Hubbry Logo
AfrikaansAfrikaansMain
Open search
Afrikaans
Community hub
Afrikaans
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Afrikaans
Afrikaans
from Wikipedia

Afrikaans
Pronunciation[afriˈkɑːns]
Native to
RegionSouthern Africa
EthnicityAfrikaners
Coloureds
Native speakers
7.2 million (2016)
10.3 million L2 speakers in South Africa (2011)[1]
Early forms
Dialects
Latin script (Afrikaans alphabet), Arabic script
Signed Afrikaans[2]
Official status
Official language in
South Africa
Recognised minority
language in
Regulated byDie Taalkommissie
Language codes
ISO 639-1af
ISO 639-2afr
ISO 639-3afr
Glottologafri1274
Linguasphere52-ACB-ba
   spoken by a majority
   spoken by a minority
Afrikaans is classified as Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger
[3][4]
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
Colin speaking Afrikaans
Alaric speaking Afrikaans
Rossouw speaking Afrikaans

Afrikaans[n 1] is a West Germanic language spoken in South Africa, Namibia and to a lesser extent Botswana, Zambia, Zimbabwe and also Argentina where a group in Sarmiento speaks a Patagonian dialect. It evolved from the Dutch vernacular[7][8] of South Holland (Hollandic dialect)[9][10] spoken by the predominantly Dutch settlers and enslaved population of the Dutch Cape Colony, where it gradually began to develop distinguishing characteristics in the 17th and 18th centuries.[11]

Obelisks of the Afrikaans Language Monument near Paarl

Although Afrikaans has adopted words from other languages including German, Malay and Khoisan languages, an estimated 90 to 95% of the vocabulary of Afrikaans is of Dutch origin.[n 2] Differences between Afrikaans and Dutch often lie in the more analytic morphology and grammar of Afrikaans, and different spellings.[n 3] There is a large degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages, especially in written form.[12]

Etymology

[edit]

The name of the language comes directly from the Dutch word Afrikaansch (now spelled Afrikaans)[n 4] meaning 'African'.[14] It was previously referred to as 'Cape Dutch' (Kaap-Hollands or Kaap-Nederlands), a term also used to refer to the early Cape settlers collectively, or the derogatory 'kitchen Dutch' (kombuistaal) from its use by slaves of colonial settlers "in the kitchen".

History

[edit]

Origin

[edit]

The Afrikaans language arose in the Dutch Cape Colony, through a gradual divergence from European Dutch dialects, during the course of the 18th century.[15][16] As early as the mid-18th century and as recently as the early-20th century, pre-standardized Afrikaans was still viewed by the many in Southern Africa as 'kitchen Dutch' (Afrikaans: kombuistaal), lacking the prestige accorded an officially recognised language like standard Dutch and English, at that time. In the 19th century Boer republics, proto-Afrikaans was not yet widely seen by the Afrikaner population itself, nor by its leaders, as a separate language to standard Dutch. Dutch was expressly the sole and only legally recognised language at that time. Other early epithets, in Southern Africa, setting apart Kaaps Hollands ('Cape Dutch', i.e. Proto-Afrikaans) as putatively beneath official Dutch language standards included geradbraakt, gebroken and onbeschaafd Hollands ('mutilated, broken, or uncivilised Dutch'), as well as verkeerd Nederlands ('incorrect Dutch').[17][18]

Hottentot Dutch
Dutch-based pidgin
Language codes
ISO 639-3None (mis)
Glottologhott1234

Historical linguist Hans den Besten theorises that modern Standard Afrikaans derives from two sources:[19]

So Afrikaans, in his view, is neither a creole nor a direct descendant of Dutch, but a fusion of two transmission pathways.

Development

[edit]
Standard Dutch used in a 1916 South African newspaper before Afrikaans replaced it for use in media

Most of the first settlers whose descendants today are the Afrikaners were from the United Provinces (now Netherlands),[21] with up to one-sixth of the community of French Huguenot origin, and a seventh from Germany.[22]

African and Asian workers, Cape Coloured children of European settlers and Khoikhoi women,[23] and slaves contributed to the development of Afrikaans. The slave population was made up of people from East Africa, West Africa, Mughal India, Madagascar, and the Dutch East Indies (modern Indonesia).[24] A number were also indigenous Khoisan people, who were valued as interpreters, domestic servants, and labourers. Many free and enslaved women married or cohabited with the male Dutch settlers. M. F. Valkhoff argued that 75% of children born to female slaves in the Dutch Cape Colony between 1652 and 1672 had a Dutch father.[25] Sarah Grey Thomason and Terrence Kaufman argue that Afrikaans' development as a separate language was "heavily conditioned by nonwhites who learned Dutch imperfectly as a second language."[26]

Beginning in about 1815, Afrikaans started to replace Malay as the language of instruction in Muslim schools in South Africa, written with the Arabic alphabet: see Arabic Afrikaans. Later, Afrikaans, now written with the Latin script, started to appear in newspapers and political and religious works in around 1850 (alongside the already established Dutch).[15]

In 1875 a group of Afrikaans-speakers from the Cape formed the Genootskap vir Regte Afrikaaners ('Society for Real Afrikaners'),[15] and published a number of books in Afrikaans including grammars, dictionaries, religious materials and histories.

Until the early 20th century Afrikaans was considered a Dutch dialect, alongside Standard Dutch, which it eventually replaced as an official language.[12] Before the Boer wars, "and indeed for some time afterwards, Afrikaans was regarded as inappropriate for educated discourse. Rather, Afrikaans was described derogatorily as 'a kitchen language' or 'a bastard jargon', suitable for communication mainly between the Boers and their servants."[27][better source needed]

Recognition

[edit]
"Dit is ons erns" ("This is our earnestness."), at the Afrikaans Language Monument

In 1925 Afrikaans was recognised by the South African government as a distinct language, rather than simply a vernacular of Dutch.[15] On 8 May 1925, that is 23 years after the Second Boer War ended,[27] the Official Languages of the Union Act, 1925 was passed—mostly due to the efforts of the Afrikaans-language movement—at a joint sitting of the House of Assembly and the Senate, in which the Afrikaans language was declared a variety of Dutch.[28] The Constitution of 1961 reversed the position of Afrikaans and Dutch, so that English and Afrikaans were the official languages, and Afrikaans was deemed to include Dutch. The Constitution of 1983 removed any mention of Dutch altogether.

The Afrikaans Language Monument is on a hill overlooking Paarl in the Western Cape Province. Officially opened on 10 October 1975,[29] it was erected on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Society of Real Afrikaners,[30] and the 50th anniversary of Afrikaans being declared an official language of South Africa in distinction to Dutch.

Standardisation

[edit]
The side view of the Pretoria Art Museum in Arcadia, Pretoria, with its name written in Afrikaans, Xhosa and Southern Ndebele.

The earliest Afrikaans texts were some doggerel verses from 1795 and a dialogue transcribed by a Dutch traveller in 1825. Afrikaans used the Latin alphabet around this time, although the Cape Muslim community used the Arabic script. In 1861, L.H. Meurant published his Zamenspraak tusschen Klaas Waarzegger en Jan Twyfelaar (Conversation between Nicholas Truthsayer and John Doubter), which is considered to be the first book published in Afrikaans.[31]

The first grammar book was published in 1876; a bilingual dictionary was later published in 1902. The main modern Afrikaans dictionary in use is the Verklarende Handwoordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (HAT). A new authoritative dictionary, called Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (WAT), was under development As of 2018. The official orthography of Afrikaans is the Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls, compiled by Die Taalkommissie.[31]

The Afrikaans Bible

[edit]

The Afrikaners primarily were Protestants, of the Dutch Reformed Church of the 17th century. Their religious practices were later influenced in South Africa by British ministries during the 1800s.[32] A landmark in the development of the language was the translation of the whole Bible into Afrikaans. While significant advances had been made in the textual criticism of the Bible, especially the Greek New Testament, the 1933 translation followed the Textus Receptus and was closely akin to the Statenbijbel. Before this, most Cape Dutch-Afrikaans speakers had to rely on the Dutch Statenbijbel. This Statenvertaling had its origins with the Synod of Dordrecht of 1618 and was thus in an archaic form of Dutch. This was hard for Dutch speakers to understand, and increasingly unintelligible for Afrikaans speakers.

C. P. Hoogehout, Arnoldus Pannevis, and Stephanus Jacobus du Toit were the first Afrikaans Bible translators. Important landmarks in the translation of the Scriptures were in 1878 with C. P. Hoogehout's translation of the Evangelie volgens Markus (Gospel of Mark, lit. 'Gospel according to Mark'); however, this translation was never published. The manuscript is to be found in the South African National Library, Cape Town.

The first official translation of the entire Bible into Afrikaans was in 1933 by J. D. du Toit, E. E. van Rooyen, J. D. Kestell, H. C. M. Fourie, and BB Keet.[33][34] This monumental work established Afrikaans as 'n suiwer en ordentlike taal, that is "a pure and proper language" for religious purposes, especially among the deeply Calvinist Afrikaans religious community that previously had been sceptical of a Bible translation that varied from the Dutch version that they were used to.

In 1983 a fresh translation marked the 50th anniversary of the 1933 version. The final editing of this edition was done by E. P. Groenewald, A. H. van Zyl, P. A. Verhoef, J. L. Helberg and W. Kempen. This translation was influenced by Eugene Nida's theory of dynamic equivalence which focused on finding the nearest equivalent in the receptor language to the idea that the Greek, Hebrew or Aramaic wanted to convey.

A new translation, Die Bybel: 'n Direkte Vertaling was released in November 2020. It is the first truly ecumenical translation of the Bible in Afrikaans as translators from various churches, including the Roman Catholic and Anglican Churches, were involved.[35]

Classification

[edit]

Afrikaans descended from Dutch dialects in the 17th century. It belongs to a West Germanic sub-group, the Low Franconian languages.[36] Other West Germanic languages related to Afrikaans are German, English, the Frisian languages, Yiddish, and the unstandardised language Low German.

Geographic distribution

[edit]

Statistics

[edit]
The geographical distribution of Afrikaans in South Africa: proportion of the population that speaks Afrikaans at home.
  0–20%
  20–40%
  40–60%
  60–80%
  80–100%
Country Speakers Percentage of speakers Year Reference
 South Africa 6,855,082 94.71% 2011 [citation needed]
 Namibia 219,760 3.04% 2011 [citation needed]
 Australia 49,375 0.68% 2021 [37]
 New Zealand 36,966 0.51% 2018 [38]
 Canada 29,670 0.41% 2021 [39]
 United States 28,406 0.39% 2016 [40]
 Botswana 8,082 0.11% 2011 [citation needed]
 United Kingdom 7,489 0.10% 2021 [41]
 Pakistan 2,228 0.03% 2016 [citation needed]
 Argentina 650 0.01% 2019 [42]
 Finland 150 0.002% 2023 [43]
 Mauritius 36 0.0005% 2011 [citation needed]
Total 7,237,894

Sociolinguistics

[edit]
The geographical distribution of Afrikaans in South Africa: density of Afrikaans home-language speakers.
  <1 /km2
  1–3 /km2
  3–10 /km2
  10–30 /km2
  30–100 /km2
  100–300 /km2
  300–1000 /km2
  1000–3000 /km2
  >3000 /km2
The geographical distribution of Afrikaans in Namibia.

