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Chinese grammar
Chinese grammar
from Wikipedia
中文(zhōngwén) 语法(yǔfǎ)
[中文語法],
meaning "Chinese grammar", written vertically in simplified (left) and traditional (right) forms

The grammar of Standard Chinese shares many features with other varieties of Chinese. The language almost entirely lacks inflection; words typically have only one grammatical form. Categories such as number (singular or plural) and verb tense are often not expressed by grammatical means, but there are several particles that serve to express verbal aspect and, to some extent, mood.

The basic word order is subject–verb–object (SVO), as in English. Otherwise, Chinese is chiefly a head-final language, meaning that modifiers precede the words that they modify. In a noun phrase, for example, the head noun comes last, and all modifiers, including relative clauses, come in front of it. This phenomenon, however, is more typically found in subject–object–verb languages, such as Turkish and Japanese.

Chinese frequently uses serial verb constructions, which involve two or more verbs or verb phrases in sequence. Chinese prepositions behave similarly to serialized verbs in some respects,[a] and they are often referred to as coverbs. There are also location markers, which are placed after nouns and are thus often called postpositions; they are often used in combination with coverbs. Predicate adjectives are normally used without a copular verb ("to be") and so can be regarded as a type of verb.

As in many other East Asian languages, classifiers (or measure words) are required when numerals (and sometimes other words, such as demonstratives) are used with nouns. There are many different classifiers in the language, and each countable noun generally has a particular classifier associated with it. Informally, however, it is often acceptable to use the general classifier (; ) in place of other specific classifiers.

Word formation

[edit]

In Chinese, the difference between words and Chinese characters is often not clear,[b] this is one of the reasons the Chinese script does not use spaces to separate words. A string of characters can be translated as a single English word, but these characters have some kind of independence. For example, tiàowǔ (跳舞; 'jump-dance'), meaning 'to dance', can be used as a single intransitive verb, or may be regarded as comprising two single lexical words. However, it does in fact function as a compound of the verb tiào (; 'to jump') and the object (; 'a dance').[1] Additionally, the present progressive aspect marker zhe () can be inserted between these two parts to form tiàozhewǔ (跳着舞; 'to be dancing').

Chinese morphemes (the smallest units of meaning) are mostly monosyllabic. In most cases, morphemes are represented by single characters. However, two or more monosyllabic morphemes can be translated as a single English word. These monosyllabic morphemes can be either free or bound – that is, in particular usage, they may or may not be able to stand independently. Most two-syllable compound nouns often have the head on the right (e.g. 蛋糕; dàngāo; 'egg-cake' means "cake"), while compound verbs often have the head on the left (e.g. 辩论; biànlùn; 'debate-discuss' means "debate").[2]

Some Chinese morphemes are polysyllabic; for example, the loanwords shāfā (沙发; 沙發; 'sofa') is the compound of shā (; 'sand') and (; ; 'to send', 'to issue'), but this compound is actually simply a transliteration of "sofa". Many native disyllabic morphemes, such as zhīzhū (蜘蛛; 'spider'), have consonant alliteration.[citation needed]

Many monosyllabic words have alternative disyllabic forms with virtually the same meaning, such as dàsuàn (大蒜; 'big-garlic') for suàn (; 'garlic'). Many disyllabic nouns are produced by adding the suffix zi (; 'child') to a monosyllabic word or morpheme. There is a strong tendency for monosyllables to be avoided in certain positions; for example, a disyllabic verb will not normally be followed by a monosyllabic object. This may be connected with the preferred metrical structure of the language.

Reduplication

[edit]

Reduplication (i.e. the repetition of a syllable or word stem) is common in modern Chinese.

Noun Reduplication

[edit]
  • Family member: ex. mā-ma (妈妈; 媽媽, "mother"); dì-di (弟弟, "younger brother"); mèi-mei(妹妹, "younger sister")
  • Fixed Expression: In modern Chinese, some noun are necessarily replicated, but their morphemes in classical Chinese are often directly used without any replication. ex. xīng-xīng (星星, "star"), from xīng (, "star"). However, in Classical Chinese (then it become a modern Chengyus) pī-xīng-dài-yuè(披星戴月, literally "wearing stars like a coat and wearing moon like a hat", means "working day and night"[3])
  • Diminutive or Childish Expression: treating the noun(mostly animal) as a "lovely child", even if it may be old or big. ex. gǒu-gǒu (狗狗, "puppy/doggy"), from gǒu (, "dog"); Māo-māo (貓貓, "pussy/kitty"), from Māo (, "cat").

Adjectives and Adverb Reduplication

[edit]

(1)AA reduplication: to emphasize the state described by the adjective/adverb,[4] or as a childish expression.chángcháng

cháng-cháng(常常, "often"), from cháng (, "constant, constantly");
hóng-hóng-de (红红的; 紅紅的 "red"), from hóng (; , "red");
ex. 手心看起来红红的; 手心看起來紅紅的(Shǒuxīn kàn qǐlái hóng-hóng-de, "palm looks red")
gāo-gāo-xìng-xìng-de (高高兴兴地; 高高興興地 "very happily"), from gāo-xìng (高兴; 高興, "happy, happiness");
ex. 高高兴兴地; 高高興興地 (Gāo-gāo-xìng-xìng-de chī, "eat happily")
bīng-bīng-liáng-liáng-de (冰冰凉凉的, "ice-cool" ), from bīng-liáng (冰凉, "ice-cool");
ex. 冰冰凉凉的饮料; 冰冰涼涼的飲料 (Bīng-bīng-liáng-liáng de yǐnliào, "ice-cold drink")

(2)ABB reduplication: to emphasize the state described by the adjective/adverb.

xiāng-pēn-pēn (香喷喷; 香噴噴, literally" good smell spray out", means "smell very good"), from xiāng (, "good smell") and pēn (; , "spray")
liàng-jīng-jīng (亮晶晶, "shining, bright and clear"), from liàng (, "bright") and jīng (, "shiny like a star")


Verb Reduplication

[edit]

(1)To mark the delimitative aspect (i.e. do something for a while) or for general emphasis – see the § Aspects section:

xiě-xiě-zuòyè (写写作业; 寫寫作業 "write homework / write homework for a while"), from the verb xiě (; "write") and the noun zuò-yè (作业; 作業 "homework")

Reduplication of Chinese classifier

[edit]

(1)means "every":

Nǐmen yī gè gè dōu zhǎng dé yī fù cōng-míng xiāng (你們一個個都長得一副聰明相, "You all look smart", from Crystal Boys), where ordinarily (; ) is the general classifier. Literally, the phrase 一個個; yī gè gè means "every", and the character ; dōu means "all".

(2)means "many":

Yī-zuò-zuò qīng-shān (座座青山, "many green hills"), where ordinarily zuò () is a proper classifier for shān (, "hill").

Prefixes

[edit]
  • () — "-able"
    • () (kào) — "reliable"
    • () (jìng) — "respectable"
  • (fǎn) — "anti-"
    • (fǎn) (kǒng) [反恐] — "anti-terror"
    • (fǎn) 教权的(jiàoquánde) [反教權的] — "anti-clerical"
    • (fǎn) 法西斯(fàxīsī) [反法西斯] — "anti-fascist"

Suffixes

[edit]
  • (huà) — used to form verbs from nouns or adjectives
    • 国际(guójì) (huà) [國際化] — "internationalize", from 国际(guójì) ("internationality")
    • (è) (huà) [惡化] — "worsen", from (è) ("bad")
  • (xìng) — "attribute"
    • 安全(ānquán) (xìng) — "safety"
    • 有效(yǒuxiào) (xìng) — "effectiveness"

Intrafixes

[edit]
  • (de) — "can" and (bu) — "cannot"
    • 听得懂(tīngdedǒng) — "can understand"
    • 听不懂(tīngbudǒng) — "cannot understand"

Sentence structure

[edit]

Chinese, like Spanish or English, is classified as an SVO (subject–verb–object) language. Transitive verbs precede their objects in typical simple clauses, while the subject precedes the verb. For example:[5]

He

hit

人。

rén

person

他 打 人。

tā dǎ rén

He hit person

He hits someone.

Chinese can also be considered a topic-prominent language:[6] there is a strong preference for sentences that begin with the topic, usually "given" or "old" information; and end with the comment, or "new" information. Certain modifications of the basic subject–verb–object order are permissible and may serve to achieve topic-prominence. In particular, a direct or indirect object may be moved to the start of the clause to create topicalization. It is also possible for an object to be moved to a position in front of the verb for emphasis.[7]

Another type of sentence is what has been called an ergative structure,[8] where the apparent subject of the verb can move to object position; the empty subject position is then often occupied by an expression of location. Compare locative inversion in English. This structure is typical of the verb yǒu (, "there is/are"; in other contexts the same verb means "have"), but it can also be used with many other verbs, generally denoting position, appearance or disappearance. An example:

院子

yuànzi

Courtyard

in

停着

tíngzhe

park

车。

chē

vehicle

[院子裡停著車。/ 院子裏停着車。]

 

 

院子 里 停着 车。

yuànzi lǐ tíngzhe chē

Courtyard in park vehicle

In the courtyard is parked a vehicle.

Chinese is also to some degree a pro-drop or null-subject language, meaning that the subject can be omitted from a clause if it can be inferred from the context.[9] In the following example, the subject of the verbs for "hike" and "camp" is left to be inferred—it may be "we", "I", "you", "she", etc.

今天

jīntiān

Today

climb

shān

mountain,

明天

míngtiān

tomorrow

outdoors

营。

yíng

camp

[今天爬山,明天露營。]

 

 

今天 爬 山 明天 露 营。

jīntiān pá shān míngtiān lù yíng

Today climb mountain, tomorrow outdoors camp

Today hike up mountains, tomorrow camp outdoors.

In the next example the subject is omitted and the object is topicalized by being moved into subject position, to form a passive-type sentence. For passive sentences with a marker such as ; bèi, see the passive section.

fàn

Food

zuò

make

hǎo

complete

了。

le

PFV

[飯做好了。]

 

 

饭 做 好 了。

fàn zuò hǎo le

Food make complete PFV

The food has been made or the food is ready.

Adverbs and adverbial phrases that modify the verb typically come after the subject but before the verb, although other positions are sometimes possible; see Adverbs and adverbials. For constructions that involve more than one verb or verb phrase in sequence, see Serial verb constructions. For sentences consisting of more than one clause, see Conjunctions.

Objects

[edit]

Some verbs can take both an indirect object and a direct object. Indirect normally precedes direct, as in English:

I

gěi

give

le

PFV

her

liù

six

běn

book-CL

书。

shū

books

[我給了她六本書。]

 

 

我 给 了 她 六 本 书。

wǒ gěi le tā liù běn shū

I give PFV her six book-CL books

I gave her six books.

With many verbs, however, the indirect object may alternatively be preceded by prepositional gěi (; ); in that case it may either precede or follow the direct object. (Compare the similar use of to or for in English.)

To emphasize the direct object, it can be combined with the accusative marker (, literally "hold") to form a " + direct object" phrase.[10] This phrase is placed before the verb. For example:

I

hit

broken

le

PFV

盘子。

pánzi

plate

[我打破了盤子。]

 

 

我 打 破 了 盘子。

wǒ dǎ pò le pánzi

I hit broken PFV plate

I broke a plate.

I

ba

盘子

pánzi

plate

hit

broken

了。

le

PFV

[我把盤子打破了。]

 

 

盘子 打 破 了。

pánzi dǎ pò le

I ba plate hit broken PFV

I made the plate break.

Other markers can be used in a similar way as , such as the formal jiāng (; , literally "lead") :

Jiāng

Jiāng

办理

bàn-lǐ

handle

情形

qíng-xíng

status

qiān

sign

bào

report

长官。

zhǎng-guān

superior

[將辦理情形簽報長官。]

 

 

办理 情形 签 报 长官。

Jiāng bàn-lǐ qíng-xíng qiān bào zhǎng-guān

Jiāng handle status sign report superior

Submit the implementation status report to the superior, and ask for approval.

and colloquial (, literally "get")

he

néng

can

me

怎样?

zěn-yàng

what

[他能拿我怎樣?]

 

 

他 能 我 怎样?

Tā néng wǒ zěn-yàng

he can me what

What can he do to me? (He can't do anything to me.)

To explain this kind of usage, some linguists assume that some verbs can take two direct objects, called the called "inner" and "outer" object.[11] Typically, the outer object will be placed at the start of the sentence (which is the topic) or introduced via the phrase. For example:

I

ba

橘子

júzi

tangerine

peel

le

PFV

皮。

skin

[我把橘子剝了皮。]

 

 

橘子 剥 了 皮。

júzi bō le pí

I ba tangerine peel PFV skin

I make the tangerine peeled.[c]

Noun phrases

[edit]

The head noun of a noun phrase comes at the end of the phrase; this means that everything that modifies the noun comes before it. This includes attributive adjectives, determiners, quantifiers, possessives, and relative clauses.

Chinese does not have articles as such; a noun may stand alone to represent what in English would be expressed as "the ..." or "a[n] ...". However the word (, "one"), followed by the appropriate classifier, may be used in some cases where English would have "a" or "an". It is also possible, with many classifiers, to omit the and leave the classifier on its own at the start of the noun phrase.

The demonstratives are zhè (; , "this"), and (, "that"). When used before a noun, these are often followed by an appropriate classifier (for discussion of classifiers, see Classifiers below and the article Chinese classifiers). However this use of classifiers is optional.[12] When a noun is preceded by a numeral (or a demonstrative followed by a numeral), the use of a classifier or measure word is in most cases considered mandatory. (This does not apply to nouns that function as measure words themselves; this includes many units of measurement and currency.)

The plural marker xiē (, "some, several"; also used to pluralize demonstratives) is used without a classifier. However (; , "some, several, how many") takes a classifier.[13]

For adjectives in noun phrases, see the Adjectives section. For noun phrases with pronouns rather than nouns as the head, see the Pronouns section.

Possessives are formed by adding de ()—the same particle that is used after relative clauses and sometimes after adjectives—after the noun, noun phrase or pronoun that denotes the possessor.

