spring 1191, Leopold V of Austria arrived and took command of what remained of the imperial forces. Philip of France arrived with his troops from Sicily in May. A neighboring army under Leo II of Cilician Armenia also arrived.[155]

Richard arrived at Acre on 8 June 1191 and immediately began supervising the construction of siege weapons to assault the city, which was captured on 12 July. Richard, Philip, and Leopold quarrelled over the spoils of the victory. Richard cast down the German standard from the city, slighting Leopold. In the struggle for the kingship of Jerusalem, Richard supported Guy, while Philip and Leopold supported Conrad, who was related to them both. It was decided that Guy would continue to rule but that Conrad would receive the crown upon his death. Frustrated with Richard (and in Philip's case, in poor health), Philip and Leopold took their armies and left the Holy Land in August. Philip left 7,000 French crusaders and 5,000 silver marks to pay them.[1]

On 18 June 1191, soon after Richard's arrival at Acre, he sent a messenger to Saladin requesting a face to face meeting. Saladin refused, saying that it was customary for kings to meet each other only after a peace treaty had been agreed, and thereafter "it is not seemly for them to make war upon each other". The two therefore never met, although they did exchange gifts and Richard had a number of meetings with Al-Adil, Saladin's brother.[156] Saladin tried to negotiate with Richard for the release of the captured Muslim soldier garrison, which included their women and children. On 20 August, however, Richard thought Saladin had delayed too much and had 2,700 of the Muslim prisoners decapitated in full view of Saladin's army, which tried unsuccessfully to rescue them.[157] Saladin responded by killing all of the Christian prisoners he had captured. Following the fall of Acre, the Crusaders recaptured some inland parts of Galilee, including Mi'ilya and Bi'ina.[158]

Battle of Arsuf

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After the capture of Acre, Richard decided to march to the city of Jaffa. Control of Jaffa was necessary before an attack on Jerusalem could be attempted. On 7 September 1191, however, Saladin attacked Richard's army at Arsuf, 30 miles (50 km) north of Jaffa. Saladin attempted to harass Richard's army into breaking its formation in order to defeat it in detail. Richard maintained his army's defensive formation, however, until the Hospitallers broke ranks to charge the right wing of Saladin's forces. Richard then ordered a general counterattack, which won the battle. Arsuf was an important victory. The Muslim army was not destroyed, despite losing 7,000[159] men, but it did rout; this was considered shameful by the Muslims and boosted the morale of the Crusaders. Arsuf had dented Saladin's reputation as an invincible warrior and proved Richard's courage as soldier and his skill as a commander. Richard was able to take, defend, and hold Jaffa, a strategically crucial move toward securing Jerusalem. By depriving Saladin of the coast, Richard seriously threatened his hold on Jerusalem.[160]

Advances on Jerusalem and negotiations

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Saladin's troops, French manuscript, 1337

Following his victory at Arsuf, Richard took Jaffa and established his new headquarters there. He offered to begin negotiations with Saladin, who sent his brother, Al-Adil (known as 'Saphadin' to the Franks), to meet with Richard. Negotiations, which included attempts to marry Richard's sister Joan or niece Eleanor, Fair Maid of Brittany to Al-Adil respectively, failed, and Richard marched to Ascalon, which had been recently demolished by Saladin.[161][162]

In November 1191 the Crusader army advanced inland towards Jerusalem. On 12 December Saladin was forced by pressure from his emirs to disband the greater part of his army. Learning this, Richard pushed his army forward, spending Christmas at Latrun. The army then marched to Beit Nuba, only 12 miles from Jerusalem. Muslim morale in Jerusalem was so low that the arrival of the Crusaders would probably have caused the city to fall quickly. Appallingly bad weather, cold with heavy rain and hailstorms, combined with fear that if the Crusader army besieged Jerusalem, it might be trapped by a relieving force, led to the decision to retreat back to the coast.[163]

Richard called on Conrad to join him on campaign, but he refused, citing Richard's alliance with King Guy. He too had been negotiating with Saladin as a defence against any attempt by Richard to wrest Tyre from him for Guy. However, in April, Richard was forced to accept Conrad as king of Jerusalem after an election by the nobles of the kingdom. Guy had received no votes at all; Richard sold him Cyprus as compensation. Before he could be crowned, Conrad was stabbed to death by two Assassins in the streets of Tyre. Eight days later, Richard's nephew Henry II of Champagne married Queen Isabella, who was pregnant with Conrad's child. It was strongly suspected that the king's killers had acted on instructions from Richard.

During the winter months, Richard's men occupied and refortified Ascalon, whose fortifications had earlier been razed by Saladin. The spring of 1192 saw continued negotiations and further skirmishing between the opposing forces. On 22 May the strategically important fortified town of Darum on the frontiers of Egypt fell to the crusaders, following five days of fierce fighting.[164] The Crusader army made another advance on Jerusalem, and in June it came within sight of the city before being forced to retreat again, this time because of dissention amongst its leaders. In particular, Richard and the majority of the army council wanted to force Saladin to relinquish Jerusalem by attacking the basis of his power through an invasion of Egypt. The leader of the French contingent, the Duke of Burgundy, however, was adamant that a direct attack on Jerusalem should be made. This split the Crusader army into two factions, and neither was strong enough to achieve its objective. Richard stated that he would accompany any attack on Jerusalem but only as a simple soldier; he refused to lead the army. Without a united command the army had little choice but to retreat back to the coast.[165]

Saladin's attempt to recapture Jaffa

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In July 1192, Saladin's army suddenly attacked and captured Jaffa with thousands of men, but Saladin lost control of his army due to their anger for the massacre at Acre. It is believed that Saladin even told the Crusaders to shield themselves in the Citadel until he had regained control of his army.

Richard had intended to return to England when he heard the news that Saladin and his army had captured Jaffa. Richard and a small force of little more than 2,000 men went to Jaffa by sea in a surprise attack. Richard's forces stormed Jaffa from their ships and the Ayyubids, who had been unprepared for a naval attack, were driven from the city. Richard freed those of the Crusader garrison who had been made prisoner, and these troops helped to reinforce the numbers of his army. Saladin's army still had numerical superiority, however, and they counter-attacked. Saladin intended a stealthy surprise attack at dawn, but his forces were discovered; he proceeded with his attack, but his men were lightly armoured and lost 700 men due to the missiles of the large numbers of Crusader crossbowmen.[166] The battle to retake Jaffa ended in complete failure for Saladin, who was forced to retreat. This battle greatly strengthened the position of the coastal Crusader states.[167]

On 2 September 1192, following his defeat at Jaffa, Saladin was forced to finalize a treaty with Richard providing that Jerusalem would remain under Muslim control, while allowing unarmed Christian pilgrims and traders to visit the city. Ascalon was a contentious issue as it threatened communication between Saladin's dominions in Egypt and Syria; it was eventually agreed that Ascalon, with its defences demolished, be returned to Saladin's control. Richard departed the Holy Land on 9 October 1192.

