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New Belgrade
New Belgrade
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New Belgrade (Serbian: Нови Београд / Novi Beograd, pronounced [nôʋiː beǒɡrad]) is a municipality of the city of Belgrade. It was a planned city and now is the central business district of Serbia and South East Europe. Construction began in 1948 in a previously uninhabited area on the left bank of the Sava river, opposite old Belgrade. In recent years, it has become the central business district of Belgrade and its fastest developing area, with many businesses moving to the new part of the city, due to more modern infrastructure and larger available space. With 209,763 inhabitants,[2] it is the second most populous municipality of Serbia after Novi Sad.

Key Information

Geography

[edit]

New Belgrade is located on the left bank of the Sava River, in the easternmost part of the Srem region. Administratively, its northeastern section touches the right bank of the Danube, right before its confluence with the Sava. New Belgrade is located generally west of 'Old' Belgrade, to which it is connected by six bridges (Ada Bridge, New Railway Bridge, Old Railway Bridge, Gazela, Old Sava Bridge and Branko's Bridge). European route E75, with five grade separations, including a new double-looped one at the Belgrade Arena, goes right through the middle of the settlement.

The municipality of New Belgrade covers an area of 40.74 square kilometres (15.73 sq mi). Its terrain is flat, which poses a high contrast to the old Belgrade, built on 32 hills total. Except for its western section, Bežanija, New Belgrade is built on what was essentially a swamp when construction of the new city began in 1948. For years, kilometers-long conveyor belts transported sand to the new settlement from the Danube island of Malo Ratno Ostrvo, almost completely destroying the island in the process, leaving only a small, narrow strip of wooded land. Thus, it is romantically said that New Belgrade is actually built on an island.[3]

Other geographic features of New Belgrade are the peninsula of Mala Ciganlija and the island of Ada Međica, both on the Sava, and the bay of Zimovnik (winter shelter), engulfed by Mala Ciganlija, with the facilities of the Beograd shipyard. The loess slope of Bežanijska Kosa is located in the western part of the municipality, while in the southern, the Galovica river canal flows into the Sava.

Though it originally had no forests in the real sense, Novi Beograd now has more green areas than all the other municipalities of Belgrade, with a total of 3.47 square kilometres (1.34 sq mi), or 8.5% of the territory.[4] In time, several areas of the municipality developed into fully fledged forests, and three were officially classified as such: the forest along the motorway (106.56 ha (263.3 acres)), the forest along the Sava Quay (9.09 ha (22.5 acres)) and the forest on Ada Međica (13.4 ha (33 acres)).[5] Most of the municipality's green areas, however, are within the large Ušće park. The latest addition to the Belgrade park system (in 2008), Park Republika Srpska, is also located in the municipality.

There are no separate settlements within the municipality, as the entire area administratively belongs to Belgrade City proper and is statistically classified as part of Belgrade (Beograd-deo). The area located around the municipal assembly building and the nearby roundabout is considered to be New Belgrade's center.

As it was planned and constructed, New Belgrade was divided into blocks. Currently, there are 72 blocks (with several sub-blocks, like 70-a, etc.). The old core of the village of Bežanija, Ada Međica, Mala Ciganlija, as well as the area along the highway west of Bežanijska Kosa, are not divided into blocks. Due to changes in administrative borders, some of the blocks (9, 9-a, 9-b, 11, 11-c and 50) belong to the municipality of Zemun, extending north of New Belgrade as one continuous built-up area.

In September 2018, Belgrade's mayor Zoran Radojičić announced that the construction of a dam on the Danube, in the Zemun-New Belgrade area, would start soon. The dam is designed to protect the city during high water levels.[6][7] Such a project had not been mentioned before, nor was it clear how or where it would be constructed, or if it were feasible at all. Radojičić clarified after a while that he was referring to the temporary, mobile flood wall. The wall will be 50 cm (20 in) high and 5 km (3.1 mi) long, stretching from Branko's Bridge across the Sava and the neighborhood of Ušće, to the Radecki restaurant on the Danube bank in Zemun's Gardoš neighborhood. In case of emergency, panels will be placed on the existing construction. The construction is scheduled to start in 2019 and to finish in 2020.[8]

History

[edit]

Early history

[edit]
Map of Novi Beograd
Ada Bridge

Bežanija is the oldest part of today's New Belgrade. A settlement existed here from the Neolithic to the Roman period.

