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Mordvins
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Mordvins (also Mordvinians, Mordovians; Russian: мордва, romanized: Mordva, lit. 'Mordvins'; no equivalents in Moksha and Erzya) is an official term used in Russia and the Soviet Union to refer both to Erzyas and Mokshas since 1928.[3]
Key Information
Names
[edit]
While Robert G. Latham had identified Mordva as a self-designation, identifying it as a variant of the name Mari,[4][anachronism] Aleksey Shakhmatov in the early 20th century noted that Mordva was not used as a self-designation by the two Mordvinic tribes of the Erzya and Moksha. Nikolai Mokshin again states that the term has been used by the people as an internal self-defining term[dubious – discuss] to constitute their common origin.[5][anachronism] The linguist Gábor Zaicz underlines that the Mordvins do not use the name 'Mordvins' as a self-designation.[6] Feoktistov wrote "So-called Tengushev Mordvins are Erzyans who speak the Erzyan dialect with Mokshan substratum and in fact they are an ethnic group of Erzyans usually referred to as Shokshas. It was the Erzyans who historically were referred to as Mordvins, and Mokshas usually were mentioned separately as "Mokshas". There is no evidence Mokshas and Erzyas were an ethnic unity in prehistory".[7] Isabelle T. Keindler writes:
Gradually major differences developed in customs, language and even physical appearance (until their conversion to Christianity the Erzia and Moksha did not intermarry and even today intermarriage is rare.) The two subdivisions of Mordvinians share no folk heroes in common – their old folksongs sing only of local heroes. Neither language has a common term to designate either themselves or their language. When a speaker wishes to refer to Mordvinians as a whole, he must use the term "Erzia and Moksha"[8]
Early references
[edit]The ethnonym Mordva is possibly attested in Jordanes' Getica in the form of Mordens who, he claims, were among the subjects of the Gothic king Ermanaric.[9] A land called Mordia at a distance of ten days journey from the Petchenegs is mentioned in Constantine VII's De administrando imperio.[10]
In medieval European sources, the names Merdas, Merdinis, Merdium, Mordani, Mordua, Morduinos have appeared. In the Russian Primary Chronicle, the ethnonyms Mordva and mordvichi first appeared in the 11th century. After the Mongol invasion of Rus', the name Mordvin rarely gets mentioned in Russian annals, and is only quoted after the Primary Chronicle up until the 15th–17th centuries.[11][12]
Etymologies
[edit]The name Mordva is thought to originate from an Iranian (Scythian) word, mard, meaning "man" (Persian مرد). The Mordvin word mirde denoting a husband or spouse is traced to the same origin. This word is also probably related to the final syllable of "Udmurt", and also in Komi: mort and perhaps even in Mari: marij.[13][14]
The first written mention of Erzya is considered to be in a letter dated to 968 AD, by Joseph, the Khazar khagan, in the form of arisa. More controversially, it is sometimes linked to the Aorsy and Alanorsi mentioned in the works of Strabo and Ptolemy. (However, the consensus view is that the Alans, a nomadic Iranian tribe from east Central Asia, were also known as the Aorsi/Alanorsi.) Estakhri, from the 10th century, has recorded among the three groups of the Rus people the al-arsanija, whose king lived in the town of Arsa. The people have sometimes been identified by scholars as Erzya, sometimes as the aru people, and also as Udmurts. It has been suggested by historians that the town Arsa may refer to either the modern Ryazan or Arsk[10] In the 14th century, the name Erzya is considered to have been mentioned in the form of ardzhani by Rashid-al-Din Hamadani,[15] and as rzjan by Jusuf, the Nogaj khan[16] In Russian sources, the ethnonym Erza first appears in the 18th century.[17]
The earliest written mention of Moksha, in the form of Moxel, is considered to be in the works of a 13th-century Flemish traveler, William of Rubruck, and in the Persian chronicle of Rashid-al-Din, who reported the Golden Horde to be at war with the Moksha and the Ardzhans (Erzia)[obsolete source]. In Russian sources, 'Moksha' appears from the 17th century.[18]
Restoration of Erzya and Moksha ethnonyms
[edit]Mokshas from Altä velä wrote a collective open letter to Literaturnaya Gazeta in 1991.
The authors of a letter sent to Literaturnaia gazeta from the Moksha Altä velä, Mordovia, call this ethnonym "a very nonsensical parasite-word," "a slur," "an awkward nickname" that can be blamed for the fact that "people have come to renounce their true origin, and have rushed in droves (especially the young people) to become Russians. And perhaps history may soon witness that sorry time when the world's civilization, in an instant, will lose forever two remarkable nationalities, and Mordovia will be nothing more than the term for an administrative territory.…"[19]
On the First Erzya and Moksha Peoples' Congress in 1989 the first point of the Congress Declaration was renaming Mordovia to the Erzya and Moksha Autonomous Republic and banning the term Mordva.[20]
History
[edit]
Prehistory
[edit]The Gorodets culture dating back to around 500 BC has been associated[by whom?] with these people. The north-western neighbours were the Muromians and Merians who spoke related Finno-Ugric languages. To the north of the Mordvins lived the Maris, and to the south the Khazars. The Mordvins' eastern neighbors, possibly remnants of the Huns, became the Bulgars around 700 AD.[citation needed]
Researchers have distinguished the ancestors of the Erzya and the Moksha from the mid-1st century AD by the different orientations of their burials and by elements of their costumes and by the variety of bronze jewelry found by archaeologists in their ancient cemeteries. The Erzya graves from this era were oriented north–south, while the Moksha graves were found to be oriented south–north.[10]
Medieval and early modern history
[edit]The ancient Mordvins encountered the Bulgars around the 7th century and later on came under the influence of Volga Bulgaria, paying them tribute.[21] In the 13th century, the Mongols conquered the region and the Mordvins were incorporated into the Golden Horde. In the late 14th century, the Principality of Moscow conquered much of the western Mordvin lands while the eastern portion was under the control of the Kazan Khanate. After Russia conquered the Kazan Khanate in 1552, all the Mordvins became Russian subjects. During Russian rule, the Mordvins experienced forced conversions to Christianity, displacement, migration out the region and the influx of Russian settlers to Mordvin lands, a process that led to them becoming a minority in the area.[21]
In the 17th century, the Mordvins, Chuvash, and Mari staged a rebellion against Russian rule. After being suppressed, many Mordvins fled out of the area to escape reprisal and headed eastward past the Volga to more remote areas with weak Russian influence. Meanwhile the Mordvins that stayed eventually became serfs under the Russians, with the local economy being tied to agriculture. Failed rebellions would sporadically occur due to the working conditions the Mordvins were under. The Mordvins began rapidly assimilating to Russian culture until the emergence of Mordvin nationalism in the late 19th century.[21]

Modern history
[edit]Although the Mordvins were given an autonomous territory as a titular nation within the Soviet Union in 1928, Russification intensified during the 1930s, and knowledge of the Mordvin languages by the 1950s was in rapid decline.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, the Mordvins, like other indigenous peoples of Russia, experienced a rise in national consciousness. Aleksandr Sharonov compiled the Erzya national epic called Mastorava, which stands for "Mother Earth", first published in 1994 in the Erzya language (it has since been translated into Moksha and Russian). Mastorava is also the name of a movement of Mordvin national revival founded by Dmitri Nadkin of the Mordovian State University and others.[22]
The first All-Russian Congress of the Mordvins (March 1992) demanded, among other things, constitutional recognition of Erzya and Moksha languages as the state ones, as well as the restoration of these languages as language of instruction, first, in primary schools, and then expanded into secondary schools. The congress elected the Revival Council. The Council was split due to various contradictions, one of them being whether the Mordvin language should be unified or Moksha and Erzya must continue their development separately.[23]
Languages
[edit]The Mordvinic languages, a subgroup of the Uralic family, are Erzya and Moksha, with about 275,000 native speakers together. Both are official languages of Mordovia alongside Russian. The medieval Meshcherian language may have been Mordvinic, or close to Mordvinic.
Erzya is spoken in the northern and eastern and north-western parts of Mordovia, as well as in the adjacent oblasts of Nizhny Novgorod, Penza, Samara, Saratov, Orenburg, and Ulyanovsk, and in the republics of Chuvashia, Tatarstan, and Bashkortostan. Moksha is the majority language in the western part of Mordovia.
Due to differences in phonology, lexicon, and grammar, Erzya and Moksha are not mutually intelligible, to the extent that the Russian language is often used for intergroup communications. The two Mordvinic languages also have separate literary forms. The Erzya literary language was standardised in 1922 and the Mokshan in 1923.[24] Both are currently written using the standard Russian alphabet.
Reconstruction of Mordvin language
[edit]The Moksha and Erzya languages are closely related, therefore they are thought to share a common ancestry. As to the degree of the languages' proximity, Arnaud Fournet presumes that if Moksha and Erzya had been a single language, they started to diverge 1500 years ago—the same time as French and Italian divided.[25] Serebrenikov proves that Moksha preserves more archaic forms than those existing in Erzya.[26]
Classification
[edit]Until ca. 2010s most Finnic linguists considered Mordvinic and Mari languages as a single subdivision of the so-called Volga-Finnic branch of the Uralic family. Currently, this approach is rejected by most scholars,[27] and Mordvinic and Mari are considered distinct from each other: Mordvinic languages are believed to have a common ancestor with Balto-Finnic languages (Estonian and Finnish), while the Mari languages are closer to the Permic languages.[citation needed]
Ethnic structure
[edit]The Mordvins are divided into two ethnic subgroups[28][29][obsolete source] and three further subgroups:[4][30][obsolete source]
- the Erzya people or Erzyans, (Erzya: Эрзят/Erzyat), speakers of the Erzya language. Less than half of the Erzyans live in the autonomous republic of Mordovia, Russian Federation, Sura River and Volga River. The rest are scattered over the Russian oblasts of Samara, Penza, Orenburg, as well as Tatarstan, Chuvashia, Bashkortostan, Siberia, Far East, Armenia and USA.
- the Moksha people or Mokshans, (Moksha: Мокшет/Mokshet), speakers of the Moksha language. Less than half of the Moksha population live in the autonomous republic of Mordovia, Russian Federation, in the basin of the Volga River. The rest are scattered over the Russian oblasts of Samara, Penza, Orenburg, as well as Tatarstan, Siberia, Far East, Armenia, Estonia, Australia and USA.
- the Shoksha or Tengushevo Mordvins constitute a transitional group between the Erzya and Moksha people and live in the Tengushevsky and Torbeevsky districts of Republic of Mordovia.
- the Karatai Mordvins or Qaratays live in the Republic of Tatarstan. They no longer speak a Volga-Finnic language but have assimilated with Tatars.
