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Depiction of the Varangian Guard (above) in the 11th century chronicle of John Skylitzes

Part of a series on the
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The Varangian Guard (Greek: Τάγμα τῶν Βαράγγων, romanized: Tágma tōn Varángōn) was an elite unit of the Byzantine army from the tenth to the fourteenth century who served as personal bodyguards to the Byzantine emperors. The Varangian Guard was known for being primarily composed of recruits from Northern Europe, including mainly Norsemen from Scandinavia but also Anglo-Saxons from England.[1] The recruitment of distant foreigners from outside Byzantium to serve as the emperor's personal guard was pursued as a deliberate policy, as they lacked local political loyalties and could be counted upon to suppress revolts by disloyal Byzantine factions.[2]

The Rus' provided the earliest members of the Varangian Guard.[3] They were in Byzantine service from as early as 874. The Guard was first formally constituted under Emperor Basil II in 988, following the Christianization of Kievan Rus' by Vladimir I of Kiev. Vladimir, who had recently taken control of Kiev with an army of Varangian warriors, sent 6,000 men to Basil as part of a military assistance agreement.[4][5][6] Basil's distrust of the native Byzantine guardsmen, whose loyalties often shifted with fatal consequences, as well as the proven loyalty of the Varangians, many of whom had previously served in Byzantium, led the Emperor to employ them as his personal guardsmen.

Immigrants from Scandinavia (predominantly immigrants from Sweden,[7] but also elements from Denmark and Norway)[8] kept an almost entirely Norse cast to the organization until the late 11th century. During these years, Swedish men left to enlist in the Byzantine Varangian Guard in such numbers that a medieval Swedish law, Västgötalagen, from Västergötland declared no one could inherit while staying in "Greece"—then the Scandinavian term for the Byzantine Empire—to stop the emigration,[9] especially as two other European courts simultaneously also recruited Scandinavians:[10] Kievan Rus' c. 980–1060 and London 1013–1051 (the Þingalið).[10]

Composed primarily of Norsemen and Rus' for the first 100 years, the Guard began to see increased numbers of Anglo-Saxons after the Norman conquest of England. By the time of the Emperor Alexios Komnenos in the late 11th century, the Varangian Guard was largely recruited from Anglo-Saxons and "others who had suffered at the hands of the Vikings and their cousins the Normans".[This quote needs a citation] The Anglo-Saxons and other Germanic peoples shared with the Vikings a tradition of faithful (to death if necessary) oath-bound service, and the Norman invasion of England resulted in many fighting men who had lost their lands and former masters and were looking for positions elsewhere.

The Varangian Guard not only provided security for the Byzantine emperors, but also participated in many wars, often playing a decisive role, since they were usually deployed at critical moments of a battle. By the late 13th century, Varangians were mostly ethnically assimilated by the Byzantine Greeks, though the Guard remained in existence until at least mid-14th century. In 1400, there were still some people identifying themselves as "Varangians" in Constantinople.[11]

History

[edit]
An illumination of a scene from the Skylitzes Chronicle, depicting a Thracesian woman killing a Varangian who tried to rape her, whereupon his comrades praised her and gave her his possessions.[12]

The earliest members of the Varangian Guard came from Kievan Rus'. A treaty between Rus' and the Byzantine empire under Basil I was agreed in 874 after a period of hostilities. A clause in the treaty obliged Rus' to provide men for Byzantine service. Renewed hostilities between 907 and 911 ended with a new treaty under which any Rus' who chose could serve Byzantium as a right.[13]

The scholarly consensus[14] is that the Rus' people originated in what is currently coastal eastern Sweden around the eighth century and that their name has the same origin as Roslagen in Sweden (with the older name being Roden).[15][16][17] According to the prevalent theory, the name Rus', like the Proto-Finnic name for Sweden (*Roocci), is derived from an Old Norse term for "the men who row" (rods-) as rowing was the main method of navigating the rivers of Eastern Europe.[18][19]

As early as 911, Varangians are mentioned as fighting as mercenaries for the Byzantines. About 700 Varangians served along with Dalmatians as marines in Byzantine naval expeditions against the Emirate of Crete in 902 and a force of 629 returned to Crete under Constantine Porphyrogenitus in 949. A unit of 415 Varangians was involved in the Italian expedition of 936. It is also recorded that there were Varangian contingents among the forces that fought the Arabs in Syria in 955. During this period, the Varangian mercenaries were included in the Great Companions (Gk. Μεγάλη Εταιρεία).

In 988, Basil II requested military assistance from Vladimir I of Kiev to help defend his throne. In compliance with the treaty made by his father after the Siege of Dorostolon (971), Vladimir sent 6,000 men to Basil. Vladimir took the opportunity to rid himself of his most unruly warriors who in any case he was unable to pay.[20] This is the presumptive date for the formal, permanent institution of an elite guard.[21] In exchange for the warriors, Vladimir was given Basil's sister, Anna, in marriage. Vladimir also agreed to convert to Christianity and to bring his people into the Christian faith.

In 989, these Varangians, led by Basil II himself, landed at Chrysopolis to defeat the rebel general Bardas Phokas. On the field of battle, Phokas died of a stroke in full view of his opponent; upon the death of their leader, Phokas' troops turned and fled. The brutality of the Varangians was noted when they pursued the fleeing army and "cheerfully hacked them to pieces".

These men formed the nucleus of the Varangian Guard, which saw extensive service in southern Italy in the eleventh century, as the Normans and Lombards worked to extinguish Byzantine authority there. In 1018, Basil II received a request from his catepan of Italy, Basil Boioannes, for reinforcements to put down the Lombard revolt of Melus of Bari. A detachment of the Varangian Guard was sent and in the Battle of Cannae, the Byzantines achieved a decisive victory.

The Varangians also participated in the partial reconquest of Sicily from the Arabs under George Maniakes in 1038. Here, they fought alongside Normans recently arrived in Italy seeking adventure and Lombards from Byzantine-held Apulia. A prominent member of the Guard at this time was Harald Hardrada, later King of Norway as Harald III (1046–1066). However, when Maniakes ostracised the Lombards by publicly humiliating their leader, Arduin, the Lombards deserted and the Normans and Varangians followed them.

Not long after, the catepan Michael Doukeianos had a force of Varangians stationed at Bari. On 16 March 1041, they were called up to fight the Normans near Venosa; many drowned in the subsequent retreat across the Ofanto. In September, Exaugustus Boioannes was sent to Italy with only a small contingent of Varangians to replace the disgraced Doukeianos. On 3 September 1041, they were defeated in battle by the Normans.

Many of the last catepans were sent from Constantinople with Varangian units. In 1047, John Raphael was sent to Bari with a contingent of Varangians, but the Bariots refused to receive his troops and he spent his term at Otranto. Twenty years later, in 1067, the last Byzantine catepan in southern Italy, Mabrica, arrived with Varangian auxiliaries and took Brindisi and Taranto. At the disastrous Battle of Manzikert in 1071, virtually all the Emperor's Guards fell around him.[22]

Viking expeditions (blue line): depicting the immense breadth of their voyages through most of Europe, the Mediterranean Sea, Northern Africa, Asia Minor, the Arctic, and North America. Lower Normandy, depicted as a ″Viking territory in 911″, was not part of the lands granted by the king of the Franks to Rollo in 911, but Upper Normandy.

Composed primarily of Scandinavians for the first 100 years, the guard began to see increasing numbers of Anglo-Saxons after the successful invasion of England by the Normans. In 1088, a large number of Anglo-Saxons and Danes emigrated to the Byzantine Empire by way of the Mediterranean.[23] One source has more than 5,000 of them arriving in 235 ships. Those who did not enter imperial service settled on the Black Sea coast, building and garrisoning the town of Helenopolis for Alexios I.[24] Those who did became so vital to the Varangians that the Guard was commonly called the Englinbarrangoi (Anglo-Varangians) from that point. In this capacity, they fought in Sicily against the Normans under Robert Guiscard, who unsuccessfully sought to invade the lower Balkans as well.