Besides South-Africa, Afrikaans is also widely spoken in Namibia. Before independence, Afrikaans had equal status with German as an official language. Since independence in 1990, Afrikaans has had constitutional recognition as a national, but not official, language.[44][45] There is a much smaller number of Afrikaans speakers among Zimbabwe's white minority, as most have left the country since 1980. Afrikaans was also a medium of instruction for schools in Bophuthatswana, an Apartheid-era Bantustan.[46] Eldoret in Kenya was founded by Afrikaners.[47]

There are also around 30,000 South-Africans in the Netherlands, of which the majority are of Afrikaans-speaking Afrikaner and Coloured South-African descent.[48] A much smaller and unknown number of Afrikaans speakers also reside in the Dutch Caribbean.

Contrary to popular belief, the majority of Afrikaans speakers today are not Afrikaners or Boers, but Coloureds.[49]

In 1976, secondary-school pupils in Soweto began a rebellion in response to the government's decision that Afrikaans be used as the language of instruction for half the subjects taught in non-White schools (with English continuing for the other half). Although English is the mother tongue of only 8.2% of the population, it is the language most widely understood, and the second language of a majority of South Africans.[50] Afrikaans is more widely spoken than English in the Northern and Western Cape provinces, several hundred kilometres from Soweto. The Black community's opposition to Afrikaans and preference for continuing English instruction was underlined when the government rescinded the policy one month after the uprising: 96% of Black schools chose English (over Afrikaans or native languages) as the language of instruction.[51] Afrikaans-medium schools were also accused of using language policy to deter Black African parents.[52] Some of these parents, in part supported by provincial departments of education, initiated litigation which enabled enrolment with English as language of instruction. By 2006 there were 300 single-medium Afrikaans schools, compared to 2,500 in 1994, after most converted to dual-medium education.[52] Due to Afrikaans being viewed as the "language of the white oppressor" by some, pressure has been increased to remove Afrikaans as a teaching language in South African universities, resulting in bloody student protests in 2015.[53][54][55]

Under South Africa's Constitution of 1996, Afrikaans remains an official language, and has equal status to English and nine other languages. The new policy means that the use of Afrikaans is now often reduced in favour of English, or to accommodate the other official languages. In 1996, for example, the South African Broadcasting Corporation reduced the amount of television airtime in Afrikaans, while South African Airways dropped its Afrikaans name Suid-Afrikaanse Lugdiens from its livery. Similarly, South Africa's diplomatic missions overseas now display the name of the country only in English and their host country's language, and not in Afrikaans. Meanwhile, the constitution of the Western Cape, which went into effect in 1998, declares Afrikaans to be an official language of the province alongside English and Xhosa.[56]

The Afrikaans-language general-interest family magazine Huisgenoot has the largest readership of any magazine in the country.[57]

When the British design magazine Wallpaper described Afrikaans as "one of the world's ugliest languages" in its September 2005 article about the monument,[58] South African billionaire Johann Rupert (chairman of the Richemont Group), responded by withdrawing advertising for brands such as Cartier, Van Cleef & Arpels, Montblanc and Alfred Dunhill from the magazine.[59] The author of the article, Bronwyn Davies, was an English-speaking South African.

Mutual intelligibility with Dutch

[edit]

An estimated 90 to 95 percent of the Afrikaans lexicon is ultimately of Dutch origin,[60][61][62] and there are few lexical differences between the two languages.[63] Afrikaans has a considerably more regular morphology,[64] grammar, and spelling.[65] There is a high degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages,[66][67] particularly in written form.[65][68][69]

Afrikaans acquired some lexical and syntactical borrowings from other languages such as Malay, Khoisan languages, Portuguese,[70] German and Bantu languages.[71] Afrikaans has also been significantly influenced by South African English, especially in the Western Cape.[72] Dutch speakers are confronted with fewer non-cognates when listening to Afrikaans than the other way round.[73] Mutual intelligibility thus tends to be asymmetrical, as it is easier for Dutch speakers to understand Afrikaans than for Afrikaans speakers to understand Dutch.[74]

In general, mutual intelligibility between Dutch and Afrikaans is far better than between Dutch and Frisian[75] or between Danish and Swedish.[76] The South African poet writer Breyten Breytenbach, attempting to visualise the language distance for Anglophones once remarked that the differences between (Standard) Dutch and Afrikaans are comparable to those between the Received Pronunciation and Southern American English.[77]

Current status

[edit]
Use of Afrikaans as a first language by province
Province 1996[78] 2001[78] 2011[78] 2022[79]
Western Cape 58.5% 55.3% 49.7% 41.2%
Eastern Cape 9.8% 9.6% 10.6% 9.6%
Northern Cape 57.2% 56.6% 53.8% 54.6%
Free State 14.4% 11.9% 12.7% 10.3%
KwaZulu-Natal 1.6% 1.5% 1.6% 1.0%
North West 8.8% 8.8% 9.0% 5.2%
Gauteng 15.6% 13.6% 12.4% 7.7%
Mpumalanga 7.1% 5.5% 7.2% 3.2%
Limpopo 2.6% 2.6% 2.6% 2.3%
 South Africa 14.4%[80] 13.3%[81] 13.5%[82] 10.6%[79]

Afrikaans is an official language of the Republic of South Africa and a recognised national language of the Republic of Namibia. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen a loss of preferential treatment by the government for Afrikaans, in terms of education, social events, media (TV and radio), and general status throughout the country, given that it now shares its place as official language with ten other languages. Nevertheless, Afrikaans remains more prevalent in the media – radio, newspapers and television[83] – than any of the other official languages, except English. More than 300 book titles in Afrikaans are published annually.[84] South African census figures suggest a decreasing number of first language Afrikaans speakers in South Africa from 13.5% in 2011 to 10.6% in 2022.[79] The South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR) projects that a growing majority of Afrikaans speakers will be Coloured.[85] Afrikaans speakers experience higher employment rates than other South African language groups, though as of 2012 half a million were unemployed.[86]

Despite the challenges of demotion and emigration that it faces in South Africa, the Afrikaans vernacular remains competitive, being popular in DSTV pay channels and several internet sites, while generating high newspaper and music CD sales. A resurgence in Afrikaans popular music since the late 1990s has invigorated the language, especially among a younger generation of South Africans. A recent trend is the increased availability of pre-school educational CDs and DVDs. Such media also prove popular with the extensive Afrikaans-speaking emigrant communities who seek to retain language proficiency in a household context.

Afrikaans-language cinema showed signs of new vigour in the early 21st century. The 2007 film Ouma se slim kind, the first full-length Afrikaans movie since Paljas in 1998, is seen as the dawn of a new era in Afrikaans cinema. Several short films have been created and more feature-length movies, such as Poena Is Koning and Bakgat (both in 2008) have been produced, besides the 2011 Afrikaans-language film Skoonheid, which was the first Afrikaans film to screen at the Cannes Film Festival. The film Platteland was also released in 2011.[87] The Afrikaans film industry started gaining international recognition via the likes of big Afrikaans Hollywood film stars, like Charlize Theron (Monster) and Sharlto Copley (District 9) promoting their mother tongue.

SABC 3 announced early in 2009 that it would increase Afrikaans programming due to the "growing Afrikaans-language market and [their] need for working capital as Afrikaans advertising is the only advertising that sells in the current South African television market". In April 2009, SABC3 started screening several Afrikaans-language programmes.[88] There is a groundswell movement within Afrikaans to be inclusive, and to promote itself along with the indigenous official languages. In Namibia, the percentage of Afrikaans speakers declined from 11.4% (2001 Census) to 10.4% (2011 Census). The major concentrations are in Hardap (41.0%), ǁKaras (36.1%), Erongo (20.5%), Khomas (18.5%), Omaheke (10.0%), Otjozondjupa (9.4%), Kunene (4.2%), and Oshikoto (2.3%).[89]

Some native speakers of Bantu languages and English also speak Afrikaans as a second language. It is widely taught in South African schools, with about 10.3 million second-language students.[1]

Afrikaans is offered at many universities outside South Africa, including in the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Poland, Russia and the United States.[90][91]

Grammar

[edit]

In Afrikaans grammar, there is no distinction between the infinitive and present forms of verbs, with the exception of the verbs 'to be' and 'to have'.[92]

infinitive form present indicative form Dutch English
wees is zijn or wezen be
het hebben have

In addition, verbs do not conjugate differently depending on the subject. For example,

Afrikaans Dutch English
ek is ik ben I am
jy/u is jij/u bent you are (sing.)
hy/sy/dit is hij/zij/het is he/she/it is
ons is wij zijn we are
julle is jullie zijn you are (plur.)
hulle is zij zijn they are

Only a handful of Afrikaans verbs have a preterite, namely the auxiliary wees ('to be'), the modal verbs, and the verb dink ('to think').[93] The preterite of mag ('may') is rare in contemporary Afrikaans.

Afrikaans Dutch English
present past present past present past
ek is ek was ik ben ik was I am I was
ek kan ek kon ik kan ik kon I can I could
ek moet ek moes ik moet ik moest I must (I had to)
ek wil ek wou ik wil ik wilde/wou I want to I wanted to
ek sal ek sou ik zal ik zou I shall I should
ek mag (ek mog) ik mag ik mocht I may I might
ek dink ek dog ik denk ik dacht I think I thought

All other verbs use the perfect tense, het + past participle (ge-), for the past. Therefore, there is no distinction in Afrikaans between I drank and I have drunk. (In colloquial German, the past tense is also often replaced with the perfect.)

Afrikaans Dutch English
ek het gedrink ik dronk I drank
ik heb gedronken I have drunk

When telling a longer story, Afrikaans speakers usually avoid the perfect and simply use the present tense, or historical present tense instead (as is possible, but less common, in English as well).

A particular feature of Afrikaans is its use of the double negative; it is classified in Afrikaans as ontkennende vorm and is something that is absent from the other West Germanic standard languages. For example:

Afrikaans: Hy kan nie Afrikaans praat nie, lit.'He can not Afrikaans speak not'
Dutch: Hij spreekt geen Afrikaans.
English: He can not speak Afrikaans. / He can't speak Afrikaans.

Both French and San origins have been suggested for double negation in Afrikaans. While double negation is still found in Low Franconian dialects in West Flanders and in some "isolated" villages in the centre of the Netherlands (such as Garderen), it takes a different form, which is not found in Afrikaans. The following is an example:

Afrikaans: Ek wil nie dit doen nie.* (lit. I want not this do not.)
Dutch: Ik wil dit niet doen.
English: I do not want to do this.

* Compare with Ek wil dit nie doen nie, which changes the meaning to 'I want not to do this'. Whereas Ek wil nie dit doen nie emphasizes a lack of desire to act, Ek wil dit nie doen nie emphasizes the act itself.

The -ne was the Middle Dutch way to negate but it has been suggested that since -ne became highly non-voiced, nie or niet was needed to complement the -ne. With time the -ne disappeared in most Dutch dialects.

The double negative construction has been fully grammaticalised in standard Afrikaans and its proper use follows a set of fairly complex rules as the examples below show:

Afrikaans Dutch (literally translated) More correct Dutch Literal English Idiomatic English
Ek het (nie) geweet dat hy (nie) sou kom (nie). Ik heb (niet) geweten dat hij (niet) zou komen. Ik wist (niet) dat hij (niet) zou komen. I did (not) know that he would (not) come. I did (not) know that he was (not) going to come.
Hy sal nie kom nie, want hy is siek.[n 5] Hij zal niet komen, want hij is ziek. Hij komt niet, want hij is ziek. He will not come, as he is sick. He is sick and is not going to come.
Dis (Dit is) nie so moeilik om Afrikaans te leer nie. Het is niet zo moeilijk (om) Afrikaans te leren. It is not so difficult to learn Afrikaans.

A notable exception to this is the use of the negating grammar form that coincides with negating the English present participle. In this case there is only a single negation.

Afrikaans: Hy is in die hospitaal, maar hy eet nie.
Dutch: Hij is in het ziekenhuis, maar hij eet niet.
English: He is in [the] hospital, though he doesn't eat.