- the Teryukhan Mordvins live near Nizhny Novgorod had been completely Russified by 1900 and today unambiguously identify as ethnic Russians.
Mokshin concludes that the above grouping does not represent subdivisions of equal ethnotaxonomic order, and discounts Shoksha, Karatai and Teryukhan as ethnonyms, identifying two Mordvin sub-ethnicities, the Erzya and the Moksha, and two "ethnographic groups", the Shoksha and the Karatai.[31][obsolete source]
Two further formerly Mordvinic groups have assimilated to (Slavic and Turkic) superstrate influence:
- The Meshcheryaks are believed to be Mordvins who have converted to Russian Orthodox Christianity and have adopted the Russian language.
- The Mishars are believed to be Mordvins who came under Tatar influence and adopted the language (Mishar Tatar dialect) and the Sunni Muslim religion.[32] This however is only one theory; there is no consensus on the subject of Mishar ethnogenesis and some have heavily criticized given version.[33]
Demographics
[edit]
Latham (1854) quoted a total population of 480,000.[4] Mastyugina (1996) quotes 1.15 million.[34] The 2002 Russian census reports 0.84 million.
According to estimates by Tartu University made in the late 1970s,[citation needed] less than one third of Mordvins lived in the autonomous republic of Mordovia, in the basin of the Volga River.
Others are scattered (2002) over the Russian oblasts of Samara (116,475), Penza (86,370), Orenburg (68,880) and Nizhni Novgorod (36,705), Ulyanovsk (61,100), Saratov (23,380), Moscow (22,850), Tatarstan (28,860), Chuvashia (18,686), Bashkortostan (31,932), Siberia (65,650), Russian Far East (29,265).[citation needed]
Populations in parts of the former Soviet Union not now part of Russia are: Kyrgyz Republic 5,390, Turkmenistan 3,490, Uzbekistan 14,175, Kazakhstan, (34,370), Azerbaijan (1,150), Estonia (985), Armenia (920).[citation needed]
| Census | 1926 | 1939 | 1959 | 1970 | 1979 | 1989 | 2002 | 2010 | 2021 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Population | 1,306,798 | 1,375,558 | 1,211,105 | 1,177,492 | 1,111,075 | 1,072,939 | 843,350 | 744,237 | 484,450 |
| Percentage | 1.41% | 1.27% | 1.03% | 0.91% | 0.81% | 0.73% | 0.59% | 0.54% | 0.37% |
Cultures, folklores and mythologies
[edit]
According to Tatiana Deviatkina, although sharing some similarities, no common Mordvin mythology has emerged, and therefore the Erza and Moksha mythologies are defined separately.[35]
In the Erzya mythology, the superior deities were hatched from an egg. The mother of gods is called Ange Patiai, followed by the Sun God, Chipaz, who gave birth to Nishkepaz; to the earth god, Mastoron kirdi; and to the wind god, Varmanpaz. From the union of Chipaz and the Harvest Mother, Norovava, was born the god of the underworld, Mastorpaz. The thunder god, Pur’ginepaz, was born from Niskende Teitert, (the daughter of the mother of gods, Ange Patiai). The creation of the Earth is followed by the creation of the Sun, the Moon, humankind, and the Erza. Humans were created by Chipaz, the sun god, who, in one version, molded humankind from clay, while in another version, from soil.
In Moksha mythology, the Supreme God is called Viarde Skai. According to the legends, the creation of the world went through several stages: first the Devil moistened the building material in his mouth and spat it out. The piece that was spat out grew into a plain, which was modeled unevenly, creating the chasms and the mountains. The first humans created by Viarde Skai could live for 700–800 years and were giants of 99 archinnes. The underworld in Mokshan mythology was ruled by Mastoratia.
Latham reported strong pagan elements surviving Christianization.[4] The 1911 Britannica noted how the Mordvins:
… still preserve much of their own mythology, which they have adapted to the Christian religion. According to some authorities, they have preserved also, especially the less russified Moksha, the practice of kidnapping brides, with the usual battles between the party of the bridegroom and that of the family of the bride. The worship of trees, water (especially of the water-divinity which favours marriage), the sun or Shkay, who is the chief divinity, the moon, the thunder and the frost, and of the home-divinity Kardaz-scrko[dubious – discuss] still exists among them; and a small stone altar or flat stone covering a small pit to receive the blood of slaughtered animals can be found in many houses. Their burial customs seem founded on ancestor-worship. On the fortieth day after the death of a kinsman the dead [one] is not only supposed to return home, but a member of his household represents him, and, coming from the grave, speaks in his name... They are also masters of apiculture, and the commonwealth of bees often appears in their poetry and religious beliefs. They have a considerable literature of popular songs and legends, some of them recounting the doings of a king Tushtyan who lived in the time of Ivan the Terrible[obsolete source].[36]
Religion
[edit]Erzya practices Christianity (Eastern Orthodox and Lutheranism brought by Finnish missionaries in the 1990s) and a native religion.[citation needed]
National representative bodies
[edit]On 1 May 2020 the Aťań Eźem approved new system of national representative bodies. Statute on creation and functioning of national representative bodies of Erzya people consists of six chapters, describing aims and tasks of Erzya national movement, its governing bodies, their plenary powers and structure. According to the document, national movement directed by Promks – convention of delegates from Erzya political parties and public organizations. Convention forms Aťań Eźem, that is operative between Promks sessions and elects Inyazor, who presents Erzya people and speaks on behalf of all the nation. In the event that there are any legal limitations for creation and operation of national parties (such prohibition exists in Russian Federation nowadays), then plenary powers of Promks are carried by Aťań Eźem. The main objective of Promks, Aťań Eźem and Inyazor, is to provide and defend national, political, economic and cultural rights of Erzya, including right to national self-determination within national Erzya territories.[37]
Genetics
[edit]Autosomally, Mokshas and Erzyas show homogeneity.[38] About 11% of their ancestry is Nganasan-like.[39][38] This East Eurasian component is typical for Uralic-speaking populations.[38] They also have high level of Steppe-related admixture, as it can be modelled to be about half of their ancestry.[40]
Appearance
[edit]
The 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica[36] noted that the Mordvins, although they had largely abandoned their language, had "maintained a good deal of their old national dress, especially the women, whose profusely embroidered skirts, original hair-dress large ear-rings which sometimes are merely hare-tails, and numerous necklaces covering all the chest and consisting of all possible ornaments, easily distinguish them from Russian women."
Britannica described the Mordvins as having mostly dark hair and blue eyes, with a rather small and narrow build. The Moksha were described as having darker skin and darker eyes than the Erzya, while the Qaratays were described as "mixed with Tatars".
Latham described the Mordvins as taller than the Mari, with thin beards, flat faces and brown or red hair, red hair being more frequent among the Ersad than the Mokshad.[4]
James Bryce described "the peculiar Finnish physiognomy" of the Mordvin diaspora in Armenia, "transplanted hither from the Middle Volga at their own wish", as characterised by "broad and smooth faces, long eyes, a rather flattish nose".[41]
List of notable Mordvins
[edit]Erzyans
[edit]- Alyona Erzymasskaya (died 1670), 17th-century Erzyan female military leader, the heroine of civil war.[citation needed]
- Stepan Erzya (Stepan Nefedov) (1876–1959), sculptor[citation needed]
- Fyodor Vidyayev (1912-1943), World War II submarine commander and war hero[citation needed]
- Aleksandr Sharonov (born 1942), philologist, poet, writer[citation needed]
- Kuzma Alekseyev, leader of Teryukhan unrest in 1806-1810 [citation needed]
- Vasily Chapayev (1887–1919), a Russian soldier and Red Army commander
- Nadezhda Kadysheva (born 1959) singer
Mokshans
[edit]- Mikhail Devyatayev (1917–2002), a Soviet fighter pilot, escaped from a Nazi concentration camp [citation needed]
- Andrey Kizhevatov (1907–1941), a Soviet border guard commander, a leader of the Defence of Brest Fortress during Operation Barbarossa.
- Oleg Maskaev (born 1969), Russian former boxer
- Vasily Shukshin (1929–1974), Soviet writer and actor.[42]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Ethnic groups of Russia in the 2021 census. (in Russian)
- ^ Molokans and Jumpers are Russians, Ukrainians, Chuvashs, Mordvins, Armenians ...
- ^ Zamyatin 2022, p. 88
- ^ a b c d e Latham, Robert Gordon (1854). The Native Races of the Russian Empire. H. Bailliere. p. 91.
- ^ Balzer, Marjorie; Nikolai Mokshin (1995). Culture Incarnate: Native Anthropology from Russia. M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 978-1-56324-535-0.
- ^ Janse, Mark; Tol, Sijmen, eds. (2003). Language Death and Language Maintenance: Theoretical, Practical and Descriptive Approaches. John Benjamins Publishing. p. 115. ISBN 90-272-4752-8.
- ^ Feoktistov A. P. K probleme mordovsko-tyurkskikh yazykovykh kontaktov // Etnogenez mordovskogo naroda. – Saransk, 1965. – pp. 331–343
- ^ Isabelle T. Keindler (1 January 1985). "A doomed Soviet nationality ?". Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique. 26 (1). EHESS: 43–62. doi:10.3406/cmr.1985.2030. Retrieved 22 October 2010.
- ^ (Getica XIII, 116) "Among the tribes he [Ermanarich] conquered were the Golthescytha, Thiudos, Inaunxis, Vasinabroncae, Merens, Mordens, Imniscaris, Rogas, Tadzans, Athaul, Navego, Bubegenae and Coldae" — The Origin and Deeds of the Goths (116).
- ^ a b c Klima, László (1996). The Linguistic Affinity of the Volgaic Finno-Ugrians and Their Ethnogenesis (PDF). Societas Historiae Fenno-Ugricae. ISBN 978-951-97040-1-2.
- ^ (Kirjanov 1971, 148–149) Laslo
- ^ Kappeler (1982) Taagepera
- ^ Bryant, Edwin; Laurie L. Patton (2005). The Indo-Aryan Controversy. PA201: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7007-1463-6.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link) - ^ Напольских В. В. Введение в историческую уралистику. Ижевск: УдмИИЯЛ, 1997. p. 37.
- ^ (Sbornik... 1941, 96) see László
- ^ (Safargaliev 1964, 12) László
- ^ (Mokshin 1977, 47) László
- ^ (Mokshin 1977, 47)László
- ^ Mokshin 1991
- ^ Nadkin, Dmitry (1989). "Erzya and Moksha Spiritual Culture and Issues of "Homeland" Society. Insights from the Report of the First Moksha and Erzya Congress". Engineering Systems and Technologies (in Russian) (4): 38–41. Retrieved 15 May 2022.