Writing about the unit as it was in 1080, the chronicler and princess Anna Komnene refers to these "axe-bearing barbarians" as being "from Thule", likely a reference to the British Isles or Scandinavia.[25] Likewise, the Byzantine civil-servant, soldier and historian John Kinnamos calls these "axe-bearers" that guarded the Emperor "the British nation, which has been in service to the Romans' Emperors from a long time back".[26] Kinnamos was writing in the later 12th century, indicating perhaps that the more Dane and Saxon composition of the guard continued to the point of the Fourth Crusade.

After the end of the Norwegian Crusade led by the Norwegian King Sigurd I Magnusson, the guard had an influx of Norwegian Warriors. The Norwegian King sold his ships in Constantinople and returned to Norway with only 100 men, out of an original army of around 6,000.[27]

The Varangians relied on the broad-bladed Dane axe as their main weapon, although they were often also skilled swordsmen or archers. In some sources, such as Anna Komnene's The Alexiad, they are described as mounted; both Vikings and elite Anglo-Saxon warriors routinely used horses for strategic mobility even though they normally fought on foot. The guard was stationed primarily around Constantinople, and may have been barracked in the Bucoleon palace complex. The guard also accompanied armies into the field, and Byzantine chroniclers (as well as several notable Western European and Arab chroniclers) often note their battlefield prowess, especially in comparison to the local barbarian peoples. They were vital to the Byzantine victory under the emperor John II Komnenos at the Battle of Beroia in 1122. The Varangians hacked their way through the enemy's circle of Pecheneg wagons, collapsing the Pecheneg position and causing a general rout in their camp.[26]

The Varangians were described by 11th-century Byzantine historian Michael Psellus as thus: "The whole group carry shields and brandish on their shoulders a certain single-edged, heavy-iron weapon", which is understood to have been the Dane axe[28] (many Byzantine writers referred to them as "axe-bearing barbarians", pelekyphoroi barbaroi, rather than as Varangians).[23] However, a mistranslation of the Greek text has led some to refer to the weapon as a rhomphaia,[29] which most likely occurred as a product of Atticism in Byzantine literature.[28]

They were prominent in the defence of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade. Of the role of the guard, it is said that "the fighting was very violent and there was hand to hand fight with axes and swords, the assailants mounted the walls and prisoners were taken on both sides".[23] The latest mention of the Varangian guard is in the Greek version of the Chronicle of the Morea, which states that this unit escorted the Prince of Achaia away to prison after the Battle of Pelagonia in 1259; historian D. J. Geanakoplos suggests they were reconstituted by Theodore I Laskaris to strengthen his claim as the rightful Emperor.[30] People identified as Varangians were to be found in Constantinople around 1400.[11]

Function

[edit]
Seal of Michael, Grand Interpreter (megas diermeneutes) of the Guard

The duties and purpose of the Varangian Guard were similar—if not identical—to the services provided by the Kievan druzhina, the Swedish/Norwegian hird, and the Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon housecarls. The Varangians served as the personal bodyguard[31] of the emperor, swearing an oath of loyalty to him; they had ceremonial duties as retainers and acclaimers and performed some police duties, especially in cases of treason and conspiracy. They were headed by a separate officer, the akolouthos, who was usually a native Byzantine.

The Varangian Guard was only used in battle during critical moments, or where the battle was most fierce.[32] Contemporary Byzantine chroniclers note with a mix of terror and fascination that the "Scandinavians were frightening both in appearance and in equipment, they attacked with reckless rage and neither cared about losing blood nor their wounds".[32] The description probably refers to berserkers, since this state of trance is said to have given them superhuman strength and no sense of pain from their wounds.[32] When the Byzantine Emperor died, the Varangians had the unique right of running to the imperial treasury and taking as much gold and as many gems as they could carry, a procedure known in Old Norse as polutasvarf ("palace pillaging").[32] This privilege enabled many Varangians to return home as wealthy men, which encouraged even more Scandinavians to enlist in the Guard in Miklagarðr (Swedish = Miklagård = 'The Great City', i.e. Constantinople).[32]

The loyalty of the Varangians became a trope of Byzantine writers. Writing about her father Alexius's seizing of the Imperial throne in 1081, Anna Komnene notes that he was advised not to attack the Varangians who still guarded the Emperor Nikephoros for the Varangians "regard loyalty to the emperors and the protection of their persons as a family tradition, a kind of sacred trust". This allegiance, she noted, "they preserve inviolate, and will never brook the slighted hint of betrayal".[33] Unlike the native Byzantine guards so mistrusted by Basil II, the Varangian guards' loyalties lay with the position of Emperor, not the man who sat on the throne. This was made clear in 969 when the guards failed to avenge the death by assassination of Emperor Nikephoros II. A servant had managed to call for the guards while the Emperor was being attacked, but when they arrived he was dead. They immediately knelt before John Tzimiskes, Nikephoros' murderer and hailed him as Emperor. "Alive they would have defended him to the last breath: dead there was no point in avenging him. They had a new master now."[34]

This reputation exceeds the truth in at least two recorded instances. In 1071, after Emperor Romanos IV Diogenes was defeated by Sultan Alp Arslan, a palace coup was staged before he could return to Constantinople. Caesar John Doukas used the Varangian guard to depose the absent emperor, arrest Empress Eudoxia, and proclaim his nephew, stepson of Diogenes Michael VII, as emperor. Thus, instead of defending their absent emperor, the Varangians were used by the usurpers—proving their loyalty to the throne, if not always the current occupier of that throne. In a more sinister episode, the historian Joannes Zonaras reports the guard revolting against Nikephoros III Botaneiates after the blinding of the general Nikephoros Bryennios in 1078, "planning to kill him" but being suppressed by loyal troops. They subsequently asked for and received a pardon.[35]

Runestones

[edit]
Main articles: Varangian Runestones, Greece Runestones, Italy Runestones, and Ingvar Runestones
Map of geographic distribution of Varangian Runestones (almost all are found in present-day Sweden).

There are a number of raised stone memorials called runestones throughout Scandinavia. The runestones are unevenly distributed in Scandinavia: Denmark has 250 runestones, Norway has 50 while Iceland has none.[36] Sweden has as many as between 1,700[36] and 2,500[37][38] depending on definition. The Swedish district of Uppland has the highest concentration with as many as 1,196 inscriptions in stone, whereas Södermanland is second with 391.[38] Many date to the Viking Age, and there are many associated with the Varangian Guards.[39][40]

These Varangian runestones commemorate various fallen warriors through carved runes, and mention voyages to the East (Austr) or the Eastern route (Austrvegr), or to more specific eastern locations such as Garðaríki (what is today Russia and Ukraine). The losses that the Varangian Guard suffered are reflected by the largest group of runestones that talk of foreign voyages, such as those termed the Greece Runestones.[41] These were raised by former members of the Varangian Guard, or in their memory. A smaller group consists of the four Italy Runestones which were raised in memory of members of the Varangian Guard who died in southern Italy.

The oldest of the Greece runestones are six stones in the style RAK, a style which is dated to the period before 1015 AD.[42] The group consists of Skepptuna runestone U 358, Västra Ledinge runestone U 518, Nälberga runestone Sö 170 and Eriksstad runestone Sm 46.[43]

One of the more notable of the later runestones in the style Pr4 is Ed runestone U 112, a large boulder at the western shore of the lake of Ed. It tells that Ragnvaldr, the captain of the Varangian Guard, had returned home where he had the inscriptions made in memory of his dead mother.[43]

The youngest runestones, in the style Pr5, such as Ed runestone U 104 (presently in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford), are dated to the period 1080–1130, after which runestones became unfashionable.[43]

The Varangians did not return home without being imprinted by Byzantine culture in one way or another, as exemplified by the Byzantine cross carved on the early eleventh century Risbyle runestone U 161, and which today is the coat-of-arms of Täby, a trimunicipal locality and the seat of Täby Municipality in Stockholm County, Sweden.[44] The runes were made by the Viking Ulf of Borresta, see Orkesta runestone U 344, in memory of another Ulf, in Skålhamra, and at the request of the latter's father.[44]

Norse sagas

[edit]

