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Cauim is a traditional alcoholic beverage or beer of the indigenous peoples in Brazil since pre-Columbian times. It is still made today in remote areas throughout Panama and South America. Cauim is made by fermenting manioc (a large starchy root), or maize, sometimes flavored with fruit juices. The Guna Indians of Panama use plantains.

In Spanish it is called chicha de yuca or in some places (like Peru) masato. The best term in English may be "Manioc beer". In Kichwa, Lumu Asua. In Shuar, Nijiamanch. In Paicoca, Co'n.

A characteristic feature of the beverage is that the starting material is cooked, chewed, and fermented, so that enzymes (including amylase) present in human saliva can break down the starch into fermentable sugars. (This principle was originally used also for Japanese sake.)[1]

Preparation and customs

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Historical use among the Tupinambá

[edit]

The following description, largely from Jean de Léry's account of his trip to Brazil in the 16th century[2] applies specifically to the Tupinambá natives who lived along the coast of central Brazil. However, it is typical of other tribes throughout Brazil.

Cauim preparation (like other cooking tasks) is strictly a women's job, with no involvement from the men. Manioc roots are sliced thin, boiled until tender, and allowed to cool down. Then women and girls gather around the pot; each repeatedly takes a mouthful of manioc, chews it, and puts it into a second pot (depending on the culture). Enzymes in the saliva then convert the starch into fermentable sugars. (Men firmly believe that if they were to chew the paste, the resulting beverage would not taste as good; and anyway they consider that work as inappropriate for them as spinning yarn would be for European men.) The chewed root paste is put back on the fire and stirred with a wooden spoon until completely cooked. The paste is then allowed to ferment in large earthenware pots ("half as big as a Burgundy wine barrel").

The resulting beverage is opaque and dense like wine dregs and tastes like sour milk. There are light and dark varieties of cauim, and the beverage can be flavored with various fruits.

The same process is used to make a similar beverage from maize. Since both plants grow abundantly throughout the year, the natives prepare the beverage in any season, sometimes in large quantities. Cauim can be consumed quietly by one or two people, but is most commonly consumed at parties with tens or hundreds of people, often from two or more villages. According to contemporary records, thirty or more large pots of cauim could be consumed in a single party; and "neither the German, nor the Flemish, nor the soldiers, nor the Swiss — that is, none of those people in France who devote themselves to great drinking, will match the Americans in that art." Cauim was also de rigueur in solemn occasions, such as the ceremonial killing and eating of a war prisoner.

Serving the cauim at parties is also a women's task. Cauim is better consumed warm, and so the women will place the pots over a slow fire in the village's central plaza. While keeping the pot well stirred, they will serve the beverage in drinking bowls — holding up to "three Parisian quarts" each — to the dancing men, as they pass by. While men are supposed to empty their bowls in one go (and perhaps twenty bowlfuls in a single party), the women take sips more or less continuously.

A drinking party could go on for two or three days, with music, dancing, whistling, and shouting going on all the time. Sometimes the men would force themselves to throw up in order to continue drinking. Leaving the party would be considered a great shame, "worse than schelm among Germans". Curiously, the Tupinambá do not eat during their drinking parties, just as they do not drink at meals; and they find the European custom of mixing the two things very strange.

Jean de Léry reports that he and his companions tried to prepare "clean" cauim by grinding and cooking manioc or maize, without the chewing step; but (predictably) it did not work. Eventually they got used to the natives' drink. "To those readers who are put off by the idea of drinking what someone else has chewed," adds the traveler, "let me remind them of how our wine is made ... by the peasants who trample on the grapes with their feet, sometimes with shoes and all; things that are perhaps even less agreeable than the chewing of American women. Just as one says that wine, by fermenting, rids itself of all impurity; so we may assume that cauim purges itself too."