Certain words in Afrikaans would be contracted. For example, moet nie, which literally means 'must not', usually becomes moenie; although one does not have to write or say it like this, virtually all Afrikaans speakers will change the two words to moenie in the same way as do not is contracted to don't in English.

The Dutch word het ('it' in English) does not correspond to het in Afrikaans. The Dutch words corresponding to Afrikaans het are heb, hebt, heeft and hebben.

Afrikaans Dutch English
het heb, hebt, heeft, hebben have, has
die de, het the
dit het it

Phonology

[edit]
A voice recording of Die Stem van Suid-Afrika ('The Voice of South Africa'), the former national anthem, read in poetic form

Vowels

[edit]
Monophthong phonemes[94][95]
Front Central Back
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded
short long short long short long short long short long
Close i () y u ()
Mid e ə (əː) œ (œː) o ()
Near-open (æ) (æː)
Open a ɑː
  • As phonemes, /iː/ and /uː/ occur only in the words spieël /spiːl/ 'mirror' and koeël /kuːl/ 'bullet', which used to be pronounced with sequences /i.ə/ and /u.ə/, respectively. In other cases, [] and [] occur as allophones of, respectively, /i/ and /u/ before /r/.[96]
  • /y/ is phonetically long [] before /r/.[97]
  • /əː/ is always stressed and occurs only in the word wîe 'wedges'.[98]
  • The closest unrounded counterparts of /œ, œː/ are central /ə, əː/, rather than front /e, eː/.[99]
  • /œː, oː/ occur only in a few words.[100]
  • [æ] occurs as an allophone of /e/ before /k, χ, l, r/, though this occurs primarily dialectally, most commonly in the former Transvaal and Free State provinces.[101]

Diphthongs

[edit]
Diphthong phonemes[102][103]
Starting point Ending point
Front Central Back
Mid unrounded ɪø, əɪ ɪə
rounded œɪ, ɔɪ ʊə œʊ
Open unrounded aɪ, ɑːɪ
  • /ɔi, ai/ occur mainly in loanwords.[104]

Consonants

[edit]
Consonant phonemes
Labial Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Dorsal Glottal
Nasal m n ŋ
Plosive voiceless p t t͡ʃ k
voiced b d (d͡ʒ) (ɡ)
Fricative voiceless f s ʃ (ɹ̠̊˔) χ
voiced v (z) ʒ ɦ
Approximant l j
Rhotic r ~ ɾ ~ ʀ ~ ʁ
  • All obstruents at the ends of words are devoiced, so that e.g. a final /d/ is realized as [t].[105]
  • /ɡ, dʒ, z/ occur only in loanwords. [ɡ] is also an allophone of /χ/ in some environments.[106]
  • /χ/ is most often uvular [χ ~ ʀ̥].[107][108][109] Velar [x] occurs only in some speakers.[108]
  • The rhotic is usually an alveolar trill [r] or tap [ɾ].[110] In some parts of the former Cape Province, it is realized uvularly, either as a trill [ʀ] or a fricative [ʁ].[111]

Dialects

[edit]
A warning sign in Afrikaans: Gevaar Slagysters or "Danger, Traps".

Following early dialectal studies of Afrikaans, it was theorised that three main historical dialects probably existed after the Great Trek in the 1830s. These dialects are the Northern Cape, Western Cape, and Eastern Cape dialects.[n 6] Northern Cape dialect may have resulted from contact between Dutch settlers and the Khoekhoe people between the Great Karoo and the Kunene, and Eastern Cape dialect between the Dutch and the Xhosa. Remnants of these dialects still remain in present-day Afrikaans, although the standardising effect of Standard Afrikaans has contributed to a great levelling of differences in modern times.[112][better source needed] Oranjerivier-Afrikaans (Orange River Afrikaans) is a major variety, including the Oranjerivier Afrikaans spoken by whites and Griqua Afrikaans spoken by Griqua as well as Namakwalands. There is also a prison cant, known as Sabela, which is based on Afrikaans, yet heavily influenced by Zulu. This language is used as a secret language in prison and is taught to initiates.[112]

Patagonian Afrikaans

[edit]

Patagonian Afrikaans is a distinct dialect of Afrikaans is spoken by the 650-member South African community of Argentina, in the region of Patagonia.[113]

Namibian Afrikaans

[edit]

Namibian Afrikaans is a variety of Afrikaans spoken in Namibia. The country was governed by South Africa until 1990, which had favoured Afrikaans. Before that, Dutch had been introduced when the Dutch occupied Walvis Bay and the surrounding area.[114]

Influences on Afrikaans from other languages

[edit]

Malay

[edit]

Due to the early settlement of a Cape Malay community in Cape Town, who are now known as Coloureds, numerous Classical Malay words were brought into Afrikaans. Some of these words entered Dutch via people arriving from what is now known as Indonesia as part of their colonial heritage. Malay words in Afrikaans include:[115]

  • baie, which means 'very'/'much'/'many' (from banyak) is a very commonly used Afrikaans word, different from its Dutch equivalent veel or erg.
  • baadjie, Afrikaans for jacket (from baju, ultimately from Persian), used where Dutch would use jas or vest. The word baadje in Dutch is now considered archaic and only used in written, literary texts.
  • bobotie, a traditional Cape-Malay dish, made from spiced minced meat baked with an egg-based topping.
  • piesang, which means banana. This is different from the common Dutch word banaan. The Indonesian word pisang is also used in Dutch, though usage is less common.
  • piering, which means saucer (from piring, also from Persian).
  • sosatie, a dish similar to shish kebab.

Portuguese

[edit]

Some words originally came from Portuguese such as sambreel ('umbrella') from the Portuguese sombreiro, kraal ('pen/cattle enclosure') from the Portuguese curral and mielie ('corn', from milho). Some of these words also exist in Dutch, like sambreel 'parasol',[116] though usage is less common and meanings can slightly differ.

Khoisan languages

[edit]

Some of these words also exist in Dutch, though with a more specific meaning: assegaai for example means 'South-African tribal javelin'[118] and karos means 'South-African tribal blanket of animal hides'.[119]

Bantu languages

[edit]

Loanwords from Bantu languages in Afrikaans include the names of indigenous birds, such as mahem and sakaboela, and indigenous plants, such as maroela and tamboekie(gras).[120]

French

[edit]

The revoking of the Edict of Nantes on 22 October 1685 was a milestone in the history of South Africa, for it marked the beginning of the great Huguenot exodus from France. It is estimated that between 250,000 and 300,000 Protestants left France between 1685 and 1700; out of these, according to Louvois, 100,000 had received military training. A measure of the calibre of these immigrants and of their acceptance by host countries (in particular South Africa) is given by H. V. Morton in his book: In Search of South Africa (London, 1948). The Huguenots were responsible for a great linguistic contribution to Afrikaans, particularly in terms of military terminology as many of them fought on the battlefields during the wars of the Great Trek.

Most of the words in this list are descendants from Dutch borrowings from French, Old French or Latin, and are not direct influences from French on Afrikaans.

Afrikaans Dutch French English
advies advies avis advice
alarm alarm alarme alarm
ammunisie ammunitie, munitie munition ammunition
amusant amusant amusant funny
artillerie artillerie artillerie artillery
ateljee atelier atelier studio
bagasie bagage bagage luggage
bastion bastion bastion bastion
bataljon bataljon bataillon battalion
battery batterij batterie battery
biblioteek bibliotheek bibliothèque library
faktuur factuur facture invoice
fort fort fort fort
frikkadel frikandel fricadelle meatball
garnisoen garnizoen garnison garrison
generaal generaal général general
granaat granaat grenade grenade
infanterie infanterie infanterie infantry
interessant interessant intéressant interesting
kaliber kaliber calibre calibre
kanon kanon canon cannon
kanonnier kanonnier canonier gunner
kardoes kardoes, cartouche cartouche cartridge
kaptein kapitein capitaine captain
kolonel kolonel colonel colonel
kommandeur commandeur commandeur commander
kwartier kwartier quartier quarter
lieutenant lieutenant lieutenant lieutenant
magasyn magazijn magasin magazine
manier manier manière way
marsjeer marcheer, marcheren marcher (to) march
meubels meubels meubles furniture
militêr militair militaire militarily
morsel morzel morceau piece
mortier mortier mortier mortar
muit muit, muiten mutiner (to) mutiny
musket musket mousquet musket
muur muur mur wall
myn mijn mine mine
offisier officier officier officer
orde orde ordre order
papier papier papier paper
pionier pionier pionnier pioneer
plafon plafond plafond ceiling
plat plat plat flat
pont pont pont ferry
provoos provoost prévôt chief
rondte rondte, ronde ronde round
salvo salvo salve salvo
soldaat soldaat soldat soldier
tante tante tante aunt
tapyt tapijt tapis carpet
tros tros trousse bunch

Orthography

[edit]

The Afrikaans writing system is based on Dutch, using the 26 letters of the ISO basic Latin alphabet, plus 16 additional vowels with diacritics. The hyphen (e.g. in a compound like see-eend 'sea duck'), apostrophe (e.g. ma's 'mothers'), and a whitespace character (e.g. in multi-word units like Dooie See 'Dead Sea') is part of the orthography of words, while the indefinite article ʼn is a ligature. All the alphabet letters, including those with diacritics, have capital letters as allographs; the ʼn does not have a capital letter allograph. This means that Afrikaans has 88 graphemes with allographs in total.

Majuscule forms (also called uppercase or capital letters)
A Á Ä B C D E É È Ê Ë F G H I Í Î Ï J K L M N O Ó Ô Ö P Q R S T U Ú Û Ü V W X Y Ý Z
Minuscule forms (also called lowercase or small letters)
a á ä b c d e é è ê ë f g h i í î ï j k l m n ʼn o ó ô ö p q r s t u ú û ü v w x y ý z

In Afrikaans, many consonants are dropped from the earlier Dutch spelling. For example, slechts ('only') in Dutch becomes slegs in Afrikaans. Also, Afrikaans and some Dutch dialects make no distinction between /s/ and /z/, having merged the latter into the former; while the word for "south" is written zuid in Dutch, it is spelled suid in Afrikaans (as well as dialectal Dutch writings) to represent this merger. Similarly, the Dutch digraph ij, normally pronounced as /ɛi/, corresponds to Afrikaans y, except where it replaces the Dutch suffix –lijk which is pronounced as /lək/, as in waarschijnlijk > waarskynlik.

Another difference is the indefinite article, 'n in Afrikaans and een in Dutch. "A book" is 'n boek in Afrikaans, whereas it is either een boek or 'n boek in Dutch. This 'n is usually pronounced as just a weak vowel, [ə], just like English "a".

The diminutive suffix in Afrikaans is -tjie, -djie or -ie, whereas in Dutch it is -tje or dje, hence a "bit" is ʼn bietjie in Afrikaans and beetje in Dutch.

The letters c, q, x, and z occur almost exclusively in borrowings from French, English, Greek and Latin. This is usually because words that had c and ch in the original Dutch are spelled with k and g, respectively, in Afrikaans. Similarly original qu and x are most often spelt kw and ks, respectively. For example, ekwatoriaal instead of equatoriaal, and ekskuus instead of excuus.