Relative clauses

[edit]

Chinese relative clauses, like other noun modifiers, precede the noun they modify. Like possessives and some adjectives, they are marked with the final particle de (). A free relative clause is produced if the modified noun following the de is omitted. A relative clause usually comes after any determiner phrase, such as a numeral and classifier. For emphasis, it may come before the determiner phrase.[14]

There is usually no relative pronoun in the relative clause. Instead, a gap is left in subject or object position as appropriate. If there are two gaps—the additional gap being created by pro-dropping—ambiguity may arise. For example, chī de (吃的) may mean "[those] who eat" or "[that] which is eaten". When used alone, it usually means "things to eat".

If the relative item is governed by a preposition in the relative clause, then it is denoted by a pronoun, e.g. tì tā (替他, "for him"), to explain "for whom". Otherwise the whole prepositional phrase is omitted, the preposition then being implicitly understood.

For example sentences, see Relative clause → Mandarin.

Classifiers

[edit]

Some English words are paired with specific nouns to indicate their counting units. For example, Bottle in "two bottles of wine" and sheet in "three sheets of paper". However, most English nouns can be counted directly without specifying units, while counting of most Chinese nouns must be associated with a specific classifier, namely liàng-cí (量词; 量詞, "measure words"), to represent their counting units.[15] Every Chinese noun can only be associated with a limited number of classifiers. For example

one

píng

bottle

jiǔ

wine

[一瓶酒]

 

 

píng jiǔ

one bottle wine

a bottle of wine

liǎng

two

bēi

cup

jiǔ

wine

[兩杯酒]

 

 

liǎng bēi jiǔ

two cup wine

two glasses of wine

píng (, "bottle") and bēi (, "cup") are both proper classifiers of the countable noun jiǔ (), while liǎng zuò jiǔ () and liǎng-jiǔ (两酒) are unacceptable.

While there are dozens of classifiers, the general classifier (; ) is colloquially (i.e. in informal conversations) acceptable for most nouns. However, there are still some exceptions. For example, liǎng jiǔ () is weird and unacceptable.

Most classifiers originated as independent words in Classical Chinese, so they are generally associated with certain groups of nouns with common properties related to their own classical meaning, for example:[3]

Classifier

(Original meaning)

Common Properties Examples
tiáo (; , "twig") long or thin

(twigs are long and thin)

yī-tiáo-shéngzi (绳子; 繩子, "a rope")

liǎng-tiáo-shé (; , "two snakes")

(, "hold") with a handle

(a handle to hold)

yī--dāo (, "a knife")

liǎng--sǎn (; , "two umbrellas")

zhāng (; , "draw a bow") flat or sheet-like

("extended" like a bow)

zhāng zhào-piàn (照片; 照片, "a photograph")

liǎng zhāng máo-pí (毛皮; 毛皮, "two furs")

Therefore, collocation of classifiers and noun sometimes depends on how native speakers realize them. For example, the noun zhuōzi (桌子, "table") is associated with the classifier zhāng (; ), due to the sheet-like table-top. Additionally, yǐ-zi (椅子, "chair") is associated with (, "hold"), because a chair can be moved by holding its top like a handle. Furthermore, due to the invention of the folding chair, yǐ-zi (椅子, "chair") is also associated with the classifier zhāng (; ) to express a folding chair can be "extended" (unfolded).

Classifiers are also used optionally after demonstratives, and in certain other situations. See the Noun phrases section, and the article Chinese classifier.

Numerals

[edit]

Pronouns

[edit]

The Chinese personal pronouns are (, "I, me"), (; 你/妳,[d] "you"), and (///, "he, him / she, her / it (animals) / it (inanimate objects)". Plurals are formed by adding men (; ): wǒmen (我们; 我們, "we, us"), nǐmen (你们; 你們, "you"), tāmen (他们/她们/它们/它们; 他們/她們/牠們/它們, "they/them"). There is also nín (), a formal, polite word for singular "you", as well as a less common plural form, nínmen (您们). Some northern dialects have a third-person formal, polite word (+, he/him + heart) similar to (+, you + heart).[16] The alternative inclusive word for "we/us"—zán () or zá[n]men (咱们; 咱們), specifically including the listener[17] —is used colloquially. The third-person pronouns are not often used for inanimates, with demonstratives used instead.

Possessives are formed with de (), such as wǒde (我的, "my, mine"), wǒmende (我们的; 我們的, "our[s]"), etc. The de may be omitted in phrases denoting inalienable possession, such as wǒ māma (我妈妈; 我媽媽, "my mom").

The demonstrative pronouns are zhè (; , "this", colloquially pronounced zhèi as a shorthand for 这一; 這一[18]) and (, "that", colloquially pronounced nèi as a shorthand for 那一[19]). They are optionally pluralized by the addition of plural quantifiers xiē () or qún (). There is a reflexive pronoun zìjǐ (自己) meaning "oneself, myself, etc.", which can stand alone as an object or a possessive, or may follow a personal pronoun for emphasis. The reciprocal pronoun "each other" can be translated from bǐcǐ (彼此), usually in adverb position. An alternative is hùxiāng (互相, "mutually").

Adjectives

[edit]

Adjectives can be used attributively, before a noun. The relative marker de ()[e] may be added after the adjective, but this is not always required; "black horse" may be either hēi mǎ (黑马; 黑馬) or hēi de mǎ (黑的马; 黑的馬). When multiple adjectives are used, the order "quality/size – shape – color" is followed, although this is not necessary when each adjective is made into a separate phrase with the addition of de.[20]

Gradable adjectives can be modified by words meaning "very", etc.; such modifying adverbs normally precede the adjective, although some, such as jíle (极了; 極了, "extremely"), come after it.

When adjectives co-occur with classifiers, they normally follow the classifier. However, with most common classifiers, when the number is "one", it is also possible to place adjectives like "big" and "small" before the classifier for emphasis.

ex:

one

big

ge

CL

西瓜

西瓜

xīguā

watermelon

 

 

 

[13]

一 大 个 西瓜

一 大 個 西瓜

yí dà ge xīguā

one big CL watermelon

Adjectives can also be used predicatively. In this case they behave more like verbs; there is no need for a copular verb in sentences like "he is happy" in Chinese; one may say simply tā gāoxìng (他高兴; 他高興, "he happy"), where the adjective may be interpreted as a verb meaning "is happy". In such sentences it is common for the adjective to be modified by a word meaning "very" or the like; in fact the word hěn (, "very") is often used in such cases with gradable adjectives, even without carrying the meaning of "very".

It is nonetheless possible for a copula to be used in such sentences, to emphasize the adjective. In the phrase tā shì gāoxìng le, (他是高兴了; 他是高興了, "he is now truly happy"), shì is the copula meaning "is", and le is the inceptive marker discussed later.[21] This is similar to the cleft sentence construction. Sentences can also be formed in which an adjective followed by de () stands as the complement of the copula.

Adverbs and adverbials

[edit]

Adverbs and adverbial phrases normally come in a position before the verb, but after the subject of the verb. In sentences with auxiliary verbs, the adverb usually precedes the auxiliary verb as well as the main verb. Some adverbs of time and attitude ("every day", "perhaps", etc.) may be moved to the start of the clause, to modify the clause as a whole. However, some adverbs cannot be moved in this way. These include three words for "often", cháng (), chángcháng (常常) and jīngcháng (经常; 經常); dōu (, "all"); jiù (, "then"); and yòu (, "again").[22]

Adverbs of manner can be formed from adjectives using the clitic de ().[f] It is generally possible to move these adverbs to the start of the clause, although in some cases this may sound awkward, unless there is a qualifier such as hěn (, "very") and a pause after the adverb.

Some verbs take a prepositional phrase following the verb and its direct object. These are generally obligatory constituents, such that the sentence would not make sense if they were omitted. For example:

fàng

put

běn

book-CL

shū

book

zài

in

桌子

zhuōzi

table

shàng

on

[放本書在桌子上]

 

 

放 本 书 桌子

fàng běn shū zài zhuōzi shàng

put book-CL book in table on

Put a book on the table[23]

There are also certain adverbial "stative complements" which follow the verb. The character de ()[g] followed by an adjective functions the same as the phrase "-ly" in English, turning the adjective into an adverb. The second is hǎo le (好了, "complete"). It is not generally possible for a single verb to be followed by both an object and an adverbial complement of this type, although there are exceptions in cases where the complement expresses duration, frequency or goal.[24] To express both, the verb may be repeated in a special kind of serial verb construction; the first instance taking an object, the second taking the complement. Aspect markers can then appear only on the second instance of the verb.

The typical Chinese word order "XVO", where an oblique complement such as a locative prepositional phrase precedes the verb, while a direct object comes after the verb, is very rare cross-linguistically; in fact, it is only in varieties of Chinese that this is attested as the typical ordering.[25]

Locative phrases

[edit]
"嚴禁站在", a grammatically incorrect Chinese sentence caused by machine translation of the phrase "forbidden to stand on". An object should follow the preposition of location zài ().

Expressions of location in Chinese may include a preposition, placed before the noun; a postposition, placed after the noun; both preposition and postposition; or neither. Chinese prepositions are commonly known as coverbs – see the Coverbs section. The postpositions—which include shàng (, "up, on"), xià (, "down, under"), (; , "in, within"), nèi (, "inside") and wài (, "outside")—may also be called locative particles.[26]

In the following examples locative phrases are formed from a noun plus a locative particle:

桌子

zhuōzi

table

shàng

on

桌子

zhuōzi shàng

table on

on the table

房子

fángzi

house

in

[房子裡]

 

 

房子

fángzi

house in

in the house

The most common preposition of location is zài (, "at, on, in"). With certain nouns that inherently denote a specific location, including nearly all place names, a locative phrase can be formed with zài together with the noun:

zài

in

美国

měiguó

America

[在美國]

 

 

美国

zài měiguó

in America

in America

However other types of nouns still require a locative particle as a postposition in addition to zài:

zài

in

报纸

bàozhǐ

newspaper

shàng

on

[在報紙上]

 

 

报纸

zài bàozhǐ shàng

in newspaper on

in the newspaper

If a noun is modified so as to denote a specific location, as in "this [object]...", then it may form locative phrases without any locative particle. Some nouns which can be understood to refer to a specific place, like jiā (, home) and xuéxiào (学校; 學校, "school"), may optionally omit the locative particle. Words like shàngmiàn (上面, "top") can function as specific-location nouns, like in zài shàngmiàn (在上面, "on top"), but can also take the role of locative particle, not necessarily with analogous meaning. The phrase zài bàozhǐ shàngmiàn (在报纸上面; 在報紙上面; 'in newspaper-top'), can mean either "in the newspaper" or "on the newspaper".[27]

In certain circumstances zài can be omitted from the locative expression. Grammatically, a noun or noun phrase followed by a locative particle is still a noun phrase. For instance, zhuōzi shàng can be regarded as short for zhuōzi shàngmiàn, meaning something like "the table's top". Consequently, the locative expression without zài can be used in places where a noun phrase would be expected – for instance, as a modifier of another noun using de (), or as the object of a different preposition, such as cóng (; , "from"). The version with zài, on the other hand, plays an adverbial role. However, zài is usually omitted when the locative expression begins a sentence with the ergative structure, where the expression, though having an adverbial function, can be seen as filling the subject or noun role in the sentence. For examples, see sentence structure section.

The word zài (), like certain other prepositions or coverbs, can also be used as a verb. A locative expression can therefore appear as a predicate without the need for any additional copula. For example, "he is at school" (他在学校; 他在學校; tā zài xuéxiào, literally "he at school").

Comparatives and superlatives

[edit]

Comparative sentences are commonly expressed simply by inserting the standard of comparison, preceded by (, "than"). The adjective itself is not modified. The (, "than") phrase is an adverbial, and has a fixed position before the verb. See also the section on negation.

If there is no standard of comparison—i.e., a than phrase—then the adjective can be marked as comparative by a preceding adverb bǐjiào (比较; 比較), jiào (; ) or gèng (), all meaning "more". Similarly, superlatives can be expressed using the adverb zuì (, "most"), which precedes a predicate verb or adjective.

Adverbial phrases meaning "like [someone/something]" or "as [someone/something]" can be formed using gēn (), tóng () or xiàng () before the noun phrase, and yīyàng (一样; 一樣) or nàyàng (那样; 那樣) after it.[28]

The construction yuè ... yuè ... 越...越... can be translated into statements of the type "the more ..., the more ...".

Copula

[edit]

The Chinese copular verb is shì (). This is the equivalent of English "to be" and all its forms—"am", "is", "are", "was", "were", etc. However, shì is normally only used when its complement is a noun or noun phrase. As noted above, predicate adjectives function as verbs themselves, as does the locative preposition zài (), so in sentences where the predicate is an adjectival or locative phrase, shì is not required.

For another use of shì, see shì ... [de] construction in the section on cleft sentences. The English existential phrase "there is" ["there are", etc.] is translated using the verb yǒu (), which is otherwise used to denote possession.

Aspects

[edit]

Chinese does not have grammatical markers of tense. The time at which action is conceived as taking place—past, present, future—can be indicated by expressions of time—"yesterday", "now", etc.—or may simply be inferred from the context. However, Chinese does have markers of aspect, which is a feature of grammar that gives information about the temporal flow of events. There are two aspect markers that are especially commonly used with past events: the perfective-aspect le () and the experiential guo (; ). Some authors, however, do not regard guo (or zhe; see below) as markers of aspect.[29] Both le and guo immediately follow the verb.

There is also a sentence-final inchoative le (), which is an aspect-marking particle that indicates a change in state. Following a convention used by some textbooks, it is listed with the modal particles below, even though it does not indicate a grammatical mood.

The perfective le presents the viewpoint of "an event in its entirety".[30] It is sometimes considered to be a past tense marker, although it can also be used with future events, given appropriate context. Some examples of its use:

I

dāng

serve as

le

le

兵。

bīng

soldier.

[我當了兵。]

 

 

我 当 兵。

wǒ dāng le bīng

I {serve as} le soldier.

I became a soldier.

Using le () shows this event that has taken place or took place at a particular time.

He

kàn

watch

le

le

sān

three

chǎng

sports-CL

球赛。

qiúsài

ballgames.

[他看了三場球賽。]

 

 

他 看 三 场 球赛。

tā kàn le sān chǎng qiúsài

He watch le three sports-CL ballgames.

He watched three ballgames.

This format of le () is usually used in a time-delimited context such as "today" or "last week".