Outcome

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The Third Crusade did not achieve the goal of re-capturing Jerusalem. However, it facilitated the continuation of the Crusader states that were on the brink of collapse, which was further reinforced by the capture of Cyprus. Under the terms of the treaty, the Muslims retained control over most of historic Palestine and the surrounding regions, except for a narrow strip from Tyre to Jaffa, which remained under the Christians. Inland, parts of Galilee were regained by the Crusaders and further south, control of Ramla and Lydda were to be divided between the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Ayyubid Sultanate. The Muslims remained in control of Jerusalem. Christian and Muslim pilgrims could safely conduct pilgrimages to Jerusalem. A three-year truce was also agreed upon by both sides. The Crusade itself has been described by historians as either a successful expedition,[168] a failure,[169] or hardly justified given the cost.[170][158][171]

Aftermath

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Neither side was entirely satisfied with the results of the war. Though Richard's victories had deprived the Muslims of important coastal territories and re-established a viable Frankish state in The Holy Land, many Christians in the Latin West felt disappointed that he had elected not to pursue the recapture of Jerusalem.[172] Likewise, many in the Islamic world felt disturbed that Saladin had failed to drive the Christians out of Syria and The Holy Land. Trade flourished, however, throughout the Near East and in port cities along the Mediterranean coastline.[173]

Saladin's scholar and biographer Baha al-Din recounted Saladin's distress at the successes of the Crusaders:

"I fear to make peace, not knowing what may become of me. Our enemy will grow strong, now that they have retained these lands. They will come forth to recover the rest of their lands and you will see every one of them ensconced on his hill-top," meaning in his castle, "having announced, 'I shall stay put' and the Muslims will be ruined." These were his words and it came about as he said.[174]

Richard was arrested and imprisoned in December 1192 by Leopold V, Duke of Austria, who suspected Richard of murdering his cousin Conrad of Montferrat. Leopold had also been offended by Richard casting down his standard from the walls of Acre. He was later transferred to the custody of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, and it took a ransom of one hundred and fifty thousand marks to obtain his release. Richard returned to England in 1194 and died of a crossbow bolt wound in 1199 at the age of 41 while suppressing a revolt in Limousin.

In 1193, Saladin died of yellow fever. His heirs would quarrel over the succession and ultimately fragment his conquests.

Henry of Champagne was killed in an accidental fall in 1197. Queen Isabella then married for a fourth time, to Amalric of Lusignan, who had succeeded his brother Guy, positioned as King of Cyprus. After their deaths in 1205, her eldest daughter Maria of Montferrat (born after her father's murder) succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.

Accounts of events surrounding the Third Crusade were written by the anonymous authors of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi (a.k.a. the Itinerarium Regis Ricardi), the Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (parts of which are attributed to Ernoul), and by Ambroise, Roger of Howden, Ralph of Diceto, and Giraldus Cambrensis.

Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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from Grokipedia
The Third Crusade (1189–1192) was a large-scale military expedition undertaken by Christian forces from Western Europe, primarily led by Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, King Philip II of France, and King Richard I of England, aimed at recapturing Jerusalem and other territories in the Holy Land lost to the Ayyubid Sultan Saladin after his victory at the Battle of Hattin in 1187. The campaign mobilized tens of thousands of troops across land and sea routes, marking one of the most ambitious Crusader efforts despite logistical challenges, including Barbarossa's drowning in Anatolia, which fragmented the German army. Key achievements included the prolonged Siege of Acre (1189–1191), where Crusader forces under Guy of Lusignan eventually prevailed with naval support, followed by Richard I's decisive victory over Saladin at the Battle of Arsuf in 1191, securing the Levantine coast from Tyre to Jaffa. However, internal rivalries—exemplified by Philip II's early departure amid disputes with Richard—prevented a unified push on Jerusalem, which remained under Muslim control. The Crusade concluded with the Treaty of Jaffa in 1192, a three-year truce negotiated by Richard and Saladin that guaranteed Christian access for pilgrims to Jerusalem but failed to restore full Crusader dominion, highlighting the expedition's ultimate strategic shortfall despite tactical successes. This outcome preserved a diminished Crusader presence in the Levant but underscored the limitations of feudal mobilization against consolidated Muslim resistance under Saladin's command.

Historical Context

Muslim Conquests and Christian Responses Prior to 1187

The , under Caliph ibn al-Khattab, initiated rapid conquests in the 7th century, capturing key Byzantine territories in the . Following victories at the Battle of Yarmouk in 636 CE, Muslim forces advanced into and , besieging and securing through surrender in 638 CE after a negotiated capitulation that allowed Christian worship under status subject to taxation. These campaigns dismantled Byzantine control over , , and Egypt by 642 CE, while parallel invasions subdued the Sasanian Persian Empire between 633 and 654 CE, annexing and Persia through decisive battles like Qadisiyyah in 636 CE and in 642 CE. The conquests displaced Christian and Zoroastrian majorities, imposing Islamic governance that prioritized Muslim settlement and taxation incentives favoring conversion, leading to gradual demographic shifts where Christians, initially comprising over 90% of the Levantine population, declined through economic pressures and intermarriage rather than widespread forced conversions. Byzantine resilience waned further with the emergence of the Seljuk Turks in the 11th century, who expanded aggressively into . The on August 26, 1071 CE, saw Seljuk Sultan decisively defeat Emperor , capturing the emperor and shattering Byzantine armies, which enabled Turkic migrations and the loss of most of within decades. This catastrophe fragmented Byzantine defenses, prompting Emperor to appeal to for aid against the Seljuk threat to and Christian pilgrimage routes, setting the stage for organized Christian military responses. In response, the (1096–1099 CE) mobilized European forces, culminating in the capture of on July 15, 1099 CE, after a brutal that established four as precarious buffers: the (1098), (1098), (1109), and (1099). These states, reliant on European reinforcements and local alliances, temporarily restored Christian control over coastal and inland territories, facilitating pilgrimage and trade while countering jihadist incursions. However, their vulnerability persisted amid ongoing Muslim unification efforts. Subsequent Muslim leaders exploited Crusader disunity. Atabeg Imad al-Din Zengi of Mosul and Aleppo besieged and captured Edessa on December 24, 1144 CE, massacring much of the Christian population and destroying churches, marking the first major Crusader loss and triggering the Second Crusade. Zengi's son, Nur ad-Din, expanded these gains after 1146 CE, unifying Aleppo and Damascus by 1154 CE through campaigns that eroded Crusader holdings, including victories at Harim in 1164 CE, while promoting jihadist ideology to consolidate Muslim forces against the fragmented Frankish principalities. By Nur ad-Din's death in 1174 CE, Christian demographics in reconquered areas had further declined due to warfare, emigration, and conversion incentives under dhimmi restrictions, underscoring the states' role as tenuous defenses against sustained expansion rather than permanent reconquests.