According to the sagas, the West Norse entered the service of the Guard considerably later than the East Norse. According to the Laxdœla saga, the Icelander Bolli Bollason (born c. 1006) was the first known Icelander in the Varangian Guard.[45] Travelling to Constantinople via Denmark, he spent many years in the Varangian Guard, "and was thought to be the most valiant in all deeds that try a man, and always went next to those in the forefront."[46] The saga also records the finery his followers received from the Emperor, and the influence he held after his return to Iceland:

Bolli rode from the ship with twelve men, and all his followers were dressed in scarlet, and rode on gilt saddles, and all were they a trusty band, though Bolli was peerless among them. He had on the clothes of fur which the Garth-king had given him, he had over all a scarlet cape; and he had Footbiter girt on him, the hilt of which was dight with gold, and the grip woven with gold, he had a gilded helmet on his head, and a red shield on his flank, with a knight painted on it in gold. He had a dagger in his hand, as is the custom in foreign lands; and whenever they took quarters the women paid heed to nothing but gazing at Bolli and his grandeur, and that of his followers.[47]

The Varangian Guard is mentioned also in Njal's Saga in reference to Kolskegg—an Icelander said to have come first to Holmgard (Novgorod) and then on to Miklagard (Constantinople), where he entered the Emperor's service. "The last that was heard of him was, that he had wedded a wife there, and was captain over the Varangians, and stayed there till his death day."[48]

One of the members of the Varangian Guard was the future king Harald Sigurdsson III of Norway, known as Harald Hardråde ("Hard-ruler").[49] Having fled his homeland, Harald went first to Gardariki and then on to Constantinople, where he arrived in 1035. He participated in eighteen battles and during his service fought against Arabs in Anatolia and Sicily under General George Maniakes, as well as in southern Italy and Bulgaria. An extensive account of Harald Sigurdsson's journeys is found in Harald Sigurdsson's Saga.

During his time in the Varangian Guard Harald earned the titles of manglavites and spatharokandidatos. But his service ended with his imprisonment for misappropriation of imperial plunder taken during his command. He was released upon the dethronement of the Emperor Michael V, and saga sources suggest he was the one sent to blind the Emperor when he and his uncle fled to the church of the Stoudios Monastery and clung to the altar.

Harald then sought to leave his post, but was denied this. He eventually escaped and returned home in 1043, becoming King of Norway before eventually dying at the Battle of Stamford Bridge while invading England in 1066.

The Varangian Guard regained some of its old Scandinavian flavour when Harald Hardråde's grandson, Sigurd I of Norway, went on the Norwegian Crusade to the Holy Land. After fighting battles against the Muslims, King Sigurd in 1110 let the rest of his force, who originally numbered 6,000 men, join the Varangian Guard. King Sigurd returned home with fewer than a hundred of his personal Guard.

Most of the Old Norse narratives which deals with Norwegians or Icelanders in the Varangian Guard are from the 13th century, and bear witness to a continued interest and generally positive views towards Byzantium within the West Norse cultural area.[50]

See also

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ Alvarez, Sandra (23 June 2014), "English Refugees in the Byzantine Armed Forces: The Varangian Guard and Anglo-Saxon Ethnic Consciousness", De Re Militari, The Society for Medieval Military History, archived from the original on 6 August 2017, retrieved 22 November 2018
  2. ^ Maggio, Edward (1997). Private Security in the 21st Century: Concepts and Applications. Sudbury, Massachusetts: Jones and Bartlett Publishers. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-07637-5190-6.
  3. ^ Chakraborty, Sarthak. "Varangian Guard: Protectors of the Byzantine Empire – Medieval History". Retrieved 24 November 2024.
  4. ^ Raffaele D'Amato (22 June 2010). The Varangian Guard 988–1453. Bloomsbury USA. ISBN 9781849081795. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
  5. ^ Abbot Gleason (6 April 2009). A companion to Russian history. Wiley. ISBN 9781444308426. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
  6. ^ Thomas Craughwell (2008). How the Barbarian Invasions Shaped the Modern World. Fair Winds Press. ISBN 9781616734329. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
  7. ^ Forte, Angelo; Oram, Richard; Pedersen, Frederik (2005). Viking Empires. Cambridge University Press. pp. 13–14. ISBN 0-521-82992-5. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
  8. ^ Marika Mägi, In Austrvegr: The Role of the Eastern Baltic in Viking Age Communication Across the Baltic Sea, The Northern World, 84 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), p. 195, citing Alf Thulin, 'The Rus' of Nestor's Chronicle', Mediaeval Scandinavia, 13 (2000), 70–96.
  9. ^ Jansson 1980:22
  10. ^ a b Pritsak 1981:386
  11. ^ a b Mark Bartusis, The Late Byzantine Army: Arms and Society 1204–1453 (Philadelphia 1992), pp. 272–275.
  12. ^ Wortley, John, ed. (2010), John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1057, Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, p. 372, ISBN 978-0-521-76705-7, archived from the original on 14 April 2023, retrieved 13 December 2015
  13. ^ D'Amato, pp. 4, 6
  14. ^ "The Vikings at home". HistoryExtra. Archived from the original on 4 May 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  15. ^ "Kievan Rus". World History Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 14 April 2021. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  16. ^ "The Vikings (780–1100)". www.metmuseum.org. Archived from the original on 23 April 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  17. ^ "Viking Tours Stockholm, 20 Historical Cultural Transported Tours". Sweden History Tours. Archived from the original on 19 May 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  18. ^ Blöndal, Sigfús (1978). The Varangians of Byzantium. Cambridge University Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780521035521. Archived from the original on 14 April 2023. Retrieved 2 February 2014.
  19. ^ Stefan Brink (2008), "Who were the Vikings?", in Stefan Brink and Neil Price (eds.), The Viking World Archived 14 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine, Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 4–10 (pp. 6–7).
  20. ^ D'Amato, pp. 6–7
  21. ^ D'Amato, p.4
  22. ^ Stephen Lowe, "Battle Honours of the Varangian Guard"
  23. ^ a b c Stephen Turnbull, The Walls of Constantinople, AD 324–1453, pages 35–36, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-84176-759-X.
  24. ^ Buckler, p. 366.
  25. ^ Anna Comnena, The Alexiad (London: Penguin, 2003), p. 95.
  26. ^ a b John Kinnamos, "The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenos" (Charles M. Brand, trans.). New York: Columbia University Press, 1976, p. 16.
  27. ^ Øystein Morten (2014), Sigurd Jorsalfare (p. 41), Oslo: Spartacus, ISBN 978-82-430-0844-1
  28. ^ a b Timothy Dawson (May 1992). "The Varangian Rhomphaia: a Cautionary tale". Varangian Voice. 22: 24–26. Archived from the original on 6 July 2011. Retrieved 6 August 2011.
  29. ^ Ian Heath and Angus McBride, Byzantine Armies 886–1118, 1979, p. 38: "Psellus however claims that every Varangian without exception was armed with shield and 'Rhomphaia' ... a mixture of Byzantine and Scandinavian gear was in use ..."
  30. ^ Deno J. Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), p. 43 and note
  31. ^ It is neither unusual nor particularly Byzantine that a foreign unit would gain such access and prestige. Augustus himself had a personal guard of Germans, the collegium custodum corporis or Germani corporis custodes, to protect himself from the native Praetorians. This guard was revived by Tiberius and continued until Nero.
  32. ^ a b c d e Enoksen, Lars Magnar. (1998). Runor : historia, tydning, tolkning. Historiska Media, Falun. ISBN 91-88930-32-7 p. 135
  33. ^ Anna Comnena, The Alexiad (London: Penguin, 2003), p. 97.
  34. ^ Norwich, John J. (1997). A Short History of Byzantium. Viking. ISBN 0-679-77269-3..
  35. ^ Buckler, p. 367.
  36. ^ a b Olstad, Lisa (16 December 2002). "Ein minnestein for å hedre seg sjølv". forskning.no. Archived from the original on 29 August 2005. Retrieved 20 April 2008.
  37. ^ Zilmer 2005:38
  38. ^ a b Harrison & Svensson 2007:192
  39. ^ "Runestones: Words from the Viking Age". 4 April 2013. Archived from the original on 23 May 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  40. ^ Nikel, David. "The Stunning Viking Runestones Of Scandinavia". Forbes. Archived from the original on 23 May 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  41. ^ Larsson, Mats G (2002). Götarnas Riken : Upptäcktsfärder Till Sveriges Enande. Bokförlaget Atlantis AB ISBN 978-91-7486-641-4 p. 143–144.
  42. ^ Runriket Täby-Vallentuna – en handledning, by Rune Edberg Archived 28 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine gives the start date 985, but the Rundata project includes also Iron Age and earlier Viking Age runestones in the style RAK.
  43. ^ a b c The dating is provided by the Rundata project in a freely downloadable database.
  44. ^ a b The article 5. Runriket – Risbyle Archived 13 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine on the website of the Stockholm County Museum, retrieved 7 July 2007.
  45. ^ Sagas of the Icelanders Archived 16 September 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Penguin Group
  46. ^ "OMACL: The Laxdaela Saga: Chapter 73". mcllibrary.org. Archived from the original on 28 February 2021. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  47. ^ "OMACL: The Laxdaela Saga: Chapter 77". mcllibrary.org. Archived from the original on 23 March 2018. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  48. ^ "OMACL: The Story of Burnt Njal". mcllibrary.org. Archived from the original on 24 February 2021. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  49. ^ Philip Dixon, Barbarian Europe, Salem House Publishing (October 1976), 978-0525701606
  50. ^ Jakobsson, Sverrir (2008). "The Schism that never was: Old Norse views on Byzantium and Russia Archived 20 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine". Byzantinoslavica. Slovanský ústav Akademie věd ČR, v. v. i. and Euroslavica. pp. 173–88.