Current use

[edit]

Cauim is still made by many indigenous communities in Brazil and elsewhere in the Amazon. It is the main staple food for infants of the Tapirapé Indians of the Tapi'itãwa tribe (Mato Grosso state) until they are two years old.[3]

Analysis

[edit]

Analysis of cauim made from manioc showed that fermentation was due to a large variety of bacteria.[3] As the fermentation progressed, the species Lactobacillus pentosus and L. plantarum became dominant. The acidity of the final product was due to lactic acid but significant amounts of ethanol and acetic acid were present. A second analysis of cauim made from rice and manioc also showed the presence of yeasts, chiefly Candida tropicalis.[4]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
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Cauim

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Cauim is a traditional fermented beverage originating from of the Brazilian Amazon, such as the Tapirapé, Guarani-Kaiowá, Tikuna, and Tukano groups, prepared primarily from starchy crops like (Manihot esculenta), corn, , , or through a process of grinding, mastication to introduce salivary enzymes for breakdown, and subsequent spontaneous microbial lasting 24 to 48 hours, resulting in an alcoholic content that varies from mild to stronger versions used in rituals. This beverage has been produced since pre-Columbian times and remains a staple in remote indigenous communities, where it serves both nutritional and cultural purposes. Preparation typically begins with soaking and peeling roots or similar ingredients, followed by grating into flour, cooking into a mash, and inoculation via chewing—often by women—using auxiliary items like to release for , after which natural (such as Lactobacillus plantarum and L. fermentum) and yeasts (including and Candida species) drive the , lowering the pH to around 3.4 and producing metabolites like , , and acetic acid. The result is a mildly alcoholic with probiotic potential, providing carbohydrates, vitamins, and enhanced nutrient that supports daily consumption, particularly as a soft for infants under two years old in Tapirapé communities. Culturally, cauim holds profound significance, linking indigenous groups to their spiritual world and through communal production and consumption during festivals like the Cauinagem harvest celebration, where stronger alcoholic variants foster social bonding and ritual practices passed down generationally. In Tapirapé society, for instance, it functions as a daily dietary essential for all ages while reinforcing gender roles, with women traditionally handling the chewing and steps as an act of communal labor. Modern scientific research has explored its microbial diversity using culture-dependent and PCR-based methods, highlighting its potential as a source of beneficial and contributing to efforts to preserve indigenous food technologies amid cultural preservation initiatives.

History

Pre-Columbian origins

Cauim derives its name from the Proto-Tupi-Guarani term kawĩ, referring to a fermented drink typically made from corn or manioc, a linguistic root that underscores its deep ties to the indigenous languages of the region. This reflects the beverage's origins among Tupi-Guarani speaking peoples, who integrated into their cultural and subsistence practices long before European contact. Archaeological evidence points to pre-Columbian manioc processing in the Amazon basin and coastal areas of Brazil, with early use in coastal sambaquis dating back to around 5,000 years ago or earlier, while the expansive migrations of Tupi groups approximately 2,000 to 3,000 years ago facilitated the southward spread of agricultural knowledge, including manioc cultivation and processing techniques, across diverse tropical environments. Shell middens, known as sambaquis, along the Atlantic coast provide key hints of early manioc use, with evidence from stable isotope analysis and dental caries rates suggesting significant manioc consumption around 3,600–4,500 years before present, indicating systematic processing for food preparation in pre-ceramic societies. Initially, cauim served as a staple beverage and food source, valued for its nutritional benefits from manioc's carbohydrates and its role in preservation amid the humid , where extended the usability of perishable crops. Among early adopters like the Tupinambá, it supported daily sustenance and communal activities, embedding itself in the fabric of indigenous life.

Colonial accounts and Tupinambá practices

During the 16th century, European explorers and chroniclers provided some of the earliest documented accounts of cauim among the of coastal , highlighting its integral role in their social and ritual life. French Huguenot pastor Jean de Léry, who lived among the Tupinambá for nearly a year in 1557–1558, described cauim as a fermented beverage made primarily from manioc roots, emphasizing its production by women who chewed the roots to initiate before storing it in large clay pots. In his History of a Voyage to the Land of (1578), Léry noted the beverage's mild intoxicating effects and its daily consumption, observing that Tupinambá men avoided direct involvement in its preparation, viewing it as , which underscored gendered divisions in labor. Similarly, German soldier , captured by the Tupinambá in 1554 and held for nine months, detailed in his True History: An Account of Cannibal Captivity in (1557) how cauim was brewed from manioc or other roots like abati, often in preparation for communal feasts, and how captives like himself were sometimes offered the drink to build rapport before rituals. Cauim played a central role in Tupinambá intertribal ceremonies, particularly during feasts honoring war prisoners prior to their execution and . Staden recounted how, upon returning from raids, Tupinambá warriors hosted multi-day celebrations where large quantities of cauim—often exceeding 30 pots—were consumed to honor captives, fostering a sense of communal and spiritual preparation for the ensuing rituals. Léry corroborated this, describing how these events involved incessant drinking over three , with the warm beverage served from communal using long straws, leading to prolonged dancing, , and heightened emotional states that blurred the lines between festivity and . These accounts portray cauim not merely as sustenance but as a enhancer that animated the Tupinambá's warrior ethos and social bonds during conflicts with neighboring groups. Early European observers often viewed cauim through a lens of cultural superiority, contrasting it with European wine and labeling it a "savage" intoxicant that fueled what they saw as barbaric customs. Léry, while relatively sympathetic, compared its effects unfavorably to wine, noting its role in enabling the Tupinambá's "excessive" revelry, which he linked to their cannibalistic practices. , arriving in from 1549 onward, sought to prohibit cauim as part of broader efforts to suppress indigenous feasts and convert the Tupinambá to , viewing the beverage as a conduit for and moral corruption; figures like José de Anchieta actively discouraged its consumption in missions, replacing it with European alternatives to erode native traditions. Despite these attempts, cauim persisted as a symbol of Tupinambá resistance to colonial imposition.