The vowels with diacritics in non-loanword Afrikaans are: á, ä, é, è, ê, ë, í, î, ï, ó, ô, ö, ú, û, ü, ý. Diacritics are ignored when alphabetising, though they are still important, even when typing the diacritic forms may be difficult. For example, geëet ("ate") instead of the 3 e's alongside each other: *geeet, which can never occur in Afrikaans, or , which translates to "say", whereas se is a possessive form. The acute's (á, é, í, ó, ú, ý) primary function is to place emphasis on a word (i.e. for emphatic reasons), by adding it to the emphasised syllable of the word. For example, sál ("will" (verb)), néé ('no'), móét ("must"), ("he"), gewéét ("knew"). The acute is only placed on the i if it is the only vowel in the emphasised word: wil ('want' (verb)) becomes wíl, but lui ('lazy') becomes lúi. Only a few non-loan words are spelled with acutes, e.g. dié ('this'), ('after'), óf ... óf ('either ... or'), nóg ... nóg ('neither ... nor'), etc. Only four non-loan words are spelled with the grave: ('yes?', 'right?', 'eh?'), ('here, take this!' or '[this is] yours!'), ('huh?', 'what?', 'eh?'), and appèl ('(formal) appeal' (noun)).

Initial apostrophes

[edit]

A few short words in Afrikaans take initial apostrophes. In modern Afrikaans, these words are always written in lower case (except if the entire line is uppercase), and if they occur at the beginning of a sentence, the next word is capitalised. Three examples of such apostrophed words are 'k, 't, 'n. The last (the indefinite article) is the only apostrophed word that is common in modern written Afrikaans, since the other examples are shortened versions of other words (ek and het, respectively) and are rarely found outside of a poetic context.[127]

Here are a few examples:

Apostrophed version Usual version Translation Notes
'k 't Dit gesê Ek het dit gesê I said it Uncommon, more common: Ek't dit gesê
't Jy dit geëet? Het jy dit geëet? Did you eat it? Extremely uncommon
'n Man loop daar A man walks there Standard Afrikaans pronounces 'n as a schwa vowel.

The apostrophe and the following letter are regarded as two separate characters, and are never written using a single glyph, although a single character variant of the indefinite article appears in Unicode, ʼn.

Table of characters

[edit]

For more on the pronunciation of the letters below, see Help:IPA/Afrikaans.

Afrikaans letters and pronunciation
Grapheme IPA Examples and Notes
a /a/, /ɑː/ appel ('apple'; /a/), tale ('languages'; /ɑː/). Represents /a/ in closed syllables and /ɑː/ in stressed open syllables
á /a/, /ɑː/ (after)
ä /a/, /ɑː/ sebraägtig ('zebra-like'). The diaeresis indicates the start of new syllable.
aa /ɑː/ aap ('monkey', 'ape'). Only occurs in closed syllables.
aai /ɑːi/ draai ('turn')
ae /ɑːə/ vrae ('questions'); the vowels belong to two separate syllables
ai /ai/ baie ('many', 'much' or 'very'), ai (expression of frustration or resignation)
b /b/, /p/ boom ('tree')
c /s/, /k/ Found only in borrowed words or proper nouns; the former pronunciation occurs before 'e', 'i', or 'y'; featured in the Latinate plural ending -ici (singular form -ikus)
ch /ʃ/, /x/, /k/ chirurg ('surgeon'; /ʃ/; typically sj is used instead), chemie ('chemistry'; /x/), chitien ('chitin'; /k/). Found only in recent loanwords and in proper nouns
d /d/, /t/ dag ('day'), deel ('part', 'divide', 'share')
dj /d͡ʒ/, /k/ djati ('teak'), broodjie ('sandwich'). Used to transcribe foreign words for the former pronunciation, and in the diminutive suffix -djie for the latter in words ending with d
e /e(ː)/, /æ(ː)/, /ɪə/, /ɪ/, /ə/ bed (/e/), mens ('person', /eː/) (lengthened before /n/) ete ('meal', /ɪə/ and /ə/ respectively), ek ('I', /æ/), berg ('mountain', /æː/) (lengthened before /r/). /ɪ/ is the unstressed allophone of /ɪə/
é /e(ː)/, /æ(ː)/, /ɪə/ dié ('this'), mét ('with', emphasised), ék ('I; me', emphasised), wéét ('know', emphasised)
è /e/ Found in loanwords (like crèche) and proper nouns (like Eugène) where the spelling was maintained, and in four non-loanwords: ('yes?', 'right?', 'eh?'), ('here, take this!' or '[this is] yours!'), ('huh?', 'what?', 'eh?'), and appèl ('(formal) appeal' (noun)).
ê /eː/, /æː/ ('to say'), wêreld ('world'), lêer ('file') (Allophonically /æː/ before /(ə)r/)
ë Diaeresis indicates the start of new syllable, thus ë, ëe and ëi are pronounced like 'e', 'ee' and 'ei', respectively
ee /ɪə/ weet ('to know'), een ('one')
eeu /ɪu/ leeu ('lion'), eeu ('century', 'age')
ei /ei/ lei ('to lead')
eu /ɪɵ/ seun ('son' or 'lad')
f /f/ fiets ('bicycle')
g /x/, /ɡ/ /ɡ/ exists as the allophone of /x/ if at the end of a root word preceded by a stressed single vowel + /r/ and suffixed with a schwa, e.g. berg ('mountain') is pronounced as /bæːrx/, and berge is pronounced as /bæːrɡə/
gh /ɡ/ gholf ('golf'). Used for /ɡ/ when it is not an allophone of /x/; found only in borrowed words. If the h instead begins the next syllable, the two letters are pronounced separately.
h /ɦ/ hael ('hail'), hond ('dog')
i /i/, /ə/ kind ('child'; /ə/), ink ('ink'; /ə/), krisis ('crisis'; /i/ and /ə/ respectively), elektrisiteit ('electricity'; /i/ for all three; third 'i' is part of diphthong 'ei')
í /i/, /ə/ krísis ('crisis', emphasised), dít ('that', emphasised)
î /əː/ wîe (plural of wig; 'wedges' or 'quoins')
ï /i/, /ə/ Found in words such as beïnvloed ('to influence'). The diaeresis indicates the start of new syllable.
ie /i(ː)/ iets ('something'), vier ('four')
j /j/ julle (plural 'you')
k /k/ kat ('cat'), kan ('can' (verb) or 'jug')
l /l/ lag ('laugh')
m /m/ man ('man')
n /n/ nael ('nail')
ʼn /ə/ indefinite article ʼn ('a'), styled as a ligature (Unicode character U+0149)
ng /ŋ/ sing ('to sing')
o /o/, /ʊə/, /ʊ/ op ('up(on)'; /o/), grote ('size'; /ʊə/), polisie ('police'; /ʊ/)
ó /o/, /ʊə/ óp ('done, finished', emphasised), gróót ('huge', emphasised)
ô /oː/ môre ('tomorrow')
ö /o/, /ʊə/ Found in words such as koöperasie ('co-operation'). The diaeresis indicates the start of new syllable, thus ö is pronounced the same as 'o' based on the following remainder of the word.
oe /u(ː)/ boek ('book'), koers ('course', 'direction')
oei /ui/ koei ('cow')
oo /ʊə/ oom ('uncle' or 'sir')
ooi /oːi/ mooi ('pretty', 'beautiful'), nooi ('invite')
ou /ɵu/ die ou ('the guy'), die ou skoen ('the old shoe'). Sometimes spelled ouw in loanwords and surnames, for example Louw.
p /p/ pot ('pot'), pers ('purple' — or 'press' indicating the news media; the latter is often spelled with an <ê>)
q /k/ Found only in foreign words with original spelling maintained; typically k is used instead
r /r/ rooi ('red')
s /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/ ses ('six'), stem ('voice' or 'vote'), posisie ('position', /z/ for first 's', /s/ for second 's'), rasioneel ('rational', /ʃ/ (nonstandard; formally /s/ is used instead) visuëel ('visual', /ʒ/ (nonstandard; /z/ is more formal)
sj /ʃ/ sjaal ('shawl'), sjokolade ('chocolate')
t /t/ tafel ('table')
tj /tʃ/, /k/ tjank ('whine like a dog' or 'to cry incessantly'). The latter pronunciation occurs in the common diminutive suffix "-(e)tjie"
u /ɵ/, /y(ː)/ stuk ('piece'), unie ('union')
ú /œ/, /y(ː)/ búk ('bend over', emphasised), ú ('you', formal, emphasised)
û /ɵː/ brûe ('bridges')
ü Found in words such as reünie ('reunion'). The diaeresis indicates the start of a new syllable, thus ü is pronounced the same as u, except when found in proper nouns and surnames from German, like Müller.
ui /ɵi/ uit ('out')
uu /y(ː)/ uur ('hour')
v /f/, /v/ vis ('fish'), visuëel ('visual')
w /v/, /w/ water ('water'; /v/); allophonically /w/ after obstruents within a root; an example: kwas ('brush'; /w/)
x /z/, /ks/ xifoïed ('xiphoid'; /z/), x-straal ('x-ray'; /ks/).
y /əi/ byt ('bite')
ý /əi/ ('he', emphasised)
z /z/ Zoeloe ('Zulu'). Found only in onomatopoeia and loanwords

Sample text

[edit]
Afrikaans pronunciation

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

Alle menslike wesens word vry, met gelyke waardigheid en regte, gebore. Hulle het rede en gewete en behoort in die gees van broederskap teenoor mekaar op te tree.

Psalm 23 1953 translation:[128]

Die Here is my Herder, niks sal my ontbreek nie.
Hy laat my neerlê in groen weivelde; na waters waar rus is, lei Hy my heen.
Hy verkwik my siel; Hy lei my in die spore van geregtigheid, om sy Naam ontwil.
Al gaan ek ook in 'n dal van doodskaduwee, ek sal geen onheil vrees nie; want U is met my: u stok en u staf die vertroos my.

Psalm 23 1983 translation:[128]

Die Here is my Herder, ek kom niks kort nie.
Hy laat my rus in groen weivelde. Hy bring my by waters waar daar vrede is.
Hy gee my nuwe krag. Hy lei my op die regte paaie tot eer van Sy naam.
Selfs al gaan ek deur donker dieptes, sal ek nie bang wees nie, want U is by my. In U hande is ek veilig.

Lord's Prayer (Afrikaans New Living Version translation):[129]

Ons Vader in die hemel, laat u Naam geheilig word.
Laat u koninkryk kom.
Laat u wil hier op aarde uitgevoer word soos in die hemel.
Gee ons die porsie brood wat ons vir vandag nodig het.
En vergeef ons ons sondeskuld soos ons ook óns skuldenaars vergewe het.
Bewaar ons sodat ons nie aan verleiding sal toegee nie; maar bevry ons van die greep van die bose.
Want aan U behoort die koningskap,
en die krag,
en die heerlikheid,
vir altyd.
Amen.

Lord's Prayer (Original translation):[citation needed]

Onse Vader wat in die hemel is,
laat U Naam geheilig word;
laat U koninkryk kom;
laat U wil geskied op die aarde,
net soos in die hemel.
Gee ons vandag ons daaglikse brood;
en vergeef ons ons skulde
soos ons ons skuldenaars vergewe
en laat ons nie in die versoeking nie
maar verlos ons van die bose
Want aan U behoort die koninkryk
en die krag
en die heerlikheid
tot in ewigheid.
Amen

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Afrikaans is a West Germanic language originating from varieties of 17th-century Dutch dialects spoken by European settlers at the Cape of Good Hope from 1652 onward, evolving through contact with indigenous Khoekhoen languages and those of enslaved individuals from Southeast Asia, Madagascar, and West Africa. This development resulted in a simplified grammar—lacking noun cases, grammatical gender, and complex verb conjugations found in Dutch—while retaining approximately 90 to 95 percent of its core vocabulary from Dutch sources, supplemented by loanwords from Malay, Portuguese, Khoisan, and Bantu languages. Spoken natively by about 7.2 million people primarily in South Africa and Namibia, it serves as a first language for many Afrikaners and Coloured communities. One of South Africa's eleven official languages since the 1996 constitution, alongside its widespread use as a lingua franca in Namibia, Afrikaans gained formal recognition and standardization in 1925 amid efforts to assert cultural identity separate from British colonial influence. Its literary tradition emerged in the 19th century, with the first complete Bible translation appearing in 1933, marking key milestones in its establishment as a distinct medium for education, religion, and media. Despite historical associations with Afrikaner nationalism and apartheid-era policies, empirical linguistic analysis underscores its organic emergence from colonial multilingualism rather than deliberate ideological construction.