In the book Kruševski pomenik from 1713, which is kept in the Dobrun monastery near Višegrad, the settlement of Bežanija was mentioned for the first time under its present name in 1512, as a small village with 32 houses, populated by Serbs.[9] In this time, the village was under the administration of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary, and was part of Syrmia County. The inhabitants of the village crossed the Sava river and settled in Syrmia after fleeing the fall of the medieval Serbian Despotate at the hands of the Ottoman Empire (hence the name bežanija, "refugee camp" in archaic Serbian).

In 1521, the village became part of the Ottoman Empire. From 1527 to 1530, Bežanija was part of Radoslav Čelnik's Duchy of Syrmia, an Ottoman vassal, until its subsequent organization into the Ottoman Sanjak of Syrmia. The Habsburg monarchy conquered it temporarily during the Great Turkish War (1689–1691), but it remained under Ottoman administration until 1718. In 1718, the village became part of the Habsburg monarchy and was placed under military administration. It was part of the Habsburg Military Frontier (Petrovaradin regiment of Slavonian Krajina). During the 17th and 18th century, hunger and constant Turkish intrusions devastated the village, but it was constantly repopulated by refugees from central Serbia.[9]

During the 1717–1739 Austrian occupation of northern Serbia, when both banks of the Sava were Austrian, a massive process of construction works in Belgrade began. The goal was to transform Belgrade into a Baroque city, rather than an oriental one. The task of designing the new city was given to Nicolas Doxat de Démoret. In his plans, Doxat envisioned the proper, star-shaped fortification on the location of modern New Belgrade, across the Belgrade Fortress. Despite the maps printed with the existing fortification, the ramparts in the swamp were never built, though some work was done on the construction.[10]

In 1810, a population census counted 115, mostly Serbian, households in Bežanija. By the 1850s, a large number of Germans had colonized Bežanija.[9] In 1848–1849 it was part of the Serbian Vojvodina, an ethnic Serb autonomous region within the Austrian Empire, but in 1849 it was again placed under the administration of the Military Frontier.

As the Frontier was abolished in 1881–1882, it became part of the Syrmia County within the autonomous Habsburg kingdom Croatia-Slavonia, which was located within the Hungarian part of the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary. In 1910, the largest ethnic group in the village were Serbs,[11] while other sizable ethnic groups were Germans, Hungarians and Croats. After the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, in autumn of 1918, Bežanija became part of the newly formed State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. On 24 November 1918, as part of Syrmia region, the village became part of the Kingdom of Serbia, and on December 1, it became part of the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (future Yugoslavia).

From 1918 to 1922, the village was part of the Syrmia County, and from 1922 to 1929 it was part of the Syrmia Oblast. Bežanija became part of the wider Belgrade area for the first time in 1929 after the coup d'état conducted by the king Alexander I of Yugoslavia, who redrew Yugoslavia's administrative divisions, creating a new administrative unit Uprava grada Beograda or Administration of the City of Belgrade which comprised Belgrade, Zemun (with Bežanija) and Pančevo.

Inter-war period

[edit]

Between the two world wars of the 20th century, communities sprung up closer to the Sava river, in Staro Sajmište and Novo Naselje. The idea of building a new settlement across the Sava was officially presented in 1922 and the first urbanization plans for Belgrade's expansion to the Sava's left bank were drawn up in 1923, but a lack of either funds or the manpower needed to drain out the swampy terrain put them on hold indefinitely. Additionally, the Ministry of Construction rejected the city's plan of expansion. The project was conceived by Đorđe Kovljanski and it included an idea of creating an island from the Savamala neighborhood (he coined the term "Sava amphitheatre") in old Belgrade.[12][13] He even envisioned the bridge across the northern tip of Ada Ciganlija, across the Sava, which was finally built in 2012.[14] In 1924 Petar Kokotović opened a kafana on Tošin Bunar with the prophetic name Novi Beograd. After 1945, Kokotović was president of the local community of Novo Naselje–Bežanija, which later grew into the municipality of Novi Beograd.[15] In 1924 an airport was built in Bežanija, and in 1928 the Rogožerski factory was constructed. In 1934 plans were expanded to include the creation of a new urbanized area connecting Belgrade and Zemun, as Zemun was administratively annexed to the city of Belgrade in 1929, losing its separate city status in 1934. King Alexander Bridge was also built over the Sava River and a tram line connecting Belgrade and Zemun was established. Also, a Zemun airport was built.