- ^ a b c Williams, Victoria R. (2020). "Mordvin". Indigenous Peoples: An Encyclopedia of Culture, History, and Threats to Survival [4 volumes]. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 979-8-216-10219-9.
- ^ Tatiana Mastyugina, Lev Perepelkin, Vitaliĭ Vyacheslavovich Naumkin, Irina Zviagelskaia, An Ethnic History of Russia: Pre-revolutionary Times to the Present, Greenwood Publishing Group (1996), ISBN 0-313-29315-5, p. 133; Timur Muzaev, Ėtnicheskiĭ separatizm v Rossii (1999), p. 166ff.
- ^ Zamyatin, Konstantin (1 January 2013). "Finno-Ugric Republics and Their State Languages: Balancing Powers in Constitutional Order in the Early 1990s". Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja. 2013 (94): 337–381. doi:10.33340/susa.82605. ISSN 1798-2987.
- ^ Wixman, Ronald (1984). The Peoples of the USSR. M.E. Sharpe. p. A137. ISBN 978-0-87332-506-6.
- ^ Fournet 2011
- ^ Serebrennikov 1967
- ^ Piispanen, Peter S. Statistical Dating of Finno-Mordvinic Languages through Comparative Linguistics and Sound Laws: Fenno-Ugrica Suecana Nova Series. 15 (2016). P. 1-18
- ^ Bromley, Julian (1982). Present-day Ethnic Processes in the USSR. Progress Publishers. ISBN 9780714719061.
- ^ "MORDVINS (Erzyas and Mokshas)". Information Center of Finno-Ugric Peoples. Retrieved 14 October 2008.
- ^ Mokshin (1995), p. 43. Latham in his account of the "Native Races of the Russian Empire" (1854) divided the Mordvins into three groups, viz. the Ersad, on the Oka River, the Mokshad, on the Sura River and the Karatai, in the neighbourhood of Kazan.
- ^ "the ethnic structure of the Mordva people at present reveals two subethnoses – Erzia and Moksha – and two ethnographic groups – so-called Shoksha and Karatai" Mokshin (1995), p. 43
- ^ Tengushevo Mordvins, Karatai Mordvins, Teryukhan Mordvins, Meshcheryaks, Mishars in Stuart, James (1994). An Ethnohistorical Dictionary of the Russian and Soviet Empires. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. A491, 492, 545. ISBN 978-0-313-27497-8.
- ^ Salakhova, E. H. (2016). "The origin of Mishar Tatars and Teptyars in the work of G.N. Akhmarov".
- ^ Mastyugina, Tatiana; Lev Perepelkin (1996). An Ethnic History of Russia. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. A133. ISBN 978-0-313-29315-3.
- ^ Deviatkina, Tatiana (2001). "Some Aspects of Mordvin Mythology" (PDF). Folk Belief and Media Group of ELM. Retrieved 13 October 2008.
- ^ a b Eliot, Charles Norton Edgcumbe (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). pp. 820–821.
- ^ Erzya approved structure of their national representative bodies http://idel-ural.org/en/archives/erzya-approved-structure-of-their-national-representative-bodies/
- ^ a b c Tambets, Kristiina; Yunusbayev, Bayazit; Hudjashov, Georgi; Ilumäe, Anne-Mai; Rootsi, Siiri; Honkola, Terhi; Vesakoski, Outi; Atkinson, Quentin; Skoglund, Pontus; Kushniarevich, Alena; Litvinov, Sergey; Reidla, Maere; Metspalu, Ene; Saag, Lehti; Rantanen, Timo (2018). "Genes reveal traces of common recent demographic history for most of the Uralic-speaking populations". Genome Biology. 19 (1): 139. doi:10.1186/s13059-018-1522-1. ISSN 1474-760X. PMC 6151024. PMID 30241495.
- ^ Jeong, Choongwon; Balanovsky, Oleg; Lukianova, Elena; Kahbatkyzy, Nurzhibek; Flegontov, Pavel; Zaporozhchenko, Valery; Immel, Alexander; Wang, Chuan-Chao; Ixan, Olzhas; Khussainova, Elmira; Bekmanov, Bakhytzhan; Zaibert, Victor; Lavryashina, Maria; Pocheshkhova, Elvira; Yusupov, Yuldash (2019). "The genetic history of admixture across inner Eurasia". Nature Ecology & Evolution. 3 (6): 966–976. Bibcode:2019NatEE...3..966J. doi:10.1038/s41559-019-0878-2. ISSN 2397-334X. PMC 6542712. PMID 31036896.
- ^ Lamnidis, Thiseas C.; Majander, Kerttu; Jeong, Choongwon; Salmela, Elina; Wessman, Anna; Moiseyev, Vyacheslav; Khartanovich, Valery; Balanovsky, Oleg; Ongyerth, Matthias; Weihmann, Antje; Sajantila, Antti; Kelso, Janet; Pääbo, Svante; Onkamo, Päivi; Haak, Wolfgang (27 November 2018). "Ancient Fennoscandian genomes reveal origin and spread of Siberian ancestry in Europe". Nature Communications. 9 (1): 5018. Bibcode:2018NatCo...9.5018L. doi:10.1038/s41467-018-07483-5. ISSN 2041-1723. PMC 6258758. PMID 30479341.
- ^ Bryce, James (2005) [1877]. Transcaucasia and Ararat: being notes of a vacation tour in the autumn of 1876. London: Macmillan and Co. → Adamant Media Corporation. p. 172. ISBN 1-4021-6823-3.
- ^ «Мы процентов на 90 - мордва...» [We are 90% Mordvin] - Vecherniy Saransk, 29 April 2016. Quote from Shukshin's daughter: «Почему Саранск? Мы мордва. Предки Василия Макаровича из Мордовии, мы знаем, что сначала они переселились в Самарскую область, а затем в Алтайский край.» ["Why Saransk? Because we are Mordvin. The ancestors of Vasily Shukshin came from Mordovia; we know they first settled in Samara Oblast and then in Altai Krai"]
Bibliography
[edit]- Abercromby, John (1898). Pre- and Proto-historic Finns. D. Nutt.
- Fournet, Arnaud (6 January 2011), Le moksha, une langue ouralienne: Présentation, Idiolectes, Phonologie, Attestations et Textes anciens, Glossaire (in French), Saarbrücken: Editions Universitaires Européennes, ISBN 978-6131557514
- Grekov, B.D.; Lebedev, V.I., eds. (1940), Documents and Materials on History of Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (in Russian), vol. 1, Mordovian Research Institute of Language, Literature, History and Economics, p. 182
- Kozlov, V.I. (1958). "Mordva Resettlement". Soviet Ethnography (in Russian) (2).
- Martyshkin, N.V (2 October 2014), Mordvin Charismatic Person, Timofey Vasilyev. Patriot, Lawyer Enlighter. First International Lawyer to Gredat Britain (in Russian), Supreme Court of Mordovian Republic Press Centre, archived from the original on 28 February 2023
- Mokshin, Nikolay (1991). "Ethnonym or Ethnopholism?". Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia. 31 (1): 10–23. doi:10.2753/AAE1061-1959310110.
- Mokshin, Nikolai F. "The Mordva – Ethnonym or Ethnopholism", chapter 5 of Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer (ed.),Culture Incarnate: Native Anthropology from Russia, M.E. Sharpe (1995), ISBN 978-1-56324-535-0, 29–45 (English translation of a 1991 Sovetskaia etnografiia article).
- Mokshin, Nikolay (2012), "At Sources Of The Mordovian-Jewish Ethnocultural Ties", Social and Political Science (in Russian) (4): 6–8
- Serebrennikov, V.A. (1967). Historical Morfology of Mordvinic Languages (in Russian). Moscow.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Taagepera, Rein (1999). The Finno-Ugric Republics and the Russian State. Routledge. pp. 147–196. ISBN 978-0-415-91977-7.
- Vasilyev, Timofey (2007). Mordovia (PDF) (in Russian). Saransk: Mordovian Research Institute of Language, Literature, History and Economics.
- Zamyatin, Konstantin (2022). "Mordovia". In Bakró-Nagy, Marianne; Laakso, Johanna; Skribnik, Elena (eds.). The Oxford Guide to the Uralic Languages. Oxford Guides to the World's Languages. Oxford University Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-0191080289.
Further reading
[edit]- Devyatkina, Tatiana. Mythology of Mordvins: Encyclopaedia. Saransk, 2007. (Russian: Девяткина Т. П. Мифология мордвы: энциклопедия. - Изд. 3-е, испр. и доп. - Саранск: Красный Октябрь, 2007. - 332 с.) (English translation)
- Minahan, James (2000). One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups. Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 489–492. ISBN 978-0-313-30984-7.
- Petrukhin, Vladimir. Mordvins Mythology // Myths of Finno-Ugric Peoples. Moscow, 2005. p. 292 - 335. (Russian: Петрухин В. Я. Мордовская мифология // Мифы финно-угров. М., 2005. С. 292 - 335.)
- Sinor, Denis (1990). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 251. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9.
- Akchurin, Maksum; Isheev, Mullanur (2017), "Temnikov: The Town of a Tümen Commander. The History of Towns of The "Mordovian Peripheries" In The 15th–16th centuries", Golden Horde Review, 5 (3), Kazan: 629–658, doi:10.22378/2313-6197.2017-5-3.629-658
- Akchurin, Maksum (2012), The Burtas in the Documents of the 17th century, Kazan: Ethnological Research in Tatarstan. Sh. Marjani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences Publ.
- Mayorov, Aleksandr (2021). "Woman, Diplomacy and War. Russian Princes In Negotiations With Batu Before Mongol Invasion". Шаги/Steps. 7 (3). Steps Journal: 124–199.
- Shtereshis, Michael (2013), Tamerlane and the Jews, London and New York: Routledge, ISBN 9781136873669
- Stavitsky, Vladimir (2009), "Main Concepts of Ancient Mordva Ethnogenesis. Historiography Review", Известия Самарского Научного Центра Российской Академии Наук, 11 (6–1), Penza State Pedagogical University: 261–266
- Balanovsky, Oleg (12 November 2015). "Peoples' Panorama On The Background Of Europe. Non-Slavic Peoples of Eastern Europe. Series 3". Genofond.rf.
External links
[edit]- "MORDVINS (Erzyas and Mokshas)". Information Center of Finno-Ugric Peoples. Retrieved 14 October 2008.
- Kemal, Mariz. "Erza We Are!". Information Center of Finno-Ugric Peoples. Retrieved 13 October 2008.