History and Origins

Etymology and Classification

The term Afrikaans derives from the Dutch adjective Afrikaansch (modern Dutch Afrikaans), meaning "African", reflecting the language's emergence and distinct evolution on the African continent among Dutch-speaking settlers. The name first appeared in print in 1892 to designate the Germanic variety spoken in South Africa, distinguishing it from European Dutch as a localized form adapted to colonial contexts. Its adoption gained momentum in the mid-19th century, with educator Arnoldus Pannevis proposing the term around 1866 to highlight phonological and lexical divergences from standard Dutch observed in Cape speech patterns. Linguistically, Afrikaans belongs to the Indo-European language family, specifically the West Germanic branch, and is categorized within the Low Franconian subgroup alongside Dutch. It originated as a continuum of 17th- and 18th-century Dutch dialects transported to the Cape Colony by settlers from the Netherlands, evolving through internal simplification—such as loss of grammatical gender and verb conjugations—and minor substrate influences from Khoisan and Malay languages, without forming a full creole structure. This places it in a dialect continuum with Dutch, where mutual intelligibility remains high (estimated at 90-95% for written forms), though political and cultural factors post-1925 standardization elevated it to separate language status. Claims of semi-creolization arise from areal contact effects but are contested, as core vocabulary (over 90%) and syntax trace directly to Dutch without pidginization evidence.

Early Development from Dutch

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) established a refreshment station at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, led by Jan van Riebeeck, bringing approximately 90 Dutch settlers who spoke varieties of 17th-century Dutch from the Netherlands and Flanders. This initial Cape Dutch represented standard European Dutch dialects of the era, characterized by complex inflectional morphology, including noun cases, verb conjugations, and gendered articles. The settlers' language served primarily as a vehicular tongue in a multicultural setting involving European free burghers, Khoisan indigenous groups, and enslaved people from Southeast Asia (e.g., Malay, Javanese) and Madagascar, imported starting in the late 17th century. From the late 17th century onward, Cape Dutch began diverging from metropolitan Dutch through processes of internal simplification and substrate influence, driven by intergenerational transmission among non-native speakers and geographical isolation from the Netherlands. Grammatical features eroded, such as the loss of most verb tenses (replaced by periphrastic constructions with auxiliaries like het for perfective aspect) and the reduction of adjective declensions, yielding a more isolating structure akin to analytic languages. Vocabulary retained a core of about 90-95% Dutch-origin words, but phonological adaptations emerged, including vowel shifts (e.g., Dutch huis to Afrikaans huis with fronted vowels) and consonant simplifications influenced by Khoekhoe clicks and Malay prosody. This evolution accelerated in the 18th century as inland Trekboer communities—descendants of settlers migrating eastward—further insulated the variety from Dutch literary norms, fostering a colloquial "kombuistaal" (kitchen language) used by diverse social strata. Early written evidence of this emerging variety appears sporadically in non-standard orthography, reflecting spoken forms rather than codified Dutch. Court transcripts from the Cape archives in the 1760s-1780s capture pidginized Dutch utterances from enslaved witnesses, while the first extended prose text is a 1795 letter by an enslaved man named Cupido Cockos, written in a phonetic script approximating Cape Dutch phonology. These attestations, often dismissed by Dutch-speaking elites as corrupted vernacular, underscore the language's organic divergence by the late 18th century, predating formal recognition. By 1800, linguistic surveys noted mutual intelligibility with Dutch waning among younger generations, marking the transition from dialect to proto-Afrikaans.

Standardization and Official Recognition

The standardization of Afrikaans accelerated in the late 19th century through organized efforts to elevate it from a spoken vernacular to a codified language suitable for formal use. On 14 August 1875, the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners was established in Paarl by Afrikaans-speaking intellectuals, including S.J. du Toit, with the explicit goal of promoting Afrikaans in writing, education, parliament, civil service, and society, marking the beginning of deliberate standardization initiatives. Building on these foundations, the Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns was founded in 1909 as a multidisciplinary body dedicated to advancing science, technology, arts, and literature in Afrikaans, including the purification, standardization, and quality improvement of the language through publications such as spelling rules (Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreels) and dictionaries. In 1914, following advocacy by figures like C.J. Langenhoven, Afrikaans was adopted for use in primary schools up to standard IV in three provinces of the Union of South Africa, though rejected in Natal. Further institutional adoption occurred in 1919 when the Dutch Reformed Church switched to Afrikaans, accompanied by the completion of a Bible translation from Dutch into Afrikaans, which facilitated religious and literary development. The first full Bible translation in Afrikaans followed in 1933, solidifying its orthographic and lexical norms. Official recognition culminated in the Official Languages of the Union Act No. 8 of 1925, enacted on 8 May 1925 at a joint session of the House of Assembly and Senate, which declared Afrikaans an official language with equal status to English, effectively replacing Dutch—previously official since the Union's formation in 1910—and retroactively affirming Afrikaans's standing from that date. This legislative step formalized Afrikaans as a distinct language rather than a dialect of Dutch, enabling its use in government, courts, and education nationwide. Afrikaans retained its official status through the apartheid era and beyond; after the 1994 transition to democracy, the 1996 Constitution of South Africa designated it as one of eleven official languages, ensuring continued legal equality with English and the nine indigenous languages, though practical dominance shifted toward English in public administration. In Namibia, where Afrikaans served as a semi-official lingua franca during South African administration, it lost formal status upon independence in 1990 when English became the sole official language, but it remains widely spoken and used in media and education.

Bible Translation and Literary Development

The initial efforts to translate the Bible into Afrikaans emerged in the late 19th century amid the push for linguistic recognition among Dutch-speaking settlers in South Africa. In 1872, Dutch-born scholar Arnoldus Pannevis initiated translations of select biblical passages to demonstrate Afrikaans's viability as a written medium distinct from Dutch. These early attempts laid groundwork but faced resistance from purists favoring High Dutch for religious texts. By 1893, S.J. du Toit, a key figure in the First Afrikaans Language Movement, published the first full book-length translation, Genesis, marking a milestone in rendering scripture accessible to Afrikaans speakers without ecclesiastical mediation. The culmination of these endeavors arrived with the first complete Afrikaans Bible in 1933, produced under the auspices of the South African Bible Society by a committee of scholars and clergy including J.D. du Toit (son of S.J. du Toit), E.E. van Rooyen, J.D. Kestell, H.C.M. Fourie, and B.B. Keet. This version, drawn primarily from the Dutch Statenvertaling and original Hebrew and Greek texts, standardized orthography, grammar, and vocabulary, resolving debates over Afrikaans's suitability for formal religious expression. Subsequent revisions in 1953, 1983, and 2020 refined the text for contemporary usage while preserving its formal tone, with the 1933 edition exerting lasting influence on Afrikaans religious discourse and national identity formation. The translation's completion coincided with Afrikaans's 1925 elevation to official status alongside English, reinforcing its role in cultural consolidation. Parallel to biblical translation, Afrikaans literary development accelerated from the 1870s onward, driven by the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners founded in 1875, which prioritized vernacular prose and poetry to counter Dutch cultural dominance. Early works, often polemical, included S.J. du Toit's historical narratives and the society's periodical Die Afrikaanse Patriot (1876), which serialized folk tales and essays fostering a distinct literary voice. By the early 20th century, poets such as Jan F.E. Celliers and C.J. Langenhoven advanced lyrical expression; Langenhoven's advocacy integrated Afrikaans into school curricula from 1914, while his poetry collections emphasized pastoral themes rooted in Boer experiences. Publishing houses established in 1914 and 1915 expanded access, enabling prose innovations like Eugène Marais's psychological novellas in the 1920s. The 1933 Bible's linguistic standardization catalyzed mature literary output, providing a benchmark for elevated diction in novels and drama. Post-World War II, authors like N.P. van Wyk Louw explored existential themes in works such as Die Dieper Reg (1958), blending biblical motifs with modernist introspection. The 1960s Sestigers movement, featuring Breyten Breytenbach and André P. Brink, challenged conventions through experimental forms and social critique, with Brink's Kennis van die Aand (1973) addressing apartheid's moral costs via narrative innovation. This era marked Afrikaans literature's shift from insular nationalism to global engagement, though constrained by political censorship until 1994. By sustaining a corpus exceeding 10,000 titles since 1900, these developments affirmed Afrikaans's resilience as a vehicle for philosophical and historical inquiry.

Linguistic Structure

Grammar

Afrikaans grammar is marked by extensive simplification relative to its Dutch progenitor, featuring minimal inflectional morphology and a reliance on analytic constructions for tense and aspect. Nouns lack grammatical gender and case markings, with the definite article die used uniformly across singular and plural forms, while the indefinite article is 'n (contracted from Dutch een). Pluralization occurs primarily through the addition of -s (e.g., huis "house" to huise "houses," though often simplified to -s without vowel change in spoken forms) or -e for stems ending in certain consonants, reflecting creolization influences that eroded Dutch's complex plural system. Verbs exhibit little person-number agreement, with the present indicative form identical across subjects except for the auxiliaries wees ("to be," e.g., ek is, jy is, hy/hulle is) and ("to have," e.g., ek het, jy het, hy/hulle het). Past tense is formed periphrastically using het plus the past participle (prefixed ge- for regular verbs, e.g., ek het gekyk "I looked"), while future and conditional moods employ sal (e.g., ek sal kyk "I will look"). This analytic structure contrasts with Dutch's synthetic past forms, contributing to Afrikaans's reputation for regularity, though irregular verbs like gaan ("to go") retain stem changes. Negation typically involves double marking with nie framing the verb (e.g., Hy praat nie Afrikaans nie "He does not speak Afrikaans"), a feature reinforced by substrate influences from Khoisan and Malay languages during early development. Adjectives precede nouns without agreement for gender, number, or case, but take the ending -e in attributive position (e.g., groot huis "big house" vs. predicative Die huis is groot "The house is big"). Comparatives use -er and superlatives -ste (e.g., groter, grootste), mirroring Dutch but with fewer exceptions due to phonological leveling. Pronouns distinguish subject (ek, jy, hy/sy/dit, ons, julle, hulle), object (my, jou, hom/haar/dit, ons, julle, hulle), and possessive forms (my, jou, sy, ons, jul, hul), with reflexive self used sparingly. Syntax follows a subject-verb-object order in declarative sentences, adhering to the verb-second (V2) rule in main clauses where the finite verb occupies the second position regardless of the fronted element (e.g., Gister het ek die boek gelees "Yesterday I read the book"). Subordinate clauses place finite verbs at the end (e.g., ...dat ek die boek gelees het "...that I read the book"), preserving Germanic traits while simplifying Dutch's more rigid constraints. Prepositions govern fixed cases analytically, often without overt markers, and questions invert subject-verb order or use of for yes/no queries. These features underscore Afrikaans's evolution toward efficiency, driven by multilingual contact in colonial South Africa rather than prescriptive standardization.