General bibliography

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Varangian Guard

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The Varangian Guard was an elite corps of predominantly Norse and Rus' mercenaries who served as the personal bodyguards and of the Byzantine s from its formal establishment in 988 CE until the . Recruited primarily from and the Kievan Rus', the Guard's members were valued for their physical stature, battle-hardened skills, and lack of ties to Byzantine internal politics, which ensured their loyalty to the over local factions. Formed by Emperor after receiving 6,000 warriors from I of Kiev in exchange for military aid against rebels and a strategic marriage , the Guard quickly proved its worth by suppressing the rebellion of Bardas Phocas in 989 CE, wielding axes and to decisive effect. Their role extended beyond palace security in to frontline combat, as seen in the 1038 CE Sicilian campaign under , where they captured key cities like and Syracuse. Primary accounts, such as those in ' Chronographia, describe their armament with large shields and swords, underscoring their fearsome reputation. Archaeological evidence, including attributed to Guard members like "Halfdan" and "Ari," confirms their presence and cultural imprint in the imperial capital. The Guard's defining characteristic was unswerving allegiance, rooted in their foreign origin and oath-bound service, allowing emperors to deploy them against usurpers without fear of defection, as noted by Anna Comnena in The Alexiad. This loyalty manifested in customs like the immediate plundering of the imperial treasury upon an emperor's death by his Varangians, a privilege symbolizing their privileged status. After the of 1066 CE, Anglo-Saxon exiles bolstered their ranks, diversifying the unit until its decline following the 1204 during the , after which its role declined significantly, though it persisted in a reduced capacity until the mid-14th century. Swedish runestones commemorating fallen Varangians further attest to the Guard's enduring legacy in .

Origins and Early History

Formation in the 10th Century

The earliest recorded instances of Norse warriors, known as or Rus', entering Byzantine date to the early , facilitated by diplomatic treaties between and Rus' principalities. The Rus'-Byzantine treaty of 911, negotiated under Emperor Leo VI and later upheld by , explicitly addressed the status and privileges of Varangian mercenaries enlisting in the imperial army, including provisions for their pay, legal protections, and return of remains if killed in service. These warriors, drawn from Scandinavian and Rus' trading networks along the River, served initially as shipborne marines and , with approximately 700 Varangians documented participating in naval operations alongside Dalmatian contingents around this period. This ad hoc recruitment evolved into a more structured elite corps amid recurring internal instability, as native Byzantine tagmata units—professional palace guards like the and Numeri—proved susceptible to court intrigues and coups, undermining their reliability for protecting the . Emperors, including Romanos I (r. 920–944), increasingly favored foreign mercenaries unencumbered by local factional ties, whose loyalty could be secured through direct payment in gold (nomismata) rather than hereditary privileges. By the mid-10th century, these Norse elements were integrated into the broader palace guard system, providing a counterbalance to domestic unrest while drawing on established mercenary traditions from prior Rus' expeditions, such as the failed siege of in 860 and commercial-military pacts thereafter. The Varangian Guard crystallized as a distinct, formalized unit late in the under Emperor (r. 976–1025), who urgently required reliable forces to suppress rebellions by generals like and Bardas Phokas. In , following his alliance with Vladimir I of Kiev—who provided 6,000 Varangian warriors in exchange for imperial brides and support for Rus' — established the Guard as his personal ax-bearing , initially numbering around this contingent to ensure unwavering fidelity amid palace conspiracies. This formation marked the transition from sporadic mercenary hires to a permanent, oath-bound regiment quartered in Constantinople's imperial precincts, emphasizing their role in quelling tagmata disloyalty through cultural isolation and economic incentives.

Initial Recruitment from Scandinavia and Rus'

The Varangian Guard's initial recruitment targeted warriors from , especially , and the Kievan Rus', whose populations included many of Scandinavian descent. These recruits, often termed —a term denoting oath-bound Norse traders and fighters—traveled southward via established riverine trade routes that facilitated both and migration. The primary pathway was the River route, dubbed the "road from the to the Greeks," which linked Baltic ports through Rus' principalities like Novgorod and Kiev to the and . The route, while significant for eastern trade to the Caspian, played a lesser role in directing personnel toward Byzantine service. A defining moment occurred in 988 when Byzantine Emperor , embroiled in civil strife against Bardas Phokas, sought military aid from Kievan Rus' ruler Vladimir I. In exchange for 6,000 Varangian warriors and Vladimir's conversion to Orthodox Christianity—sealed by Basil's sister Anna's marriage to him—these troops decisively defeated Phokas at the Battle of Abydos. Approximately 4,000 survivors, having proven their valor and loyalty, formed the Guard's nucleus, sworn to personal fealty to the emperor. Economic incentives propelled enlistment, including substantial pay in gold nomismata, shares of battlefield loot, and prospective imperial grants of or upon honorable discharge after typical . Cultural drivers encompassed the pursuit of glory and wealth in distant s, as well as evasion of feuds or scarcity in ; runestones from and other Swedish regions attest to individuals who "died in " or served the "Greek king" in Miklagard (). These inscriptions, such as those on the statue looted by during a 1040s campaign, record Swedish contingents' exploits, underscoring the routes' role in channeling adventurers southward. Upon arrival, recruits took oaths binding them exclusively to the , reinforcing their utility against Byzantine intrigue.

Composition and Recruitment Practices

Ethnic Makeup and Shifts Over Time

The Varangian Guard originated with the dispatch of 6,000 Rus' mercenaries by I of Kiev to Emperor in 988–989 CE, these troops primarily comprising such as and who formed the Norse elite of Kievan Rus'. Throughout the 10th and early 11th centuries, the Guard's composition remained dominated by recruits from —chiefly and —and the Rus' lands, supplemented by smaller numbers of , as evidenced by and Norse sagas commemorating service in Byzantine Miklagard (). The Norman Conquest of England in 1066 prompted a massive exodus of Anglo-Saxon warriors and nobles to Byzantium, with contemporary accounts like the Chronicon universale anonymi Laudunensis recording approximately 4,350 emigrants and families arriving by 1075 via fleets of up to 350 ships. This surge elevated Anglo-Saxons to the majority within the Guard by the 1070s, under Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081–1118), supplanting the prior Scandinavian predominance. The linguistic shift underscored this transformation, as later Byzantine sources, including Anna Komnene's and 14th-century liturgical texts like the Book of Offices, document English as the Varangians' primary language for oaths and ceremonies, diverging from earlier Norse usage. Subsequent inclusions of , , and sporadically or other non-Greeks occurred without eroding the unit's foundational reliance on foreign ethnicity to guarantee loyalty exclusively to the emperor, a principle rooted in Basil II's original design.