- Deviatkina, Tatiana (2001). "Some Aspects of Mordvin Mythology" (PDF). Folk Belief and Media Group of ELM. Retrieved 13 October 2008.
- Filjushkin, Alexander (2008). Ivan the Terrible: A Military History. Frontline Books. ISBN 978-1848325043.
- Library of Congress: A Country Study: Soviet Union (Former)
- The Finns of the steppe and their Mordvin names – Article about Mordvin culture and names
- Ivan Tverdovsky /Dmitry Tsygankin/ (2013). Puresheva Volost. Moksha [Puresh's State. Moksha] (Documentary). Mokshaland: Russian Federation Ministry Of Culture. Kultura Live.
Mordovia news
- Info-RM Archived 2 November 2020 at the Wayback Machine (in English)
- Info-RM (In the Moksha language)
- Info-RM (In the Erzya language)
Mordvin toponymy
- Sándor Maticsák, Nina Kazaeva. "History of the Research of Mordvinian Place Names" (Onomastica Uralica)
- Info-RM republic of Mordovia news in Moksha
- Finno-Ugric World news, articles in Moksha
- [1] Moksha-English-Moksha online dictionary
- "Mordovia's Father or Dog's Death for a Dog". livejournal.com. Retrieved 19 May 2022.
Mordvins
View on GrokipediaNomenclature and Ethnic Identity
Exonyms, Endonyms, and Historical Naming
The exonym Mordva, applied to the Finno-Ugric peoples of the middle Volga region, first appears in the Russian Primary Chronicle under entries dated to the 11th century, denoting groups inhabiting areas between the Oka and Volga rivers.[4] [5] This term, later extended to "Mordvin" in plural form, likely derives from an Indo-Iranian root mard- or mord-, signifying "man" or "person," as evidenced by cognates in Mordvinic languages such as mirde ("husband" or "spouse") and potential Scythian influences from early steppe interactions.[1] [4] In self-designation, the Erzya subgroup employs the endonym erźa (singular) or erźan (plural, denoting "people of the Erzya land" or territory), while the Moksha use mokša (singular) or mokšan (plural), reflecting distinct territorial and cultural self-conceptions rather than a shared overarching identity.[6] These endonyms underscore linguistic evidence of separate ethnogenesis, with Erzya and Moksha languages exhibiting non-mutual intelligibility in phonology, morphology, and core vocabulary, challenging the exonym's implication of unity.[6] Pre-Russian historical naming is attested indirectly through 7th-century interactions with Volga Bulgaria, where Mordvinic groups paid tribute but lacked a consolidated ethnonym in Bulgar records; surviving Arabic and Bulgar sources from the 10th century reference Volga-region Finno-Ugrics generically amid trade and tribute networks, without the specific "Mordva" form that crystallized under Rus' expansion.[7] [8] By the 12th century, Russian chronicles like Povest' vremennykh let consistently apply "Mordva" to these populations in contexts of military skirmishes and tribute demands, marking the term's role in denoting peripheral forest-steppe dwellers.[9] Efforts to prioritize endonyms over the exonym intensified in the 1990s, amid post-Soviet cultural revival, as activists highlighted the artificiality of "Mordvin" unification imposed during earlier administrative policies.[6]Subgroups: Erzya, Moksha, and Minor Groups
The Mordvins comprise two principal subgroups, the Erzya and Moksha, differentiated by linguistic dialects, cultural traditions, and geographic distribution within the Volga region. The Erzya form the larger subgroup, estimated at approximately two-thirds of the total Mordvin population of 744,200 as per the 2010 Russian census, or roughly 496,000 individuals.[10] They are primarily settled in the northern and western areas of the Republic of Mordovia, where their distinct rituals, including the recitation of the Mastorava epic—a mythological narrative central to their pre-Christian heritage—preserve elements of ancestral cosmology.[11] The Moksha constitute the smaller subgroup, about one-third of Mordvins or around 248,000 people based on proportional estimates from census data.[10] Concentrated in the southern and eastern parts of Mordovia, the Moksha exhibit cultural influences from historical interactions with Tatar populations, reflected in certain customary practices and settlement patterns adjacent to Volga Tatar territories.[12] Ethnographic records from the 16th century, such as Russian chronicles, document the Moksha as a distinct entity with separate ethnogenetic origins from the Erzya, underscoring early recognition of their divergence.[6]
Minor Mordvin groups include the Teryukhan, Qaratay (also known as Karatajs), and Shoksha (or Tengushev Mordvins), which represent smaller, often assimilated populations totaling far less than 10% of the overall Mordvin demographic.[13] The Teryukhan, meaning "baptized Mordvins," underwent Christianization and subsequent Russification, adopting Orthodox practices and Russian linguistic elements while retaining some ancestral customs in hybrid form.[4] Similarly, the Qaratay and Shoksha groups, dispersed in peripheral regions like the Nizhny Novgorod and Ryazan oblasts, exhibit blended identities due to prolonged intermarriage and cultural exchange with Russians, leading to diminished distinctiveness in ethnographic surveys.[14] Pre-Christian customs among major and minor groups varied empirically, such as differences in patriarchal elder selection (kuda-ti and tekshtai) and ritual observances, though assimilation has homogenized many practices across subgroups by the modern era.[15]
Debates on Unified vs. Distinct Identities
The designation "Mordvins" as a unified ethnic category was formalized during the Soviet era in 1928, when the Mordvin Autonomous Okrug was established, encompassing both Erzya and Moksha populations for administrative consolidation under Bolshevik nationality policies. Prior to 1917, Russian imperial records and ethnographies typically treated Erzya and Moksha as distinct groups with separate self-identifications and cultural practices, without imposing a collective exonym beyond regional descriptors.[1] This Soviet unification contrasted with earlier recognition of their separateness, prioritizing centralized control over ethnic granularity. Post-Soviet activists, particularly among Erzya and Moksha nationalists, have criticized the "Mordvin" label as an artificial construct designed to facilitate Russification and suppress subgroup autonomy, arguing it erodes distinct linguistic and cultural identities.[6] For instance, Erzyan Mastor advocates reject the notion of a singular Mordvin ethnicity, emphasizing self-identification data where individuals primarily claim Erzya or Moksha affiliation rather than a unified "Mordvin" one. Moksha activists similarly push for separate autonomy within any federative structure, viewing the unified framework as a remnant of colonial imposition that hinders genuine ethnic revival. The First Congress of the Erzya and Moksha Peoples in March 1992 highlighted these tensions, with Erzya delegates advocating more aggressively for cultural separation amid broader post-1991 independence aspirations, while Moksha representatives sought balanced representation but resisted full amalgamation.[16] Russian integrationist perspectives, often aligned with federal authorities, counter that shared Finno-Ugric linguistic substrates—evident in the mutual intelligibility limits between Erzya and Moksha dialects yet common Mordvinic roots—provide a factual basis for ethnic unity, promoting stability in multiethnic republics like Mordovia.[10] Ethnic purists, however, prioritize empirical self-identification over linguistic proximity, citing census trends where subgroup loyalties persist despite official unification. Census data underscores challenges to imposed unity: in 1989, approximately 67% of those declaring Mordvin ethnicity reported a Mordvin language as their mother tongue, reflecting partial retention amid Russification pressures.[17] By the 2002 census, self-reported Mordvin speakers had declined significantly relative to ethnic identifiers, with further erosion evident in 2010 data showing reduced native language proficiency among younger cohorts, interpreted by activists as evidence of distinct identities resisting assimilation under the unified label.[1] These figures, drawn from Russian state surveys, reveal a causal gap between administrative categorization and grassroots ethnic consciousness, fueling ongoing scholarly disputes over whether unity derives from shared heritage or external policy.[17]
Historical Trajectory
Prehistoric Origins and Migrations
The ancestors of the Mordvins, as part of the Volga Finnic branch of Finno-Ugric peoples, emerged from migrations of proto-Finno-Ugric speakers from the Ural region into the Middle Volga basin during the Bronze Age, around 2000 BCE, reflecting expansions tied to pastoralist and metallurgical developments in northern Eurasia.[18] These movements involved groups carrying Siberian genetic ancestry components that appeared in northern European populations by at least 3500 years ago, contributing to the genetic substrate of Uralic speakers including Mordvins.[19] Archaeological correlates include early forest-zone cultures with pit-comb ware pottery in the Volga-Oka interfluve, dated to the 3rd millennium BCE via radiocarbon analysis of organic residues in pottery matrices, indicating continuity in ceramic traditions and subsistence patterns adapted to riverine environments.[20] This pottery style, combining comb impressions and pits, signifies a fusion of local Volga-Kama traditions with broader northeastern European influences, foundational to Volga Finnic ethnogenesis.[21] By the late Bronze Age transitioning to the Iron Age (ca. 1000–500 BCE), proto-Mordvin groups exhibited cultural continuity through fortified hill settlements and metalworking sites, as seen in the Ananyino cultural intercommunity along the Kama and upper Volga tributaries, which featured weapons, jewelry, and ceramics influenced by Scythian steppe nomads and Caucasian metallurgy.[22] Genetic analyses of modern Mordvins reveal Y-chromosome haplogroups like N1c, prevalent in Uralic populations and tracing to Bronze Age Siberian admixtures, supporting paternal continuity from these eastern forest-steppe groups despite interactions with Indo-Iranian pastoralists.[23] These interactions likely involved trade and conflict, as evidenced by Scythian-style artifacts in Ananyino burials, but did not disrupt core Finno-Ugric linguistic and material substrates.[24] Linguistic reconstructions place the divergence of proto-Mordvinic from the Finno-Volgaic continuum, including Mari, after a shared stage post-dating the broader Finno-Permic expansions, with phonological innovations like vowel harmony distinctions emerging by the early Common Era, correlating with stabilized Volga settlements.[25] This split, estimated around 500 CE based on comparative sound laws and lexical retention rates, aligns with genetic clustering of Mordvins distinct from Mari yet sharing Uralic markers, underscoring causal ties between linguistic fragmentation and localized adaptations in the Middle Volga amid early Slavic frontier pressures.[1]Medieval Interactions and Autonomy
In the 9th to 13th centuries, Mordvin tribes operated as semi-autonomous entities in the Middle Volga region, engaging in trade relations with Volga Bulgaria that involved the exchange of goods such as copper cauldrons and utensils, as evidenced by archaeological finds in Mordvin territories.[26] These interactions reflected Bulgaria's regional influence, with Mordvins paying periodic tribute to Bulgar khans while maintaining tribal structures centered on fortified settlements.[8] Excavations reveal the construction of defensive hillforts during the 12th and 13th centuries, including sites like Vindree and Fedorovskoe, featuring powerful earthen ramparts and wooden stockades to counter external threats from neighboring principalities.[27] Archaeological and chronicle data delineate four principal stages in medieval Mordvin development up to this period, marked by cultural consolidation amid external pressures, with tribal polities resisting full subjugation through localized autonomy.[28] Internal dynamics included confederative structures among Erzya and Moksha groups, as seen in the early 13th-century principality of Purgas, where Erzya leader Purgas aligned with Volga Bulgars and launched raids, such as the 1228 assault on Nizhny Novgorod, which was repelled by Russian forces aided by rival Mordvin elements. The Mongol invasion of 1237 devastated Moksha and Mordvin lands along the Middle Volga's right bank, integrating the tribes into the Golden Horde's tributary system with established local administrative oversight.[29] From the 13th to 15th centuries, Mordvins paid tribute to Horde khans while exhibiting resistance to Islamization—unlike Turkic subjects who adopted the faith—by adhering to traditional pagan practices, as corroborated by the absence of Islamic artifacts in core Mordvin archaeological assemblages of the era.[29] Horde-era raids by Tatars into Mordvin territories prompted sporadic defensive alliances with Russian principalities against common Tatar aggressors, though such pacts remained ad hoc and subordinate to Horde overlordship.[30]Russian Annexation and Early Modern Adaptation