Phonology

Afrikaans consonants include voiceless plosives /p, t, k/, which are unaspirated and may affricate before certain vowels; voiced plosives /b, d/, often realized without prevoicing; nasals /m, n, ŋ/; fricatives /f, v/ (with /v/ varying to approximant [ʋ]); /s/, which palatalizes to [ʃ] before front high vowels; and approximants /j/. The velar fricative /x/ (for orthographic and ) and breathy-voiced /ɦ/ occur, alongside a trill or tap /r/ that may be uvular [ʀ] in some dialects; marginal sounds include /z, ʃ, t͡ʃ, d͡ʒ/ from loans.
BilabialLabiodentalDental/AlveolarPostalveolarPalatalVelarGlottal
Plosivep bt dk (ɡ̊)
Fricativef vs (z)(ʃ ʒ)xɦ
Nasalmnŋ
Approximantl rj
Glidesw
Afrikaans lacks English fricatives like /θ, ð, ʒ/ natively, but includes Dutch-derived /x/ and front rounded vowels influencing articulation. The vowel system comprises eight short monophthongs /i, y, ɛ, œ, ə, ɑ, ɔ, u/ and four long monophthongs /eː, øː, oː, aː/, the latter often realized diphthongally as [iə, yœ, uə, ɑə]. Rising diphthongs include /əi, œy, œu/, with allophonic falling diphthongs like [ɑi] in diminutives or [ʊə] variants; Afrikaans features front rounded vowels /y, ø, œ/ absent in English, and central /ə/ in unstressed positions. Key phonological processes involve /d/-deletion in clusters (e.g., /ˈɑndər/ → [ˈɑnər]), /r/-vocalization or deletion (e.g., /lɛkər/ → [ˈlɛkə]), consonant assimilation for voicing (e.g., /sɛsdə/ → [sɛzdə]), and cluster simplification via epenthesis or deletion, such as /rm/ → /rəm/ or /xt/ → /x/. Word stress falls predominantly on the final syllable in monomorphemic words, shifting to penultimate before /ɑ/, with compounds stressing the first element; unlike fixed-stress languages, it follows morphological patterns rather than strict phonemic cues. Syllable structure permits up to three onset consonants (initial /s/ + voiceless plosive + liquid) and up to three coda consonants word-finally, with no ambisyllabicity for intervocalic consonants.

Orthography

Afrikaans employs the standard 26-letter Latin alphabet (A–Z), without additional diacritical marks beyond the apostrophe for elisions and contractions, such as "'n" representing "een" (one) or "en" (and). The system prioritizes phonetic consistency, where spelling more closely mirrors pronunciation than in Dutch, its primary lexical source; for instance, Dutch "ui" (onion, pronounced /œy/) simplifies to Afrikaans "ui" but with adjusted vowel representation in many cases to reflect shifted sounds. Letters C, Q, X, and Z appear infrequently, primarily in loanwords from languages like English, French, or Latin (e.g., "quiz," "x-straale"), while G consistently denotes the velar fricative /x/ or /ɡ/, and J the palatal approximant /j/. Standardization began with the first Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls (Afrikaans Word List and Spelling Rules) in 1917, compiled under the auspices of the Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns (SAAWK), followed by legislative endorsement via Act 23 of 1921, which granted statutory authority for orthographic norms. Subsequent revisions, including the 2017 edition, maintain principles of simplicity and regularity, adapting to phonological realities like the loss of Dutch's complex diphthongs; long vowels are often doubled (e.g., "maan" for moon) or distinguished by context, while short vowels precede doubled consonants (e.g., "kat" for cat). This phonetic alignment reduces irregularities, such as eliminating Dutch's "ij" digraph in favor of "y" (e.g., Dutch "nacht" remains similar, but "huis" aligns pronunciation directly). Prior to standardization, early 19th-century writings used ad hoc Dutch-based spellings, with some Cape Muslim communities employing Arabic script for Afrikaans until the mid-19th century. The modern rules emphasize etymological transparency where possible but prioritize ease of use, resulting in fewer exceptions than Dutch orthography, which retains historical spellings diverging from speech (e.g., Dutch "acht" vs. Afrikaans "agt," both /axt/ but with streamlined form). Capitalization follows Dutch conventions for nouns until reforms in the 20th century aligned it more with English-like sentence-case usage for common nouns, reserving capitals for proper nouns and sentence starts.

Vocabulary and External Influences

Dutch Core and Internal Evolution

Afrikaans derives its foundational lexicon from 17th-century Dutch, particularly the Hollandic dialects spoken by settlers at the Cape Colony established in 1652. The core vocabulary, encompassing basic nouns, verbs, and function words, remains closely aligned with Dutch equivalents, enabling high mutual intelligibility in written texts between the two languages. Estimates place the proportion of Dutch-derived words at approximately 90 percent of the total lexicon, reflecting minimal lexical replacement through internal processes alone. Grammatical evolution internally simplified Dutch's inflectional system through dialect leveling and generational transmission in settler communities, reducing morphological complexity without external substrate influence. Nouns lost case inflections and grammatical gender, adopting a uniform definite article die for singular and plural alike, unlike Dutch's distinction between common (de) and neuter (het) genders. Adjectives no longer agree in gender, number, or case, appearing in a single form before the definite article (e.g., Dutch goede man vs. Afrikaans goeie man). This streamlining favored analytic constructions using prepositions and fixed subject-verb-object word order, mirroring patterns in Dutch but eliminating redundancy. Verbal morphology underwent analogous reduction; present-tense indicative forms are invariable across persons and numbers, with subject pronouns obligatory to convey distinctions (e.g., Dutch ik spreek, jij spreekt vs. Afrikaans ek praat, jy praat, where praat serves uniformly). Past tenses shifted predominantly to periphrastic forms with het or gehad het, bypassing Dutch's synthetic preterite for most verbs. These changes, evident by the early 18th century in frontier Boer speech, arose from koineization among Dutch varieties, promoting efficiency in oral use among homogeneous speakers. Phonological shifts further marked internal divergence, including the devoicing of intervocalic fricatives—Dutch /ɣ/ to Afrikaans /x/ (e.g., Dutch goed [ɣut] vs. Afrikaans goed [χut])—and vowel mergers like the simplification of Dutch diphthongs into monophthongs in some positions. These developments, traceable to 17th-century Cape Dutch koine formation, standardized a distinct sound system by the 19th century, enhancing phonetic regularity while retaining Dutch segmental inventory.

Non-European Language Contributions

Afrikaans vocabulary derives primarily from Dutch, comprising an estimated 90 to 95% of its lexicon, with non-European contributions stemming from historical interactions with enslaved populations from Southeast Asia and indigenous African groups at the Cape Colony beginning in the late 17th century. These influences entered via the Dutch East India Company's importation of slaves from the East Indies (predominantly Malay speakers) starting around 1658, as well as contact with Khoisan-speaking peoples and, to a lesser extent, Bantu-language speakers during inland expansion. Such loanwords number in the hundreds but represent a minor fraction overall, often adapted phonologically to fit Afrikaans patterns, and primarily pertain to local flora, fauna, cuisine, and expressions of pain or exclamation. Malay, as an Austronesian language spoken by slaves from regions like Java and Sumatra, contributed significantly to everyday terms, reflecting the creolized variety of Dutch spoken among non-Europeans at the Cape. Examples include piesang (banana, from Malay pisang), sosatie (skewered meat dish, from sate), baai (bay, from pantai via phonetic shift), and kerrie (curry, from kari). These borrowings, documented in early Cape records from the 1680s onward, highlight culinary and maritime adaptations but did not substantially alter core grammar or syntax. Khoisan languages, particularly those of the Khoekhoe (Nama) people who interacted with Dutch settlers from the 1650s, provided a substratum influence evident in onomatopoeic and environmental terms, though phonological features like clicks were not retained in standard Afrikaans. Borrowings include eina (an exclamation of pain, akin to Khoekhoe interjections), gogga (insect or bug, from Khoekhoe xo-xo for creepy-crawly sounds), kwagga (extinct zebra species, from Khoekhoe quaqua), and aitsa (possibly an exclamation or term for hurry, derived from Nama). These entered via the Cape's pastoralist economy and substrate effects on pronunciation, such as simplified verb forms, but their impact remains lexically limited to under 100 words. Bantu languages exerted later, adstratum influences during the 18th and 19th centuries as Boers migrated inland, encountering Nguni and Sotho-Tswana groups, yielding fewer but regionally prominent terms related to agriculture and wildlife. Notable examples are mielie (maize or corn, from Bantu miezi or similar proto-forms), indaba (meeting or conference, directly from Zulu indaba), kudu (antelope species, from Xhosa i-kudu), and maroela (marula tree or fruit, from Sotho morula). Additional terms like impi (warrior regiment, from Zulu) and tjaila (possibly a variant of job or work, from Zulu) appear in dialects but are not core to standard usage, reflecting sporadic borrowing rather than deep integration.

Dialects and Varieties

Standard Afrikaans

Standard Afrikaans, or Standaardafrikaans, constitutes the codified normative variety of the Afrikaans language utilized in formal education, official documentation, literature, and media. This form emerged through deliberate standardization efforts in the early 20th century to establish linguistic autonomy from Dutch, drawing primarily from the Cape dialect while homogenizing features for uniformity. The Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns, founded in 1909, has overseen standardization since 1915 via its Taalkommissie (Language Commission), which regulates orthography, grammar, and vocabulary to maintain a consistent written standard. Key legislative recognition occurred on May 8, 1925, when the Official Languages of the Union Act No. 8 declared Afrikaans an official language of South Africa alongside English, supplanting Dutch. The 1933 complete Bible translation further entrenched its literary norms, providing a foundational text for standardized usage. In contrast to regional dialects—such as Orange River Afrikaans or Eastern Border Afrikaans—Standard Afrikaans enforces stricter grammatical conventions, selected vocabulary, and pronunciation norms derived from prescriptive references like dictionaries and style guides. Dialects exhibit greater variation in phonetics (e.g., vowel shifts or intonation), lexicon influenced by local substrates, and occasional grammatical divergences, but the standard promotes convergence in high-register domains. The Taalkommissie periodically revises rules, as in orthographic updates, to adapt to usage while preserving the language's core structure against excessive divergence.

South African Dialects

Afrikaans in South Africa exhibits regional variation primarily divided into three historical dialect clusters: Cape Afrikaans (Kaapse Afrikaans), Orange River Afrikaans (Oranjerivier-Afrikaans), and Eastern Border Afrikaans (Oosgrens-Afrikaans). These arose from 17th-19th century interactions between Dutch settlers, indigenous Khoisan and Nguni groups, enslaved populations from Asia and Africa, and later migrations like the Great Trek. Standard Afrikaans, codified in the early 20th century, draws predominantly from Eastern Border features but incorporates elements from the others, leading to ongoing dialect leveling in urban areas. Cape Afrikaans, prevalent in the Western Cape particularly among Coloured communities on the Cape Flats, features a guttural 'r' sound akin to French, nasalized vowels, and simplified grammar with fewer diminutives. Vocabulary includes Malay loans like takkies for sneakers and Khoisan influences from early trade and enslavement contacts dating to the 1650s Dutch settlement. Some linguists argue it constitutes a distinct creole-like variety predating standardized Afrikaans, historically transcribed in Arabic script by Muslim communities, though it remains mutually intelligible with standard forms. Orange River Afrikaans, spoken mainly by Coloured populations in the Northern Cape along the Orange River and southern Free State, retains Khoekhoe substrate effects such as rolled or trilled 'r's, rounded vowels, and emphatic double negation (e.g., Ek het nie niks gesien nie). Griqua-derived terms like karoo for arid plains reflect 19th-century frontier mixing, distinguishing it from coastal varieties while showing less European superstrate purity. Eastern Border Afrikaans, the foundation of the literary standard, emerged among white Voortrekker farmers in the Eastern Cape, Free State, and KwaZulu-Natal from the late 18th century onward. It includes a tapped 'r' similar to Spanish, diphthong shifts, and Nguni borrowings like indaba for discussion, with more conservative grammar including frequent subjunctive uses. This variety spread inland during migrations, influencing white Afrikaans speakers nationwide but fading under standardization pressures post-1925.