Preparation

Ingredients

The primary base for traditional Cauim is manioc (Manihot esculenta), also known as , a starchy harvested from women's horticultural plots in indigenous communities across Brazil's tropical regions. Indigenous women have historically cultivated and managed manioc fields, integrating it into sustainable systems that support community in Amazonian and coastal ecosystems. The crop's resilience to poor soils and variable rainfall ties its availability to seasonal planting cycles, with harvests often aligned to rainy periods for optimal growth. Manioc's high starch content, comprising up to 80% of its dry weight, serves as the key nutritional component enabling the process by providing fermentable carbohydrates. Secondary bases include (corn), , or , which are incorporated depending on regional availability and tribal preferences, such as among the Tapirapé people who blend rice with . These starchy ingredients are sourced from the same communal gardens, reflecting the cultural emphasis on women's labor in maintaining diverse crop plots for beverage production. For variations, flavorings such as juices from fruits like bacaba palm or bananas, or plantains, are added to enhance and aroma, drawing from seasonally abundant Amazonian . This practice underscores the beverage's ties to indigenous agriculture, where ingredient selection promotes and ecological balance in harvesting.

Fermentation process

The traditional fermentation process of cauim begins with soaking manioc roots for several days to soften, peeling and drying them, grating into , and cooking the flour mixture into a mash for approximately 1-2 hours to gelatinize starches. This step makes the starches more accessible for subsequent . Once boiled, the mixture is cooled to , typically around 25-30°C in the tropical environments of indigenous Brazilian communities. The cooled mash is then masticated exclusively by women, who chew portions of the manioc or to introduce salivary , an that hydrolyzes complex starches into fermentable sugars through . In some preparations, women chew auxiliary starchy items like sweet potatoes to provide the inoculum, which is then added to the cooled mash. This labor-intensive step reflects deep-seated gender divisions in tribes such as the Tupinambá, where women hold primary responsibility for beverage production, underscoring their central role in and social sustenance. The chewed material is collected—often referred to as recollected—and transferred into large clay pots or wooden vessels, where it undergoes natural for 1-3 days, accelerated by the warm ambient temperatures of the region. The resulting beverage is opaque and sour, with an alcohol content ranging from 2-8% by volume, achieved through the activity of naturally occurring yeasts and on the converted sugars. Cauim is consumed fresh shortly after completes, as prolonged storage can lead to over-fermentation and conversion into a vinegar-like substance.

Cultural significance

Social and daily roles

In indigenous Amazonian communities, such as the Tapirapé of the Tapi'itãwa tribe in , cauim serves as a vital dietary staple, particularly for infants up to two years of age, supplying essential calories and benefits from like Lactobacillus pentosus and L. plantarum. These communities also prepare non-alcoholic variants of cauim using substrates other than , such as or corn, to ensure safe consumption for young children while maintaining the beverage's fermented nutritional profile. The shared consumption of cauim in village settings promotes social bonding and communal cohesion among Amazonian indigenous groups, where the beverage's production and drinking rituals reinforce and in daily interactions. This contrasts with European traditions of solitary drinking, as cauim's communal preparation and distribution emphasize group participation over individual indulgence, strengthening village-level relationships. Cauim production is predominantly a women's task in Tupi-speaking societies of , involving the of manioc with , which underscores their central role in household sustenance and . This labor reinforces gender dynamics where women hold authority in provisioning, often within systems exhibiting patterns, such as men joining their wives' families upon , thereby elevating women's influence in and structures. While cauim features briefly in ceremonial contexts to mark social transitions, its primary integration lies in routine daily nourishment and interaction.