The conquest of the Kazan Khanate by Ivan IV in 1552 marked a pivotal phase in the subjugation of Mordvin lands, as eastern Mordvin territories, previously tributary to Kazan, fell under Muscovite suzerainty, with Russian forces establishing fortified outposts along the Volga to consolidate control.[1] Western Mordvin regions had experienced earlier encroachments from Moscow since the late 14th century, but the 1550s campaigns accelerated direct incorporation, imposing tribute (iasak) payments in furs and facilitating Russian settlement on former Mordvin communal lands.[31] By the early 18th century, under Peter I's administrative reforms, remaining autonomous Mordvin principalities were fully annexed, with census and tax registers integrating them into the imperial fiscal system, though sporadic raids persisted into the 1700s.[32] Mordvin resistance manifested in coordinated uprisings alongside neighboring Finno-Ugric groups like the Chuvash and Mari, culminating in participation in Stepan Razin's widespread rebellion of 1670–1671, where Erzya contingents mobilized against serfdom impositions and religious pressures, contributing to the revolt's extension into the Volga interior before its suppression.[16] Russian punitive expeditions following such revolts often relocated dissenting communities or exacted heavy reprisals, yet selective accommodations emerged, including exemptions from full serfdom for certain Mordvin service groups akin to Cossack auxiliaries, who provided border defense in exchange for fiscal privileges and land tenure rights.[31] Adaptation involved gradual Christianization drives, intensifying from the late 16th century but peaking in the first third of the 18th, when state-backed Orthodox missions dismantled pagan shrines and mandated baptisms, integrating Mordvins into parish structures while preserving some vernacular rituals under clerical oversight.[33] Economically, traditional podsechka (slash-and-burn) systems yielded to Russian-influenced plow agriculture and three-field rotations, as tax ledgers from the 17th–18th centuries document shifts toward rye and oat cultivation on allocated allotments, driven by labor demands from Russian pomeshchiki (landowners) and state grain requisitions.[32] These changes, while eroding communal autonomy, enabled some Mordvin elites to navigate imperial hierarchies through military service and Orthodox conformity.Soviet Policies, World Wars, and Post-War Developments
Following the Bolshevik Revolution, land reforms under the Decree on Land of October 26, 1917, redistributed estates from nobility and church to peasants, initially benefiting many rural Mordvins who held communal land traditions, though implementation varied by region and often favored larger holdings.[34] By the late 1920s, forced collectivization under Stalin's First Five-Year Plan (1928–1932) dismantled individual peasant farms into kolkhozy, triggering resistance, dekulakization, and localized famines that disproportionately affected Mordvin villages due to their agrarian reliance and opposition to grain requisitions exceeding yields.[35] Repression included mass executions and deportations to Siberia, eroding traditional social structures and contributing to a reported population dip in the suppressed 1937 census, where self-identified Mordvins numbered only 1.25 million, down from earlier estimates.[36] In 1930, the Mordovian Autonomous Oblast was established within the Russian SFSR to formalize ethnic administration amid korenizatsiya policies promoting native cadres, upgraded to the Mordovian ASSR on January 20, 1934, with Saransk as capital, ostensibly granting cultural and linguistic rights though subordinated to central control.[7] This autonomy facilitated limited Mordvin-language schooling and press, but purges from 1936–1938 targeted intellectuals and elites, decimating leadership and aligning with broader Stalinist consolidation that prioritized Russocentric unity over federalism.[1] During World War II, Mordvins faced universal conscription into the Red Army from 1941, with over 200,000 serving across fronts, including in penal battalions and partisan units, suffering high casualties estimated at 100,000 due to their rural mobilization and frontline deployments.[37] Post-victory, selective deportations targeted "unreliable elements" such as former kulaks or perceived collaborators, though not on the scale of entire ethnic groups like Chechens, further disrupting communities amid reconstruction.[38] Under Khrushchev's 1958–1959 education reforms, Russification intensified via mandatory Russian-language instruction in non-Russian republics, reducing Mordvin-medium schools from peaks in the early 1950s; by the 1970s, enrollment in Mordvin-language classes hovered around 77,000 students before plummeting to approximately 24,000 by the 1980s amid urban migration and policy emphasis on Russian as the "language of interethnic communication." This shift correlated with assimilation pressures, as the 1959 census showed Mordvin population growth stagnating relative to Russians, with diaspora communities increasingly Russified.[7] Industrial campaigns post-1950s boosted Saransk's factories but accelerated rural depopulation, undermining ethnic cohesion despite nominal ASSR status.[38]Post-Soviet Era and Contemporary Challenges
Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was upgraded to full republic status within the Russian Federation, with the establishment of the presidency on December 25, 1991, and Vasily Guslyannikov elected as the first president.[27] During Boris Yeltsin's tenure, asymmetric federalism granted ethnic republics such as Mordovia increased autonomy, including bilateral treaties that enhanced regional control over resources and legislation in the 1990s.[39] This period allowed for some cultural and political maneuvering, though tensions arose, as evidenced by the 1993 attempt by Mordovia's parliament to abolish the presidency, which Yeltsin overrode via decree to preserve executive authority.[40] Under Vladimir Putin's administration from 2000 onward, federal reforms centralized power, abolishing direct gubernatorial elections in 2004 and introducing federal districts that diminished republican autonomy, constraining Mordovia's independent policy-making on cultural matters.[39] [41] Language policies shifted toward prioritizing Russian, contributing to a decline in Mordvinic language proficiency; by the 2021 Russian census, only around 40,000 individuals reported Erzya as their native language, with Moksha speakers numbering fewer, amid a total self-identified Mordvin population of 484,450, reflecting less than 10% native speaker retention relative to ethnic numbers.[42] [1] This erosion correlates with urbanization and intermarriage, accelerating assimilation as rural Mordvin communities depopulate. Revival efforts included the 1994 publication of Mastorava, an Erzya epic poem compiled by Aleksandr Sharonov from folklore and mythology, intended to bolster ethnic identity through a narrative of ancestral lands and deities.[43] Despite such initiatives, empirical trends indicate persistent challenges: the 2021 census showed a continued drop in Mordvin population from 744,000 in 2002, driven by low fertility, out-migration to Russian-majority cities, and cultural Russification.[1] The 2022 mobilization for the Ukraine conflict further strained demographics, with reports of disproportionate recruitment from ethnic minority regions like Mordovia, exacerbating population decline and identity dilution without offsetting cultural supports.[44] These factors suggest limited prospects for reversing assimilation absent policy reversals favoring minority languages and autonomy.Linguistic Framework
Structure and Classification of Mordvinic Languages
The Mordvinic languages constitute a primary branch of the Uralic language family, situated within the Finno-Ugric division and more narrowly classified under the Volga-Finnic or Finno-Volga subgroup alongside languages such as Mari.[45] This positioning emerges from comparative linguistic analysis of shared phonological, morphological, and lexical features traceable to Proto-Uralic, including agglutinative structure and specific sound correspondences distinguishing them from Samoyedic branches.[25] The two principal languages, Erzya and Moksha, exhibit sufficient divergence in phonology, morphology, lexicon, and syntax to preclude full mutual intelligibility, with differences accumulating over millennia of separate development; estimates place their lexical overlap at levels insufficient for unassisted comprehension between native speakers.[10] Mordvinic languages are typologically agglutinative, employing suffixation to encode grammatical relations, with inventories of approximately 20 cases for nouns and pronouns to express spatial, possessive, and other functions.[46] Vowel harmony operates as a core phonological rule, primarily distinguishing front (e.g., /i/, /e/) and back (e.g., /u/, /o/, /ɑ/) series in roots and affixes, though mid vowels may alternate under harmony constraints, and Erzya maintains a reduced five-vowel system in standard forms.[47] Stress typically falls on the initial syllable, contrasting with some Indo-European neighbors, while consonant inventories include palatalized series influenced by vowel contexts. Lexical borrowing, particularly from Turkic sources via historical contacts with Volga Bulgar and Tatar populations, accounts for notable portions of the vocabulary, alongside later Russian overlays, though core Uralic roots predominate in basic terms. Contemporary speaker estimates for Erzya hover around 300,000 and Moksha near 130,000 as of the early 2010s, yielding a combined total approaching 500,000 in the 2020s amid ongoing documentation challenges.[47] Writing systems for both languages adopted Cyrillic scripts, with early adaptations appearing in the 18th century for Moksha and formalized standardization in the 1920s for Erzya following Soviet orthographic reforms; pre-revolutionary efforts included Cyrillic-based primers from the late 19th century under initiatives like the Il'minskii system to promote literacy among Finno-Ugric groups.[48] These scripts incorporate additional letters (e.g., for palatalization) to render Mordvinic phonemes absent in standard Russian.Historical Evolution and Dialects