Rise of Saladin and Fall of Jerusalem

, originally named ibn Ayyub and of Kurdish descent, initially served under the Zengid ruler Nur ad-Din in before accompanying his uncle on campaigns to in the 1160s, where he helped secure control against Fatimid and Crusader forces. Following 's death in 1169, became vizier of and, upon the death of the Fatimid caliph in 1171, effectively abolished the Shia caliphate, installing Sunni Abbasid authority and consolidating under his rule as . After Nur ad-Din's death in 1174, moved to unify Muslim territories by seizing peacefully in 1174, then in 1183 through siege, and in 1186, systematically eliminating or subordinating rival Zengid emirs through military pressure and strategic alliances rather than direct assassinations, achieving control over , , and northern by 1186. In 1187, proclaimed a against the , framing the campaign as an offensive holy war to reclaim Islamic lands, including , which he had long viewed as a religious imperative; to fund this effort, he imposed special jihad tithes and taxes across his territories to mobilize a large army estimated at 30,000 men. The pretext arose from Reynald de Châtillon's raid on a Muslim caravan in late 1186, violating an existing truce, but had been preparing broader conquests, capturing Crusader castles like Karak and Beaufort earlier in the year to weaken defenses. In response to King Guy of Jerusalem's march to relieve in late June 1187, employed scorched-earth tactics, denying water to the Crusader army of about 20,000 by controlling springs and setting fire to surrounding dry fields, forcing them into the arid on July 4. The Battle of Hattin resulted in a catastrophic Crusader defeat, with Saladin's forces overwhelming the dehydrated and exhausted knights; King Guy and much of the nobility were captured, the relic was seized, and hundreds of Templars and Hospitallers were executed on Saladin's orders as unrepentant fighters, while Reynald de Châtillon was personally beheaded by Saladin for his truce violations. Crusader losses exceeded 10,000 dead on the field, with survivors mostly enslaved, leaving the Kingdom of Jerusalem defenseless and enabling Saladin's rapid conquest of coastal cities like Acre and . News of Hattin reached by September, prompting Pope Urban III's death from grief on October 20, 1187, and Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa's immediate vow to lead a crusade at a diet in . Jerusalem, defended by with around 60,000 inhabitants including refugees, faced siege from September 20, 1187; after failed assaults inflicting heavy losses on 's troops, Balian negotiated surrender on October 2, allowing ransom for the able-bodied at 10 dinars per man, 5 per woman, and 2 per child, but leaving thousands of the poor to enslavement or , with estimates of 15,000 ransomed and several thousand more sold into across the campaign's aftermath. This outcome contrasted sharply with the Crusaders' indiscriminate massacre of Muslim and Jewish inhabitants in 1099, as imposed terms but still oversaw the displacement or subjugation of tens of thousands of Christians in Jerusalem and surrounding falls, totaling over 70,000 affected by or enslavement in the 1187 jihad offensives per contemporary Muslim chroniclers.

Causes and Motivations

Religious and Ideological Drivers

The loss of to in 1187 prompted to issue the bull Audita tremendi on October 29, 1187, framing the Third Crusade as a to reclaim the through armed pilgrimage, offering participants full remission of sins as an equivalent to that for the . This doctrinal justification drew from Augustinian just war principles, emphasizing legitimate authority (papal sanction), right intention (defense of Christian access to sacred sites), and proportionality, positioning the campaign as a response to the violation of pilgrims' rights following the Muslim conquest of in 638, which had initiated over four centuries of Islamic control before the 's recapture in 1099. Christian theologians adapted scriptural precedents, such as wars of reclamation, to depict crusading as divinely mandated reciprocity against Islamic doctrinal imperatives for expansion via , which had propelled conquests from Arabia across the and beyond since the seventh century, subjugating Christian populations and holy sites without equivalent Christian counter-offensives until 1095. On the Muslim side, invoked fatwas to unify forces, portraying the expulsion of "Franks" from as fulfillment of religious duty to defend and expand dar al-Islam, consistent with prior caliphal campaigns that treated territorial recovery as obligatory holy war. Eschatological expectations further drove participation, with preachers linking Jerusalem's recovery to apocalyptic prophecies of , as in interpretations of Joel and that tied Christian victory over infidels to the prelude of Christ's return, motivating vows among elites and commoners amid widespread belief in imminent end times post-1187. The plenary indulgence's of eternal salvation, extended to all who took the , empirically boosted mobilization, as evidenced by rapid assemblies of thousands under Barbarossa, I, and II, where spiritual rewards outweighed material risks in contemporary chronicles and enrollment patterns.

Strategic and Political Imperatives

Following Saladin's decisive victory at the on July 4, 1187, which annihilated the Crusader field army and led to the capture of on October 2, 1187, the Ayyubid sultan directed campaigns northward against the vulnerable principalities of Antioch and Tripoli. These states, under Bohemond III and Raymond III respectively, lacked the reinforcements to withstand prolonged sieges, as evidenced by Saladin's 1188 incursion into the region where he razed settlements near Tripoli and pressured Antioch's frontiers, heightening the prospect of complete Christian expulsion from the . The geopolitical reality underscored the need to reestablish defensible frontiers, as unchecked Ayyubid expansion risked severing overland trade and pilgrimage routes through and the , which were vital for European commerce with the East. Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa viewed participation as an opportunity to bolster imperial prestige and assert leadership over , coordinating with King through diplomatic agreements that eased Anglo-French tensions exacerbated by Henry II's conflicts. Philip, motivated by rivalry with the , utilized the crusade's truce framework established in early 1188 to stabilize his realm, while I, inheriting his father's vow, leveraged the expedition to consolidate power amid succession disputes and secure logistical bases for his far-flung domains. These political imperatives aligned with broader aims to counter Saladin's unification of and , where internal Ayyubid frictions—such as resistance from Syrian emirs loyal to the Zengid legacy—offered potential openings if Crusader forces could exploit divisions before full consolidation. Byzantine Emperor complicated Crusader logistics through duplicitous policies, including a 1190 alliance with that provided intelligence on Frederick's movements and aimed to obstruct the German contingent's passage, prioritizing defense against western encroachments over solidarity against Muslim expansion. This stance reflected Constantinople's precarious position, facing Seljuk threats in while wary of Latin ambitions that could undermine imperial sovereignty, yet it inadvertently prolonged 's ability to fortify Levantine defenses.

Mobilization of European Forces

Papal Call and European Endorsement

issued the Audita Tremendi on October 29, 1187, shortly after his election, in direct response to the catastrophic Christian defeat at the in July 1187 and the subsequent fall of to on October 2. The document vividly described the disasters in the as divine punishment for Christian sins, urging penitence through confession and the assumption of crusading vows, while calling on the faithful to take up arms to recapture the lost territories. It emphasized collective responsibility, framing the crusade as a remedial act of atonement rather than mere conquest, and promised indulgences to participants. The was disseminated rapidly across via papal legates and episcopal networks, evoking a surge of endorsements from both and that underscored broad enthusiasm rather than top-down imposition. In , , and , bishops preached its message in synods and cathedrals, leading to mass vow-taking ceremonies by late 1187 and early 1188, with kings such as Frederick I Barbarossa, , and committing by March 1188. This response manifested in practical measures like the , a 10% levy on incomes and movables imposed in in 1188 to fund the expedition, which applied to and alike and generated substantial revenues despite administrative challenges. While some clerical voices, such as theologian Ralph Niger, critiqued the martial tone by prioritizing scriptural over immediate warfare, these represented minority pacifist-leaning dissent amid overwhelming institutional support from the Church hierarchy. Empirical indicators of popular mobilization, including regional assemblies and voluntary enlistments that swelled armies to tens of thousands, affirm the call's resonance beyond elite circles, countering narratives of coerced participation.