Rituals and ceremonies

Cauim holds a central role in the ceremonial practices of various Amazonian indigenous groups, particularly in marking significant life events and communal gatherings. Among the Tupinambá, it was consumed during war rituals and multi-day festivities preceding the execution of prisoners, where the beverage accompanied dancing, , and communal bonding before the ritual killing with an ibirapema club. These events emphasized social cohesion and themes of , integrating cauim into the of the group. Similarly, harvest festivals featured cauim as a key element, celebrating agricultural abundance and reinforcing community ties. In Ka'apor traditions, cauim serves as a cashew-fruit-based beverage drunk during multi-day celebrations for major life transitions, including baby baptisms, young women's entry into adulthood, marriages, and the nomination of new chiefs. These rituals highlight cauim's function in honoring births and alliances, fostering communal harmony and cultural continuity. For the Tapirapé, cauim features prominently in the "Cauinagem" rite, a ceremonial event celebrating the onset of the harvesting season prompted by rainfall, where it symbolizes agricultural fertility and collective prosperity. Among the Juruna, variations of cauim-like fermented beverages, such as caxiri, are ritually consumed in sacred ceremonies, including initiation rites and gatherings preparing groups for collective work, underscoring its role in spiritual and social maturation. Symbolically, cauim embodies through its ties to cycles and life-affirming events, while also representing ancestry and communal by connecting participants to ancestral practices and strengthening social bonds during rituals. In some contexts, such as cauim festivals, it carries religious symbolism, potentially offered in shamanic practices to invoke spirits, though documentation emphasizes its earthly role in warrior and communal symbolism over direct spiritual offerings. Consumption protocols in these ceremonies often involve communal sharing over extended periods, with specific emphases on warmth to enhance its potency, as seen in Tapirapé practices where cauim is preferably served warm. While daily consumption provides nutritional sustenance, ceremonial use demands focused participation, prohibiting waste to honor the beverage's cultural value and the labor of its preparation.

Variations and distribution

Tribal and regional differences

Among the of coastal , cauim was primarily prepared from manioc roots such as caracú and macaxera, often combined with fruits like , , caju, mangaba, acaiá, and jenipapo to enhance flavor and fermentation. This version emphasized social and ritual consumption, integral to ceremonies marking life transitions including births, female puberty, and ear piercings, where it facilitated communal bonding and anthropophagic rites. In contrast, the Tapirapé of in central produce cauim using a mixture of and manioc as primary substrates, alongside corn, , and , reflecting local crop availability. This variant serves as a , particularly for infants under two years old, providing essential , and is consumed warm by adults and children alike during daily meals and gatherings. Other indigenous groups adapt cauim with as a dominant ingredient; for instance, the Araweté ferment corn through mastication by women to create a beverage for parties and communal celebrations. The Ka'apor, residing in the Amazonian states of and , prepare cauim exclusively from fruit, consuming it during multi-day festivals honoring marriages, baby baptisms, female initiations, and chief nominations. These - and fruit-centric adaptations highlight how cauim incorporates locally abundant crops while maintaining traditions. Regional differences further distinguish cauim, with coastal variants like those of the Tupinambá yielding denser, manioc-dominant brews suited to Atlantic ecosystems, whereas Amazonian versions, influenced by diverse fruits, result in sweeter profiles. In central , such as among the Tapirapé, peanuts add a nutty element, enhancing nutritional value in savanna-influenced areas. Cauim shares fermentation techniques and cultural roles with other indigenous beverages across , particularly those derived from starchy roots or grains, though distinctions arise in base ingredients, preparation methods, and regional contexts. These drinks often rely on natural microbial processes, including enzymatic breakdown via mastication or soaking, to convert starches into fermentable sugars, reflecting adaptive strategies to local resources in pre-Columbian societies. While Cauim is primarily associated with Tupi-Guarani groups in Brazil's Amazon and Atlantic regions, analogous beverages extend to Andean and Amazonian Peru, highlighting a broader continuum of indigenous practices. Chicha, a staple in Andean indigenous cultures of , , and , is predominantly maize-based and undergoes spontaneous after grinding and boiling the kernels. Unlike Cauim's consistent use of manioc root and human for amylase introduction, preparation varies: some versions incorporate for enzymatic activation, but many are spit-free, relying instead on or added water to achieve 2–12% alcohol content over 2–4 days of . This results in a milder, sometimes non-alcoholic profile compared to Cauim's thicker, manioc-dominant consistency. 's distribution spans a wider South American arc, serving as a offering in Inca-descended communities and daily sustenance, whereas Cauim emphasizes communal feasting among Brazilian tribes. Masato, prevalent among Amazonian groups in Peru such as the Asháninka and Shipibo, mirrors Cauim closely as a manioc-based initiated by chewing cooked to introduce salivary enzymes, followed by 1–3 days of yielding 2–6% alcohol. Both beverages detoxify the cyanogenic compounds in bitter manioc through this process, but masato typically ferments longer, producing a higher alcohol concentration and thinner texture suited to individual or small-group consumption in daily life or healing rituals. In contrast, Cauim's shorter and communal preparation foster shared intoxication in Brazilian indigenous ceremonies, underscoring masato's more personal role in Peruvian Amazonian social dynamics. Caxiri, produced by the Juruna (Yudjá) people of Brazil's , combines with corn or sweet potatoes, but avoids full mastication—instead, roots are soaked for 2 days, grated, roasted into , and fermented for 24–120 hours without salivary input, resulting in a sweeter, less acidic profile dominated by . This method yields up to 8% alcohol and emphasizes detoxification of toxins through water , differing from Cauim's saliva-reliant breakdown. Caxiri holds particular significance in youth initiation rites and community gatherings among the Juruna, where its production reinforces social bonds, akin to Cauim but with a focus on multi-ingredient blends rather than single-root purity. Tiquira represents a distilled evolution of Cauim traditions in , , where fermented manioc mash—prepared similarly by grating and fermenting —is double-distilled in copper stills to produce a clear spirit reaching 40–50% alcohol. Originating from Amazonian indigenous practices post-European contact, tiquira transforms Cauim's low-alcohol base into a potent aguardente-like , often flavored with local herbs, and is consumed in social settings rather than rituals. This distillation step marks a key departure from Cauim's undiluted , elevating its strength for preservation and trade while retaining 's cultural essence in northeastern .