The above may be compared with the following examples with guo, and with the examples with sentence-final le given under Particles.

The experiential guo "ascribes to a subject the property of having experienced the event".[31]

I

dāng

serve-as

guo

guo

兵。

bīng

soldier.

[我當過兵。]

 

 

我 当 兵。

wǒ dāng guo bīng

I serve-as guo soldier.

I have been a soldier before.

This also implies that the speaker no longer is a soldier.

He

kàn

watch

guo

guo

sān

three

chǎng

sports-CL

球赛。

qiúsài

ballgames.

[他看過三場球賽。]

 

 

他 看 三 场 球赛。

tā kàn guo sān chǎng qiúsài

He watch guo three sports-CL ballgames.

He has watched three ballgames up to now.

There are also two imperfective aspect markers: zhèngzài (正在) or zài (), and zhe (; ), which denote ongoing actions or states. Zhèngzài and zài precede the verb, and are usually used for ongoing actions or dynamic events – they may be translated as "[be] in the process of [-ing]" or "[be] in the middle of [-ing]". Zhe follows the verb, and is used mostly for static situations.

I

[正] 在

zhèng zài

in-middle-of

guà

hang

画。

huà

pictures

[我[正]在掛畫。]

 

 

我 {[正] 在} 挂 画。

wǒ {zhèng zài} guà huà

I in-middle-of hang pictures

I'm hanging pictures up.

qiáng

Wall

shàng

on

guà

hang

zhe

ongoing

one

picture-CL

画。

huà

picture

[牆上掛著一幅畫。]

 

 

墙 上 挂 一 幅 画。

qiáng shàng guà zhe yì fú huà

Wall on hang ongoing one picture-CL picture

A picture is hanging on the wall.

Both markers may occur in the same clause, however. For example, tā zhèngzai dǎ [zhe] diànhuà, "he is in the middle of telephoning someone" (他正在打[着]电话; 他正在打[著]電話; 'he &#91', 'in-middle-of&#93', '&#91', 'verb form&#93', '&#91', 'ongoing&#93', 'telephone').[32]

The delimitative aspect denotes an action that goes on only for some time, "doing something 'a little bit'".[33] This can be expressed by reduplication of a monosyllabic verb, like the verb zǒu ( "walk") in the following sentence:

I

dào

to

公园

gōngyuán

park

zǒu

walk

zǒu

walk

[我到公園走走。]

 

 

我 到 公园

wǒ dào gōngyuán zǒu zǒu

I to park walk walk

I'm going for a walk in the park.

An alternative construction is reduplication with insertion of "one" ( ). For example, zǒu yi zǒu (走一走), which might be translated as "walk a little walk". A further possibility is reduplication followed by kàn ( "to see"); this emphasizes the "testing" nature of the action. If the verb has an object, kàn follows the object.

Some compound verbs, such as restrictive-resultative and coordinate compounds, can also be reduplicated on the pattern tǎolùn-tǎolùn (讨论讨论; 討論討論), from the verb tǎolùn (讨论; 討論), meaning "discuss". Other compounds may be reduplicated, but for general emphasis rather than delimitative aspect. In compounds that are verb–object combinations, like tiào wǔ (跳舞; 'to jump a dance', "dance"), a delimitative aspect can be marked by reduplicating the first syllable, creating tiào-tiào wǔ (跳跳舞), which may be followed with kàn ().

Passive

[edit]

As mentioned above, the fact that a verb is intended to be understood in the passive voice is not always marked in Chinese. However, it may be marked using the passive marker 被 bèi, followed by the agent, though bèi may appear alone, if the agent is not to be specified.[h] Certain causative markers can replace bèi, such as those mentioned in the Other cases section, gěi, jiào and ràng. Of these causative markers, only gěi can appear alone without a specified agent. The construction with a passive marker is normally used only when there is a sense of misfortune or adversity.[34] The passive marker and agent occupy the typical adverbial position before the verb. See the Negation section for more. Some examples:

我们

wǒmen

We

bèi

by

him

scolded

了。

le

PFV

[我們被他罵了。]

 

 

我们 他 骂 了。

wǒmen bèi tā mà le

We by him scolded PFV

We were scolded by him.

He

bèi

by

me

beaten

le

PFV

one

顿。

dùn

event-CL

[他被我打了一頓。]

 

 

我 打 了 一 顿。

bèi wǒ dǎ le yí dùn

He by me beaten PFV one event-CL

He was beaten up by me once.

Negation

[edit]

The most commonly used negating element is (), pronounced with second tone when followed by a fourth tone. This can be placed before a verb, preposition or adverb to negate it. For example: "I don't eat chicken" (我不吃鸡; 我不吃雞; wǒ bù chī jī; 'I not eat chicken'). For the double-verb negative construction with , see Complement of result, below. However, the verb yǒu ()—which can mean either possession, or "there is/are" in existential clauses—is negated using méi (; ) to produce méiyǒu (没有; 沒有; 'not have').

For negation of a verb intended to denote a completed event, méi or méiyǒu is used instead of (), and the aspect marker le () is then omitted. Also, méi[yǒu] is used to negate verbs that take the aspect marker guo (; ); in this case the aspect marker is not omitted.[35]

In coverb constructions, the negator may come before the coverb (preposition) or before the full verb, the latter being more emphatic. In constructions with a passive marker, the negator precedes that marker; similarly, in comparative constructions, the negator precedes the phraseNot clear (unless the verb is further qualified by gèng (, "even more"), in which case the negator may follow the gèng to produce the meaning "even less").[36]

The negator bié () precedes the verb in negative commands and negative requests, such as in phrases meaning "don't ...", "please don't ...".

The negator wèi () means "not yet". Other items used as negating elements in certain compound words include (; ), (), miǎn () and fēi ().

A double negative makes a positive, as in sentences like wǒ bú shì bù xǐhuān tā (我不是不喜欢她; 我不是不喜歡她, "It's not that I don't like her" ). For this use of shì (), see the Cleft sentences section.

Questions

[edit]

In wh-questions in Chinese, the question word is not fronted. Instead, it stays in the position in the sentence that would be occupied by the item being asked about. For example, "What did you say?" is phrased as nǐ shuō shé[n]me (你说什么?; 你說什麼, literally "you say what"). The word shénme (什么; 什麼, "what" or "which"), remains in the object position after the verb.

Other interrogative words include:

  • "Who": shuí/shéi (; )
  • "What": shénme (什么; 什麼); shá (, used informally)
  • "Where": nǎr (哪儿; 哪兒); nǎlǐ (哪里; 哪裡); héchù (何处; 何處)
  • "When": shénme shíhòu (什么时候; 什麼時候); héshí (何时; 何時)
  • "Which": ()
    • When used to mean "which ones", is used with a classifier and noun, or with xiē () and noun. The noun may be omitted if understood through context.
  • "Why": wèishé[n]me (为什么; 為什麼); gànmá (干吗; 幹嘛)
  • "How many": duōshǎo (多少)
    • When the number is quite small, (; ) is used, followed by a classifier.
  • "How": zěnme[yang] (怎么[样]; 怎麼[樣]); rúhé (如何).

Disjunctive questions can be made using the word háishì (还是; 還是) between the options, like English "or". This differs from the word for "or" in statements, which is huòzhě (或者).

Yes–no questions can be formed using the sentence-final particle ma (; ), with word order otherwise the same as in a statement. For example, nǐ chī jī ma? (你吃鸡吗?; 你吃雞嗎?; 'you eat chicken MA', "Do you eat chicken?").

An alternative is the A-not-A construction, using phrases like chī bu chī (吃不吃, "eat or not eat").[i] With two-syllable verbs, sometimes only the first syllable is repeated: xǐ-bu-xǐhuān ( 喜不喜欢; 喜不喜歡, "like or not like"), from xǐhuān (喜欢; 喜歡, "like"). It is also possible to use the A-not-A construction with prepositions (coverbs) and phrases headed by them, as with full verbs.

The negator méi (; ) can be used rather than in the A-not-A construction when referring to a completed event, but if it occurs at the end of the sentence—i.e. the repetition is omitted—the full form méiyǒu (没有; 沒有) must appear.[37]

For answering yes–no questions, Chinese has words that may be used like the English "yes" and "no"duì (; ) or shì de (是的) for "yes"; () for "no" – but these are not often used for this purpose; it is more common to repeat the verb or verb phrase (or entire sentence), negating it if applicable.

Imperatives

[edit]

Second-person imperative sentences are formed in the same way as statements, and like in English, the subject "you" is often omitted.

Orders may be softened by preceding them with an element such as qǐng (, "to ask"), in this use equivalent to English "please". See Particles for more. The sentence-final particle ba () can be used to form first-person imperatives, equivalent to "let's...".

Serial verb constructions

[edit]

Chinese makes frequent use of serial verb constructions, or verb stacking, where two or more verbs or verb phrases are concatenated together. This frequently involves either verbal complements appearing after the main verb, or coverb phrases appearing before the main verb, but other variations of the construction occur as well.

Auxiliaries

[edit]

A main verb may be preceded by an auxiliary verb, as in English. Chinese auxiliaries include néng and nénggòu ( and 能够; 能夠, "can"); huì (; , "know how to"); kéyǐ (可以, "may"); gǎn (, "dare"); kěn (, "be willing to"); yīnggāi (应该; 應該, "should"); bìxū (必须; 必須, "must"); etc. The auxiliary normally follows an adverb, if present. In shortened sentences an auxiliary may be used without a main verb, analogously to English sentences such as "I can."

Verbal complements

[edit]

The active verb of a sentence may be suffixed with a second verb, which usually indicates either the result of the first action, or the direction in which it took the subject. When such information is applicable, it is generally considered mandatory. The phenomenon is sometimes called double verbs.

Complement of result

[edit]

A complement of result, or resultative complement (结果补语; 結果補語; jiéguǒ bǔyǔ) is a verbal suffix which indicates the outcome, or possible outcome, of the action indicated by the main verb. In the following examples, the main verb is tīng (; "to listen"), and the complement of result is dǒng (, "to understand/to know").

tīng

hear

dǒng

understand

[聽懂]

 

 

听 懂

tīng dǒng

hear understand

to understand something you hear

Since they indicate an absolute result, such double verbs necessarily represent a completed action, and are thus negated using méi (; ):

méi

not

tīng

hear

dǒng

understand

[沒聽懂]

 

 

听 懂

méi tīng dǒng

not hear understand

to have not understood something you hear

The morpheme de () is placed between the double verbs to indicate possibility or ability. This is not possible with "restrictive" resultative compounds such as jiéshěng (节省, literally "reduce-save", meaning "to save, economize").[38]

tīng

hear

de

possible/able

dǒng

understand

[聽得懂]

 

 

tīng de dǒng

hear possible/able understand

to be able to understand something you hear

This is equivalent in meaning to néng tīng dǒng (能听懂; 能聽懂), using the auxiliary néng (), equivalent to "may" or "can".[j]

To negate the above construction, de () is replaced by ():

tīng

hear

impossible/unable

dǒng

understand

[聽不懂]

 

 

tīng dǒng

hear impossible/unable understand

to be unable to understand something you hear

With some verbs, the addition of and a particular complement of result is the standard method of negation. In many cases the complement is liǎo, represented by the same character as the perfective or modal particle le (). This verb means "to finish", but when used as a complement for negation purposes it may merely indicate inability. For example: shòu bù liǎo (受不了, "to be unable to tolerate").

The complement of result is a highly productive and frequently used construction. Sometimes it develops into idiomatic phrases, as in è sǐ le (饿死了; 餓死了, literally "hungry-until-die already", meaning "to be starving") and qì sǐ le (气死了; 氣死了, literally "mad-until-die already", meaning "to be extremely angry"). The phrases for "hatred" (看不起; kànbùqǐ), "excuse me" (对不起; 對不起; duìbùqǐ), and "too expensive to buy" (买不起; 買不起; mǎi bùqǐ) all use the character (, "to rise up") as a complement of result, but their meanings are not obviously related to that meaning. This is partially the result of metaphorical construction, where kànbùqǐ (看不起) literally means "to be unable to look up to"; and duìbùqǐ (对不起; 對不起) means "to be unable to face someone".

Some more examples of resultative complements, used in complete sentences:

he

object-CL

盘子

pánzi

plate

hit

break

了。

le

PRF

[他把盤子打破了。]

 

 

他 把 盘子 了。

tā bǎ pánzi le

he object-CL plate hit break PRF

He hit/dropped the plate, and it broke.

Double-verb construction where the second verb, "break", is a suffix to the first, and indicates what happens to the object as a result of the action.

zhè(i)

this

 

电影

diànyǐng

movie

I

kàn

watch

impossible/unable

dǒng

understand

[這部電影我看不懂。]

 

 

这 部 电影 我

zhè(i) bù diànyǐng wǒ kàn dǒng

this {} movie I watch impossible/unable understand

I can't understand this movie even though I watched it.

Another double-verb where the second verb, "understand", suffixes the first and clarifies the possibility and success of the relevant action.

Complement of direction

[edit]

A complement of direction, or directional complement (趋向补语; 趨向補語; qūxiàng bǔyǔ) indicates the direction of an action involving movement. The simplest directional complements are (, "to go") and lái (; , "to come"), which may be added after a verb to indicate movement away from or towards the speaker, respectively. These may form compounds with other verbs that further specify the direction, such as shàng qù (上去, "to go up"), gùo lái (过来; 過來, "to come over"), which may then be added to another verb, such as zǒu (, "to walk"), as in zǒu gùo qù (走过去; 走過去, "to walk over"). Another example, in a whole sentence:

he

zǒu

walk

shàng

up

lái

come

了。

le

PRF

[他走上來了。]

 

 

他 走 了。

tā zǒu shàng lái le

he walk up come PRF

He walked up towards me.

The directional suffixes indicate "up" and "towards".

If the preceding verb has an object, the object may be placed either before or after the directional complement(s), or even between two directional complements, provided the second of these is not ().[39]

The structure with inserted de or is not normally used with this type of double verb. There are exceptions, such as "to be unable to get out of bed" (起不来床; 起不來床; qǐ bù lái chuáng or 起床不来; 起床不來; qǐ chuáng bù lái).