Mechanisms of Enlistment and Service Terms

The Varangian Guard's enlistment processes emphasized the integration of foreign mercenaries who arrived in seeking fortune through imperial service, often via established trade and raiding routes from Kievan Rus' or . Prospective recruits, typically experienced warriors, presented themselves directly at the capital, where Byzantine military officials evaluated their skills and incorporated qualified individuals into the unit. The Guard's foundational cohort in consisted of approximately 6,000 dispatched by I of Kiev to as part of a diplomatic-military , providing an initial surge that formalized the Guard's structure. Subsequent recruitment relied on this network of arrivals rather than systematic agents abroad, allowing the Guard to replenish ranks organically amid ongoing Viking mobility. New members formalized their commitment through a sworn of personal to the , pledging unwavering loyalty and obedience that superseded ethnic, familial, or external ties. This , akin to broader Byzantine inductments, reinforced the Guard's detachment from local Byzantine intrigue, positioning them as a reliable to native factions prone to coups. The contractual nature of service prioritized imperial allegiance, with recruits bound to defend the 's person and interests exclusively during their tenure. Service terms lacked a rigidly documented duration in primary accounts, varying by individual circumstances and often extending for years or decades as guardsmen accumulated substantial wealth through high wages—reportedly exceeding those of indigenous troops—and imperial largesse. Compensation included annual pay in gold nomismata, enabling repatriation with riches upon honorable completion or renewal of service, as corroborated by Norse sagas and commemorative runestones detailing veterans' returns home. incurred severe penalties, including execution or enslavement, to preserve and deter betrayal, though instances were infrequent due to the Guard's economic incentives and cultural emphasis on oath-bound honor. To maintain operational disposability and prevent entrenchment in Byzantine society, were effectively transient, with policies discouraging or property acquisition that might foster divided loyalties.

Organization, Equipment, and Tactics

Internal Structure and Command

The Varangian Guard operated under a distinct that emphasized direct loyalty to the , setting it apart from other Byzantine tagmata. was led by an akolouthos, a title denoting the "follower" or chief commander, who held independent authority over the Guard's operations and reported solely to the , bypassing standard military chains of command. This structure reinforced the Guard's semi-autonomous status as an elite foreign contingent, with the akolouthos often selected for trustworthiness amid Byzantine court intrigues; while typically a native Greek officer, positions were occasionally filled by proven Varangians, such as in the 1030s–1040s. A topoteretes served as deputy or to the akolouthos, handling tactical oversight and place-holding duties during absences. Internally, the Guard was subdivided into smaller contingents or bands, reflecting the Norse tradition of warband organization, which allowed for flexible deployment while maintaining cohesion under centralized command. These subunits rotated duties between imperial palace security in and field service, ensuring constant vigilance over the emperor's person without overexposure to one role. , enforced through oaths of sworn directly to the and severe penalties for disloyalty, preserved unit integrity amid ethnic diversity and origins. Under (r. 976–1025), the Guard reached its estimated peak strength of around 6,000 men, drawn initially from Kievan Rus' contingents dispatched in 988–989 as part of a with Vladimir I. This numerical scale, sustained through ongoing recruitment from and later Anglo-Saxon exiles, underscored the unit's role as a reliable shock force, with command emphasizing rapid mobilization and unyielding imperial allegiance over integration into broader thematic armies.

Armament, Armor, and Fighting Style

The Varangians' primary weapon was the two-handed , a long-hafted, broad-bladed implement designed for powerful overhead swings capable of penetrating shields and armor, earning them the Byzantine pelekephoroi (axe-bearers) in contemporary accounts. They supplemented this with swords of Norse typology, classified under Petersen's system as prevalent in 10th- and 11th-century finds from and Asia Minor, reflecting their Scandinavian origins amid service in the empire. Round shields remained standard, often of northern design initially, though higher-status members received Byzantine-issued oval or kite variants for better compatibility with imperial formations. Byzantine spears (kontarion) and composite bows were also provided, allowing versatility beyond their signature axes, as their kit combined privately owned northern arms with state-supplied equipment to meet bodyguard and field requirements. Armor evolved into a hybrid form, featuring hauberks—evidenced by archaeological parallels like the 10th-century Gjermundbu find—augmented with Byzantine lamellar or scale plating over the torso for enhanced protection against thrusts and arrows common in eastern warfare. Helmets typically comprised spangenhelms or nasal types, sometimes with reinforced cheek guards, blending Viking-era construction with imperial reinforcements for weight distribution under heavy mail. This adaptation prioritized mobility for axe handling while incorporating lighter, layered defenses suited to the Guard's role, as private imports gave way to standardized imperial gear over service terms. Their fighting style emphasized shock infantry tactics, leveraging numerical concentration and axe-driven charges to deliver ferocious close-quarters assaults that disrupted enemy cohesion, particularly in breakthroughs against or during urban sieges where maneuver space favored dominance. Deployed selectively by emperors in pivotal moments, as noted in Byzantine chronicles, they exploited the Dane axe's reach and impact to hack through opposing shield rims and ranks, prioritizing raw power over ranged or disciplined maneuvers typical of native tagmata units. This approach, rooted in northern raiding traditions but refined for Byzantine combined-arms contexts, proved effective in shattering stalemates, though it demanded high cohesion to mitigate vulnerabilities during repositioning.

Primary Roles and Duties

Imperial Bodyguard Responsibilities

The Varangian Guard functioned as the elite personal bodyguard to the Byzantine emperor, maintaining constant vigilance over his safety within Constantinople's imperial precincts from their establishment around 988–989 under . Stationed primarily at the Great Palace, they guarded critical access points such as the Bronze Gate and the emperor's private bedchambers, ensuring no unauthorized entry while remaining in close proximity to the sovereign at all times. Their recruitment from distant Norse, Rus', and later Anglo-Saxon populations provided a key advantage: as foreigners unbound by local alliances or factions, they were less prone to intrigue or defection, thereby deterring palace coups that frequently plagued Byzantine successions. In addition to static sentry duties, the Guard executed escort responsibilities during the emperor's movements, accompanying him to religious services, state receptions, and public festivals while managing crowds to forestall assassinations or unrest. They extended protection to imperial properties beyond the palace core, including treasuries and prisons like the Nóumera, where they served as jailers for high-profile detainees. Actively, they intervened to suppress urban disturbances and arrest suspected plotters, leveraging their discipline and fearsome repute to restore order without reliance on potentially disloyal native forces; this reliability proved vital under emperors like (r. 1081–1118), whose daughter praised their steadfastness against court conspiracies in her . The Guard's presence also carried symbolic weight, embodying imperial inviolability through ceremonial roles such as flanking the in processions and upholding oaths of that underscored the regime's continuity amid endemic threats from usurpers and rioters. This multifaceted protective mandate, rooted in their exclusive privilege to bear arms in the 's presence, solidified their status as the ultimate safeguard of Byzantine until the empire's later decline.

Participation in Military Campaigns

The Varangian Guard routinely deployed alongside imperial armies in major expeditions, functioning as elite valued for their ferocity and cohesion in . They accompanied emperors in conflicts against Bulgarian forces in the and Arab armies in and , where their heavy axes and disciplined charges often broke enemy lines. Byzantine chroniclers noted their reliability in these roles, attributing decisive outcomes to Varangian interventions amid native troops prone to . Beyond direct support for the emperor, occasionally received independent commands for sieges, raids, and duties in regions, capitalizing on their Norse seafaring heritage for amphibious assaults. Their proficiency in enabled effective operations along coastal theaters, such as punitive expeditions against Muslim-held territories, integrating Byzantine galleys with Scandinavian raiding tactics. This versatility extended to overland pursuits, where small detachments pursued rebels or secured passes, leveraging mobility and endurance honed in northern terrains. Participation in these campaigns yielded substantial spoils, including gold, slaves, and arms seized from defeated foes, which supplemented imperial stipends and incentivized ongoing recruitment from and Rus' lands. Returning veterans disseminated tales of wealth alongside commemorating victories, perpetuating the Guard's allure as a path to fortune. Such economic rewards ensured a steady influx of hardy fighters, sustaining the unit's strength through cycles of service and repatriation.