Frederick Barbarossa's German Expedition

Frederick I Barbarossa, , publicly committed to the Third Crusade at the Diet of Mainz on 27 March 1188, where he and numerous German nobles formally took the cross in a ceremony framed as the "Court of Christ." This marked the beginning of a structured mobilization effort, with Barbarossa designating a preparation timeline from 17 April 1188 to 8 April 1189 and ordering the army's assembly at by 23 April 1189. His approach exemplified disciplined organization, prioritizing logistical planning and imperial authority to assemble a force of approximately 20,000 participants, including roughly 2,000 heavily armored knights, infantry levies from vassals, and thousands of non-combatants such as clerics, pilgrims, and support personnel. To ensure safe transit through foreign territories, Barbarossa pursued diplomatic negotiations, dispatching embassies to the Kingdom of and the to secure provisions, passage rights, and assurances against hostilities. These overtures reflected a pragmatic recognition of the overland route's vulnerabilities, aiming to preempt conflicts with local rulers like King and Emperor . Financial support for the expedition drew from imperial revenues, including a on ecclesiastical properties across German lands and a targeted levy on Jewish communities imposed at , which funded equipment and supplies while underscoring Barbarossa's centralized fiscal control. In parallel, Barbarossa issued protective edicts for Jewish subjects, placing them under direct imperial safeguard and imposing severe penalties, including death, for attacks amid the crusading zeal that had sparked pogroms during prior expeditions. These measures aimed to maintain order and prevent disruptions to mobilization, though deviations occurred in the , where localized violence against Jewish communities persisted despite enforcement efforts, highlighting limits to imperial oversight in decentralized regions. This combination of military scale, preemptive diplomacy, and internal stabilization positioned Barbarossa's contingent as a benchmark for coordinated crusading response.

Anglo-French Preparations Under Richard and Philip

I ascended to the English throne on September 3, 1189, shortly after his father Henry II's death on July 6, amid ongoing conflicts that had seen ally with II of France against Henry since 1188-1189 over inheritance disputes, particularly Henry's attempts to disinherit in favor of his brother John and allocate accordingly. To fund his crusade participation, implemented aggressive fiscal measures, including the dismissal and sale of nearly all positions to the highest bidders, which generated substantial revenues alongside the —a special crusade tax levied on movable goods—and sales of lands, pardons, and honors. These efforts enabled the assembly of a formidable fleet of approximately 100 ships in English ports, capable of transporting around 8,000-17,000 men, including knights, , and supplies, emphasizing a maritime approach that bypassed the logistical hazards of overland travel through potentially hostile Balkan and Anatolian regions, as experienced by Frederick Barbarossa's expedition. Philip II, whose preparations were less extensive due to France's fiscal constraints and his smaller mobilization, assembled an army of about 650 knights, 1,300 squires, and additional infantry, securing transport via a hired Genoese fleet rather than building from scratch. The two monarchs formalized their cooperation through an agreement at to equally divide any conquests, reflecting a forged in mutual opposition to Henry II and aimed at pooling resources for the sea voyage. Despite these achievements in rapid fundraising and fleet organization—remarkable given the scale—preparations faced criticisms for delays stemming from the Anglo-French succession crises and unresolved tensions between Henry and Philip, which postponed their departure until 1190, three years after the crusade's call following Hattin. The maritime strategy adopted by and contrasted sharply with Barbarossa's overland march, which exposed his larger German contingent to attrition from disease, river crossings, and skirmishes with local powers like the Seljuks, ultimately culminating in the emperor's drowning in 1190 and the disintegration of his forces; by opting for sea transport, the Anglo-French leaders mitigated such terrestrial vulnerabilities, though it required extensive and provisioning in western ports. On July 4, 1190, the kings convened at with their combined hosts before initiating the journey southward, marking the culmination of their preparatory phase.

Frederick Barbarossa's Campaign

Overland March Through Europe and the

Frederick I Barbarossa departed on May 11, 1189, leading an army estimated at 20,000 men, including knights, infantry, and non-combatants, on the overland route toward the . The expedition proceeded through German territories without major incident, demonstrating effective logistical organization with supply trains and advance scouts securing provisions along the . Upon entering , the crusaders received assistance from King Béla III, who provided markets for supplies and escorts to facilitate passage, reflecting prior diplomatic ties forged during Barbarossa's preparations. In , minor skirmishes arose with local Serb contingents allied against Byzantine influence, but these were resolved diplomatically, with Barbarossa securing the commitment of Géza, Béla's brother, who joined with approximately 2,000 Hungarian troops. This augmentation bolstered the army's strength as it crossed into Balkan territories, where the crusaders navigated rugged terrain and river crossings, maintaining discipline through imperial edicts against plunder. Béla III's support extended to provisioning at key sites like and , underscoring Hungary's strategic alignment with the crusading effort despite its own regional tensions. Tensions escalated upon entering Byzantine territory in late July 1189, despite a prior treaty guaranteeing safe passage negotiated through envoys; Byzantine Emperor , wary of Barbarossa's ambitions and entangled in alliances with against the Seljuks, restricted supplies and harassed the column with ambushes. Near Philippopolis, crusader forces under Duke Frederick of defeated a Byzantine detachment, leading to the capture of the city in 1189 after a brief siege, which provided temporary quarters and reparations in gold and provisions. Further advances secured Adrianople by November, where Barbarossa encamped to winter and negotiate renewed transit terms, averting open war with . Throughout the Balkan march, the army endured attrition from , harsh weather, and desertions among levies unaccustomed to prolonged campaigning, reducing effective strength by an estimated 10-20% before reaching , though the core of armored knights and loyal German contingents remained intact. These challenges highlighted the expedition's logistical resilience, reliant on foraging parties and captured Byzantine stores, while early victories over raiders—primarily Byzantine regulars rather than Turks in this phase—affirmed the crusaders' military discipline and Barbarossa's command authority. By Adrianople, renewed Byzantine envoys under Theodore Kantakouzenos conceded passage rights, allowing the army to prepare for the Anatolian frontier.

Encounters in Anatolia and Barbarossa's Death

Following their entry into after traversing the , Frederick Barbarossa's forces encountered sporadic Seljuk Turkish resistance, including ambushes and skirmishes that tested the army's cohesion amid harsh terrain and supply shortages. A decisive engagement occurred at Iconium (modern ), the Seljuk capital, where on May 18, 1190, the Crusaders defeated the garrison under Kilij Arslan II's son, Qutb al-Din Malik Shah, sacking the city and securing provisions after a three-day . This victory, achieved through coordinated and cavalry assaults, temporarily neutralized Seljuk power in central and boosted morale, allowing the army to advance southeast. Pressing onward, Barbarossa forged an alliance with the Armenian princes of , a Christian under Ruben III and his successor Leo II, who provided guides, local intelligence, and auxiliary troops to counter residual Turkish threats in the . This pact, rooted in shared opposition to Seljuk expansion, facilitated safer passage through Cilician passes, though it did little to mitigate the expedition's inherent vulnerabilities from overland logistics, such as disease and attrition, which had already reduced the initial force of over 100,000 to perhaps half its strength. On June 10, 1190, while fording the swollen Saleph River (modern ) near in , Barbarossa, aged about 67, lost control of his horse, was swept away by the current, and drowned, likely exacerbated by his heavy armor and the river's treacherous currents after spring rains. His death triggered immediate panic, as the emperor's personal authority had been the primary cohesive force; without him, discipline eroded amid grief, outbreaks, and fears of further Seljuk attacks. Command devolved to his nephew briefly, then to his son , and , but factionalism and leadership inexperience hastened disintegration, with thousands deserting or turning back toward Europe. The remnants, reduced to roughly 5,000 men under Swabian and Austrian nobles, trudged onward through and , reaching Antioch in August before arriving at the Siege of Acre in October 1190, where their late and diminished contribution—bolstering the Christian lines but lacking the full army's potential impact—underscored the overland route's fatal risks as a causal turning point in the Crusade's German contingent. This fragmentation not only squandered Barbarossa's early gains but highlighted how environmental hazards and reliance on a single leader amplified the expedition's strategic fragility.