The divergence of Proto-Mordvinic into the Erzya and Moksha branches occurred over the course of the first millennium AD, with Erzya developing in northern territories proximate to Finnic influences and Moksha in southern regions exposed to early Turkic contacts.[4] This split is evidenced by phonological distinctions, such as Moksha's retention of certain vowel contrasts absent in Erzya, and morphological innovations like Erzya's expanded case system diverging from shared proto-forms reconstructed through comparative linguistics.[49] Dialectal variation within these branches emerged concurrently, including the Shoksha idiom, transitional between Erzya and Moksha proper, which preserves hybrid lexical and prosodic traits reflecting intermediate geographic positioning along the Volga.[17] Nineteenth-century linguistic documentation, including Ferdinand J. Wiedemann's 1865 Erzya-Mordvin grammar derived from informant lexica, captured oral dialectal forms through folklore and ethnographic recordings, preserving pre-standardized phonological archaisms like unreduced vowel sequences in rural variants.[50] These efforts complemented earlier missionary texts but focused on vernacular substrates, revealing dialect clusters such as western Moksha's conservative consonant gradation patterns. Soviet-era initiatives in the 1920s standardized literary orthographies for Erzya (1922) and Moksha (1923), adopting Cyrillic scripts to facilitate literacy while harmonizing spelling conventions across dialects, though phonological divergences precluded full unification.[51] External linguistic layers shaped dialect evolution, with Moksha exhibiting substrate traces from pre-Mordvinic Turkic elements akin to Volga Bulgar vocabulary in agrarian terms, as inferred from toponymic and lexical borrowings in southern dialects.[52] Erzya dialects, conversely, incorporated a Slavic superstrate through prolonged Russian administrative contact, manifesting in calqued syntax and loanwords for governance and trade, accelerating post-medieval divergence from Moksha purity.[48] Reconstructed proto-forms, such as shared Uralic roots for kinship (*äde 'father'), underscore underlying unity amid these admixtures, with dialectal texts from the period validating causal pathways of contact-induced change.[45]Current Status: Decline, Usage, and Revival Initiatives
The proficiency in Mordvinic languages has undergone significant decline since the late Soviet era. In the 1989 census, 67.1% of the 1.073 million ethnic Mordvins declared a Mordvinic language (Erzya or Moksha) as their native tongue.[17] By the 2002 census, while 73% of 843,359 ethnic Mordvins reported mother-tongue usage, actual conversational proficiency showed erosion, particularly among younger cohorts.[1] The 2010 census recorded 744,200 ethnic Mordvins, with only about 431,600—or roughly 58%—claiming native proficiency in Erzya or Moksha, a drop reflecting language shift amid population reduction of nearly 100,000 Erzya and Moksha identifiers from 2002 to 2010.[53][11] Urban Mordvin youth display near-monolingualism in Russian, driven by family transmission failures and urban migration patterns.[54] This attrition correlates empirically with Russification measures, including the 1958-1960s shift to mandatory Russian as the primary medium of instruction, which supplanted Mordvinic in most schools and accelerated assimilation by limiting exposure.[55][54] Soviet and post-Soviet policies emphasized Russian for socioeconomic mobility, resulting in over 100,000 ethnic Mordvins not reporting native language use by 2002 compared to 1989 baselines, as Russian dominance in education and media eroded bilingual competence.[56] Intergenerational surveys confirm causality: parental Russian preference in urban settings yields children with passive or no Mordvinic skills, independent of ethnic self-identification.[57] Revival efforts intensified post-1991, with 1990s initiatives producing standardized textbooks and expanding elective Mordvinic classes in Mordovia, supported by federal laws on native languages.[58] Recent digital tools, including 2020s mobile apps for Erzya vocabulary and grammar, alongside cultural events like Erzya Language Day, aim to engage youth via online platforms.[59] However, efficacy remains constrained: school enrollment in Mordvinic has fallen since 2000, and proficiency surveys among those under 30 show under 20% active fluency, with urban adoption below 10% due to insufficient immersion and competing Russian media.[58][11] These programs mitigate but do not invert policy-induced decline, as evidenced by persistent 52% overall usage in 2021 self-reports.[59]Demographic Patterns
Population Estimates and Census Data
The 2021 All-Russian Population Census, conducted by the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat), recorded 484,450 individuals self-identifying as Mordva (the official census term encompassing Erzya and Moksha subgroups), representing 0.33% of Russia's enumerated population whose ethnicity was specified. This figure reflects a sharp decline from 744,182 in the 2010 census and 843,350 in 2002, with the post-2010 drop exceeding 35% and attributable in part to assimilation, underreporting, and shifts in self-identification amid Russification pressures.[60][6] Within the Republic of Mordovia, Mordvins numbered 290,750, comprising 37.1% of the republic's total population of 783,552 as per the same census, down from 39.8% (332,577 individuals) in 2010 when the republic's population stood at 834,755.[61][62] Fertility among Mordvins has remained sub-replacement, with total fertility rates (TFR) for Mordvinian women averaging 1.59 during the late 2000s to early 2010s, aligning with broader regional patterns in the Volga Federal District below the 2.1 threshold needed for generational replacement. This low TFR, combined with net out-migration and higher mortality, has skewed the population toward older age groups, with median ages exceeding those of ethnic Russians in comparable rural areas.[63] Gender ratios among Mordvins show a persistent female surplus, especially in cohorts born before 1925, stemming from World War II casualties; archival Soviet data indicate that Mordvin-majority regions contributed proportionally to the Red Army's losses, with male mobilization rates nearing 80% in Volga republics and excess male mortality estimated at 15-20% above female in prime-age groups post-1945. This imbalance, while moderated in younger generations through normalization, continues to influence household structures and labor participation.[64]Geographic Distribution and Urban-Rural Dynamics
The Mordvin population is predominantly concentrated in the Republic of Mordovia, where they number approximately 291,000 individuals, comprising about 37% of the republic's total population according to the 2021 Russian census.[62] Smaller pockets exist in adjacent regions including Nizhny Novgorod, Penza, Samara, Ulyanovsk, and Orenburg oblasts, as well as Tatarstan, accounting for the remaining roughly 193,000 Mordvins distributed across Russia.[1] Saransk, the capital of Mordovia, functions as the main urban hub, drawing Mordvins for economic opportunities and serving as a center for administrative and cultural activities.[65] A notable diaspora persists in Siberia, stemming from 19th-century resettlements, alongside minor communities in the Russian Far East.[66] Abroad, small groups are found in Estonia and Ukraine prior to 2022, though these represent negligible fractions of the overall population.[67] Rural areas retain a larger proportion of the Mordvin population compared to urban centers, with the majority residing in villages where traditional settlement patterns prevail.[7] Urban-rural dynamics feature ongoing internal migration toward larger cities like Moscow for employment, contributing to shifts in demographic concentration, while rural locales exhibit stronger adherence to cultural practices exceeding 60% in key indicators such as language use.[68] This migration pattern links to broader economic factors, with rural population decline noted among Mordvins from 1989 to 2020.[69]Assimilation Trends and Identity Retention
The self-identified Mordvin population in Russia has declined significantly over recent decades, reflecting assimilation pressures primarily through reidentification as ethnic Russians in censuses. In 1989, 1,073,000 individuals declared Mordvin ethnicity, compared to 843,359 in 2002 and 744,237 in 2010.[17][1][70] This trend indicates a net loss of over 300,000 self-identifiers within two decades post-Soviet, attributable to intergenerational shifts rather than solely demographic decline, as birth rates among Uralic minorities like Mordvins hovered around 1.6 children per woman in the early 2000s, marginally above the Russian average of 1.5.[71] Interethnic marriages, particularly with Russians, accelerate identity dilution, though precise rates for Mordvins remain underdocumented; nationally, mixed marriages constituted 12% of all unions in 2010, with higher proportions among smaller ethnic groups due to demographic imbalances.[72] Rural endogamy in compact Mordvin settlements counters this, fostering higher rates of cultural continuity; traditional practices emphasize intra-ethnic unions, preserving family-based transmission of customs in villages where exogamy is limited by social networks and geographic isolation.[73] In such areas, surveys confirm near-universal self-identification as Mordvin, diverging from urban census underreporting where practical assimilation prevails over nominal ethnicity.[74] Post-Soviet ethnic revival in the 1990s briefly bolstered identity assertion amid relaxed controls, yet this uptick stalled by the 2010s under renewed centralization, with self-identification stabilizing at lower levels amid urban migration.[1] Resilient pockets persist in the Republic of Mordovia and adjacent rural districts, where over 70% retained mother-tongue proficiency as late as 2002, debunking narratives of inevitable extinction through evidence of demographic stability in core habitats.[1] While assimilation erodes distinct markers, integration yields economic advantages, as bilingual proficiency enables labor mobility beyond low-productivity rural enclaves; the Republic of Mordovia's gross regional product per capita stood at 441,297 RUB in 2022, below the national average, underscoring how Russian-language dominance facilitates access to higher-wage urban sectors despite cultural costs.[75] This trade-off highlights causal links between linguistic assimilation and socioeconomic gains, without negating voluntary retention in endogamous communities.Genetic and Biological Characteristics
Y-Chromosome and Autosomal DNA Insights
Genetic studies of Y-chromosome haplogroups in Mordvin populations reveal significant subgroup variation and admixture signals. A 2025 analysis of 633 individuals from Mordovia identified R1a as the most prevalent haplogroup overall at 44.1%, primarily subclade R1a-CTS1211, indicative of pre-Slavic paternal lineages dating 1600–2900 years before present and subsequent Slavic influences through assimilation rather than replacement.[76] Erzya samples exhibited the highest R1a frequency at 55.5% (42.3% R1a-CTS1211), while Moksha showed 30.3% R1a (24.7% R1a-CTS1211) alongside elevated Near Eastern-derived haplogroups E-M96 (16.7%) and J2-M172 (15.1%); Shoksha displayed 41.5% R1a but a markedly higher N1c (N3a) at 44.6%, aligning with Finno-Ugric paternal markers.[76] N1c frequencies remain lower in core Erzya (around 9%) and Moksha (9%), underscoring heterogeneous paternal histories across subgroups rather than a uniform Finno-Ugric dominance.[77] Autosomal DNA analyses position Mordvins closer to fellow Volga Finnic peoples such as Mari and Udmurts than to Slavic groups, with post-1000 CE admixture from regional Volga populations evident in principal component and admixture modeling.[23] A 2018 genome-wide study of Uralic speakers, including Mordovians, detected clustering with Baltic populations (e.g., Latvians, Lithuanians) and elevated shared genetic drift with Eastern Hunter-Gatherers, alongside a Siberian-related autosomal component averaging lower proportions than in more eastern Uralic groups.[23] Recent 2020s assessments estimate East Asian admixture at 5–10%, reflecting limited Siberian input compared to Turkic or Permic neighbors, with no cohesive "Mordvin" autosomal genome; Erzya-Moksha-Shoksha profiles diverge due to varying Eastern European Plain ancestries.[76][23] These patterns highlight regional gene flow over isolated ethnogenesis.Admixture with Neighboring Populations