A sandy beach with cabins, kafanas and barracks used as sheds by fishermen occupied the area of the modern Ušće quay, north of Branko's Bridge. It was one of the favorite vacation spots of Belgraders during the Interbellum period. People traveled there from the city by small boats; the starting point was the small kafana "Malo pristanište" in Savamala. Occupying the left bank of the Sava, it was in the location of the future access ramp for the King Alexander Bridge, so it had to be removed. Several properties were demolished, including numerous kafanas, including "Ostend", "Zdravlje", "Abadžija", "Jadran", "Krf", "Dubrovnik", and "Adrija." The only one that wasn't demolished was "Nica", predecessor of the modern Ušće restaurant. In total, 20 buildings and 2,000 cabins, barracks, or sheds were demolished, jointly by the municipalities of Zemun and Bežanija, which owned half of the land each, and the property owners. The plan was to build an embankment instead. However, the beach itself survived the construction of the bridge in 1934 as it only made access easier. The beach was finally closed in 1938 when the construction of the embankment began.[16] The beach itself was called Nica (Serbian for Nice, in France) after one of the kafanas.[17]

A group of Danish investors offered to the city government their project of constructing a new settlement between Belgrade and Zemun, on the left bank of the Sava. In February 1937 they sent a very elaborate proposal with maps to the then mayor of Belgrade, Vlada Ilić. The Danes offered to do it for 94 million 1937 dinars and the city administration replied that the project got their fullest attention, but that citizens of Belgrade and Zemun should have a say, too, about this new settlement.[18] In August the Danish investors held a meeting with mayor Ilić. This time, they offered to build the entire modern neighborhood for free, but to retain the right to sell the lots to private buyers who were interested in building houses in the neighborhood, in the total amount of over 80 million dinars, while the city would remain the owner of the land.[19] A contract was signed on 24 February 1938. Danish representatives announced that their ships will reach Belgrade by 12 to 15 May 1938. Among them, there was one special ship. It was to dredge the bottom of the Danube in the vicinity of Great War Island and to eject the dredged earth through pipes in the swamp, filling it. The plan was to fill the area on the right side of the Zemun road, which extended across the King Alexander Bridge across the Sava. It was expected that the work, estimated at 30 million dinars, would be finished by 1940 when the area was to become a nice, dried and elevated filled terrain suitable for the start of the construction of the "newest Belgrade". The project was described as the "displacement of the Sava confluence into the Danube".[20]

Bežanija's airport at Dojno Polje in 1931, a rare structure built on the territory of the future New Belgrade

On 20 May 1938, president of the Yugoslav government Milan Stojadinović, pulled a lever on a Danish excavator, ceremonially starting the works to drain the land at the confluence. The large "Sydhavnen" excavator was transported by ship via the English Channel, the Dardanelles, the Bosphorus, the Black Sea and finally the Danube. It was reported at the time that this was the first time that an ocean ship had anchored in the port of Belgrade. The draining proved to be much more expensive than expected. The "Sydhavnen" excavator sank to the bottom of the Sava river after World War II broke out in 1941, but was lifted out after the war and repaired. It continued to work under the name "Kolubara".[21]

In 1930s members of Belgrade's affluent elite began to buy land from the villagers of Bežanija, which at that time administratively spread all the way to the King Alexander Bridge, which was a dividing point between Bežanija and Zemun.[22] An "Association for the embellishing of the left bank of Sava - New Belgrade" was founded in 1932.[23] From 1933 a settlement, consisting mostly of individual villas, began to develop. Also, a group of White Russian emigrants built several small buildings, mostly rented by the carters who carried goods across the river. As the settlement, which became known as New Belgrade, was built without building permits, authorities threatened to demolish it, but in 1940 government officially "legalized the informal settlement of New Belgrade".[22] Prior to that, the city already semi-officially recognized the new settlement, as it helped with building its streets and pathways. By 1939 it already had several thousand inhabitants, a representative in the city hall, and was unofficially called New Belgrade.[24]

In 1938, for the purpose of hosting Belgrade Fair, a complex of buildings was erected next to the already existing community. Spread over 15 thousand square metres, it hosted fairs and exhibitions designed to show off the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's developing economy. Also this year, the municipality of Belgrade signed a contract with two Danish construction companies, Kampsax and Højgaard & Schultz, to build the new neighbourhood. Engineer Branislav Nešić was entrusted with leading the project. He even continued his involvement on the project after 1941 when the Nazis conquered, occupied, and dissolved the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Because of this, the new communist authorities who came to power after 1945 put Nešić on trial as a collaborator. As the complex never hosted any fairs again and the new Belgrade Fair was built across the river, the area became known as Staro Sajmište ("Old Fairground").