Maritime Expedition and Early Victories

Assembly of Fleets and Sea Voyage

Philip II of France and Richard I of England coordinated their departure from France in July 1190, with their forces assembling fleets in Mediterranean ports including Genoa, Marseille, and English vessels redirected via Sicily. Richard's contingent included over 100 ships transporting troops, horses, and siege equipment, marking an advancement in maritime logistics that allowed for the rapid deployment of larger armies compared to overland routes. The kings converged at Messina in Sicily by September 1190, where Richard's sister Joan, held by Regent Tancred, became a point of contention; Richard's brief siege of Messina on October 4, 1190, secured her release and extracted reparations through the Treaties of Messina, including 20,000 gold ounces and guarantees of safe passage and provisions. During the winter of 1190–1191 in Messina, the crusaders replenished supplies from local markets, though strained relations with Sicilian inhabitants led to provisioning disputes and minor clashes. Disease outbreaks plagued the camps, with Richard suffering from arnaldia—a condition involving gum swelling and tooth loss suggestive of —and Philip from leonardie, likely a form of , highlighting the vulnerabilities of concentrated forces in unsanitary conditions. These episodes delayed departures but underscored the strategic value of as a staging point for stocking , wine, and timber essential for the voyage. In spring 1191, Philip departed Messina on March 30 with a smaller fleet, reaching Tyre around mid-April before proceeding to Acre by late April, bolstering the ongoing siege. Richard followed on April 10 with approximately 200 vessels, but fierce storms off the Sicilian coast scattered parts of the armada, complicating resupply and cohesion during the crossing to the Levant. This maritime approach, despite hazards, enabled the transport of heavy cavalry and materiel infeasible overland, reflecting tactical adaptations to bypass hostile Balkan territories encountered by Frederick Barbarossa's expedition.

Richard's Conquest of Cyprus

In April 1191, a scattered I's fleet en route from to the , wrecking several vessels off the coast of and stranding his sister , Queen of , his fiancée , and elements of the royal treasury. Isaac Komnenos, the self-proclaimed Byzantine emperor of , seized the survivors, their possessions, and ships, refusing 's demands for their release and restitution despite repeated diplomatic overtures. This aggression, coupled with 's strategic position and resources, prompted to divert his forces for an , viewing the as a necessary forward base to mitigate logistical vulnerabilities exposed by the and ensure supply lines for the crusade. Richard's expeditionary force, comprising approximately 150 large ships and 53 galleys with several hundred knights and archers, anchored off on May 6, 1191, where initial skirmishes routed Isaac's larger but disorganized defenders. Advancing inland, Richard's pursued Isaac's retreating army toward , defeating it decisively in open battle and compelling the ruler to abandon the capital; resisting garrisons at faced slaughter during the assault. By early , after further maneuvers including Isaac's failed counterattacks and flight, the surrendered unconditionally near Cape Andreas on June 1, offering 20,000 gold marks, hostages, and control of key castles, though he was ultimately imprisoned in silver chains to honor his aversion to iron. The conquest yielded immediate pragmatic gains, including plundered treasures, a 50 percent tax on inhabitants, and abundant grain, horses, and provisions that alleviated the crusade's supply shortages and stabilized finances strained by prior expenditures. reorganized the island's administration by redistributing lands to loyalists and suppressing a subsequent Cypriot rebellion through execution of its leaders, securing it as a reliable staging point before resuming the advance to Acre. While contemporary accounts, often from 's supporters, emphasize the operation's efficiency, the killing of resistors and heavy taxation drew implicit criticism for their severity, though no large-scale massacres akin to those at Acre are recorded.

Key Military Engagements

Siege and Capture of Acre

The Siege of Acre began on 28 August 1189, when , , led a Crusader force of approximately 7,000 and 400 knights, supported by a small Pisan fleet, to the city from both land and sea. Acre, a vital captured by in 1187 following the , had been held by a Muslim of around 6,000 under command of al-Fadil and later reinforced. Initial Crusader assaults failed, leading to a prolonged exacerbated by disease, harsh weather, and Saladin's repeated but unsuccessful relief efforts, which included skirmishes that inflicted heavy casualties without breaking the encirclement. The arrival of Philip II of France on 20 April 1191 with 6,500 knights and infantry reinvigorated the besiegers, enabling renewed mining operations and the construction of siege towers, though Saladin's forces repelled several sallies and maintained supply lines to the city. Richard I of England landed on 8 June 1191 with a fleet carrying vital supplies, sappers, and trebuchets like the famed "Sapientia," which bombarded the walls relentlessly and established a decisive naval blockade that starved the garrison. This combined Anglo-French effort coordinated assaults from multiple fronts, countering Saladin's failed attempts to disrupt the siege, such as a major relief army in July that suffered significant losses without penetrating the Crusader lines. Internal frictions emerged among leaders, with disputes over command and anticipated spoils straining unity, yet the blockade's effectiveness—preventing resupply and reinforcements—proved causal in weakening defender morale. By early July 1191, bombardment and famine compelled the garrison to negotiate surrender on 12 July, yielding the city to the Crusaders as a strategic foothold for further operations. Terms required a ransom of 100,000 bezants, the return of the True Cross, and release of 1,500 Christian prisoners, with the garrison held as surety. Saladin's delays in payment, amid ongoing skirmishes, prompted Richard I to order the execution of approximately 2,700 Muslim prisoners, including non-combatants, on 20 August outside the city in view of Saladin's army, an act framed as retaliation for breached terms and prior Muslim atrocities but criticized contemporaneously for its severity. This event, while galvanizing Crusader resolve, highlighted logistical strains and leadership rivalries over Acre's division, with Philip II claiming a third share before departing soon after. The capture marked the Third Crusade's first major victory, restoring a coastal base essential for sustaining Western forces against Saladin's inland strongholds.