Key Historical Engagements

Service Under and Early Emperors

The Varangian Guard was formally established in 988 when Emperor , facing internal rebellions, requested from Vladimir I of Kiev, who dispatched approximately 6,000 Rus' warriors in exchange for Basil's sister Anna in marriage and support for Vladimir's efforts. These Nordic and Rus' mercenaries, valued for their lack of ties to Byzantine factions, formed the core of the emperor's elite bodyguard and , demonstrating immediate loyalty by suppressing the rebellion of Bardas Phokas near Chrysopolis around 989, where their ferocious assault routed the usurper's forces. Under Basil II's long reign (976–1025), the Guard expanded and solidified its role in major campaigns, particularly the protracted wars against the Bulgarian Samuel (996–1014), where served as the emperor's personal axe-bearing vanguard, contributing to decisive victories such as the in July 1014, which resulted in the capture and blinding of 15,000 Bulgarian prisoners. Their combat effectiveness stemmed from heavy armament and unyielding discipline, often breaking enemy lines where native tagmata faltered, as evidenced by their role in securing Basil's dominance over the by 1018. Basil II rewarded the Guard's fidelity with substantial privileges, including higher pay than regular troops, exemptions from certain taxes, and shares of battlefield spoils, which fostered their reputation for unwavering allegiance to the alone rather than local elites. To preserve this outsider loyalty and prevent assimilation into Byzantine , early policies under Basil discouraged or intermarriage with locals, ensuring the unit's ethnic cohesion as a to aristocratic intrigue. These measures allowed the Guard to function as a reliable instrument of imperial will during Basil's consolidation of power, setting precedents for their elite status in subsequent reigns.

Harald Hardrada and 11th-Century Operations

Harald Sigurdsson, who later became known as , entered Byzantine service around 1034 after prior military experience in Kievan Rus', joining the Varangian Guard and rapidly advancing due to his combat skills and leadership. Under Emperor Michael IV (r. 1034–1041), he participated in operations against Pecheneg incursions and Arab threats, including naval actions to suppress piracy in the , which facilitated the Guard's mobility and contributed to Harald's accumulation of plunder from captured vessels and strongholds. From 1038 to 1041, Harald commanded in the Sicilian campaign led by , aimed at reclaiming the island from Arab emirates; the force captured , Syracuse, and other coastal cities through combined assaults involving siege warfare and close-quarters fighting, where the Guard's heavy axes proved effective against mounted Arab cavalry despite logistical strains and internal frictions with Lombard allies. In 1041, Harald's unit shifted to the Bulgarian front, suppressing the revolt of Peter Delyan; at the Battle of Ostrovo, approximately 500 under his leadership broke Bulgarian lines, securing a decisive Byzantine victory that reasserted imperial control over the region and yielded further spoils. After Michael IV's death in December 1041, Harald was imprisoned by the succeeding (r. 1041–1042) amid accusations related to his amassed wealth from campaigns, including withheld imperial shares of treasure; he escaped confinement and supported the popular uprising that deposed in April 1042, with Empress Zoe's endorsement restoring Varangian loyalty and enabling Harald's honorable departure to Rus' with retained riches. These events underscore the Guard's pivotal role in 11th-century imperial stability, blending offensive expeditions with palace intrigues to protect the throne. By the late 11th century, following the of in , the Varangian Guard incorporated growing numbers of Anglo-Saxon exiles—nobles and warriors fleeing William the Conqueror's rule—who filled vacancies left by diminishing Scandinavian recruitment, sustaining the unit's effectiveness against external threats while introducing English tactics to its arsenal. This shift, evident in records of English-led contingents by the 1080s, reflected adaptive enlistment amid geopolitical disruptions without diluting the Guard's core function as an elite, foreign shock force.

Decline and End

Factors Contributing to Diminishment

The Fourth Crusade's on April 13, 1204, inflicted catastrophic losses on the Varangian Guard, with many guardsmen slain while defending the Blachernae Palace or scattered during the ensuing Latin occupation, which fragmented the empire into successor states like and Trebizond. This event not only decimated the unit's manpower—estimated at several thousand prior to the assault—but also severed traditional recruitment pipelines from and Anglo-Saxon , as political instability and disrupted trade routes diminished the influx of northern warriors seeking imperial service. Although a diminished Varangian contingent was reconstituted under in by around 1208, the loss of the capital's resources hampered sustained replenishment. Byzantium's mounting fiscal strains further eroded the Guard's viability, as chronic territorial losses to Seljuks, Latins, and later Ottomans slashed tax revenues and silver imports needed for mercenaries' high stipends, often exceeding those of native tagmata by twofold. Post-1204 economic contraction, compounded by and debased currency under the Palaiologoi, rendered full staffing untenable; emperors increasingly resorted to partial payments or substitutions with cheaper levies, fostering desertions and understrength formations by the mid-13th century. This budgetary pressure reflected broader imperial insolvency, where maintaining an elite foreign corps amid shrinking domains prioritized short-term fiscal survival over long-term military tradition. Parallel political shifts accentuated these pressures, as Komnenian reforms from Alexios I (r. 1081–1118) onward emphasized native Greek cavalry and familial tagmata over foreign axemen, reflecting a deepening that privileged culturally assimilated troops perceived as more reliable against internal intrigue. Post-1261 restoration under intensified distrust of "barbarian" outsiders, rooted in prior mercenary unreliability during civil wars and Latin , leading to the Guard's relegation to ceremonial roles and dilution with Anatolian or Slavic recruits by the . This ethnocentric pivot, driven by elite Byzantine families' consolidation of power, causally undermined the unit's distinct Nordic identity and operational primacy.

Final Dissolution in the 14th Century

By the Palaiologan era, commencing with Michael VIII's in 1261, the Varangian Guard had diminished significantly in size and martial function, serving primarily as a ceremonial escort and palace ornament rather than an active field unit, due to the empire's fiscal constraints and shift toward indigenous levies. Occasional references persist in contemporary accounts, such as soldiers bearing axes under Andronikos II (r. 1282–1328), but these indicate a vestigial role confined to imperial retinues. The final documented combat engagements occurred amid 14th-century Ottoman incursions, with John Kantakouzenos recording Varangians equipped with their traditional axes in Andronikos III's (r. 1328–1341) campaigns, including the 1329 near , where Byzantine forces clashed with Ottoman Sultan Orhan's army in a failed counteroffensive to reclaim Anatolian territories. Such instances mark the Guard's transition from battlefield to auxiliary defenders, with no subsequent primary sources attesting to frontline participation in later sieges like those of Adrianople or Thessalonica. The Ottoman defeat by at the on July 20, 1402, briefly alleviated pressure on during the ensuing , yet accelerated the Guard's dispersal; surviving members were likely integrated into Hellenized tagmata or scattered as the empire retracted to and its environs, lacking the recruitment networks from that had sustained earlier iterations. Historians debate the Guard's nominal continuity until the empire's fall, citing ceremonial protocols in Pseudo-Kodinos' mid-14th-century on guard units, which lists among axe-bearing attendants; however, the absence of operational records post-1404—when Byzantine envoys referenced them in —suggests dissolution as a cohesive entity well before the 1453 Ottoman conquest, rendering claims of their presence at the final siege unsubstantiated.