Genetic studies indicate that the Mordvin gene pool originated from a Uralic substrate with substantial prehistoric admixture from Indo-European sources, particularly proto-Baltic groups around 2000 BCE. Ancient DNA from the Volga-Ural region reveals integration of Steppe_MLBA ancestry, associated with the Fatyanovo culture approximately 4,000 years ago, into local hunter-gatherer populations exhibiting a cline of Eastern Hunter-Gatherer (EHG) and minor East Asian components. This resulted in Mordvins displaying predominantly European ancestry, with Siberian contributions limited to under 10-20%, distinguishing them from eastern Uralic groups like the Mari or Udmurts.[78][79] Medieval interactions with Tatar and Mongol populations introduced negligible gene flow, estimated at less than 5% East Eurasian admixture based on low frequencies of corresponding autosomal and uniparental markers. Mitochondrial DNA analyses confirm minimal East Eurasian haplogroups (e.g., 2.9% M and 2% C in Mordvinians), reflecting limited maternal impact from Turkic-Mongol expansions despite the Golden Horde's 13th-century dominance in the Volga region. Y-chromosome data similarly show no elevated East Asian-linked lineages, underscoring the peripheral nature of these contacts for Mordvin populations.[80][81] Post-Russian conquest in 1552 CE, Slavic influx accelerated during the 16th-19th centuries, primarily through male-mediated migration tied to colonization, military garrisons, and administrative settlements. This is evidenced by elevated Y-chromosome haplogroup R1a frequencies (55% in Erzya, 30.3% in Moksha), including both pre-existing local variants and incoming Slavic subclades like R1a-CTS1211, indicating assimilation of Finno-Ugric substrates by Slavic settlers. Soviet-era policies, including forced relocations and urbanization from the 1920s onward, further facilitated intermixing, with urban Mordvin communities showing heightened Slavic paternal signals.[76][82] Despite these paternal shifts, mitochondrial DNA exhibits continuity of Finno-Ugric maternal lineages, dominated by West Eurasian haplogroups such as H (42%), U (26.5%), and T (7.9%), which align with ancient European forager profiles and show resilience against external gene flow. This asymmetry—paternal replacement via Slavic Y-haplogroups contrasting stable maternal West Eurasian dominance—highlights sex-biased admixture patterns driven by historical conquests and endogamy preferences.[80][76]Anthropometric Features and Physical Variation
Historical anthropometric surveys of Mordvins, conducted primarily in the 19th and early 20th centuries by Russian researchers such as V. N. Mainov, reveal a population of medium stature. Among Erzya Mordvins, measurements of 225 individuals across multiple districts yielded an average male height of 165 cm (5 ft. 5 in.) and female height of 152 cm (5 ft.).[83] These figures align with broader assessments of Volga Finnic groups, indicating compact builds suited to regional agrarian lifestyles, though absolute heights likely increased in the 20th century due to improved nutrition and admixture, approaching Russian averages of around 170 cm for males by mid-century.[84] Cranial morphology features brachycephalic or mesocephalic indices, typically ranging from 80 to 82, as documented in comparative studies of eastern Finno-Ugric peoples.[85] [86] Facial proportions tend toward shorter absolute head length, reduced face and nose height, and moderate breadth, contributing to a rounded skull profile distinct from the more dolichocephalic northern Finns.[86] Pigmentation traits show relatively high frequencies of light eyes (33–60%) and fair hair compared to eastern Finno-Ugric groups like Udmurts or Mari, reflecting predominant Caucasoid influences with limited eastern admixture.[86] Subgroup variation is evident: Erzya individuals more frequently exhibit light-skinned, gray-eyed, and fair-haired phenotypes akin to central European types, while Moksha display elevated rates of darker hair, brown eyes, and slightly olive tones, linked to proximity and intermixing with Turkic Volga populations such as Tatars.[86] Observable differences between rural and urban Mordvins stem from uneven gene flow, with urban cohorts showing greater Russian admixture resulting in taller stature and diluted subgroup distinctions, as opposed to more homogeneous rural isolates preserving traditional traits.[84] These patterns, drawn from pre-genetic era surveys, underscore environmental and demographic factors over innate divergence.Cultural and Religious Practices
Traditional Folklore, Myths, and Oral Traditions
Mordvin folklore encompasses a rich array of oral narratives, including cosmogonic myths, heroic legends, and animistic tales, primarily transmitted through songs, laments, and elder storytelling among Erzya and Moksha communities until the spread of literacy in the 19th and 20th centuries diminished these practices.[87][2] Collections by scholars such as Heikki Paasonen in the early 20th century documented fragmented epic poetry and mythological motifs from rural informants, revealing pre-Christian beliefs shaped by Finno-Ugric roots and interactions with neighboring cultures.[88] These traditions emphasize animism, with natural features inhabited by spirits, and dualistic creation involving divine and adversarial forces. Central to Erzya myths is the supreme sky god Nishkepaz (also rendered Ineshkipaz), who crafted stars from human souls and oversaw cosmic order, while Moksha variants feature Skai as the creator who fashioned humans from a tree stump.[87] Creation accounts often depict the world emerging from chaos: in one motif, the devil (Idemevs or Shaitan) dives as a duck to retrieve sand from the primordial sea, forming land under divine guidance; another involves Ine Narmun laying a world egg, with its yolk becoming Earth and shell the heavens or underworld.[87] Forest spirits known as keremet, tied to sacred groves and malevolent forces under the devil's influence, populate animistic tales, guarding woodlands and demanding rituals to avert harm.[87][89] Heroic narratives highlight culture heroes like Ine Narmun, who broods sacred birds such as the skylark, nightingale, and cuckoo, assigning them roles in nature and human affairs.[87] Moksha flood legends describe the earth resting on three fish or whales, whose movements trigger deluges and earthquakes, echoing broader Volga-region motifs of cosmic instability.[87] Resistance themes appear in tales of defiance against chaotic forces or invaders, preserved in oral epics that blend historical echoes with supernatural elements, though fragmentation limits full reconstructions.[87] By the late 19th century, urbanization and formal education eroded elder-led transmission, confining these stories to isolated villages.[2]Customs, Festivals, and Family Structures
Traditional Mordvin society featured patrilocal family structures, wherein married women relocated to their husband's household, reinforcing extended kin networks centered on the male line.[2] Historical family sizes were substantially larger than modern norms, with households often comprising multiple generations and higher numbers of children prior to World War II, reflecting elevated fertility rates and elevated infant mortality that necessitated larger broods for labor and survival.[2] By the late 19th century, average family compositions in regions like Saratov Province showed a mix of nuclear and extended units, with small families (under 5 members) accounting for around 40% among Mordvins, though overall demographic pressures favored bigger units for agricultural sustainability.[90] Marriage customs emphasized economic exchanges, including a bride-price paid by the groom's family to the bride's, typically 25 to 100 roubles in cash during the late 19th century, alongside symbolic processions involving kin vehicles and songs.[91] Gender divisions of labor were pronounced: women specialized in textile production, such as spinning, weaving, and embroidery for household garments and dowries, often in communal settings like barns.[92] Men handled outdoor pursuits including hunting and field work, aligning with agrarian and foraging adaptations in Volga-Ural environments. Festivals tied to agricultural cycles, such as harvest periods, involved communal feasts and gatherings to mark seasonal yields, preserving pre-Christian elements amid Orthodox overlays by the 19th century.[93] These events reinforced social hierarchies within clans, with feasting distributing resources and affirming patrilineal bonds, though documentation emphasizes their evolution toward monogamous norms and simplified structures by the 1800s under Russian influence.[94]Religious Beliefs: Pagan Roots, Christian Adoption, and Syncretism
The traditional religion of the Mordvins, prior to widespread Christian influence, was polytheistic and animistic, featuring a supreme creator deity known as Niške (or Niške-pas), interpreted as the "great procreator" and associated with thunder and sky phenomena, alongside lesser spirits tied to nature, kin, and the afterlife.[95] Ancestor veneration formed a core practice, with rituals honoring deceased kin as intermediaries to higher powers, while sacrificial offerings—typically animals at sacred groves or trees—were recorded in 16th-century Russian missionary and traveler accounts as communal acts to ensure fertility, protection, and divine favor.[96] These elements reflected a causal worldview where empirical reciprocity with spirits governed agricultural cycles and clan survival, unsubordinated to monotheistic hierarchies. Russian Orthodox Christianization accelerated in the 1740s under Empress Elizabeth's policies, involving mass forced baptisms of Volga Finnic peoples including Mordvins, often enforced through military coercion, tax incentives, and destruction of pagan sites, as documented in imperial decrees and regional reports; this campaign baptized tens of thousands but frequently elicited armed resistance and superficial compliance rather than doctrinal shift.[97] The causal impact was uneven assimilation: while urban and elite Mordvins adopted Orthodox rites, rural majorities retained syncretic blends, such as venerating Christian icons alongside pagan amulets for protection or integrating ancestor rituals into saints' feasts, a persistence attributed to the inertia of embedded cultural practices over coerced nominal conversion.[98] Soviet rule from 1917 imposed state atheism, suppressing both Orthodox institutions and residual pagan customs through anti-religious campaigns, collectivization disrupting ritual sites, and propaganda equating native beliefs with backwardness, which eroded overt practices but preserved them underground via oral transmission.[99] Following the USSR's 1991 dissolution, a neopagan revival emerged among Erzya Mordvins as Erzyan Mastor (Erzyan Faith), reconstructing Niške-centered polytheism through ethnographic reconstruction and communal rites, drawing several thousand adherents by the early 2000s amid broader post-Soviet ethnic reassertion.[9] Smaller minorities, including some Mordvins influenced by Russian sectarianism, adhere to Protestant-like groups such as Molokans, who reject Orthodox hierarchy while emphasizing biblical literalism, though these remain marginal compared to dominant Orthodoxy or revived native traditions.[100]Political and Social Dynamics
Autonomous Institutions and Representative Bodies
The State Assembly of the Republic of Mordovia functions as the republic's unicameral legislative body, comprising 48 deputies elected for five-year terms to enact regional laws within the framework of Russian federal authority.[101] Established in 1995, it succeeded the earlier Supreme Council and holds sessions to address local governance, though its decisions remain subject to oversight by federal institutions, including alignment with the Russian Constitution's division of powers.[101] The Mordvin People's Congress, encompassing representatives from both Erzya and Moksha subgroups, emerged as a key extragovernmental forum in the post-Soviet era, with its inaugural All-Union Congress convened in Saransk on March 14–15, 1992, drawing delegates from multiple regions to discuss ethnic interests.[102] Subsequent gatherings, such as the Third Congress in 1999 and the Eighth Congress in October 2023, have continued to assemble hundreds of participants from 36 Russian regions, Estonia, and Kazakhstan, focusing on cultural preservation and community coordination without formal legislative powers.[103][104] Subgroup-specific bodies include Erzyan Mastor, founded in 1993 by Erzya activists dissenting from unified Mordvin frameworks, which promotes Erzya linguistic and cultural initiatives through publications and events as a non-state entity.[105] Moksha associations operate within broader Mordvin structures, though dedicated organizations remain less formalized compared to Erzya counterparts, often integrating into the People's Congress for representation.[104] Fiscal constraints underscore limited autonomy, as the Republic of Mordovia's budget exhibits high dependence on federal transfers, with ratings agencies noting that such funding constitutes a substantial portion of revenues, constraining independent policy execution amid federal equalization mechanisms.[106] In 2023 assessments, this reliance highlighted the republic's alignment with Moscow's priorities over divergent regional agendas.[106]Nationalism, Activism, and Separatist Sentiments