Battle of Arsuf and Coastal Advances

Following the fall of Acre on July 31, 1191, Richard I of England led his Crusader army southward along the Levantine coast toward Jaffa, aiming to secure a continuous supply line from Tyre to support further operations against Saladin's Ayyubid forces. This march, beginning in late August, involved approximately 11,200 Crusaders, including disciplined infantry divisions and heavy cavalry, organized in a defensive formation with supply wagons at the center to withstand constant Muslim harassment tactics. Saladin, commanding around 25,000–35,000 troops, deployed light cavalry for repeated hit-and-run attacks to disrupt the column, erode morale, and provoke a premature Crusader charge into open terrain, but Richard enforced strict discipline, ordering his forces to maintain cohesion and withhold counterattacks until the rear of the column reached safety. On September 7, 1191, near Arsuf (modern Arsur), escalated to a full assault, committing his entire army in coordinated waves against the Crusader flanks, particularly targeting the vulnerable Hospitaller rear guard with massed archery and charges. 's , primarily Templars and Hospitallers interspersed with blocks, absorbed the onslaught without breaking formation, using shields and crossbows to repel the attacks while enduring intense pressure for hours; the Knights Hospitaller, under pressure, initiated an unauthorized charge, but swiftly reinforced with his knights, launching a devastating that routed 's disorganized forces. Casualties were lopsided: Crusader losses numbered around 700, mostly , while Ayyubid dead exceeded 7,000, compelling to withdraw and abandon direct confrontation. This tactical victory demonstrated the effectiveness of 's —prioritizing supply security over risky pursuits—and broke 's pattern of , though it did not destroy his army or yield strategic dominance, as regrouped inland. Emboldened, the Crusaders pressed on, entering on September 10, 1191, which Saladin's garrison surrendered with minimal resistance, allowing to fortify the port as a key logistical hub. Further advances targeted , a major Ayyubid stronghold 40 miles south, which Saladin had hastily refortified after its prior demolition; by late September, 's forces arrived and systematically razed its walls and towers to prevent its use as a forward base for Muslim counterattacks, completing control of the coastal plain from Tyre southward. These gains secured a 100-mile strip of territory, enabling reliable sea-borne supplies and positioning Crusader armies to threaten via protected inland routes, yet 's decision to consolidate coastal holdings rather than immediately advance eastward drew contemporary criticism for forgoing momentum against Saladin's dispersed forces.

Attempts on Jerusalem and Diplomatic Standoffs

Following the victory at Arsuf on 7 September 1191, Richard I advanced inland toward , capturing on 17 November and conducting reconnaissance missions in December that assessed the route's viability. By 3 January 1192, the Crusader army reached Bayt Nuba, approximately 12 miles from , but reconnaissance confirmed acute , as Saladin's forces had systematically destroyed wells and crops in a scorched-earth to deny resources and compel attrition. Divided command compounded the issue, with French contingents favoring an immediate assault while Templars and Hospitallers warned of unsustainable siege logistics and vulnerability to Saladin's counterattacks, given the army's limited numbers for both capturing and garrisoning the city. Harsh winter conditions—intense cold, rain, hail, and snow—further eroded supplies, rotting food, clothing, and rusting armor, while disease and desertions thinned ranks, rendering a sustained push untenable. On 6 January 1192, a debated the risks, leading to order retreat on 8 January to and ultimately the coast, prioritizing fortification of for future leverage rather than a doomed inland campaign. This decision reflected pragmatic assessment of supply lines over ideological fervor, as holding without secure coastal bases would invite encirclement by Saladin's mobile forces. Amid military stalemate, Richard dispatched envoys including to negotiate with , proposing temporary truces that granted unarmed Christian pilgrims access to Jerusalem's holy sites in exchange for recognizing Muslim control, aiming to achieve symbolic gains without further bloodshed. , leveraging his scorched-earth harassment to weaken Crusader momentum, entertained talks primarily to delay advances and regroup, rejecting territorial concessions but acknowledging mutual exhaustion. These standoffs highlighted causal constraints: Richard's proposals sought Christian presence via , while Saladin's tactics preserved strategic depth around Jerusalem. In spring 1192, Richard mounted a renewed push inland, advancing toward but halting short of the city as torrential rains flooded camps, exacerbated disease outbreaks like , and strained already precarious supply trains, reducing effective fighting strength below thresholds. Saladin's continued denial of and water through targeted destruction forced reliance on vulnerable wagon trains, underscoring how environmental and logistical realities—rather than deficient resolve—precluded success against a defender who could harass indefinitely from fortified highlands. Ongoing diplomatic exchanges via intermediaries like Walter persisted, with Richard floating truces for pilgrim rights to test Saladin's limits, though entrenched positions yielded no breakthrough before shifting priorities elsewhere.

Internal Dynamics and Challenges

Rivalries Among Crusader Leaders

The internal rivalries among the Third Crusade's principal leaders constituted a critical self-inflicted impediment to coordinated action, in stark contrast to 's ability to maintain unified command over his disparate Muslim forces despite logistical strains and battlefield setbacks. While enforced cohesion through jihadist ideology and centralized authority, suppressing factional emirs who favored separate peaces, the Crusaders' divisions—rooted in personal ambitions, territorial claims, and dynastic grudges—eroded momentum after initial gains like the fall of Acre on July 12, 1191. These conflicts empirically delayed advances toward by fracturing command structures and prompting premature withdrawals, allowing to regroup and exploit disarray. King 's departure from Acre on August 3, 1191, exemplified these fractures, driven by escalating animosity toward rather than mere illness or vows fulfilled. Philip, who had anticipated preeminence in the expedition, resented Richard's superior resources, military prestige, and assertive maneuvers, including the conquest of in May 1191, which Philip viewed as overreach infringing on French-aligned interests like Templar claims. Disputes over Acre's spoils allocation—where Richard assumed de facto leadership—further inflamed tensions, prompting Philip to abandon the Crusade and return to France, where he maneuvered against Richard's continental holdings, such as and Anjou, thereby diverting European resources from the . This exit not only halved the royal contingents but also emboldened local intrigues, as Philip covertly backed rivals to Richard's allies. The kingship dispute between and over the Kingdom of intensified these schisms, splitting Crusader loyalties along national and personal lines following Queen Sibylla's death in 1191. Conrad, who had heroically defended Tyre and married Sibylla's sister Isabella, garnered support from II and continental contingents for his claim, arguing Guy's forfeiture through the 1187 defeat at Hattin; , however, backed the widower Guy to preserve strategic continuity and his own influence, leading to armed clashes in Acre by February 1192. A nominal compromise on July 28, 1191, granting Guy lifetime rule with Conrad as heir, failed to resolve underlying hostilities, including assassination plots against both, which further paralyzed decision-making and stalled offensives. 's favoritism toward Guy alienated Conrad's faction, mirroring Philip's earlier preferences and underscoring how feudal ambitions trumped collective war aims. Duke Leopold V of Austria's humiliation at Acre amplified these rifts, when Richard's forces removed and discarded Leopold's banner from the city's walls post-surrender, deeming him subordinate despite his contributions with German remnants. This insult, compounded by exclusion from spoils distribution, prompted Leopold's withdrawal of Austrian troops, weakening the siege's aftermath cohesion and fostering grudges that persisted beyond the Crusade—Leopold later collaborated in Richard's 1192 arrest upon his European return, suspecting involvement in Conrad's April 1192 assassination. Such episodes causally protracted recovery from Acre, diverting thousands of fighters and resources into non-combat drains, while Saladin's refusal to tolerate analogous disloyalty enabled sustained counteroffensives.