Coverbs

[edit]

Chinese has a class of words, called coverbs, which in some respects resemble both verbs and prepositions. They appear with a following object (or complement), and generally denote relationships that would be expressed by prepositions (or postpositions) in other languages. However, they are often considered to be lexically verbs, and some of them can also function as full verbs. When a coverb phrase appears in a sentence together with a main verb phrase, the result is essentially a type of serial verb construction. The coverb phrase, being an adverbial, precedes the main verb in most cases. For instance:

I

bāng

help

you

zhǎo

find

他。

tā.

him

[我幫你找他。]

 

 

你 找 他。

bāng nǐ zhǎo tā.

I help you find him

I will find him for you.

Here the main verb is zhǎo (, "find"), and bāng (; ) is a coverb. Here bāng corresponds to the English preposition "for", even though in other contexts it might be used as a full verb meaning "help".

I

zuò

sit

飞机

fēijī

airplane

cóng

from

上海

Shànghǎi

Shanghai

dào

arrive(to)

北京

Běijīng

Beijing

去。

qù.

go

[我坐飛機從上海到北京去。]

 

 

飞机 上海 北京 去。

zuò fēijī cóng Shànghǎi dào Běijīng qù.

I sit airplane from Shanghai arrive(to) Beijing go

I'll go from Shanghai to Beijing by plane.

Here there are three coverbs: zuò ( "by"), cóng (; , "from"), and dào (, "to"). The words zuò and dào can also be verbs, meaning "sit" and "arrive [at]" respectively. However, cóng is not normally used as a full verb.

A very common coverb that can also be used as a main verb is zài (), as described in the Locative phrases section. Another example is gěi (), which as a verb means "give". As a preposition, gěi may mean "for", or "to" when marking an indirect object or in certain other expressions.

I

gěi

to

you

strike

电话。

diànhuà

telephone

[我給你打電話。]

 

 

你 打 电话。

gěi nǐ dǎ diànhuà

I to you strike telephone

I'll give you a telephone call

Because coverbs essentially function as prepositions, they can also be referred to simply as prepositions. In Chinese they are called jiè cí (介词; 介詞), a term which generally corresponds to "preposition", or more generally, "adposition". The situation is complicated somewhat by the fact that location markers—which also have meanings similar to those of certain English prepositions—are often called "postpositions".

Coverbs normally cannot take aspect markers, although some of them form fixed compounds together with such markers, such as gēnzhe (跟着; 跟著; 'with +[aspect marker]'), ànzhe (按着; 按著, "according to"), yánzhe (沿着; 沿著, "along"), and wèile (为了; 為了 "for").[40]

Other cases

[edit]

Serial verb constructions can also consist of two consecutive verb phrases with parallel meaning, such as hē kāfēi kàn bào, "drink coffee and read the paper" (喝咖啡看报; 喝咖啡看報; 'drink coffee read paper'). Each verb may independently be negated or given the le aspect marker.[41] If both verbs would have the same object, it is omitted the second time.

Consecutive verb phrases may also be used to indicate consecutive events. Use of the le aspect marker with the first verb may imply that this is the main verb of the sentence, the second verb phrase merely indicating the purpose. Use of this le with the second verb changes this emphasis, and may require a sentence-final le particle in addition. On the other hand, the progressive aspect marker zài () may be applied to the first verb, but not normally the second alone. The word (, "go") or lái (; , "come") may be inserted between the two verb phrases, meaning "in order to".

For constructions with consecutive verb phrases containing the same verb, see under Adverbs. For immediate repetition of a verb, see Reduplication and Aspects.

Another case is the causative or pivotal construction.[42] Here the object of one verb also serves as the subject of the following verb. The first verb may be something like gěi (, "allow", or "give" in other contexts), ràng (; , "let"), jiào (, "order" or "call") or shǐ (使, "make, compel"), qǐng (; , "invite"), or lìng (, "command"). Some of these cannot take an aspect marker such as le when used in this construction, like lìng, ràng, shǐ. Sentences of this type often parallel the equivalent English pattern, except that English may insert the infinitive marker "to". In the following example the construction is used twice:

he

yào

want

me

qǐng

invite

him

drink

啤酒。

píjiǔ

beer

[他要我請他喝啤酒。]

 

 

他 要 我 他 喝 啤酒。

tā yào wǒ qǐng tā hē píjiǔ

he want me invite him drink beer

He wants me to treat him [to] beer.

Particles

[edit]

Chinese has a number of sentence-final particles – these are weak syllables, spoken with neutral tone, and placed at the end of the sentence to which they refer. They are often called modal particles or yǔqì zhùcí (语气助词; 語氣助詞), as they serve chiefly to express grammatical mood, or how the sentence relates to reality and/or intent. They include:[43]

  • ma (; ), which changes a statement into a yes–no question
  • ne (), which expresses surprise, produces a question "with expectation", or expresses a currently ongoing event when answering a question
  • ba (), which serves as a tag question, e.g. "don't you think so?"; produces a suggestion e.g. "let's..."; or lessens certainty of a decision.
  • a (),[k] which reduces forcefulness, particularly of an order or question. It can also be used to add positive connotation to certain phrases or inject uncertainty when responding to a question.
  • ou (; ), which signals a friendly warning
  • zhe (; ), which marks the inchoative aspect, or need for change of state, in imperative sentences. Compare the imperfective aspect marker zhe in the section above)
  • le (), which marks a "currently relevant state". This precedes any other sentence-final particles, and can combine with a () to produce la (); and with ou (; ) to produce lou (; ).

This sentence-final le () should be distinguished from the verb suffix le () discussed in the Aspects section. Whereas the sentence-final particle is sometimes described as an inceptive or as a marker of perfect aspect, the verb suffix is described as a marker of perfective aspect.[44] Some examples of its use:

I

méi

no

qián

money

le

PRF

[我沒錢了。]

 

 

我 没 钱

wǒ méi qián le

I no money PRF

I have no money now or I've gone broke.

I

dāng

work

bīng

soldier

le

PRF

[我當兵了。]

 

 

我 当 兵

wǒ dāng bīng le

I work soldier PRF

I have become a soldier.

The position of le in this example emphasizes his present status as a soldier, rather than the event of becoming. Compare with the post-verbal le example given in the Aspects section, wǒ dāng le bīng. However, when answering a question, the ending should be instead of . For example, to answer a question like "你现在做什么工作?" (What's your job now?), instead of using le, a more appropriate answer should be

I

dāng

work

bīng

soldier

ne

ongoing

[我當兵呢。]

 

 

我 当 兵

wǒ dāng bīng ne

I work soldier ongoing

I am being a soldier.

He

kàn

watch

sān

three

chǎng

sports-CL

球赛

qiúsài

ballgames

le

PRF

[他看三場球賽了。]

 

 

他 看 三 场 球赛

tā kàn sān chǎng qiúsài le

He watch three sports-CL ballgames PRF

He [has] watched three ballgames.

Compared with the post-verbal le and guo examples, this places the focus on the number three, and does not specify whether he is going to continue watching more games.

The two uses of le may in fact be traced back to two entirely different words.[45][46] The fact that they are now written the same way in Mandarin can cause ambiguity, particularly when the verb is not followed by an object. Consider the following sentence:

妈妈

māma

lái

le

[媽媽來了!]

 

妈妈 来

māma lái le

Mom come le

This le might be interpreted as either the suffixal perfective marker or the sentence-final perfect marker. In the former case it might mean "mother has come", as in she has just arrived at the door, while in the latter it might mean "mother is coming!", and the speaker wants to inform others of this fact. It is even possible for the two kinds of le to co-occur:[47]

He

chī

eat

le

PFV

fàn

food

le

PRF

[他吃了飯了]。

 

 

他 吃

tā chī le fàn le

He eat PFV food PRF

He has eaten.

Without the first le, the sentence could again mean "he has eaten", or it could mean "he wants to eat now". Without the final le the sentence would be ungrammatical without appropriate context, as perfective le cannot appear in a semantically unbounded sentence.

Plural

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Chinese nouns and other parts of speech are not generally marked for number, meaning that plural forms are mostly the same as the singular. However, there is a plural marker men (; ), which has limited usage. It is used with personal pronouns, as in wǒmen (我们; 我們, "we" or "us"), derived from (, "I, me"). It can be used with nouns representing humans, most commonly those with two syllables, like in péngyoumen (朋友们; 朋友們, "friends"), from péngyou (朋友, "friend"). Its use in such cases is optional.[48] It is never used when the noun has indefinite reference, or when it is qualified by a numeral.[49]

The demonstrative pronouns zhè (; , "this"), and (, "that") may be optionally pluralized by the addition of xiē (,"few"), making zhèxiē (这些; 這些, "these") and nàxiē (那些, "those").

Cleft sentences

[edit]

There is a construction in Chinese known as the shì ... [de] construction, which produces what may be called cleft sentences.[50] The copula shì () is placed before the element of the sentence which is to be emphasized, and the optional possessive particle de () is placed at the end of the sentence if the sentence ends in a verb, or after the last verb of the sentence if the sentence ends with a complement of the verb. For example:

He

shì

shi

昨天

zuótiān

yesterday

lái

come

[]。

[de]

[de].

[他是昨天來[的]。]

 

 

昨天 来 []。

shì zuótiān lái [de]

He shi yesterday come [de].

It was yesterday that he came.

Example with a sentence that ends with a complement:

He

shì

shi

昨天

zuótiān

yesterday

mǎi

buy

[]

[de]

[de]

菜。

cài

food

[他是昨天買[的]菜。]

 

 

昨天 买 [] 菜。

shì zuótiān mǎi [de] cài

He shi yesterday buy [de] food

It was yesterday that he bought food.

If an object following the verb is to be emphasized in this construction, the shì precedes the object, and the de comes after the verb and before the shì.

He

昨天

zuótiān

yesterday

mǎi

buy

de

de

shì

shi

菜。

cài

vegetable.

[他昨天買的是菜。]

 

 

他 昨天 买 菜。

tā zuótiān mǎi de shì cài

He yesterday buy de shi vegetable.

What he bought yesterday was vegetable.

Sentences with similar meaning can be produced using relative clauses. These may be called pseudo-cleft sentences.

昨天

zuótiān

yesterday

shì

is

he

mǎi

buy

cài

food

de

de

时间。

shíjiān

time

[昨天是他買菜的時間。]

 

 

昨天 是 他 买 菜 时间。

zuótiān shì tā mǎi cài de shíjiān

yesterday is he buy food de time

Yesterday was the time he bought food.[51]

Conjunctions

[edit]

Chinese has various conjunctions (连词; 連詞; liáncí) such as (, "and"), dànshì (但是, "but"), huòzhě (或者, "or"), etc. However Chinese quite often uses no conjunction where English would have "and".[52]

Two or more nouns may be joined by the conjunctions (, "and") or huò ( "or"); for example dāo hé chā (刀和叉, "knife and fork"), gǒu huò māo (狗或貓, "dog or cat").

Certain adverbs are often used as correlative conjunctions, where correlating words appear in each of the linked clauses, such as búdàn ... érqiě (不但 ... 而且; 'not only ... (but) also'), suīrán ... háishì (虽然 ... 还是; 雖然...還是; 'although ... still'), yīnwèi ... suǒyǐ (因为 ... 所以; 因為...所以; 'because ... therefore'). Such connectors may appear at the start of a clause or before the verb phrase.[53]

Similarly, words like jìrán (既然, "since/in response to"), rúguǒ (如果) or jiǎrú (假如) "if", zhǐyào (只要 "provided that") correlate with an adverb jiù (, "then") or (, "also") in the main clause, to form conditional sentences.

In some cases, the same word may be repeated when connecting items; these include yòu ... yòu ... (又...又..., "both ... and ..."), yībiān ... yībiān ... (一边...一边..., "... while ..."), and yuè ... yuè ... (越...越..., "the more ..., the more ...").

Conjunctions of time such as "when" may be translated with a construction that corresponds to something like "at the time (+relative clause)", where as usual, the Chinese relative clause comes before the noun ("time" in this case). For example:[54]

dāng

At

I

huí

return

jiā

home

de

de

时候...

shíhòu...

time

[當我回家的時候...]

 

 

当 我 回 家 时候...

dāng wǒ huí jiā de shíhòu...

At I return home de time

When I return[ed] home...

Variants include dāng ... yǐqián (当...以前; 當...以前 "before ...") and dāng ... yǐhòu (当...以后; 當...以後, "after ..."), which do not use the relative marker de. In all of these cases, the initial dāng may be replaced by zài (), or may be omitted. There are also similar constructions for conditionals: rúguǒ /jiǎrú/zhǐyào ... dehuà (如果/假如/只要...的话, "if ... then"), where huà (; ) literally means "narrative, story".

See also

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Notes

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References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]

Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Chinese grammar encompasses the syntactic and morphological principles that structure sentences, phrases, and words in the Chinese languages, with Standard Mandarin serving as the primary focus due to its status as the official language of China. As a quintessential analytic or isolating language within the Sino-Tibetan family, it features virtually no inflectional morphology, relying instead on fixed word order, contextual cues, and a small set of function words or particles to convey grammatical relations such as tense, aspect, and case. The canonical sentence structure follows a subject-verb-object (SVO) order, akin to English, though this is modulated by a topic-prominent organization where an initial topic (often a noun phrase) sets the frame, followed by a comment providing new information, allowing for pragmatic flexibility in discourse. Nouns lack markings for number, gender, or definiteness, with plurality or specificity inferred from context or quantifiers, while verbs do not conjugate for tense but employ aspectual particles like le (perfective) or zhe (progressive) post-verbally to indicate completion or ongoing action. Prepositions and disposal markers, such as , precede objects to signal thematic roles in transitive constructions, compensating for the absence of case endings. Notable syntactic features include serial verb constructions, in which multiple verbs chain together without coordinators to express sequences, purposes, or causations (e.g., "go store buy book"), and extensive compounding for word formation, where nouns and verbs combine into complex terms without derivational affixes. Questions are formed primarily through intonation, particles like ma, or A-not-A structures, while negation uses pre-verbal particles such as . These elements contribute to Chinese's reputation for syntactic simplicity and reliance on discourse context, though regional dialects exhibit variations in particle usage and serialization.