Namibian and Diaspora Varieties

Namibian Afrikaans emerged from Dutch spoken by settlers arriving in the mid-18th century, spreading northward through migration rather than later imposition. It incorporates influences from German due to Namibia's status as a German colony until 1915. Prior to independence in 1990, Afrikaans served as one of two official languages alongside English, but post-independence, it lost official status while remaining a recognized national language and lingua franca, particularly in southern regions and urban areas like Windhoek. Approximately 200,000 people in Namibia speak Afrikaans as a first language, representing about 9.4% of the population based on recent estimates. This variety exhibits grammatical patterns reflecting historical ethnolinguistic segregation from the apartheid era, with variation showing fragmentation along ethnic lines rather than a uniform continuum. Compared to South African Afrikaans, Namibian variants often retain a purer form with less regional accent divergence, attributed to more nationwide standardization and reduced urban-ethnic dialectal splits. Afrikaans diaspora varieties exist among expatriate communities primarily in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United Kingdom, stemming from post-apartheid emigration waves of South Africans and Namibians. These groups, concentrated in cities such as Perth, Sydney, Auckland, and Toronto, maintain the language through community organizations, churches, and media, though intergenerational shift toward host languages like English is common. Australia hosts one of the larger such populations, with efforts in places like Toowoomba preserving Afrikaans via cultural associations, but no distinct new dialects have crystallized; instead, speakers typically retain South African or Namibian standards with minor anglicizations in vocabulary. Overall, these communities number in the tens of thousands globally outside Africa, functioning as heritage languages rather than evolving independent varieties.

Geographic Distribution and Demographics

Speaker Statistics

Afrikaans is spoken as a first language (L1) by approximately 7 million people globally, with the vast majority concentrated in southern Africa. Estimates for total speakers, including second-language (L2) users, range from 15 to 20 million, though precise L2 figures are challenging due to varying proficiency levels and limited recent surveys beyond South Africa. In South Africa, the 2022 census by Statistics South Africa identified 6,365,488 individuals aged one year and older who reported Afrikaans as their home language, comprising 10.6% of the enumerated population of approximately 60 million. This marks a decline in proportional terms from 13.5% in the 2011 census, attributable to higher growth rates among speakers of indigenous Bantu languages amid broader demographic expansion, though absolute L1 numbers have shown modest stability or slight growth over prior decades. Among Afrikaans L1 speakers, 56% identify as Coloured, 40% as White, 4% as Black African, and 0.2% as Indian/Asian or other, reflecting a shift from its historical association primarily with White Afrikaners. L2 proficiency is widespread, with older estimates from 2011 indicating over 10 million additional users in South Africa, often in multilingual contexts where Afrikaans serves as a lingua franca alongside English or local languages. In Namibia, Afrikaans holds official status and functions as a widespread L1 and L2 medium. The 2023 Population and Housing Census reported a national population of 3,022,401, with Afrikaans as the home language for about 9.4% of residents, equating to roughly 284,000 L1 speakers—a proportional decrease from 11.4% in the 2011 census, linked to intergenerational language shifts toward English and Oshiwambo. L2 speakers number in the hundreds of thousands, particularly in urban areas like Windhoek, where Afrikaans remains prominent in commerce, media, and interethnic communication despite English's dominance as the official language. Smaller L1 communities exist elsewhere, including around 20,000 in Botswana and minor pockets in Zimbabwe, Angola, and Kenya from historical migrations. Diaspora populations in countries like Australia, the Netherlands, Canada, and the United Kingdom add tens of thousands more L1 and heritage speakers, sustained through community networks but facing assimilation pressures. Globally, L1 totals outside South Africa and Namibia likely do not exceed 100,000, underscoring Afrikaans's regional character.
Country/TerritoryL1 SpeakersPercentage of PopulationCensus YearNotes
South Africa6,365,48810.6%2022Home language; L2 users >10 million (est. from prior data)
Namibia~284,0009.4%2023Home language; significant L2 use in urban/multilingual settings
Botswana~20,000<1%Recent est.Concentrated in eastern regions
Other (global diaspora)<100,000N/ARecent est.Includes Australia, UK, Netherlands; heritage maintenance varies

Distribution in South Africa

![Proportion of Afrikaans speakers in South Africa][float-right] Afrikaans is the most commonly spoken home language in the Northern Cape province, where 54.6% of the population aged five years and older report using it most often in the household. It ranks second in the Western Cape, accounting for 41.2% of home language speakers in that province. Nationally, Afrikaans constitutes 10.6% of home languages among this age group, reflecting its concentration in these two provinces, which together host the majority of its speakers. In other provinces, the proportion is significantly lower: Free State (10.3%), Eastern Cape (9.6%), Gauteng (7.7%), North West (5.2%), Mpumalanga (3.2%), Limpopo (2.3%), and KwaZulu-Natal (1.0%). This distribution aligns with historical settlement patterns of Afrikaans-speaking communities, particularly Afrikaners and Coloured populations, in the arid Northern Cape and the southwestern coastal regions of the Western Cape.
ProvincePercentage of Home Language Speakers (2022 Census)
Northern Cape54.6%
Western Cape41.2%
Free State10.3%
Eastern Cape9.6%
Gauteng7.7%
North West5.2%
Mpumalanga3.2%
Limpopo2.3%
KwaZulu-Natal1.0%
Within provinces, Afrikaans usage is higher in rural areas and smaller towns of the Western Cape and Northern Cape, while urban centers like Cape Town exhibit more linguistic diversity due to English and isiXhosa influences.

Distribution in Namibia and Elsewhere

In Namibia, Afrikaans is the mother tongue of approximately 10.4% of the population, equating to around 315,000 speakers based on recent estimates. This figure primarily encompasses white Namibians, who number about 53,773 or 1.8% of the total population per the 2023 census, and Coloured communities, with Afrikaans serving as the first language for roughly 60% of whites. Despite English becoming the sole official language upon independence in 1990, Afrikaans retains significant practical use in commerce, education, and media, functioning as a lingua franca in urban centers like Windhoek and among non-Oshiwambo-speaking groups in the south and central regions. Afrikaans distribution in Namibia is uneven, with higher concentrations in the capital and surrounding areas, as visualized in linguistic maps showing denser usage among historically settler-descended populations. The language's role has diminished from its pre-independence status as a co-official tongue alongside English and German but persists through private schools, newspapers, and radio broadcasts catering to Afrikaans audiences. Outside southern Africa, Afrikaans maintains small diaspora communities formed by South African emigrants, particularly in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United Kingdom. These groups, often numbering in the thousands per country, preserve the language via cultural associations, such as the Afrikaanse Klub in Australia, which operates in Perth and other cities to foster heritage and language use among expatriates. Similar pockets exist in Argentina and neighboring African states like Botswana and Zimbabwe, though speaker numbers remain marginal and are not officially tracked in national censuses.

Sociolinguistic Aspects

Current Official Status

Afrikaans holds official language status in South Africa, where it is one of eleven languages recognized under Section 6 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, adopted in 1996. This status grants it equal legal standing with English, isiZulu, isiXhosa, and the other indigenous languages for use in Parliament, courts, government administration, and public signage, though English predominates in higher-level official communications. In 2025, South Africa marked the centenary of Afrikaans' formal elevation to official status in 1925, alongside English, under the Union of South Africa, underscoring its enduring constitutional protection despite post-apartheid shifts toward multilingualism. In Namibia, Afrikaans does not possess official status, as English was designated the sole official language upon independence from South Africa in 1990, per Article 3 of the Namibian Constitution. Prior to independence, during South African administration, Afrikaans shared official parity with English and German, but this ended with sovereignty, relegating it to a widely spoken national language and de facto lingua franca in media, education, and informal domains, with approximately 10-11% of the population using it as a first language. No other sovereign countries accord Afrikaans official recognition at the national level, though it maintains protected minority language rights in select jurisdictions, such as regional use in parts of southern Africa or diaspora communities. In practice, its official role in South Africa faces implementation challenges, including declining proportional usage in federal institutions amid preferences for English, yet legal challenges have upheld its constitutional entitlements against erosion.

Usage in Education and Media

In South Africa, Afrikaans functions as the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) in 2,484 public schools, comprising single-medium, dual-medium, or parallel-medium institutions out of a total of 23,719 public schools as of 2023. This usage equates to roughly 10% of public schools, primarily concentrated in the Western Cape and Northern Cape provinces where Afrikaans speakers are densest. Single-medium Afrikaans schools, however, have decreased by nearly one-third since 2002, from around 1,500 to fewer than 1,100 by 2017, attributable to policies enforcing parallel-medium instruction to accommodate non-Afrikaans-speaking learners and promote equitable access under the South African Schools Act of 1996. At the tertiary level, historically Afrikaans-medium universities such as Stellenbosch and the North-West University have undergone a phased transition toward English dominance since the 1990s, with Afrikaans instruction now limited to select programs amid efforts to internationalize and diversify student bodies, resulting in Afrikaans comprising less than 20% of overall academic delivery by 2020. In Namibia, Afrikaans continues as a medium of instruction in private and some public schools, particularly in urban areas like Windhoek, where it supports mother-tongue education for approximately 10% of the population identifying as first-language speakers. National policy mandates English as the primary LoLT from Grade 4 onward but permits Afrikaans as an alternative or subject through Grade 12, with schools like those in the Omaheke region utilizing it for foundational literacy before transitioning. Afrikaans media in South Africa sustains a robust ecosystem despite competitive pressures from English. Print outlets include daily newspapers such as Die Burger (circulation exceeding 100,000 as of 2020) and Volksblad, alongside weeklies like Rapport and family magazines such as Huisgenoot, which collectively reach over 1 million readers monthly through Media24 publications. Broadcast media features dedicated Afrikaans programming on the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), including radio stations like Radio Sonder Grense (RSG) with national coverage, though SABC's Afrikaans television news bulletin was reduced from equal footing with English in 1975 to a 15-minute slot by 1996 due to multilingual policy shifts prioritizing audience share. Private platforms bolster this with DStv's kykNET channel, launched in 1999, offering 24-hour Afrikaans content including news, dramas, and variety shows to an estimated 2 million subscribers. In Namibia, Afrikaans media overlaps with South African imports but includes local radio on NBC platforms and newspapers like Die Republikein, serving the bilingual urban demographic. ![Huisgenoot magazine cover][float-right] These educational and media usages reflect Afrikaans' entrenched role among its 7 million South African speakers and 100,000 in Namibia, yet face erosion from English's economic dominance and additive multilingualism mandates, with surveys indicating 73% of matriculants supporting sustained Afrikaans LoLT in 2023 amid calls for preservation against assimilation.