Logistical and Environmental Hardships

The overland march of Frederick Barbarossa's German army, estimated at over 100,000 participants including non-combatants, encountered severe environmental obstacles in , including treacherous river crossings and extreme summer heat, culminating in the emperor's drowning in the Saleph River on June 10, 1189, and subsequent outbreaks that reduced the force to fewer than 5,000 effective fighters by the time they reached Antioch. These conditions exacerbated attrition through exposure, , and , independent of enemy action, as the army's extended supply lines proved inadequate for sustaining such numbers across rugged terrain without reliable local forage. In the , crusader camps suffered recurrent epidemics tied to overcrowding, contaminated water, and nutritional deficits, notably the arnaldia outbreak in June 1191 during the Siege of Acre, which afflicted King Richard I and King Philip II with symptoms including loosening teeth, fingernails, and hair loss—likely a manifestation of or severe deficiency from reliance on preserved or insufficient rations. Similar maladies, termed leonardie in some accounts, stemmed from the causal interplay of prolonged sieges disrupting access and promoting bacterial spread in humid coastal environments, contributing to thousands of non-combat deaths across contingents. Saladin's strategic denial of resources intensified , employing scorched-earth policies to burn crops and villages ahead of advancing crusaders, thereby forcing reliance on vulnerable overland provisioning that faltered during the winter of 1190–1191 at Acre, where inadequate grain and livestock imports led to widespread despite initial stockpiles. This tactic, combined with harsh seasonal —cold rains and impeding —caused logistical collapse, shrinking combined crusader forces from peaks exceeding 30,000 to core armies of 10,000–15,000 by mid-1191 through attrition rather than battle losses alone. Financing the expedition imposed additional strain, with the levied across England and France in 1188 extracting one-tenth of incomes and movables to fund initial outfitting and ransoms, yet failing to offset ongoing costs of maritime convoys and upkeep, which depleted reserves and deterred reinforcements amid reports of unsustainable expenditures. Poor inter-army coordination after Barbarossa's contingent fragmented further hampered shared supply depots, amplifying vulnerabilities to environmental variances like arid summers limiting water sources. Maritime logistics partially alleviated land-based woes for the Anglo-French fleets, enabling grain and timber shipments to sustain the Acre through 1191 via protected sea lanes, though storms and still inflicted losses, underscoring the causal primacy of geography in dictating survival rates over tactical prowess.

Conclusion of Hostilities

Saladin's Counteroffensives and the Treaty of

In July 1192, launched a counteroffensive against the Crusader coastal holdings by besieging on 27 July, overrunning the city's defenses after three days of resistance and leaving only the citadel under Christian control. Upon learning of the assault while en route from Acre, Richard I rapidly assembled a relief force comprising about 50 knights, Italian crossbowmen, and several hundred infantrymen, marching overland to reinforce the garrison despite the risks of 's superior numbers. The ensuing Battle of Jaffa on 5 August saw Richard's outnumbered troops employ a with crossbowmen providing covering fire while knights executed countercharges, repeatedly repelling Saladin's assaults and exploiting breaches to drive back the Ayyubid forces, ultimately forcing Saladin's withdrawal with significant losses. This defensive success, achieved through disciplined infantry support and Richard's personal leadership in combat, halted Saladin's bid to sever the Crusader supply line but underscored the mounting attrition on both armies after years of intermittent warfare, disease, and logistical strains. Exhaustion and the impracticality of further decisive campaigns—Richard lacking sufficient manpower for inland advances, Saladin facing internal pressures and depleted reserves—prompted direct negotiations between the leaders' envoys. These culminated in the Treaty of Jaffa, signed on 2 September 1192, which imposed a three-year truce permitting to hold a contiguous coastal strip from Tyre to as a defensible base, while affirming Muslim sovereignty over and the interior; in exchange, unarmed Christian pilgrims received guarantees of safe passage and access to holy sites without tribute or hindrance. The treaty represented a pragmatic stalemate rather than victory for either side, preserving Crusader viability through maritime access and fortified ports essential for reinforcements, even as it conceded Jerusalem's strategic and symbolic core to Saladin amid his regime's underlying vulnerabilities. Richard departed Acre for Europe on 9 October 1192, entrusting command to Henry of Champagne and the military orders. Saladin's death from fever in Damascus on 4 March 1193 soon exposed fissures in Ayyubid cohesion, as his heirs divided territories and vied for dominance, eroding the unified front he had forged against the Crusaders.

Territorial Gains and Strategic Assessment

The Third Crusade secured a continuous coastal corridor for the Kingdom of Jerusalem extending from Tyre in the north to in the south, encompassing key ports such as Acre, Arsuf, and , which provided essential logistical bases and revenue from trade. This restoration reversed portions of Saladin's conquests following the 1187 , fortifying the against immediate collapse by enabling resupply from the sea and denying Muslim forces unchallenged naval dominance along the Levantine shore. Additionally, Richard I's conquest of in May 1191 established a strategic outpost under Latin control, yielding agricultural resources, a fleet anchorage, and a buffer against Egyptian threats, which outlasted mainland gains as a Crusader holding until 1571. The Treaty of , concluded on 2 September 1192, formalized these territorial provisions, affirming Christian sovereignty over the recovered coastline while requiring the demolition of Ascalon's fortifications to neutralize it as a forward base; in exchange, granted unarmed pilgrims access to and its holy sites under Muslim administration. Strategically, these outcomes represented a partial success through defensive consolidation, as the stabilized frontiers allowed Crusader forces to project power inland sporadically and deterred from further erosions of Outremer, though they fell short of the ideological goal of reclaiming itself. The campaign's pressure on Saladin's resources and prestige—evident in his inability to dislodge entrenched coastal positions—contributed to fissures in Ayyubid cohesion even before his death in March 1193, as resource strains from prolonged sieges and battles like Arsuf ( 1191) compelled reliance on fragile alliances rather than unified offensives. This equilibrium facilitated subsequent Crusader planning by preserving viable territorial anchors, underscoring a pragmatic restoration of viability over aspirational reconquest.

Aftermath

Immediate Effects on the Holy Land

The Treaty of Jaffa, signed on September 2, 1192, established a three-year truce granting control of the coastline from Tyre to while allowing unarmed pilgrims safe access to and associated holy sites under Muslim sovereignty. This provision enabled a significant influx of European pilgrims to starting in late 1192, with reports confirming thousands traveled unmolested, thereby validating the truce's short-term efficacy in restoring pilgrimage routes disrupted since 1187. Succession crises further shaped Christian holdings. , acclaimed as by local nobles amid rivalry with Guy de Lusignan, was assassinated on April 28, 1192, in Tyre by two Ismaili agents wielding poisoned daggers, an act attributed to the Nizari Order though motives remain debated among contemporaries. Henry II of Champagne, recently arrived from , married the widowed Isabella I five days later and was crowned co-ruler, stabilizing the truncated kingdom's governance without immediate territorial expansion. Concurrently, Guy de Lusignan, sidelined from Jerusalem's throne, received from Richard I in May 1192 as compensation, establishing an independent crusader state there that diverted resources from the mainland but secured a strategic fallback. Saladin's sudden death on March 4, 1193, from a fever in exacerbated Muslim disarray, as his Ayyubid realm splintered among heirs: al-Afdal Yusuf inherited , al-Aziz Uthman took , al-Zahir Ghazi received , and al-Adil initially maneuvered from afar, sparking familial rivalries that eroded centralized command over the . This fragmentation hampered coordinated defenses against crusader enclaves, contrasting with the unified front Saladin had maintained. Baha al-Din ibn Shaddad, Saladin's secretary and chronicler, highlighted Crusader tenacity in his eyewitness accounts, recounting Saladin's reluctance to negotiate amid fears of their unrelenting pressure, a view reflecting Islamic recognition of the expedition's enduring threat despite failing to retake .