General Features

Typological characteristics

Chinese, particularly Mandarin, is classified as an analytic language, characterized by its isolating typology with virtually no inflectional morphology to mark categories such as tense, number, gender, or case. Instead, grammatical relations and meanings are primarily conveyed through fixed word order, invariant particles, and contextual inference, allowing words to remain unchanged across syntactic roles. This structure contrasts with synthetic languages that rely on affixes for such functions, emphasizing semantic transparency via linear arrangement and auxiliary elements. However, while retaining its core isolating nature with minimal inflectional morphology, modern Chinese demonstrates a noticeable trend toward increased affixation in word formation. Many originally independent morphemes have become productive derivational affixes for creating new words, including “化” (for processes like -ization), “性” (for qualities like -ness), “主义” (for ideologies like -ism), “者” (for agents like -er), “非” (for non-), and “超” (for super-/ultra-). This development is largely influenced by the translation of foreign concepts and advancements in science and technology, leading to more synthetic characteristics in word formation and limited agglutinative-like features such as clear morpheme boundaries and productive morpheme combination, although the language remains predominantly isolating and has not transitioned to a typical agglutinative type. A hallmark of this isolating nature is the use of invariant word forms that derive distinct meanings from tone, context, or position, akin to other isolating languages like Vietnamese where morphemes rarely fuse or inflect. For instance, the syllable ma in Mandarin can mean "mother" (mā, first tone), "hemp" or "numb" (má, second tone), "horse" (mǎ, third tone), "scold" (mà, fourth tone), or serve as a neutral-tone question particle (ma) to form yes/no inquiries, illustrating how prosody and syntax disambiguate without morphological alteration. Such homophonous flexibility underscores the language's reliance on non-morphological cues for interpretation. Historically, Chinese has evolved from the highly concise, even more isolating Classical Chinese of antiquity, which featured minimal particles and relied almost entirely on context and order, to modern vernacular forms that incorporate slight morphological innovations like aspect markers. In particular, the development of suffixes such as le (perfective aspect) and zhe (progressive aspect) represents key grammaticalizations from verbs and nouns during the medieval period, adding nuance to action completion or ongoing states without introducing full inflectional systems. These changes, emerging prominently after the Han dynasty, mark a gradual shift toward greater explicitness while preserving the core analytic framework. Distinctive typological traits include the absence of definite or indefinite articles, with reference and specificity instead handled through classifiers in numeral or demonstrative constructions, such as běn shū ("one-CL book," implying "a book"). Classifiers, obligatory before nouns in quantified phrases (e.g., nèi-zuò fángzi, "that-CL house"), serve to individuate or categorize nouns, compensating for the lack of number marking and enhancing semantic precision in an otherwise uninflected system. This extensive classifier system reflects Chinese's adaptation of analytic strategies to nominal domains.

Basic word order

Modern Mandarin Chinese follows a canonical subject-verb-object (SVO) word order in declarative sentences, aligning it typologically with languages like English. A prototypical example is "Wǒ chī fàn" (I eat rice), where the subject (I) precedes the verb chī (eat), followed by the object fàn (rice). Quantitative analyses of texts confirm the dominance of this VO pattern, occurring in approximately 94% of written instances and 92% of spoken ones, underscoring SVO as the unmarked order despite occasional variations. Sentence structure exhibits notable flexibility, particularly with adverbial elements. Time and place expressions typically occupy pre-verbal or pre-subject positions to set the scene, as in "Zuótiān wǒ qù xuéxiào" (Yesterday I went to school), where the temporal adverb zuótiān (yesterday) precedes both subject and verb. This placement adheres to a general "time-place-verb" sequence for adverbials, enhancing clarity in the absence of inflectional morphology. Chinese displays hybrid branching directionality, being head-initial at the clausal level (as in SVO order) but predominantly head-final within phrases. For instance, noun phrases are head-final, with attributive modifiers like adjectives or possessives appearing before the head noun: "hóng de chē" (red car), where hóng (red) precedes chē (car). This contrast influences constituent assembly, with complements following verbs in clauses but preceding heads in nominal or verbal phrases. Aspectual and modal particles often mark the boundary of the predicate, contributing to the interpretation of verbal elements without altering core word order. The perfective particle le, for example, attaches sentence-finally or verb-finally to signal completion or change of state, as in "Wǒ chī le fàn" (I ate [completion] rice). Such particles are essential for aspectual nuance in this analytic language. Deviations from strict SVO occur in specific constructions, notably object preposing for pragmatic emphasis or to indicate affectedness. In the -disposal construction, the object is fronted before the verb: "Tā bǎ shū fàng zài zhuōzi shàng" (He BA book put on table [top]), emphasizing the object's role. This preposing is licensed by the preposition-like and often ties into topicalization, where the fronted element serves as the sentence topic.

Topic-comment structure

Chinese grammar is characterized by topic-prominence, where sentences are primarily organized around a topic—typically given or known information—and a comment that provides new information about that topic. This structure contrasts with subject-prominent languages like English, in which the subject-predicate relation forms the core syntactic unit, often requiring a clear subject even if it is semantically empty (e.g., "It rains"). In Chinese, the topic is fronted to establish the frame for the comment, allowing flexibility in word order and enabling the use of "dummy" or omitted subjects once the topic is set. A classic example in modern Mandarin is Zhè běn shū, wǒ kàn guò le. (This book, I have read [it].), where "this book" serves as the topic, and the following clause comments on the speaker's experience with it; the pronoun "it" is often implied via zero anaphora rather than explicitly stated. Topics in Mandarin frequently appear as bare nouns without determiners or classifiers, as in Shū, wǒ xǐhuān. (Books, I like.), emphasizing the given status of the topic without additional marking. This fronting, known as left-dislocation, often involves a prosodic pause (represented by a comma in writing) to separate the topic from the comment, facilitating smooth information flow in discourse by presenting old information first and building new assertions upon it. Zero anaphora plays a key role in topic-comment structures, allowing the topic to be dropped in subsequent sentences if contextually recoverable, as in discourse sequences where the initial topic frames multiple comments: Zhè běn shū hěn hǎo. Kàn guò le. (This book [topic] is very good. [I] have read [it].). This promotes cohesive narratives in spoken and written Mandarin by avoiding redundancy and prioritizing pragmatic continuity over strict syntactic links. Such structures modify the basic SVO word order by permitting topic fronting for discourse purposes, enhancing expressiveness in everyday communication. Regional variations, such as in Cantonese, maintain this topic-prominence while exhibiting similar patterns. For instance, Faat3man2, siu2ming4 sik1. (French [language], SiuMing knows [it].) mirrors Mandarin's left-dislocation, with the topic establishing the focus and the comment providing predication; zero anaphora is equally common, and multiple topics (e.g., scene-setting followed by core topic) can layer for complex discourse, as in Gam1jat6, faat3man2, siu2ming4 sik1. (Today, French [language], SiuMing knows [it].). These features underscore the discourse-driven nature of Sinitic languages, where topic-comment organization supports efficient information packaging across varieties.

Morphology

Reduplication

Reduplication is a productive morphological process in Mandarin Chinese, involving the repetition of all or part of a lexical base to derive new forms or modify semantic nuances, such as diminutiveness, iteration, or intensification. This process applies across major word classes, including nouns, verbs, and adjectives, and is characterized by its non-inflectional nature, distinguishing it from compounding by focusing on repetition rather than combination of distinct roots. Historically, reduplication traces its roots to Classical Chinese, where it emerged around the 3rd century BC for nouns to convey affection or repetition, evolving into a more systematic device by the 13th century AD for verbs in contemporary usage. Full reduplication typically involves repeating the entire base syllable, as in nouns like māma (妈妈, 'mommy'), which carries a diminutive or affectionate sense compared to the non-reduplicated (妈). Partial reduplication, common in disyllabic bases, follows patterns such as ABAB for verbs (e.g., chīwánchīwán from chīwán, 'eat up', yielding an iterative 'eat a bit'), altering aspect to indicate tentativeness or brief action. For adjectives, reduplication often uses AABB (e.g., hónghóng lǜlǜ from hónglǜ, 'red-green', for vivid intensification) or AA for monosyllables (e.g., hónghóng de, 'red-red', approximating 'somewhat red'). In terms of productivity, reduplication is highly active in verbs, where it shifts bounded events to iterative or delimitative aspects (e.g., kànkàn from kàn, 'look', meaning 'take a look' briefly), and in adjectives for expressive modification, but less so in nouns, which favor affectionate derivations over broad derivation. Phonologically, reduplicated syllables generally preserve the base's tone, though tone sandhi may apply in sequences, ensuring rhythmic balance without altering core segmental identity (e.g., neutral tone often emerges in second syllables of noun reduplications like bàba). These patterns reflect Chinese's isolating typology, where reduplication compensates for limited affixation by encoding subtle semantic distinctions.

Compounding

In Chinese grammar, compounding serves as the primary mechanism for word formation, involving the combination of two or more free or bound lexical morphemes to create a new lexical item, often disyllabic in modern Mandarin. This process is highly prevalent, with over 80% of the modern Chinese lexicon consisting of disyllabic words that are typically compounds, a development driven by historical trends toward disyllabification from monosyllabic roots. For instance, the word for "train," huǒchē (火车, literally "fire-vehicle"), illustrates how compounding merges morphemes to denote complex concepts efficiently. Compounds in Chinese are broadly classified into endocentric and exocentric types based on their internal structure and semantic transparency. Endocentric compounds feature a head morpheme that determines the category and core meaning of the whole, with the non-head acting as a modifier, as in shūdiàn (书店, "book-store," meaning "bookstore") where diàn ("store") is the head. In contrast, exocentric compounds lack a clear head within the word, often relying on metaphorical or non-literal relations, such as dàxiǎo (大小, "big-small," referring to "size") or jiānshì (监视, "oversee-view," referring to "monitor"). Semantic relations within Chinese compounds vary, encompassing coordinate, attributive, and verb-object patterns. Coordinate compounds link morphemes of equal status, often synonyms or near-synonyms, like yīshang (衣服, "clothes-garments," denoting "clothing" in general). Attributive compounds involve a modifier specifying the head, as in tiānjià (天价, "sky-price," meaning "exorbitant price"). Verb-object compounds combine a verb and its object to form a unit, such as chīfàn (吃饭, "eat-rice," meaning "to eat a meal"). Compounding exhibits high productivity in Chinese, facilitating the creation of neologisms to adapt to modern needs, with approximately 18.7% of new words formed as abbreviated disyllabic compounds. This productivity extends to loan translations, or calques, where foreign concepts are rendered using native morphemes, such as diànnǎo (电脑, "electric-brain," for "computer") or diànhuà (电话, "electric-speech," for "telephone"). These formations preserve semantic transparency while integrating external influences into the lexicon. Orthographically, Chinese compounds are represented by sequences of characters, each typically corresponding to a single morpheme or syllable, with a 90% match rate between characters and morphemes in the lexicon. This one-to-one alignment, as in huǒchē (火车), supports the morphological transparency of compounds and aids in their comprehension and formation.

Affixes

Chinese grammar features a limited system of affixes, which are primarily derivational bound morphemes that modify the meaning of roots without significantly altering grammatical categories, in stark contrast to the extensive inflectional and derivational affixation in Indo-European languages like English, where affixes account for 30-40% of vocabulary formation. Unlike compounding, which dominates Chinese word formation through the juxtaposition of free morphemes, affixes serve as secondary mechanisms to add nuance, such as emphasis or specificity, often adapting to the language's tendency toward disyllabic structures. This affixation is paratactic, prioritizing semantic expressiveness over rigid structural changes, and reflects Chinese's isolating morphology where syllables remain largely inflexible. Prefixes in Chinese are rare and typically bound, functioning to indicate attributes like age, experience, or negation within compounds. For instance, "lǎo-" (老) conveys "old" or "experienced," as in "lǎoshī" (老师, teacher), denoting a seasoned professional. Similarly, "fēi-" (非) serves as a negating prefix in formal or compound terms, such as "fēifǎ" (非法, illegal), marking something as contrary to law or norm. Another example is "ā-" (阿), a colloquial prefix implying familiarity or endearment, seen in "ābà" (阿爸, dad). These prefixes are non-compulsory and often optional, enhancing rather than defining the root's core meaning. Suffixes are more prevalent than prefixes, commonly used for nominalization, diminutives, or abstraction, and they frequently attach to verbs or nouns to form new lexical items. The suffix "-zi" (子), for example, often nominalizes or diminutizes, as in "dāozi" (刀子, knife) or "zhuōzi" (桌子, table), though it can overlap with classifier functions in some contexts. In Beijing dialect, the "-r" (儿) suffix, known as erhua, adds a sense of smallness or endearment, transforming "huā" (花, flower) into "huār" (花儿, little flower). For nominalization, "-huà" (化) abstracts processes, as in "lǜhuà" (绿化, greening), derived from "lǜ" (绿, green). These suffixes are bound morphemes that integrate prosodically with the root, often without inflectional force, distinguishing them from free morphemes that stand alone. Infixes are minimal in standard Mandarin Chinese, appearing mostly in historical forms, dialects, or specific constructions, and they rarely disrupt the core syllable structure. Such cases are more analytic than true morphological infixation and remain marginal compared to prefixes and suffixes. Bound morphemes like these affixes contrast with free morphemes in Chinese by requiring attachment to a root for meaning, adding layers of connotation—such as affection via "-r" or collectivity via optional plural "-men" (们) in "péngyoumen" (朋友们, friends)—without shifting parts of speech drastically. This system has evolved since classical Chinese, with increased affixation in modern usage, particularly in internet slang and neologisms, where quasi-suffixes like "-zú" (族, clan) form terms such as "yuèguāngzú" (月光族, moonlight clan, referring to those who spend all earnings monthly), "-dǎng" (党, party), and "-kè" (客, guest) exhibit high productivity for social categorization. In contemporary Mandarin, a notable trend of affixization (词缀化趋势) is evident, with many originally independent components becoming highly productive derivational affixes. Examples include “-huà” (化) for processes or states (e.g., 现代化 xiàndàihuà 'modernization'), “-xìng” (性) for abstract qualities (e.g., 可能性 kěnéngxìng 'possibility'), “-zhǔyì” (主义) for ideologies (e.g., 资本主义 zīběnzhǔyì 'capitalism'), “-zhě” (者) for agents (e.g., 工作者 gōngzuòzhě 'worker'), “fēi-” (非) for negation (e.g., 非正式 fēizhèngshì 'informal'), and “chāo-” (超) for 'super' (e.g., 超级 chāojí 'super'). This trend is driven by the translation of foreign terms, especially Western scientific, philosophical, and technical concepts, as well as by advancements in science and technology, resulting in more synthetic word-formation processes with clearer morpheme boundaries and adhesive qualities resembling features of agglutinative languages. Nevertheless, Chinese morphology remains predominantly isolating and has not evolved into a typical agglutinative language. Influenced by 20th-century linguistic theories, contemporary affixation emphasizes adaptability and expressiveness over classical austerity.