Modern developments

Contemporary traditional production

In remote Amazonian communities, the traditional production of Cauim continues among indigenous groups such as the Tapirapé and Araweté, where it remains a handmade process integral to daily and ceremonial life. Among the Araweté, women collectively prepare the beverage in village malocas using clay pots, cooking or manioc, masticating it to initiate enzymatic conversion of starches to sugars, and allowing for several days to produce either sweet or alcoholic variants, a method observed in ethnographic fieldwork during the early that persists as a core cultural practice. Similarly, the Tapirapé of the Tapi'itãwa tribe ferment Cauim from substrates like , , , and in traditional vessels, with the process yielding a mildly through natural microbial action, as documented in samples collected in the mid-2000s. Contemporary production faces challenges from environmental pressures, including , which has reduced the availability of wild and cultivated ingredients essential for Cauim, such as certain starch-rich and forest resources used in variations. These challenges reflect broader efforts to sustain production amid ecological threats in the . The knowledge of Cauim preparation is transmitted orally across generations, primarily by women elders who oversee the chewing and stages, ensuring continuity in remote villages even as urbanization draws younger members away. This intergenerational passing preserves not only the technique but also the beverage's cultural significance, countering the erosion of indigenous practices in increasingly connected Amazonian societies. Ethnographic studies from the , including observations of Tapirapé , highlight this ongoing transmission and its vital role in biocultural heritage conservation. Such documentation underscores the continuity of Cauim-making, echoing historical Tupinambá methods of mastication-based while adapting to modern constraints. In October 2025, the Brazilian government published Decree nº 12.709, de 31 de outubro de 2025, which defines and regulates "fermentado de vegetal" as a category of beverages from fermented vegetable must or juice, encompassing traditional indigenous beverages like Cauim for production and commercialization, marking a significant legal milestone after centuries of prohibition. This decree standardizes inspection, classification, and quality controls for such beverages, positioning Cauim alongside cachaça as a culturally significant national product. Commercial initiatives have advanced in parallel, with a 2023 business plan proposing scaled production units in indigenous villages using sanitized enzymatic methods to replace traditional mastication, aiming for market entry within 18 months while preserving cultural elements. Additionally, researchers developed a probiotic-inspired version in 2024, fermenting water-soluble extracts of and soybeans with strains like Pediococcus acidilactici and Lactobacillus acidophilus to mimic Cauim's health benefits, achieving viable (>10^7 CFU/ml) for 35 days and positive sensory scores, with potential for broader market applications. Commercialization faces challenges related to , as Brazil's Genetic Heritage Law (Law 13.123/2015) mandates prior authorization and benefit-sharing with indigenous communities for any use of associated , preventing biopiracy of recipes derived from practices. However, these efforts offer benefits for economic empowerment, enabling tribes to establish sustainable agroforestry-based production that generates income and supports .