Broader Impacts on Europe and Islam

The Third Crusade reinforced chivalric ideals in , particularly through the exemplary conduct of , whose martial prowess and strategic acumen at battles like Arsuf on September 7, 1191, were celebrated in contemporary accounts as embodying the troubadour ethos of honorable warfare. This portrayal elevated the crusading knight as a model of valor, influencing literary and cultural depictions that persisted in European courts, though Richard's personal absenteeism after 1192 limited direct institutional changes. Economically, the expedition imposed heavy fiscal burdens, with alone raising approximately 100,000 marks through taxes and loans to fund Richard's forces, yet it spurred long-term expansion by securing coastal enclaves that facilitated Venetian, Genoese, and Pisan commerce with Levantine ports, introducing spices, silks, and other goods that stimulated urban growth and merchant classes. The crusade's partial successes, including the Treaty of Jaffa on September 2, 1192, which guaranteed Christian pilgrimage rights to , boosted morale among European nobility and clergy, enabling safer access that saw pilgrimage numbers rise without immediate renewal of large-scale expeditions. In the Islamic world, the crusade highlighted limitations in Saladin's framework, as his forces, despite initial victories like Hattin in 1187, could not prevent the reconquest of key coastal cities such as Acre in July 1191 and , exposing vulnerabilities in sustaining unified against persistent Frankish footholds. Saladin's death on March 4, 1193, precipitated Ayyubid fragmentation, with succession disputes among his heirs—dividing territories among relatives like al-Afḍal in and al-Azīz in —fostering infighting that eroded central authority and military cohesion, conditions later exploited by slave-soldiers who overthrew the dynasty in Egypt by 1250. The treaty's terms, preserving Ayyubid control over while ceding the coast, averted immediate European reconquest threats, granting a decade of relative stability until internal divisions and the Fourth Crusade's distractions in further diminished prospects for swift Frankish resurgence.

Historiographical Debates

Traditional Narratives vs. Revisionist Views

The traditional of the Third Crusade, shaped by 19th-century , often centered on a mythic duel between and , portraying the campaign as a clash of noble adversaries bound by chivalric codes and personal valor. Sir Walter Scott's The (1825), set amid the siege of Acre, exemplifies this by depicting as a heroic lion-hearted king and as a courteous Eastern counterpart, emphasizing themes of mutual respect amid cultural confrontation rather than broader strategic or societal dynamics. This narrative reduced the multifaceted expedition—spanning multiple monarchs, diverse armies, and logistical complexities—to an Anglo-Islamic binary, influencing popular perceptions through and that romanticized individual agency over collective endeavors. In the , some interpretations critiqued the Crusade as an early manifestation of Western expansionism akin to later , attributing its motivations to proto-imperial ambitions. Such views, however, overlook the causal context of prior Islamic conquests, including the rapid 7th-8th century expansions that absorbed Byzantine territories in and the , Persian Sassanid lands, and North African provinces, establishing a of offensive jihad centuries before the Crusader counter-response to Seljuk incursions and the 1187 fall of . Empirical evidence from contemporary chronicles indicates the Third Crusade functioned more as a targeted reclamation effort amid ongoing territorial fluidity than an inaugural colonial venture, with European forces responding to the erosion of prior rather than initiating unprovoked dominion. Revisionist scholarship since the early 2000s has diversified these accounts by integrating the roles of non-English leaders, such as Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa's German army, which comprised up to 20,000 knights and infantry before its near-total attrition in , and Philip II Augustus's French contingent, whose contributions to the siege of Acre involved engineering feats like sapping and siege towers. Historians like Jonathan Phillips emphasize the Crusade's organizational planning, including papal encyclicals and regional preaching campaigns that varied in tone—e.g., emphasizing penitential pilgrimage in versus military urgency in the —to recruit beyond elites, incorporating thousands of pilgrims, merchants, and lower-status fighters whose motivations blended spiritual redemption with economic incentives. further reassess how chronicles constructed legacies, highlighting preaching divergences that sustained participation despite high mortality rates exceeding 50% in some contingents from disease and desertion. Across both traditional and revisionist lenses, Muslim primary sources, such as Baha' al-Din's al-Nawadir al-Sultaniyya, systematically toward Saladin's heroism, framing him as a pious unifier who thwarted incursions through divine favor and tactical acumen while downplaying internal Ayyubid fractures and reliance on alliances with opportunistic emirs. This hagiographic tendency, echoed in later chronicles, privileges rhetoric over pragmatic , such as Saladin's selective truces and resource reallocations, influencing modern interpretations that risk over-idealizing his role without cross-verifying against Frankish itineraries or logistical records. Academic , while advancing , occasionally inherits institutional preferences for anti-Western framings, necessitating scrutiny against multilingual archives to balance causal drivers like demographic pressures and trade rivalries.

Modern Controversies and Reassessments

Historians continue to debate Richard I's decision to forgo a direct siege of Jerusalem in early 1192, with some portraying it as timid reluctance and others as prudent strategy amid supply shortages, divided leadership, and the need to secure coastal flanks for long-term viability. Proponents of the latter view emphasize Richard's prioritization of fortifying and threatening —Saladin's economic base—over a symbolically resonant but indefensible inland capture, a calculation informed by consultations with Levantine who warned of unsustainable overextension. Critics, drawing on counterfactual analyses, contend that momentum post-Arsuf could have toppled the city by January 1192, given Saladin's depleted forces, though such arguments often overlook the 7,000-mile supply lines and seasonal rains that plagued crusader . Contemporary chronicles like the Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi exhibit evident pro- bias, as an eyewitness-derived narrative that amplifies his tactical brilliance while downplaying Philip II's unreliability and Leopold V's opportunism, rendering it a vivid but partisan source requiring cross-verification with Muslim accounts such as Baha al-Din. This slant reflects medieval propagandistic tendencies, where English authorship idealized to bolster Angevin legitimacy, a dynamic modern scholars dissect to reconstruct balanced causal chains beyond hagiography. Reassessments frame the Third Crusade within a defensive paradigm, responding to four centuries of Islamic conquests—from the 7th-century seizures of Christian , , and to Seljuk incursions that halved Byzantine territory by 1071 and provoked papal calls for aid. This counters narratives minimizing prior expansions, which empirical timelines reveal as unidirectional aggression until Frankish counteroffensives; Saladin's truces, often lauded as magnanimous, served tactical regrouping, as evidenced by his 1187 Jerusalem massacres of non-combatants and selective executions of military orders despite chivalric pretensions. Archaeological corroboration bolsters textual claims, with 2020 surveys identifying the Arsuf battlefield near modern Apollonia-Arsuf via period arrowheads, horse gear, and topographical matches to chronicles, affirming Richard's disciplined against Saladin's harassment tactics on September 7, 1191. Similar traces at validate the 1192 relief battle's ferocity, grounding debates in material evidence over ideological reinterpretations. Oversimplifications like a primordial "" falter under multi-causal scrutiny, ignoring contingent drivers such as Alexios I's 1095 plea, Fatimid-Seljuk rivalries enabling initial gains, and reciprocal religious imperatives— doctrines spurring Saladin's unification versus papal indulgences mobilizing . Institutional biases in academia, prone to retrofitting events to ecumenical ideals, often underweight these factors, privileging ahistorical symmetry over sequenced aggressions and pragmatic .

References

  1. https://www.[academia.edu](/page/Academia.edu)/18031061/Constructing_the_Third_Crusade_MA_Dissertation
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