Nominal Elements

Nouns and noun phrases

In Mandarin Chinese, nouns are morphologically invariant, lacking inflectional endings for categories such as gender, number, or case. This absence of grammatical morphology means that nouns remain unchanged regardless of their syntactic role or semantic features, distinguishing Mandarin from languages with rich inflectional systems. Plurality is not obligatorily marked on nouns; instead, it is inferred from context, adverbs, or optional particles like the suffix -mén (们), which is primarily used with human or animate nouns to indicate plurality, as in rénmen (people) versus the singular rén (person). Noun phrases in Mandarin are typically head-final, with the head noun appearing at the end and all modifiers—such as adjectives, relative clauses, or possessive phrases—preceding it. These modifiers are often connected to the head by the versatile particle de (的), which functions as a structural linker without altering the meaning of the elements it connects. For instance, the phrase hěn dà de fángzi (很大的房子) translates to "very big house," where hěn dà (very big) modifies fángzi (house) via de. This prenominal modification pattern allows for complex layering of attributes before the noun, contributing to the compact yet flexible structure of Mandarin noun phrases. When numerals or demonstratives are involved, a classifier is required between them and the noun, as briefly noted in standard descriptions of quantification. Possession within noun phrases is commonly expressed through the de construction, where the possessor precedes de and the possessed noun follows, as in wǒ de shū (我的书) meaning "my book." This structure treats the possessor as a modifier of the head noun. In certain cases, particularly with relational or compound-like expressions, juxtaposition without de is possible, such as māma (妈妈) inherently implying "mother's" in familial contexts, though de remains the dominant marker for explicit possession. Demonstratives and quantifiers occupy the initial position in noun phrases, preceding any classifiers or modifiers and the head noun to specify reference or quantity. Proximal demonstratives like zhè (this) and distal ones like (that) combine with classifiers, yielding forms such as nà ge rén (那个人) "that person," where ge is the classifier. Quantifiers, including numerals or indefinites like yīxiē (some), follow a similar prenominal placement, as in sān běn shū (三本书) "three books," ensuring the phrase's referential clarity. Noun phrases play a prominent role in the topic-comment structure of Mandarin sentences, often appearing in topic position to establish the frame of discourse before the comment provides new information. For example, Nèi kuài tián, wǒmen zhòng dàozi (那块田,我们种稻子) means "That field, we grow rice," where the noun phrase nèi kuài tián (that field, with kuài as classifier) functions as the topic, detached from strict subject-verb agreement typical of other languages. This topicalization highlights the pragmatic flexibility of noun phrases in Mandarin syntax.

Classifiers and measure words

In Chinese, classifiers, also known as numeral classifiers or sortal classifiers, are functional words that categorize nouns according to semantic properties such as shape, size, animacy, or function, and they are obligatory when a numeral, demonstrative, or other quantifier precedes a noun. This system distinguishes Chinese as a classifier language, where phrases like "three people" must be rendered as sān gè rén (three CL person), with serving as a general classifier. Sortal classifiers typically apply to countable, individuated entities and form a closed lexical class, often memorized in association with specific nouns. Measure words, or mensural classifiers, differ from sortal classifiers by quantifying unindividuated masses, volumes, or collective amounts rather than discrete units, and they belong to an open class often derived from nouns denoting containers or units of measurement. For instance, yī bēi shuǐ means "one cup of water," where bēi (cup) measures the liquid volume, and such constructions allow for modifications like adjectives (yī dà bēi shuǐ, one big cup of water) that are incompatible with sortal classifiers. Unlike sortal classifiers, measure words can sometimes permit the insertion of the possessive particle de to indicate a portion (sān bēi de shuǐ, three cups' worth of water). These elements integrate into noun phrases between the quantifier and the noun, facilitating precise enumeration without altering the noun's core meaning. Selection of classifiers follows semantic rules based on noun classes, with common categories including animacy (e.g., or míng for humans), shape (e.g., gěn for long, thin objects like pencils: yī gěn bǐ; tiáo for long, flexible items like snakes: yī tiáo shé), and form (e.g., zhāng for flat, extended objects like paper: yī zhāng zhǐ). The general classifier serves as a default for many nouns when no specific category fits, particularly in colloquial contexts. Empirical analysis of large corpora, such as a 489 MB dependency-parsed dataset of nominal phrases, confirms the distinct roles of sortal and measure classifiers in quantification. Historically, the Chinese classifier system traces its origins to sortal classifiers in Late Old Chinese (around the 5th century BCE), where they initially appeared post-nominally before shifting to pre-nominal position, with the inventory steadily expanding through Middle Chinese to the modern era. This development reflects broader typological shifts in Sino-Tibetan languages toward obligatory classification for quantification. Dialectal variations enrich the system, with southern varieties like Cantonese and Min often employing a similar or slightly larger number of specialized classifiers (around 100-150) compared to Mandarin (around 50-100), often diverging in assignment for the same noun—for example, "tree" may use , gān, or shù across dialects depending on regional semantic preferences. Wu and Min dialects show greater flexibility in interpretation, allowing classifiers to denote both shape and functional roles more interchangeably than in northern Mandarin. In casual spoken Chinese, classifiers may be omitted, particularly with bare nouns lacking quantifiers or in rapid discourse where context implies the count, but higher reliance on the default to simplify production. Corpus studies of spoken Mandarin reveal that such omissions or substitutions occur more frequently in informal settings, prioritizing fluency over strict grammaticality.

Pronouns

Chinese pronouns are notably simple in form and lack the gender, case, and number inflections common in many Indo-European languages. They primarily include personal, demonstrative, and interrogative types, with usage heavily reliant on context due to the language's pro-drop nature, where pronouns are frequently omitted when their referents are recoverable from discourse. This simplicity reflects Mandarin's analytic structure, where pronouns function as substitutes within noun phrases but do not alter morphologically for syntactic roles. Personal pronouns in Mandarin distinguish first, second, and third persons in both singular and plural forms. The singular forms are (I/me), (you), and (he/she/it), with being gender-neutral in spoken Mandarin but differentiated in writing as (他 for male), (她 for female), and (它 for inanimate). Plural forms are derived by adding the suffix -men (-们), yielding wǒmen (we/us), nǐmen (you all), and tāmen (they/them); this suffix applies uniformly without person-specific variations. For the first-person plural, wǒmen typically excludes the addressee (exclusive), while zánmen includes them (inclusive), though the latter is more colloquial and regional. Unlike many languages, Mandarin lacks a formal-informal distinction in second-person pronouns based on social hierarchy alone, but politeness is conveyed through nín (a respectful form of ) in singular address to superiors or strangers. Demonstrative pronouns indicate proximity and are binary: zhè (this, proximal) and (that, distal), which can stand alone or modify nouns as determiners. These extend to spatial and temporal deictics, such as zhèlǐ (here) and nàlǐ (there), or zhè ge (this one) for specificity in context. Demonstratives often share etymological ties with personal pronouns, reflecting cognitive mappings between person reference and spatial deixis. Interrogative pronouns inquire about identities or properties, including shéi (who/whom), shénme (what), and (which), which remain in situ within questions rather than fronting like in English. These forms can also function indefinitely in non-questions when bound by operators, but their primary role is in eliciting information. Mandarin is a pro-drop language, permitting null subjects and objects when context provides clear antecedents, a feature that reduces overt pronoun use in connected discourse compared to non-pro-drop languages. For instance, in narratives, pronouns like may be omitted if the referent is topical. Reflexives are expressed by zìjǐ (self), which binds to antecedents locally or long-distance, allowing reference to non-local subjects under certain syntactic conditions, unlike stricter English reflexives. Politeness in pronoun usage often avoids direct address altogether, favoring kinship terms, professional titles, or relational nouns like tóngxué (classmate) for "you" in educational settings, or lǎoshī (teacher) to show respect. This indirectness aligns with Chinese cultural norms emphasizing relational harmony over explicit personal reference.

Verbal Elements

Verbs

In Mandarin Chinese, verbs form the core of predicate structures and do not inflect for person, number, tense, mood, or voice, relying instead on contextual elements, particles, and word order to convey such distinctions. This lack of morphological marking distinguishes Chinese verbs from those in Indo-European languages, allowing a single form like pǎo 'run' to function across various contexts without alteration. Verbs are broadly classified into dynamic (action) verbs, which denote events or processes, and stative verbs, which describe states or conditions; this distinction affects their compatibility with modifiers and constructions. Dynamic verbs, such as pǎo 'run' or mài 'sell', typically express actions that can be ongoing or habitual and are modifiable by progressive markers like zài. Stative verbs, exemplified by ài 'love' or xǐhuān 'like', indicate enduring states and are often paired with degree adverbs such as hěn 'very'. Transitivity is largely inherent to the verb's lexical semantics rather than marked morphologically; for instance, transitive verbs like mǎi 'buy' require a direct object to complete their meaning, while intransitive ones like zuò 'sit' do not, and ditransitive verbs such as sòng 'give' take both a theme and a goal. There is no verbal inflection to indicate passivization, which instead employs dedicated constructions. Argument structure follows a basic subject-verb-object (SVO) order, with subjects often optional in topic-comment sentences where the topic sets the frame (e.g., Zhè běn shū, wǒ kàn guò 'This book, I have read'), and objects appearing directly after the verb. Modal verbs, such as néng 'can' or huì 'will', and certain auxiliaries precede the main verb to modify its possibility, ability, or volition, forming a pre-verbal cluster (e.g., Wǒ néng pǎo 'I can run'). Verbs in Mandarin are serializable, meaning multiple verbs can chain together in a single clause without conjunctions or shared arguments beyond the subject, expressing sequences like purpose or manner (e.g., Tā qù xuéxiào kàn shū 'He goes to school to read books'). This serialization creates complex predicates while maintaining monoclausal status.

Adjectives

In Mandarin Chinese, adjectives constitute a distinct lexical category, often analyzed as stative predicates that describe inherent properties or states of entities. Unlike in many Indo-European languages, adjectives in Chinese do not require a copula verb like "to be" when functioning predicatively in simple declarative sentences. For example, the sentence Tā gāo (他高), literally "he tall," conveys "He is tall," where gāo (tall) directly predicates the subject's height without additional linking. This predicative capacity underscores adjectives' verbal-like behavior, positioning them as a subclass of stative verbs in traditional analyses. Adjectives can be modified by pre-adjectival intensifiers to express degree, with hěn (很, very) being the most common, as in Tā hěn gāo (他很高, "He is very tall"). Adjectives in predicative position are commonly modified by intensifiers like hěn, especially monosyllabic ones, to express absolute degree; without it, they often imply comparison. Disyllabic adjectives can more readily appear without an intensifier without strong comparative implications. Reduplication serves to add vividness or tentativeness to the description, transforming a base adjective like gānjìng (干净, clean) into gāngānjìngjìng (干干净净, "nice and clean" or "completely clean"), which conveys a more emphatic or diminutive state. Such patterns distinguish adjectives from dynamic action verbs, highlighting their role in expressing static qualities. When attributing qualities to nouns within noun phrases, adjectives precede the head noun and are typically linked by the particle de (的), as in hóng de qiú (红的球, "red ball"). This de functions as a modifier marker, enabling adjectives to specify attributes without verbal inflection. Notably, there is overlap between adjectives and certain verbs, particularly stative ones like color terms (hóng, 红, "red"), which can alternate between adjectival attribution (hóng de huā, "red flower") and verbal predication (Huā hóng le, "The flower turned red"), reflecting Chinese's analytic morphology where category distinctions rely on syntactic position rather than affixation. The copula shì (是) appears with adjectives only in equative clauses for emphasis or contrast, such as Tā shì gāo ("He is [indeed] tall").

Adverbs and adverbials

In Mandarin Chinese, adverbs and adverbial phrases primarily modify verbs, adjectives, or entire clauses, providing information on manner, degree, location, or time. Unlike in many Indo-European languages, Chinese adverbs do not inflect and typically occupy fixed positions relative to the elements they modify, with most appearing preverbally after the subject or topic. This positioning reflects the language's topic-comment structure and adverb hierarchy, where broader modifiers like time adverbials tend to precede more specific ones like manner or degree. Adverbials, often phrasal, function similarly but may include prepositions such as zài for locatives. Manner adverbs describe how an action is performed and are nonmovable, occurring immediately after the subject and before the verb. For example, kuài (quickly) in Tā kuài bēn (He runs quickly) modifies the verb bēn (run) to indicate speed. These adverbs are often derived from adjectives or onomatopoeic forms and cannot shift to sentence-initial positions without altering scope. Reduplication enhances emphasis in manner adverbs, such as dīngdāng-dīngdāng (clanging noisily), which conveys a vivid, iterative sense of sound during the action. Degree adverbs intensify adjectives or verbs, typically placed directly before the element they modify. The common adverb hěn (very) precedes adjectives, as in Zhè ge fángjiān hěn dà (This room is very big), where it serves as an intensifier rather than a literal "very" in neutral contexts. Similarly, tài (too/excessively) implies excess, as in Tā tài gāo le (He is too tall), often co-occurring with the aspect marker le to mark change. Degree adverbs like hěn are commonly used before stative predicates in affirmative sentences to express absolute degree, as without them a comparative implication may arise. Locative adverbial phrases, introduced by the preposition zài (at/in), specify the location of an action or state and appear preverbally, either sentence-initially or after the subject. For instance, Wǒ zài jiā chī fàn (I eat at home) places the phrase zài jiā (at home) before the verb chī (eat) to indicate the site's relevance to the action. This preverbal position distinguishes locatives from postverbal ones, which denote participant locations rather than action sites. In serial verb constructions, locative adverbials may chain briefly to add spatial detail without independent predication. Time adverbials indicate when an event occurs and are movable, positioning either at the sentence beginning (before the subject) for broad scope or immediately after the subject for narrower focus. Examples include Míngtiān wǒ qù Běijīng (Tomorrow I go to Beijing), where míngtiān (tomorrow) precedes the subject to frame the entire clause, or post-subject placement like Wǒ míngtiān qù Běijīng for emphasis on the subject's relation to the timing. These adverbials often lack prepositions in colloquial speech, relying on nominal forms for simplicity. Reduplication of adverbs or adverbials adds emphasis or vividness, particularly for degree or manner. The form hěnhěn de (very much/intensely), derived from reduplicating hěn, intensifies the modification, as in Tā hěnhěn de ài tā (She loves him very much), conveying strong emotional force beyond simple hěn. This pattern applies to adverbial phrases, enhancing expressiveness without altering core syntax.