The resurgence of Mordvin nationalism, particularly among the Erzya subgroup, gained momentum during the Perestroika era of the late 1980s, as Soviet reforms allowed for greater ethnic expression. In 1989, the Public Center "Velmema" (meaning "Revival") was established to promote Erzya cultural and linguistic preservation amid fears of Russification. Similarly, the Mastorava ("Mother Earth") movement emerged around the same period, led by intellectuals who advocated for expanded Mordvin autonomy and revival of traditional practices, though it remained focused on cultural rather than overtly political separatism. These groups capitalized on glasnost to organize publications and gatherings, marking a shift from earlier assimilation pressures.[105][7] Post-Soviet developments saw nationalist aspirations evolve toward regional confederation models, including proposals for an Idel-Ural federation encompassing Mordovia alongside Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, and other Volga-Ural republics to counter central Russian dominance. By the 2010s, the Free Idel-Ural movement explicitly incorporated Erzya voices, framing independence for Mordovia as essential to halting demographic decline and cultural erosion, with calls for non-violent resistance against Moscow's policies. The Erzya National Congress, operating partly in exile due to repression, has since 2022 prioritized full sovereignty for an "Erzyan Mastor" state, rejecting the Soviet-era "Mordvin" ethnonym as a tool of forced unification between Erzya and Moksha identities.[107][108][109] Activism has intensified amid Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, with Erzya figures criticizing mobilization as disproportionately targeting ethnic minorities and urging boycotts framed as defense of communal survival over civic obligations to the Russian state. Russian authorities have countered by designating groups like Free Idel-Ural as extremist or terrorist organizations, leading to arrests of over a dozen Erzya cultural activists in Mordovia in October 2023 for alleged ties to separatist networks. Critics of separatism, including Russian state narratives, portray such movements as destabilizing threats that undermine federal stability, while activists argue assimilation equates to cultural genocide, citing historical policies like "Mordvinization" that suppressed subgroup distinctions. Despite vocal advocacy, these efforts remain marginal, with many leaders abroad and limited domestic mobilization, reflecting broader patterns of ethnic activism under authoritarian constraints.[105][110][111]Integration with Russian State: Benefits and Tensions
The Republic of Mordovia has benefited from substantial federal investments in infrastructure as part of Russia's broader development programs, exemplified by preparations for the 2018 FIFA World Cup. The construction of Mordovia Arena in Saransk, a 44,442-capacity stadium completed at a cost of around $300 million, catalyzed urban renewal including new residential districts with approximately 900 apartments, landscaped parks, improved sewage and water systems, and enhanced road networks connecting to federal highways.[112][113][114] These upgrades, funded largely by the central government, elevated the republic's connectivity and public facilities beyond what autonomous financing could likely achieve, contributing to post-event repurposing for local sports and events.[115] Economic integration provides Mordvins with access to Russia's national labor market and welfare systems, where average monthly household income in Mordovia reached 36,687 RUB in 2024, supported by federal transfers and industrial ties to sectors like agriculture and manufacturing.[116] Military service in the Russian armed forces offers additional pathways, with contract soldiers from the region eligible for salaries several times the national average—often exceeding 200,000 RUB monthly during mobilizations—along with pensions after 20 years, housing preferences, and medical benefits unavailable in a hypothetical independent entity.[117][118] Such opportunities foster upward mobility, particularly in a republic where per capita income aligns with Russia's mid-tier regions, averting the economic isolation seen in non-federated ethnic enclaves elsewhere.[119] Tensions arise from central policies prioritizing Russian linguistic and cultural dominance, as articulated in President Putin's July 2025 executive order approving the Fundamentals of State Language Policy, which positions Russian as the "unifying factor" in civic identity and mandates its preeminence in education and administration.[120] This framework, effective from March 2026, has drawn criticism for effectively sidelining Mordvin languages (Erzya and Moksha) in public spheres, accelerating a historical trend where Mordvin elites adopted Russian for advancement, potentially diluting native linguistic transmission amid declining native-speaker proficiency rates.[121][122] Despite these pressures, Mordvins retain disproportionate influence in regional governance relative to their 39.8% share of the republic's population per the 2010 census, with state constitutions designating Mordvin languages alongside Russian as official, enabling limited cultural preservation within the federation's Orthodox-aligned framework.[123] Proponents of integration contend that this unity shields against globalist erosion of traditions, allowing syncretic practices to persist under state protection rather than fragmenting into vulnerable micro-entities.[124]Notable Figures and Contributions
Erzya-Moksha Intellectuals and Leaders
Makar Evseviev (1864–1931), a pioneering Mordvin educator and writer, played a central role in the early national awakening by developing Mordvin-language schooling and literature during the late imperial period, which laid groundwork for later autonomy efforts.[1] His advocacy contributed to the establishment of the Mordvin Autonomous Oblast in 1930, as part of Soviet nationality policies favoring indigenous elites in administrative roles.[1] Anatoly Ryabov (1894–1938), an Erzya linguist and professor, standardized the Erzya alphabet using Latin script in the 1920s and authored textbooks that promoted literacy among Erzya speakers amid korenizatsiya campaigns.[125] Repressed during the Great Terror, Ryabov exemplified the purge of Finno-Ugric intellectuals, with executions targeting those involved in national cultural institutions by 1938.[11] In the Moksha subgroup, figures like Iosif Cherapkin advanced ethnographic and linguistic studies in the early Soviet era, documenting Moksha traditions before facing repression in events such as the 1935 operations against non-Russian elites.[126] These leaders' contributions to language standardization and education were curtailed by Stalinist policies, which dismantled much of the indigenous intelligentsia to consolidate centralized control.[127] Post-Soviet, Erzya intellectuals such as Syres Bolyaen have led organizations like Erzyan Mastor, founded in 2012, advocating for cultural preservation and autonomy from perceived Russification, including emigration of key figures amid heightened activism since the 2010s.[128] Bolyaen's role as a public intellectual emphasizes resistance to assimilation, drawing on historical precedents of Erzya separatism.[129]Artists, Musicians, and Cultural Icons
Stepan Dmitrievich Erzya (1876–1959), born Stepan Nefedov in the village of Bayevo in Simbirsk Governorate, was a sculptor of Erzya Mordvin descent whose oeuvre blended impressionist and expressionist techniques with motifs from Mordvin folk traditions.[130] His sculptures, including busts and figurative works often executed in wood or stone, emphasized expressive human forms and drew from ethnic heritage, with nearly 300 pieces repatriated from Argentina where he resided in later years.[131] Erzya's international recognition stemmed from exhibitions in Moscow and Buenos Aires, though many works remain abroad pending return to Russia.[132] In music, contemporary ensembles have sustained Mordvin heritage through revivalist performances of Erzya and Moksha traditions. The band OYME, drawing from ethnographic field recordings, reconstructs polyphonic folk songs, laments, and ritual chants in original languages, incorporating instruments like the kusle fiddle and performing at global festivals since the early 2000s.[133] Their repertoire includes over 20 collected songs from village ensembles, emphasizing multipart singing styles unique to Mordvin multipart practices.[134] Similarly, the Merema ensemble tours the Volga region, interpreting Mordvin lyrical and epic songs to counter language decline, with performances blending acoustic folk elements in live settings.[135] Cultural preservation extends to epic narratives like Mastorava, the foundational Mordvin mythological text akin to a national epos, which modern revivalists adapt into multimedia formats. Groups affiliated with Erzyan Mastor promote its motifs in recordings and online dissemination, fostering awareness of pre-Christian cosmology amid 21st-century ethnic revitalization efforts.[136] These initiatives, active into the 2020s, leverage digital platforms to share translated excerpts and musical interpretations, though primary reliance on oral sources limits standardized versions.[9]Political and Military Contributors
Nikolai Merkushkin, an ethnic Mordvin, exemplified Mordvin engagement in Russian state governance as Head of the Republic of Mordovia from January 1995 to May 2012.[137] Initially appointed by President Boris Yeltsin following a direct presidential decree, his leadership was reaffirmed through elections and reappointments under President Vladimir Putin, including a 2010 term extension.[138] Merkushkin's administration focused on economic stabilization and alignment with federal policies, transitioning Mordovia from a donor to a subsidized region while maintaining political loyalty to Moscow.[139] He later served as Governor of Samara Oblast from 2012 to 2017, further demonstrating Mordvin integration into higher echelons of Russian executive roles.[140] Mordvins exhibited loyalty to the Soviet state during World War II through extensive military service in the Red Army. Ethnic Mordvins, including Sergei Anisimovich Mordvinsev—a lieutenant born in 1915—fought on the front lines, with Mordvinsev awarded the Hero of the Soviet Union title on March 24, 1945, for exceptional bravery in operations against German forces.[141] The Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic supported the war effort by mobilizing personnel, hosting evacuation hospitals for wounded soldiers, and contributing industrial output such as ropes and textiles critical to logistics.[142] This participation aligned with broader patterns of Finno-Ugric minorities' involvement in the Soviet defense, reinforcing ethnic ties to the state amid high overall casualties across Soviet republics.[37] In the post-Soviet era, Mordvin military contributions persist, with residents serving in the Russian Armed Forces and reflecting continued allegiance. Mordovian delegates at the 8th Congress of the Mordvin People in 2010 affirmed explicit loyalty to the Russian Federation, including support for national defense obligations.[104] Recent data on Russian military composition indicate Finno-Ugric groups, including Mordvins, are represented in frontline units during operations in Ukraine, where ethnic minorities have borne disproportionate losses compared to Slavic majorities, per analyses of casualty patterns.[143][44] Such service underscores Mordvin embeddedness in state security structures, despite occasional separatist undercurrents among activists.[105]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Folk-Lore/Volume_1/Marriage_Customs_of_the_Mordvins
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Folk-Lore_Journal/Volume_7/The_Beliefs_and_Religious_Superstitions_of_the_Mordvins