Mutual Intelligibility with Dutch

Afrikaans and Dutch demonstrate significant mutual intelligibility stemming from Afrikaans' evolution from 17th-century Dutch dialects transported to southern Africa by settlers of the Dutch East India Company. This proximity enables speakers to grasp core meanings in both written and spoken contexts, though comprehension is asymmetric, with Dutch speakers outperforming Afrikaans speakers in understanding the counterpart language. Empirical assessment via cloze tests in a 2006 study by Charlotte Gooskens revealed that Dutch participants achieved superior results on Afrikaans passages relative to Afrikaans participants on Dutch passages, indicating easier unidirectional comprehension from Dutch to Afrikaans. The asymmetry arises partly from Afrikaans' morphological and syntactic simplifications—including the elimination of grammatical gender distinctions, fixed verb positioning, and diminished inflection—which reduce cognitive load for Dutch readers accustomed to more elaborate structures. Conversely, Afrikaans speakers encounter unfamiliar complexities in Dutch syntax and a higher density of non-cognate terms influenced by post-medieval lexical shifts in the Netherlands. Written intelligibility exceeds spoken due to Afrikaans' largely phonetic orthography mirroring Dutch conventions more closely than its phonology does, facilitating silent reading without accent barriers. Spoken exchange is hindered by divergent sound systems, such as Afrikaans' merger of certain diphthongs and replacement of Dutch's guttural fricatives with approximants, alongside regional accents that amplify false cognates and idiomatic gaps. Despite these, direct interaction often succeeds at functional levels when enunciated deliberately, as lexical overlap exceeds 90% for basic vocabulary, underscoring the languages' continuum-like relation.

Cultural and Political Role

Contributions to Literature and Culture


Afrikaans literature began to coalesce as a distinct body of work in the late 19th century, with early pioneers such as Jan F.E. Celliers and C.J. Langenhoven laying foundational contributions through poetry and prose that asserted the language's viability against Dutch and English dominance. Langenhoven, in particular, authored lyrics for "Die Stem van Suid-Afrika," adopted as South Africa's co-national anthem in 1938, symbolizing linguistic and cultural affirmation. The "Golden Age" of Afrikaans literature in the early to mid-20th century featured figures like N.P. van Wyk Louw, whose philosophical poetry and dramas, including Die Dieper Reg (1938), probed themes of identity, morality, and human struggle, influencing generations of writers.
A pivotal cultural milestone was the 1933 publication of the first complete Bible translation into Afrikaans, which not only standardized vocabulary and grammar but also conferred literary dignity on the language, facilitating its transition from colloquial dialect to medium of high culture and religious discourse. Post-World War II, authors such as Uys Krige and Elisabeth Eybers expanded the canon with war poetry and introspective verse, while later 20th-century writers like Breyten Breytenbach and André P. Brink achieved global acclaim; Breytenbach's prison writings and Brink's novels critiquing apartheid, such as Kennis van die Aand (1973), were translated widely, highlighting Afrikaans' capacity for politically charged narrative. In broader culture, Afrikaans has shaped South African musical traditions, particularly through vocal forms like liedjies (songs) and boeremusiek, where the language's phonetic structure—featuring plosives and diphthongs—lends itself to rhythmic expressiveness in folk and contemporary genres. This linguistic-musical synergy is evident in the works of artists from early volkliedjies to modern performers, underscoring Afrikaans' role in preserving oral and performative heritage amid multicultural influences. The enduring impact is commemorated in structures like the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl, unveiled in 1975 to honor the language's evolution and cultural permanence.

Association with Afrikaner Nationalism

The Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, founded on August 14, 1875, in Paarl, played a pivotal role in elevating Afrikaans from a spoken vernacular to a symbol of emerging Afrikaner identity, explicitly aiming to counter English linguistic dominance following British colonial expansions and to foster a distinct national consciousness among Dutch-descended settlers. This society published the first Afrikaans-language newspaper, Die Afrikaanse Patriot, in 1876 and advocated for Afrikaans' use in education, administration, and religious texts, framing the language as essential to cultural preservation against perceived Anglicization threats. By the early 20th century, Afrikaans had become intertwined with Afrikaner nationalist movements seeking political empowerment post-Union of South Africa in 1910, culminating in its official recognition as a language distinct from Dutch via Act 8 of 1925, which granted it equal status with English in parliamentary and governmental proceedings. This legislative milestone, achieved through advocacy by groups like the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations (FAK), reinforced Afrikaans as a cornerstone of Afrikaner self-determination, symbolizing resistance to British imperial legacies and enabling the mobilization of Afrikaans speakers in electoral politics. Under the National Party government from 1948 onward, Afrikaans was systematically promoted in public institutions, including mandatory use in schools and civil service, aligning language policy with apartheid's ethnic segregation framework and embedding it further in Afrikaner nationalist ideology as a marker of white cultural hegemony. The 1974 Department of Bantu Education decree mandating a 50-50 split of Afrikaans and English as media of instruction in black secondary schools for subjects like mathematics and social studies exemplified this, intending to extend Afrikaner cultural influence but igniting widespread opposition. This policy directly precipitated the Soweto Uprising on June 16, 1976, when thousands of students protested Afrikaans' imposition, viewing it as an instrument of intellectual subjugation under apartheid, resulting in police shootings that killed at least 176 people and spread unrest nationwide, thereby tarnishing Afrikaans' image as irrevocably linked to oppressive nationalism in anti-apartheid narratives. Despite such associations, Afrikaans' nationalist ties originated from defensive cultural revival efforts rather than inherent exclusivity, though its enforcement under racial policies solidified perceptions of it as a tool of Afrikaner dominance.

Post-Apartheid Controversies

Following the end of apartheid in 1994, Afrikaans lost its status as a primary language of administration and instruction, with the 1996 Constitution recognizing 11 official languages on equal footing, though English emerged as the dominant lingua franca in government and higher education. This shift sparked ongoing debates over the implementation of multilingual policies, particularly in public institutions, where Afrikaans-medium instruction was phased out or reduced in favor of English or parallel-medium approaches, leading to claims of cultural erosion by Afrikaans advocacy groups like AfriForum. A major flashpoint occurred at Stellenbosch University, a historically Afrikaans institution, where student protests under the Open Stellenbosch Collective in 2015 demanded the abandonment of Afrikaans as the primary language of teaching, arguing it perpetuated racial exclusion and hindered access for non-Afrikaans speakers. The university responded by adopting a new language policy in late 2015, transitioning most undergraduate instruction to English while retaining limited Afrikaans use at postgraduate levels and allowing opt-in parallel medium options. This change was contested in court by Afrikaans rights groups, who argued it violated section 29(2) of the Constitution, guaranteeing the right to mother-tongue education where practicable, but the policy was upheld amid broader #FeesMustFall and decolonization movements. Similar disputes arose at other universities, including the University of South Africa (UNISA), Africa's largest distance-learning institution. In 2016, UNISA announced plans to discontinue Afrikaans as a parallel medium of instruction, opting for English-only delivery to promote inclusivity and equity. AfriForum challenged this in court, citing the university's prior bilingual policy and the constitutional duty to develop previously marginalized languages, including Afrikaans as an indigenous South African tongue spoken by millions. The Constitutional Court in 2021 dismissed AfriForum's appeal, ruling that UNISA's decision was rational and aligned with post-apartheid transformation goals, though it affirmed the need for feasible multilingualism without mandating indefinite retention of Afrikaans. At the primary and secondary levels, controversies intensified in 2024 when the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (BELA) was signed into law on September 13, empowering school governing bodies less rigidly in language policy decisions and requiring ministerial approval for single-medium schools, which critics argued undermined Afrikaans-only institutions in formerly white areas. Afrikaans community organizations, including the Freedom Front Plus and Solidarity, contended this facilitates the forced integration of English or African languages, accelerating the decline in Afrikaans enrollment—from over 1 million students in mother-tongue instruction in 1994 to under 400,000 by 2020—while the South African Human Rights Commission investigated related residence bans on Afrikaans speech at Stellenbosch in 2021, finding violations of linguistic rights in 2023. These cases highlight tensions between equity imperatives and constitutional protections, with empirical data showing Afrikaans usage in education dropping by more than 50% since 1994 due to policy shifts and demographic changes.

Contemporary Challenges

Language Decline and Policy Debates

Since the end of apartheid in 1994, the proportion of South Africans reporting Afrikaans as their home language has declined steadily, from 14.5% in the 1996 census to 13.5% in 2011 and 10.6% in 2022, according to Statistics South Africa data. This drop reflects broader trends of English dominance in public domains, with Afrikaans speakers increasingly shifting to English for socioeconomic mobility, particularly among younger cohorts; a 2020 survey found only 22% of South Africans aged 15-24 using Afrikaans as their primary home language. Organizations like AfriForum attribute this erosion to government policies that inadequately protect minority languages, arguing that multilingualism in practice favors English over constitutional parity for the 11 official languages. In education, policy debates center on the tension between preserving Afrikaans-medium instruction and expanding access for non-speakers. The 2024 Basic Education Laws Amendment Act empowers provincial departments to override school governing bodies' language policies to admit more pupils, prompting criticism from the Democratic Alliance that it undermines Afrikaans single-medium schools by forcing dual-medium models, which dilute instructional quality and cultural transmission. The African National Congress defends the law as essential for redressing apartheid-era inequalities, where historically white Afrikaans schools were inaccessible to black learners, though empirical evidence links mother-tongue education to better outcomes, with Afrikaans advocates citing declining enrollment in Afrikaans universities like Stellenbosch, where a post-2016 policy shift toward English-medium teaching accelerated the language's retreat. In Gauteng, a 2025 Constitutional Court ruling upheld the provincial education department's authority to alter school admission and language policies, overriding bodies at Afrikaans institutions to accommodate overflow from English-medium schools. Government and media usage further fuels contention, as English prevails in national administration despite the 1996 Constitution's multilingual mandate, leading to reduced Afrikaans in parliamentary proceedings and state documents. In Namibia, where Afrikaans lost official status upon 1990 independence—replaced by English as the sole official language—it remains a lingua franca with about 9.4% home speakers but faces similar pressures from English in education and media, without formal policy protections as a national language. Preservationists warn that without enforced parity, demographic growth among non-Afrikaans groups and policy inaction will hasten functional decline, while equity proponents view such measures as perpetuating historical privileges tied to apartheid exclusion.

Revitalization Efforts and Future Prospects

Efforts to revitalize Afrikaans have primarily been driven by civil society organizations rather than state intervention, focusing on education, media, and cultural promotion amid declining institutional support. The Solidarity Movement, an Afrikaner self-help network, is constructing the R3.2 billion Afrikaans Akademia campus near Pretoria, designed to accommodate 5,000 undergraduate and 1,500 postgraduate students in Afrikaans-medium instruction, with construction underway as of August 2025 and funded partly by member contributions. AfriForum, a civil rights group established in 2006, campaigns to maintain Afrikaans as a language of instruction in public schools and advocates for its inclusion in educational policies, often through legal challenges against shifts toward multilingual or English-dominant models. The ATKV, founded in 1930 to promote Afrikaans culture, supports youth engagement via initiatives like the annual Idioms Competition, which familiarizes learners with over 8,000 expressions, and partnerships for radio drama writing contests to foster literary skills. Digital and media strategies complement these activities, with platforms like the Jou Afrikaans streaming service offering content to sustain usage, available at discounted rates for ATKV members. Afrikaans television channels, such as those under MultiChoice, continue to thrive, supported by a core audience where 58% of white South Africans speak the language as a first tongue. In Namibia, where Afrikaans functions as a de facto lingua franca despite English's official status since 1990, preservation relies on community usage rather than formal policy, with the language spoken by approximately 10-14% as a mother tongue and more broadly in daily communication. Prospects for Afrikaans remain mixed, with empirical trends indicating a contraction in South Africa from 13.5% of the population as first-language speakers in 2011 to 10.6% in 2022, projected to fall to 9% by 2041 due to lower fertility rates among traditional speakers and English's economic dominance. Approximately 7 million people speak Afrikaans as a first language globally, with 10 million more as a second, but its share erodes without proportional policy protections, as constitutional multilingualism has not prevented asymmetric implementation favoring English. Growth among non-white speakers, now comprising about 60% of first-language users, offers some offset, yet overall vitality hinges on private sector resilience in media and education rather than demographic reversal. In Namibia, sustained informal usage provides a buffer, potentially stabilizing regional influence.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.