Syntactic Patterns

Serial verb constructions

Serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese involve sequences of two or more verbs or verb phrases within a single clause, without coordinating or subordinating conjunctions, to express a complex event or related actions as a unified whole. These constructions typically share the same subject and tense/aspect markers, allowing the verbs to function monoclausally while conveying sequential, purposive, or resultant meanings. A classic example is "Qù Běijīng kàn péngyou" (go Beijing see friend), where the first verb indicates motion toward a location, and the second specifies the purpose of the action. SVCs in Chinese encompass several types, including purposive constructions, where the second verb expresses the goal or intention of the first, as in "Mǎi shū dú" (buy book read), meaning "buy a book to read." Resultative constructions, another major type, combine a main verb with an outcome verb to indicate the result of the action, such as "Dǎ-sǐ" (hit-dead), as in "Tā dǎ-sǐ le lǎoshǔ" (he hit-dead PERF rat), translating to "He killed the rat by hitting it." Pre-verbal modals and auxiliaries, like "yào" (want) or "néng" (can), can initiate SVCs to express volition or ability, for instance, "Wǒ yào qù xuéxí" (I want go study), meaning "I want to go study." A key subtype of SVCs involves verbal complements, particularly resultative and directional ones. Resultative complements attach to the main verb to denote achievement or completion, exemplified by "Kàn-jiàn" (see-get), as in "Tā kàn-jiàn le tā de péngyou" (she see-get PERF her friend), meaning "She saw her friend." Directional complements specify path or orientation, often using verbs like "qù" (go) or "lái" (come), such as "Jìn-qù" (enter-go), in "Tāmen jìn-qù le fángjiān" (they enter-go PERF room), translating to "They went into the room." Coverbs, functioning prepositionally, may appear in serial-like structures but are treated separately as they introduce locative or instrumental relations. SVCs are subject to syntactic constraints that maintain their monoclausal integrity, including the requirement for a shared subject across all verbs, as the subject of the first verb controls the subsequent ones without explicit repetition. Tense, aspect, and negation cannot stack independently on each verb; instead, markers like the perfective "le" apply to the entire construction, as in "Tā qù-le Běijīng kàn péngyou" (he go-PERF Beijing see friend), where "le" indicates completion of the whole event. These constraints ensure that SVCs do not form biclausal structures, distinguishing them from coordinated sentences.

Relative clauses

In Mandarin Chinese, relative clauses function to modify nouns by providing additional descriptive information, typically appearing in a pre-nominal position without the use of relative pronouns such as "that," "who," or "which" found in English. This structure relies on the particle de (的), which serves as a nominalizer or complementizer to link the clause to the head noun, effectively turning the verbal clause into an adjectival modifier. For example, the phrase wǒ kàn de shū translates to "the book that I read," where the clause wǒ kàn ("I read") precedes the head noun shū ("book") and is marked by de without any pronoun. Tense and aspect can be explicitly marked within the relative clause if necessary for clarity, using particles like le (了) for perfective aspect or guò (过) for experiential aspect, though such marking is optional and often omitted in simple clauses. An example is Zhāngsān xǐhuān-le tā hěn jiǔ de nǚrén ("the woman that Zhangsan has liked for a long time"), where le indicates completion within the modifying clause. However, aspect markers are less common or sometimes ungrammatical in gapless relative clauses, such as attempts to relativize on events without a gapped argument. Gapping, or the omission of the element coreferential with the head noun, is a standard economy mechanism in these constructions, particularly for direct objects, allowing the clause to integrate smoothly without redundancy. In Lisa mǎi de shū ("the book that Lisa bought"), the object position is gapped (implied as the head shū), while subject gaps are more restricted and often require resumptive pronouns for indirect objects, as in wǒ gěi tā shū de rén ("the person that I gave the book to"). Gapless relative clauses also occur, especially for event descriptions, like mǎ cǎi zài dìmiànshàng de shēngyīn ("the sound of a horse stepping on the ground"), where no argument is omitted. Complex embeddings, including recursive or nested relative clauses, are possible though less frequent, adhering to syntactic constraints like island effects that limit extraction in gapped types. A nested example is kànjiàn [yǎoshàng-le rén de] gǒu de nǚrén ("the woman who saw the dog that bit a person"), where the inner clause yǎoshàng-le rén de ("that bit a person") modifies gǒu ("dog"), and the outer clause modifies nǚrén ("woman"). These structures attach to noun phrases, enhancing descriptive complexity within nominal elements.

Comparatives and superlatives

In Mandarin Chinese, comparatives and superlatives lack morphological inflections on adjectives or adverbs, unlike many Indo-European languages; instead, they rely on dedicated particles and contextual inference to express degrees of comparison. The primary structure for inequality uses the preposition (比), meaning "than" or "compared to," which introduces the standard of comparison following the subject and predicate. This construction applies to gradable adjectives and certain verbs, allowing for explicit contrasts between two entities. Equality is conveyed through gēn...yīyàng (跟...一样) or hé...yīyàng (和...一样), indicating sameness in degree. Superlatives employ zuì (最), placed before the adjective to denote the highest degree within a set, often with de (的) for nominalization or emphasis. The standard comparative construction follows the pattern: Subject A + + Subject B + adjective (or verb phrase), where the adjective or verb in the -clause is typically elided under identity with the main clause. For example, Tā bǐ wǒ gāo (他比我高, "He is taller than me") compares height explicitly, with the shared predicate "tall" implied in the second clause. This structure projects a degree phrase where the -clause saturates the degree argument of the gradable predicate, ensuring the comparison holds only for identical properties. Verbal comparisons use a resultative form, such as Tā bǐ wǒ pǎo de kuài (他比我跑得快, "He runs faster than me"), where de (得) links the verb to the degree adverb. Negation reverses the inequality with bù bǐ (不比, "not more than") or méiyǒu...nàme (没有...那么, "not as...as"). These forms differ from English by prohibiting embedded clauses as standards, requiring surface parallelism in predicates. For equality, the structure is Subject A + gēn/ + Subject B + yīyàng + adjective, expressing that two entities share the same degree on a scale. An example is Wǒ gēn nǐ yīyàng gāo (我和你一样高, "I am as tall as you"), where yīyàng (一样) asserts equivalence without implying a scale endpoint. This construction treats the comparison as a strict identity relation, applicable to both adjectival qualities and verbal abilities, such as Tā gēn wǒ yīyàng xǐhuan chànggē (他和我一样喜欢唱歌, "He likes singing as much as I do"). Unlike , it does not involve degree abstraction and can be negated with bù yīyàng (不一样, "not the same"). Superlatives are formed simply as zuì + adjective, indicating the maximum degree relative to an implicit or contextual set, without needing a explicit standard. For instance, Zhè shì zuì hǎo de shū (这是最好的书, "This is the best book") uses de to nominalize the superlative phrase for emphasis or modification. When applied to verbs, it parallels adjectival use, as in Tā pǎo de zuì kuài (他跑得最快, "He runs the fastest"). The construction assumes a domain of comparison from context, such as peers or alternatives, and can combine with adverbs like gèng (更) for escalation, though zuì alone suffices for absolute extremes. Comparisons often rely on implicit standards when context provides the baseline, avoiding overt or zuì for brevity. For example, Tā hěn gāo (他很高, "He is very tall") can imply "taller than expected" or "taller than average" based on shared knowledge, leveraging degree modifiers like hěn (很) to evoke a scale without explicit marking. This contextual inference extends to verbal contexts, distinguishing adjectival comparisons (e.g., inherent qualities like height) from verbal ones (e.g., manner or extent of actions like running speed), where the latter require de to integrate the degree. Such implicit forms highlight Chinese's reliance on pragmatics over syntactic marking for gradation.

Grammatical Functions

Aspect and copula

Chinese grammar lacks a morphological tense system, relying instead on contextual cues, temporal adverbs, and aspect markers to convey time reference. Aspect markers provide a viewpoint on the internal temporal structure of events, focusing on completion, duration, or experience rather than absolute time. The primary aspect markers in Mandarin are the perfective le (了), the imperfective zhe (着), and the experiential guò (过), all of which are suffixes attached post-verbally to indicate specific aspectual perspectives. The perfective marker le signals the completion or boundedness of an event, viewing it as a whole without internal structure, often implying past relevance. It typically follows the verb directly, as in Tā chī-le fàn ('He ate the meal'), where the action is presented as finished. Unlike tense markers in Indo-European languages, le does not strictly denote past time and can appear in non-past contexts when combined with modals or future adverbs, though it most commonly co-occurs with past events. Le is optional in some cases but obligatory for telic (goal-oriented) verbs to mark completion. The imperfective marker zhe expresses ongoing or durative situations, often describing a state resulting from an action or a continuous process. Positioned after the verb, it highlights the internal unfolding of the event, as in Tā kàn-zhe shū ('He is reading a book'). Zhe frequently combines with posture verbs like zuò ('sit') or zhàn ('stand') to indicate sustained activity and is incompatible with punctual or atelic events that lack duration. This marker contributes to the atelic interpretation of the verb phrase, emphasizing persistence over termination. The experiential marker guò denotes that a subject has undergone an event at least once in the past, focusing on the experience rather than the event's recency or repetition. It also follows the verb, as in Wǒ qù-guò Zhōngguó ('I have been to China'), where it implies prior occurrence without specifying when or if it continues. Guò is distinct from le in that it views the event as unbounded and non-resultative, often used with change-of-state verbs, and it cannot co-occur with le in the same clause. This marker underscores lifetime experiences and is sensitive to the verb's semantics, avoiding stative predicates. Aspect markers attach directly to verbs in verbal predicates, interacting with the verb's inherent aspect (e.g., telic vs. atelic) to shape overall interpretation, but they do not apply to the copula. In nominal clauses, temporal information remains adverbial or contextual, as aspect markers are verb-bound. The copula shì (是) functions primarily in equative constructions to identify or specify the subject with a nominal complement, establishing equivalence or attribution. It appears between the subject and predicate nominal, as in Tā shì lǎoshī ('He is a teacher'), linking the two without implying action or state change. Unlike English "be," shì is not used with adjectival predicates (e.g., Tā gāo 'He is tall' omits shì) and serves mainly for emphasis, clarification, or contrast in identification, not for existential or locative meanings. Shì clauses are non-verbal and thus exclude aspect markers, which are restricted to dynamic verbs. Dialectal variations affect aspect marking, particularly le, which in Mandarin is strictly post-verbal but appears pre-verbally in some southern dialects like Xiang to indicate perfective or change-of-state meanings. For instance, in Xiang varieties, pre-verbal le can mark completed actions differently from Mandarin's suffixal use, reflecting substrate influences and syntactic divergence across Sinitic languages. Such variations highlight the non-uniformity of aspect systems in Chinese dialects, though Mandarin standardizes post-verbal placement.

Passive voice

In Mandarin Chinese, the primary means of expressing the passive voice is through the bèi construction, which typically follows the structure "Subject bèi [Agent] Verb," where the agent phrase is optional. This results in long passives when the agent is included (e.g., Tā bèi wǒ dǎ le, "He was hit by me") and short passives when omitted (e.g., Tā bèi dǎ le, "He was hit"). The bèi marker, derived historically from a verb meaning "to suffer" or "to endure," introduces an element of adversity or misfortune to the subject, often implying a negative outcome, unlike the more neutral passives in languages like English. The agent in bèi constructions can be omitted more frequently than in English equivalents, reflecting a preference for brevity and context-dependency in Chinese syntax; when present, it appears between bèi and the verb as a noun phrase. Aspect markers, such as le for perfective aspect, commonly co-occur after bèi or the agent to indicate completion (e.g., Shū bèi xuéshēng dú le, "The book was read by the students"). Bèi passives are less common overall than active voice constructions, occurring at a rate of about 110 per 100,000 words in corpora compared to over 1,000 in English, and speakers often favor active paraphrases for naturalness in spoken language. Alternative passive-like constructions include those with ràng ("let/make"), jiào ("teach/call"), or gěi ("give"), which often carry causative implications and require an explicit agent, functioning more as dispositional or permissive passives (e.g., Tā ràng wǒ dǎ le, "He was hit by me" or "I was allowed to hit him"). These differ from bèi by blending passive and causative meanings, with ràng and jiào being partially grammaticalized from their original lexical senses. Bèi constructions predominate in formal and written registers, such as academic or official texts, where explicit passivization enhances objectivity. Historically, bèi passives emerged in the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE), evolving from a full verb to a preposition-like marker that replaced earlier forms like wèi...suǒ, and their usage has increased significantly from Classical Chinese to modern Mandarin, influenced by Western linguistic contact that mitigated some adversity connotations in written forms. In pre-modern texts, passives were rare and adversity-heavy, but modern corpora show a rise, particularly in formal prose, though they remain underrepresented relative to active alternatives.