Scientific analysis

Microbiology

The fermentation of cauim, a traditional indigenous beverage produced by Brazilian Amerindian communities such as the Tapirapé, involves a complex microbial community dominated by (LAB) and yeasts, which drive the sequential acidification and ethanol production processes. These microorganisms originate primarily from environmental sources and the oral introduced during the traditional mastication of starchy substrates like manioc or , contributing to the beverage's microbial diversity. Key bacteria in cauim fermentation include Lactobacillus pentosus and L. plantarum, which are predominant LAB strains responsible for producing that imparts the characteristic sourness and lowers the from approximately 5.5 to 3.4 over the fermentation period. These species, along with others such as xerosis, C. amylocolatum, and various strains (B. cereus, B. licheniformis), initiate and sustain lactic fermentation, with bacterial populations starting at around 6.8 log CFU/mL and fluctuating between 5.8 and 10.2 log CFU/mL. A 2007 analysis of Tapirapé-produced cauim identified over 10 bacterial strains, highlighting the LAB's dominance throughout the process. Yeasts play a crucial role in the subsequent alcoholic , converting sugars into , with varying by substrate; in manioc and rice-based variants, is the most prevalent (comprising 26% of isolates), followed by Pichia guilliermondii (22%), Candida intermedia, C. parapsilosis, and . Yeast populations begin low at 3.7 log CFU/mL but can reach up to 6.9 × 10^7 CFU/mL after 48 hours, as observed in rice-cassava fermentations by the Tapirapé. A 2010 study using culture-dependent and independent methods isolated 99 yeast strains from peanut-rice cauim, including S. cerevisiae, P. guilliermondii, , and Rhodotorula toruloides, confirming their contributions to formation. The microbial succession in cauim typically features an initial led by LAB, followed by alcoholic fermentation dominated by yeasts, resulting in a diverse of over 297 total isolates across bacteria and yeasts in documented fermentations. This progression is influenced by the beverage's spontaneous nature, with environmental and salivary inputs fostering strain variability. Strains like L. plantarum from cauim have shown potential, exhibiting acid and bile tolerance suitable for gut health applications, as demonstrated in controlled nondairy beverage developments inspired by traditional cauim.

Chemical composition

Cauim's chemical composition reflects its mixed lactic and alcoholic fermentation, resulting in a profile dominated by organic acids that contribute to its characteristic tartness. is the predominant , reaching concentrations of up to 0.75 g/L after 48 hours of , while acetic acid levels remain lower at less than 0.01 g/L throughout the process. is produced in trace amounts, approximately 0.005 g/L between 12 and 24 hours, indicating a mildly with limited intoxicating potential. Residual sugars such as (peaking at 0.48 g/L at 24 hours) and glucose (ranging from 0.17 g/L to 0.032 g/L) persist from the manioc or substrates, alongside minor and below 0.03 g/L. The of Cauim typically decreases from an initial value of 5.5 to 3.4–3.5 by the end of , enhancing preservation through acidity. Soluble protein content varies between 3% and 5%, derived primarily from the starchy substrates, with manioc contributing vitamins like and trace minerals, though in modest quantities due to the base material's nutritional limitations. In peanut-based variants, the composition is enriched with higher protein levels, unsaturated fatty acids, , , and minerals such as and magnesium, reflecting the substrate's influence. Lactic and acetic acids, along with residual viable microorganisms, provide elements that support gut health. Nutritionally, Cauim offers a calorie-dense profile from its content (with soluble declining from 14.5% to 1.2% during ), serving historically as a supplementary source, including for infants in early low-alcohol stages for its digestibility. The beverage aids due to its acidity and but carries risks of mild intoxication from accumulation in prolonged fermentations, particularly for adults. Variations in composition occur based on substrate; manioc-based Cauim emphasizes starch-derived sugars, while variants may exhibit slightly higher acidity profiles, with overall pH ranging from 3.5 to 4.5 across studies. contributions during minimally elevate while aiding flavor compound development.

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  39. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12203078/
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