Sources and Archaeological Evidence

Byzantine Chronicles and Official Records

The Synopsis Historiarum of , composed in the late and covering imperial history from 811 to 1057, provides the earliest detailed Byzantine record of the Varangian Guard's formation under around , following the conversion and military alliance with I of Kiev, who dispatched 6,000 Rus' warriors as a pledge of loyalty. Skylitzes emphasizes their role in suppressing Phokas family revolts and Bulgarian campaigns, attributing their effectiveness to unswerving obedience to the emperor, untainted by Roman provincial ambitions or court factions, which enabled decisive interventions like the 989 victory at Kleidion. Michael Psellos' Chronographia, written circa 1070s as a of 11th-century rulers, portrays the as axe-wielding northern "barbarians" whose raw ferocity and physical imposing presence—shielded and shouldered with battle-axes—contrasted with the more refined but scheming native elites, proving crucial in events such as the 1042 restoration of Empress Zoe against , where their intervention quelled urban riots and executions. Psellos notes their occasional plundering tendencies, as during the 1071 Manzikert aftermath, but underscores their reliability in palace defense, attributing this to contractual oaths and separation from local kin networks that might foster disloyalty. Fiscal and administrative documents referenced in chronicles, such as those from the logothetes tou dromou (postal and foreign affairs bureau), imply elite pay scales for the Guard exceeding native tagmata, with estimates of 30-40 nomismata annually per man to attract and retain northern recruits amid high turnover from casualties and , funded directly from imperial sakellion () allocations rather than thematic land revenues. Unit sizes fluctuated with imperial needs, but Skylitzes and Psellos indicate a nominal strength of 3,000-6,000 under peak 11th-century establishments, sustained by annual Rus' contingents as per diplomatic treaties. These Greek chronicles prioritize empirical narratives of military utility over hagiographic idealization, yet reflect systemic biases in Byzantine : authored by court literati with access to official aktes (records), they favorably contrast the ' "useful barbarism"—loyal due to outsider status and pecuniary incentives—against the intrigue-ridden native and soldiery, a trope serving to justify emperors' reliance on foreign units for regime stability amid frequent usurpations. This portrayal aligns with causal incentives, as emperors like leveraged ethnic detachment to counter endemic factionalism, though chroniclers understate instances of Varangian mutinies or to preserve the narrative of imperial control.

Norse Sagas and Oral Traditions

The , a collection of Norwegian composed by around 1220–1230 and rooted in earlier oral traditions, offers detailed narratives of Varangian service under the Byzantine emperors, particularly through the life of (later Harald Hardrada). These accounts portray Harald's recruitment into the Varangian Guard circa 1034 following his exile from Kievan Rus', his rapid rise to command during campaigns against Arab forces in and rebels in , and his accumulation of vast wealth through plunder and imperial favor, enabling his eventual return to laden with gold estimated in sagas at over bezants. While drawing on skaldic poetry and eyewitness reports preserved orally, the sagas embed these events in a framework of heroic individualism, emphasizing Harald's personal valor in feats like single-handedly slaying foes or orchestrating naval assaults, such as the 1040 siege of Syracuse where Varangians reportedly scaled walls under his direction. Scholarly assessments highlight kernels of historical veracity in route descriptions and service durations, corroborated by broader patterns of Scandinavian eastward migration evidenced archaeologically through trade goods and weapon finds in the Black Sea region, indicating real flows of warriors toward from the 10th to 11th centuries. However, the narratives inflate numerical scales—claiming Varangian forces numbering in the thousands for isolated actions—and incorporate miraculous elements, such as Harald's escape from via divine intervention or superhuman endurance, serving to exalt the saga's protagonists over empirical military contingencies. These embellishments align with Norse literary conventions prioritizing glory and kinship ties, where imperial service emerges as a prestigious yielding not just material riches but legendary status upon repatriation. Causally, the sagas accurately capture the incentive structures driving Norse participation—high-risk mercenary contracts promising loot amid Byzantine fiscal prosperity—but systematically attribute victories to Varangian and individual prowess, undervaluing the causal role of integrated imperial logistics, cavalry, and thematic army coordination that enabled sustained campaigns. Other sagas, such as the , echo these themes by depicting Varangians as oath-bound retainers navigating intrigues for honor and , yet their oral introduces reliability variances, with later redactions potentially amplifying anti-imperial motifs to resonate with 13th-century Scandinavian audiences wary of centralized authority. Cross-verification with underscores genuine migratory realities, including weapon imports and settlement traces, but cautions against accepting saga metrics of force sizes or casualty ratios as literal, given the genre's bias toward mnemonic amplification over precise .

Runestones, Inscriptions, and Material Culture

Scandinavian Runestones Commemorating Service

Approximately 30 runestones, primarily in central such as , contain inscriptions referencing voyages to the , often termed "" (Grikkland in ) or service with the emperor. These artifacts, dated to the during the , were typically erected by relatives to honor deceased kin who participated in eastern expeditions, linking directly to Varangian Guard service through phrases like "in " or "with the emperor's men." The inscriptions frequently commemorate military exploits, deaths abroad, or successful returns with wealth, evidencing voluntary enlistment and periodic rather than permanent . For instance, the Högby runestone (Ög 81) records the deaths of two brothers, Torgils and Fróði, while on service in different eastern locations, underscoring the hazards of Guard duties. Similarly, the U 112 in honors Ragnvaldr, a commander who traveled to and amassed riches, implying survival and return sufficient for familial commemoration. These runestones provide tangible archaeological evidence of Scandinavian involvement in Byzantine affairs, corroborating patterns of and independent of literary narratives. Their concentration in highlights regional ties to the Varangian route, with motifs like crosses or eastern references reinforcing imperial connections without relying solely on accounts.

Graffiti and Artifacts in Constantinople

Runic graffiti in the Hagia Sophia serves as primary material evidence of Varangian Guard members' presence in Constantinople, carved into marble parapets during guard duties or idle moments. The most notable is the Halfdan inscription, discovered in 1964 on the upper south gallery parapet, rendering in Younger Futhark script a phrase translated as "Halfdan/Árni carved these runes" or "Halfdan was here." Linguistic and paleographic analysis dates it to the 9th-11th centuries, consistent with Old Norse usage during the Viking Age and predating the Guard's formal establishment in 988, possibly by early Norse mercenaries. This carving demonstrates Norse runic literacy among elite Byzantine guards, who etched personal markers in a sacred imperial site. A second runic inscription, identified in 1975 on a nearby , features similar forms and is attributed to through stylistic comparison, though partial erosion limits full decipherment. Post-discovery scholarly examinations, including linguistic dating of rune shapes and vocabulary, affirm authenticity against forgery claims, aligning the script with Scandinavian inscriptions from the same era. These , accessible only to those with imperial privileges, underscore the Guard's integration into Byzantine elite spaces while preserving northern cultural expressions. Archaeological artifacts directly tied to Varangians remain scarce in Constantinople excavations, but Byzantine museum collections include broad-bladed, single-edged axes matching descriptions of Varangian weapons in contemporary accounts, such as those used for breaking formations. These implements, recovered from 10th-11th century layers, exhibit Norse design traits like angled blades for hooking shields, linking to the Guard's signature axe-bearing role in imperial service. Such finds corroborate textual evidence of their specialization without unique provenance markers.

Historiographical Analysis

Debates on Ethnic Composition and Reliability

The ethnic composition of the Varangian Guard has been subject to scholarly scrutiny, with early formations under (r. 976–1025) drawing primarily from Scandinavian and Kievan Rus' warriors, reflecting trade and raiding networks across the Baltic and Black Seas. However, post-1066 of triggered a documented exodus of Anglo-Saxon nobility and warriors, arriving in fleets estimated at 235 to 350 ships carrying thousands of refugees, who enlisted en masse in the Byzantine forces by the 1070s. Primary accounts, including Orderic Vitalis's Historia Ecclesiastica and the Jardar saga, detail their integration, while Anna Komnene's references English-speaking troops from "" in Alexios I's campaigns, establishing them as the Guard's dominant element from the late 11th to early 13th centuries. This empirical shift, evidenced by persistent English customs like seasonal greetings, undermines romanticized depictions of a static "Viking" force, revealing instead a pragmatic response to external displacements that diversified the unit beyond Norse origins. Debates on reliability hinge on whether foreign causally ensured by severing ties to Byzantine elites, thereby aligning incentives with imperial pay and oaths rather than local power struggles. Advocates, drawing from chronicles of the Guard's role in quelling usurpations like that of in 1042, posit that their outsider status stabilized the throne during civil strife, as lack of familial or factional entanglements prioritized contractual fidelity. Yet, historiographical reassessments highlight counterexamples, including Varangian involvement in multiple rebellions and depositions between 988 and 1204, where cultural imports from Scandinavian or Anglo-Saxon homelands—such as norms of legitimacy tied to martial prowess—influenced alignments with usurpers. Harald Hardrada's tenure (1034–1042), marked by pay disputes, a brief imprisonment under , and subsequent plotting against Constantine IX over privileges, exemplifies these limits, as saga and Byzantine records depict personal ambitions overriding imperial allegiance. Critics further contend that ethnic turnover, while broadening , exacerbated reliability issues through integration challenges and escalating costs for maintaining a polyglot elite, potentially fostering internal divisions amid fiscal strains. Proponents counter that such dynamics, rooted in economics rather than inherent unreliability, still outperformed native tagmata in response, privileging on service longevity over isolated lapses. These viewpoints underscore a causal realism: foreign composition mitigated but did not eliminate agency-driven defections, with empirical records favoring conditional trustworthiness tied to over mythic inviolability.