Negation

Negation in Mandarin Chinese is primarily expressed through preverbal particles, with (不) and méi(yǒu) (没(有)) serving as the core markers, each tied to distinct aspectual and temporal scopes. These particles negate predicates without altering sentence structure significantly, positioning directly before the verb or adjective they modify. The particle negates present, future, or habitual actions and states, functioning as a general negative adverb that denies the occurrence or truth of a proposition in non-past contexts. For example, Wǒ bù qù (我不去, "I not go," meaning "I'm not going" or "I won't go") illustrates its use with future-oriented verbs, while Tā bù chī ròu (他不吃肉, "He not eat meat," meaning "He doesn't eat meat") applies to habitual actions. In contrast, méi(yǒu) negates past actions, existential statements, or possession, emphasizing non-occurrence or absence in perfective or completed contexts. Examples include Wǒ méi chī wǎnfàn (我没吃晚饭, "I not eat dinner," meaning "I didn't eat dinner") for past events and Tā méi yǒu qián (他没有钱, "He not have money," meaning "He doesn't have money") for existential negation. Double negation constructions, often involving and méi(yǒu), typically yield affirmative or emphatic positive meanings through cancellation, though context and prosody can influence interpretation toward single negation. For instance, Méi yǒu rén bù xǐhuān tā (没有人喜欢他, "No person not like him," meaning "Everyone likes him") reinforces a universal positive assertion, while stressed prosody in Wǒ bú shì méi qù (我不是没去, "It's not that I didn't go," meaning "I did go") can affirm occurrence emphatically. Negation interacts with aspect markers, where méi(yǒu) is required to deny completion or experience, as cannot negate perfective aspects. The construction méi...le negates the perfective le (了), as in Wǒ méi qù (我没去, "I not go," meaning "I didn't go"), indicating non-completion of a past action; similarly, méi...guò denies experiential aspect, e.g., Tā méi qù guò Zhōngguó (他没去过中国, "He not go EXP China," meaning "He hasn't been to China"). For adjectival predicates, which function as stative verbs, is the standard negator, directly preceding the adjective to deny a property or quality. Examples include Tā bù gāo (他不高, "He not tall," meaning "He is not tall") and Zhè bù guì (这不贵, "This not expensive," meaning "This is not expensive"), where méi(yǒu) is rare and typically implies absence rather than mere denial. In questions, negation with these particles can invert expected polar responses, such as using méi(yǒu) to affirm in negative queries.

Sentence Types

Questions

Chinese questions are primarily formed without inverting subject and verb, unlike in many Indo-European languages, relying instead on particles, intonation, word order, or specific constructions to indicate interrogativity. This section examines the main types: yes/no questions, wh-questions, alternative questions, tag questions, and rhetorical questions. These structures reflect Mandarin's analytic nature, where interrogative meaning is conveyed through invariant forms and contextual cues rather than morphological changes. Yes/no questions, which seek confirmation or denial, are typically formed by adding the invariant particle ma (吗) at the end of a declarative sentence. For example, the statement "Nǐ qù" (你去, "You go") becomes "Nǐ qù ma?" (你去吗?, "Are you going?"), with rising intonation often reinforcing the interrogative force. This particle ma does not alter the internal structure of the sentence and is the most common marker for polar questions in spoken and written Mandarin. Wh-questions inquire about specific information using interrogative words such as shéi (谁, "who"), shénme (什么, "what"), nǎr (哪儿, "where"), or shénme shíhou (什么时候, "when"). Unlike English, where wh-words often front to the beginning of the sentence, Mandarin employs an in-situ strategy, leaving the interrogative in its canonical position within the sentence. For instance, "Nǐ shénme shíhou qù?" (你什么时候去?, "When are you going?") places shénme shíhou directly before the verb , mirroring declarative word order while intonation signals the question. This in-situ placement applies to arguments and adjuncts alike, contributing to Mandarin's surface simplicity. Interrogative pronouns like shéi function similarly, as in "Shéi lái?" (谁来?, "Who is coming?"). Alternative questions present two or more options for selection, often using the disjunctive particle hái shì (还是, "or") to connect them. A typical form is "A hái shì B?", as in "Nǐ hē chá hái shì kāfēi?" (你喝茶还是咖啡?, "Will you drink tea or coffee?"), where the speaker expects one choice. The particle ne (呢) can also mark alternatives in softer or contextual contrasts, such as "Chá ne? Kāfēi ne?" (茶呢?咖啡呢?, "Tea? Or coffee?"), emphasizing options through partial repetition or ellipsis. These constructions maintain SVO order for each alternative, with intonation distinguishing them from declaratives. Tag questions seek agreement or confirmation by appending a short interrogative tag to a statement. Common forms include the particle ba (吧) after a declarative, as in "Nǐ qù, duì ba?" (你去,对吧?, "You're going, right?"), which softens the assertion and invites affirmation. Another method uses partial verb or adjective repetition in an A-not-A format, such as "Shì bú shì?" (是不是?, "Isn't it?") attached to a statement like "Tā shì lǎoshī, shì bú shì?" (他是老师,是不是?, "He's a teacher, isn't he?"). These tags convey varying degrees of certainty, with ba often implying suggestion or mild doubt. Rhetorical questions, which presuppose an obvious answer to persuade or emphasize, frequently employ negation combined with ma. A classic example is "Bù shì ma?" (不是吗?, "Isn't it?"), implying strong agreement, as in "Zhè hěn hǎo, bù shì ma?" (这很好,不是吗?, "This is very good, isn't it?"). This structure leverages the yes/no framework but functions non-interrogatively, relying on context to convey irony or confirmation without expecting a literal response.

Imperatives

In Mandarin Chinese, imperatives are typically formed using bare verbs without additional morphological marking, conveying direct commands in informal contexts. For instance, the sentence Qù! ("Go!") consists solely of the verb stem, relying on intonation and context for its directive force. This structure is characteristic of spoken language among equals or in urgent situations, as analyzed in syntactic studies of modern Chinese imperatives. To soften the imperative mood and express suggestions or polite requests, sentence-final particles such as ba (吧) are commonly employed. The particle ba mitigates the force of the command, inviting agreement or negotiation, as in Qù ba ("Go, okay?" or "Let's go"). This usage positions ba at the discourse act level, reducing assertiveness in directives. Adverbs can also modify the verb for emphasis on manner, as in nǔlì xuéxí ("study diligently"). These particles enhance politeness without altering the core verb form. Prohibitive imperatives, which express negation or warnings, predominantly use the preverbal negator bié (别), as in Bié shuō ("Don't say"). This form is specialized for imperatives, occurring more frequently in spoken discourse than other negators like bùyào, and carries a prohibitive force distinct from declarative negation. Inclusive imperatives involve the first-person plural pronoun wǒmen (我们) to suggest joint action, such as Wǒmen qù ("Let's go"), framing the command as a shared proposal rather than a unilateral directive. This construction appears in suggestions among peers. For formal or polite imperatives, modals like qǐng (请, "please") are prefixed to the verb, as in Qǐng zuò ("Please sit"), where qǐng encodes an addressee-oriented obligation in the sentence-initial position. This particle distinguishes imperative clauses by projecting illocutionary force at a high syntactic level.

Cleft sentences

Cleft sentences in Mandarin Chinese are a type of focus construction that highlight a specific element within a proposition, often by partitioning the sentence into a focused part and a presupposed background. The primary form involves the copula shì (是) followed by the focused constituent and concluded by the particle de (的), which nominalizes the following clause or phrase. This structure equates the focused element to a nominalized version of the rest of the sentence, emphasizing contrast or new information. The basic structure can be represented as [shì + Focused NP/Adjunct + de + Presupposed Clause], where de functions to nominalize the presupposed material, treating it as a relative clause-like unit. For instance, in the sentence Shì tā jiějie kāi de mén (是她姐姐开的门, "It was her elder sister who opened the door"), tā jiějie ("her elder sister") receives contrastive focus, and the de-clause presupposes the event of door-opening. This form is prototypical for subject or adjunct focus, with de obligatory in object-focus variants to maintain nominalization. Clefts serve to provide contrastive focus, excluding alternatives (e.g., Shì zuótiān qù Shànghǎi de, "It was yesterday that [she] went to Shanghai," contrasting with another time), or to introduce new information by foregrounding an element against a shared presupposition. They relate to Mandarin's topic-comment structure as a specialized subtype, where the shì...de frame shifts emphasis from a broad topic to a narrowly focused comment, enhancing discourse coherence without altering the underlying proposition. The copula shì here links the focused element specificatively to the nominalized presupposition, akin to its role in equative sentences but adapted for emphatic purposes. Variants include bare shì constructions without de, particularly for propositional assertions or in informal speech, such as Shì tā zuò de (是他做的, "It was he who did [it]"), where de may be elided after verbs to focus on the agent. Regional differences exist: northern varieties often place de verb-adjacent for clefts, while southern ones favor sentence-final de. In discourse, clefts facilitate correction or clarification, such as responding to a misattribution (Bù shì nǐ, shì wǒ zuò de, "No, it wasn't you; it was I who did it"), reinforcing exclusivity and advancing the conversational record.

Connectors and Particles

Particles

In Mandarin Chinese, particles are invariant morphemes that typically appear at the end of sentences or as suffixes to convey nuances such as aspect, mood, plurality, or exclamation, without altering the core propositional content. These elements are essential for expressing speaker attitudes and discourse functions, often distinguishing subtle interpersonal dynamics in conversation. Particles such as 了 (le) mark changes in situation, while 呢 (ne) can indicate ongoing states. The particle 了 (le), when placed sentence-finally, signals a change of state or the emergence of a new situation, often implying completion or realization, as in 你胖了 (Nǐ pàng le, "You've gained weight" or "You're fat now"), where it highlights the transition from a previous condition. This usage is distinct from its verbal aspect role and conveys a sense of newsworthiness or update. In contrast, 呢 (ne) can indicate an ongoing action, functioning like a progressive marker; for example, 他在写呢 (Tā zài xiě ne, "He is writing [right now]"), emphasizing continuity in the present moment. Modal particles modulate the illocutionary force of utterances, softening assertions or prompting responses. The particle 吧 (ba) expresses suggestion or tentative assumption, reducing the directness of a statement to invite agreement, as in 我们走吧 (Wǒmen zǒu ba, "Let's go, shall we?"), where it turns a directive into a collaborative proposal. Similarly, 吗 (ma) turns declaratives into yes/no questions, reinforcing interrogative intent without adding polarity bias, exemplified by 你好吗?(Nǐ hǎo ma?, "How are you?"). For softening, particles like 啊 (a) or 哦 (o/ó) add a layer of friendliness or mild emphasis; 啊 (a) often conveys involvement or hesitation, as in 太好了啊 (Tài hǎo le a, "That's great!"), while 哦 (o) imparts intimacy, particularly in informal speech among women, such as 没事哦 (Méi shì o, "It's okay"). The plural marker 们 (men) is a suffix attached to pronouns or human-denoting nouns, indicating collectivity rather than strict plurality, and is obligatory with personal pronouns but optional with common nouns based on context like definiteness. For instance, 他们 (tāmen, "they") contrasts with singular 她 (tā, "she"), and 老师们 (lǎoshīmen, "the teachers") groups individuals relative to the speaker's perspective, though it cannot co-occur with numeral classifiers. Exclamatory particles, such as 啊 (a), express surprise or heightened emotion at sentence end, amplifying affective tone without changing factual meaning, as in 你没去啊?(Nǐ méi qù a?, "You didn't go? [surprised]"), where it signals unexpectedness. Most particles occupy sentence-final position to scope over the entire clause, influencing pragmatics like shared knowledge or politeness; however, 们 (men) is uniquely suffixal, binding directly to its host noun or pronoun within the noun phrase. Some particles, like 吧 (ba) or 呢 (ne), may interact briefly with negation for emphasis but do not alter its core mechanics.

Conjunctions

In Chinese grammar, conjunctions serve to link clauses, phrases, or words, facilitating the construction of complex sentences. They are broadly categorized into coordinating conjunctions, which join elements of equal syntactic status, and subordinating conjunctions, which introduce dependent clauses that modify the main clause. Unlike English, where conjunctions may appear in various positions, Chinese conjunctions typically precede the element they connect, often integrating seamlessly with the sentence's topic-comment structure. This placement emphasizes the topic before delving into connected details, as seen in topic-prominent constructions where the topic is fronted and the conjunction follows naturally. Coordinating conjunctions include (和), which connects nouns, phrases, or clauses to express addition, as in Wǒ hé tā dōu bù qù (我和他都不去, "He and I are not going"), where links the subjects before the shared predicate. For alternatives, huò (或/或者) is used, such as Wǒ xiǎng qù Qīngdǎo huòzhě Nánjīng (我想去青岛或者南京, "I want to go to Qingdao or Nanjing"), positioned between the options it conjoins. Contrast is conveyed by dàn (但/但是), linking opposing clauses like Wǒ xǐhuān tā, dànshì tā bù xǐhuān wǒ (我喜欢他,但是他不喜欢我, "I like him, but he doesn’t like me"), with dànshì preceding the contrasting clause. These conjunctions maintain parity between linked elements without altering their independence. Subordinating conjunctions introduce dependent clauses, specifying relations like cause, concession, or condition. For causation, yīnwèi (因为) precedes the reason clause, as in Tā bù lái, yīnwèi tā máng (他不来,因为他忙, "He’s not coming because he’s busy"), where the cause follows the main clause but integrates the topic (he) upfront. Concession employs suīrán (虽然), often paired with a coordinating contrast like dàn, in sentences such as Suīrán xiàyǔ, dàn wǒmen háishì qù le (虽然下雨,但我们还是去了, "Although it rained, we still went"), placing the concessive clause first. Conditionals use rúguǒ (如果) before the hypothetical clause, for example, Rúguǒ nǐ lái, wǒmen hěn gāoxìng (如果你来,我们很高兴, "If you come, we’ll be happy"), allowing topic integration by fronting shared elements. These subordinators embed the dependent clause pre-main, aligning with Chinese's preference for logical flow in topic-oriented syntax. In serial verb constructions, explicit conjunctions are often omitted, relying on juxtaposition to imply coordination, as in Wǒ qù shāngdiàn mǎi shū (我去商店买书, "I go to the store to buy a book"), where verbs chain without markers to denote sequential actions. Modern usage of conjunctions also bears classical influences, particularly from particles like ér (而), which linked clauses in Classical Chinese to indicate sequence, addition, or contrast, as in Zhé jǐng ér sǐ (折颈而死, "Having broken its neck, it died"). Retained in contemporary Mandarin, ér contrasts ideas concisely, such as Yǐhòu hòuhuǐ de rén bù shì wǒ, ér shì nǐ zìjǐ (以后后悔的人不是我,而是你自己, "The one who regrets later won’t be me, but you yourself"), echoing classical brevity in clause connection.

References

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