Assessments of Military Effectiveness and Loyalty

The Varangian Guard exhibited strong military effectiveness as elite shock infantry, leveraging their axe-based close-combat prowess and disciplined cohesion in defensive and assault roles. In the Battle of Dyrrhachium on October 18, 1081, approximately 5,000 under Emperor initiated a vigorous attack against Robert Guiscard's Norman army, initially routing enemy flanks before becoming isolated in pursuit and suffering near-annihilation, as detailed in Anna Komnene's contemporary account of their heroic but ultimately costly stand. Their outsider motivation—rooted in incentives without Byzantine factional ties—enabled reliable performance in high-stakes imperial protection, contrasting with the frequent unreliability of native tagmata units prone to intrigue. Loyalty to the emperor was empirically robust, particularly under , who from 989 integrated 6,000 Rus' as a to disloyal domestic forces, granting them privileges like exemption from taxes and direct imperial pay that minimized defection risks. This allegiance manifested in suppressing revolts, such as their role in restoring Basil after Bardas Phokas's usurpation in 989, and in guarding emperors during field campaigns, with rare betrayals attributed to their cultural detachment from court politics. At Manzikert in 1071, Varangians fought to near-extinction defending against Seljuks, underscoring commitment even in defeat. Notwithstanding these strengths, vulnerabilities inherent to mercenary dynamics—such as numerical limitations (often 300–6,000 effectives) and dependence on steady remuneration—exposed weaknesses against sustained attrition or overwhelming odds. They incurred defeats, including against at in 1085, where imperial forces buckled under nomadic mobility despite Varangian reinforcement. During the , the Guard repelled crusader assaults on Constantinople's walls on July 17, 1203, but after breaches on April 11–12, 1204, and Emperor Alexios V's flight, survivors capitulated, unable to uphold defenses amid logistical collapse and unpaid arrears. Historical records affirm their value in crisis response and personal security but reveal no capacity to reverse systemic Byzantine decay, as elite units alone could not offset tagmatic erosion or strategic missteps.

Legacy and Modern Interpretations

Influence on Byzantine Military Traditions

The Varangian Guard, formalized by Emperor in 988 CE following his alliance with Rus' Prince Vladimir I, established a enduring model for recruiting foreign auxiliaries into the Byzantine military as a against the endemic disloyalty of native tagmata and theme troops, who frequently engineered coups amid the empire's factional intrigues. These Scandinavian and later Anglo-Saxon recruits, lacking kinship ties or property interests within the empire, pledged oaths directly to the emperor and received salaries in gold nomismata, ensuring their allegiance prioritized payment over local power plays. This structure mitigated risks evident in prior usurpations, such as those by in 963 CE, where indigenous guards facilitated palace revolts. This loyalty paradigm influenced subsequent imperial reliance on non-Byzantine mercenaries, notably Latin and Norman contingents during the after 1081 CE, where emperors like integrated western knights into guard roles analogous to the Varangians, bypassing unreliable Greek soldiery depleted by the in 1071 CE. Byzantine fiscal records from the 11th-12th centuries indicate payments to these groups mirrored Varangian stipends, averaging 40 nomismata annually per man, fostering a professionalized auxiliary system that supplemented the shrinking theme armies until the empire's contraction post-1204 CE. Such adaptations prolonged central authority by deterring internal sedition, as foreign units' detachment from Anatolian or Balkan elites reduced complicity in provincial revolts. Tactically, the Guard's emphasis on wielding the two-handed Danish axe—termed pelekys in Greek sources—introduced shock assault doctrines to elite tagmata formations, prioritizing breaching enemy lines in melee over the spear-and-shield phalanxes of earlier theme legions. Chronicles like those of detail Varangian axe-men shattering and Bulgarian shields during campaigns in the 990s-1020s CE, with their trapezoidal blades designed for hooking and cleaving armor, a method retained in imperial reserves even as Rus' recruitment waned after 1071 CE. This persisted in hybrid units under later emperors, where axe augmented screens, correlating with victories such as the repulsion of Seljuk incursions in 1054 CE along the eastern frontiers. Their deployment demonstrably aided coup suppression, as evidenced by Basil II's use of 6,000 Varangians in 989 CE to crush Nikephoros Phokas's remnants and Bardas Skleros's rebellion, restoring imperial control over Asia Minor and enabling two decades of expansionary wars that stabilized the throne until his death in 1025 CE. Similar interventions, recorded in Psellos's Chronographia, thwarted plots under in the 1040s CE, where Varangian fidelity contrasted with tagmata defections, thereby extending the Macedonian dynasty's viability amid succession crises. This causal link between foreign guard loyalty and regime longevity underscores a pragmatic evolution in Byzantine defensive strategy, averting the rapid turnover of emperors that had averaged every five years prior to 988 CE. In 19th- and early 20th-century scholarship, the Varangian Guard was often romanticized through the lens of Norse sagas, portraying them as heroic Viking adventurers embodying martial valor and exotic wanderlust, with figures like Harald Hardrada elevated as archetypal berserkers seeking fortune in the opulent East. This saga-influenced view, prominent in works drawing on medieval Icelandic narratives, emphasized their Norse origins and individualistic exploits over the unit's structured role as imperial bodyguards, sometimes overlooking the pragmatic incentives of high pay—equivalent to annual salaries exceeding 2 pounds of gold per man—and enforced oaths of loyalty. Later 20th-century analyses, such as Sigfús Blöndal's 1954 study, began tempering this with archival evidence of their tactical discipline, but retained a focus on Scandinavian dominance until the unit's evolution. Post-1966 scholarship has shifted toward Anglo-Saxon agency, highlighting the influx of English exiles after the , who by the late 11th century formed the Guard's core, numbering potentially thousands and maintaining distinct ethnic cohesion through and cultural markers like English-language oaths. This perspective underscores their as reliable outsiders—free from Byzantine factional ties that plagued native tagmata—prioritizing causal factors like geographic detachment for over anachronistic notions of inherent "diversity" benefits, with empirical records showing fewer revolts compared to indigenous units. In popular culture, depictions frequently exaggerate Viking exoticism and berserker tropes, as in graphic novels like Northlanders (2008–2011), where Varangians appear in stylized red attire symbolizing prestige, entangled in fictional vendettas and trauma narratives detached from historical political contexts, such as framing Harald's role in imperial depositions as personal romance-driven revenge. Video games like Horizon Zero Dawn (2017) further anachronize them as the "Vanguard," elite guards in a post-apocalyptic empire, blending Norse martialism with futuristic machines and modern gender dynamics (e.g., female leaders challenging traditional hierarchies), while romanticizing multicultural unity in loyalty speeches that eclipse the Guard's historical reliance on shared outsider status for cohesion rather than ideological pluralism. Such portrayals, prioritizing narrative sensationalism, often sideline data on their 6,000-strong contingents' battlefield efficacy—e.g., axework shattering enemy phalanxes at Dorostolon in 971—for dramatic individualism. Contemporary debates in critique these media tendencies for imposing progressive onto a force selected for ethnic utility: foreigners' lack of local allegiances ensured fidelity to the emperor, as Basil II's integration of Rus' warriors demonstrated by replacing disloyal natives, yielding decades of stability until the . This evidence-based view counters ahistorical emphases on "diversity" as a , attributing to realistic incentives like severance bonuses preventing assimilation and rotation policies maintaining detachment, rather than cultural fusion.

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