Though future New Belgrade's area was barely urbanized, it already contained the tallest structure, if not a proper building, in Belgrade. After Yugoslav government signed a deal with the Czechoslovakian Škoda Works for the purchase of 300 tanks in 1937, the Škoda decided to donate the towering construction as the parachuting attraction. The Škoda Tower, a "parachutists tower", was opened on 2 June 1938. The 74 metres (243 ft) tall latticed steel construction was the tallest structure in Belgrade. The tower was an imposing and domineering structure, which, due to its height and position in the flat and low terrain, was visible from all parts of Belgrade from across the river. It was claimed to be the tallest facility of its kind in both Europe and the world. It was used both for the professional training of the parachutists, but also for the amateur jumps by the fair visitors.[25][26]

On 22 February 1941, mayor of Belgrade Jovan Tomić and architect Dragiša Brašovan held a press conference, announcing plans for the future. The plans were made for New Belgrade and the Sava's bank in "Old" Belgrade. The new town was to be built on 6 km2 (2.3 sq mi) and have 500,000 inhabitants, even though the entire Belgrade at that time had a bit over 350,000 people. Tomić issued a ban for the private owners to purchase the land, so that all land designated for the future town will remain city owned. He also asked from the state government to banish all private land owners on the Sava's right bank, located between the Belgrade Main railway station and the river and to confiscate the land. Further plans included the filling of the arm of the Danube and turning the Great War Island into the peninsula and erection of the monumental memorial on it. The project also included two new bridges across the Sava, which would connect the old and the new part of the city, one on the location of the modern Gazela bridge (which was built in 1970) and another in the continuation of the Nemanjina Street. Because of the latter bridge, Tomić planned to demolish the building of the Belgrade Main railway station and relocate the facility in the neighborhood of Prokop, thus clearing further 1 km2 (0.39 sq mi) of space for the commercial facilities.[27] Construction of the new railway station in Prokop indeed began, but in 1977 and as of 2018 is still not finished, though in 2017 it took over the domestic transportation.

In general (excluding Bežanija), on the territory of modern New Belgrade, urbanization between two world wars began on three locations: along the Sava bank, stretching from Sajmište to Ušće; workers settlement around Old Airport; informal settlement at Tošin Bunar, where modern Studentski Grad is today. Majority of the construction was informal.[28]

Panorama of New Belgrade from the Belgrade Fortress

World War II

[edit]

In 1941, German forces occupied much of Yugoslavia. The Nazi secret police, the Gestapo, took over the fairgrounds (Sajmište). They encircled it with several rings of barbed wire, turning it into a "collection centre". It eventually became an extermination camp, the Sajmište concentration camp. Until May 1942 it was mostly used to kill off Jews from Belgrade and other parts of Serbia, and from April 1942 onwards, it also held political prisoners. Executions of captured prisoners lasted as long as the camp existed. November 1946 report released by the Yugoslav State Commission for Crimes of Occupiers and their Collaborators claims that close to 100,000 prisoners came through the Sajmište's gates. It is estimated that around 48,000 people perished inside the camp.

The Škoda Tower managed to survive all the bombings during the war, so as fighting during the Belgrade offensive in October 1944. New Communist authorities decided to demolish it, and though the exact reason why is unknown, it is suspected this was because of the highly negative perception among the citizens due to the role the tower had during the war years when it was equipped with searchlights and several machine gun nests to monitor the area and the river, and to stop those trying to escape the lager, earning the moniker "death tower". Located in the southeast corner of the Sajmište complex, it was demolished in November 1945. The next Belgrade structure that would surpass the tower's height was the 101 metres (331 ft) tall Beograđanka building in 1974, almost 30 years later. Nothing remained of the tower, and a football pitch of FK Brodarac was built on its location.[25][26][29][30]

Rapid development

[edit]
SIV 1 or Palata Srbije (Palace of Serbia)
View of New Belgrade at night

The first sketches of urban plans were developed by Nikola Dobrović in 1946 and preparations began in 1947.[13] The first news on the project were published in daily Politika on 5 January 1947. The project was still referred to as "new Belgrade", with a lowercase "n" pointing to the description rather than the new city's proper name.[23] Architect Mihajlo Mitrović called New Belgrade "an obsessive vision of Dobrović".[31] A monograph on the construction of New Belgrade by Slobodan Ristanović described what the area looked liked before the city was built: "In the thick reeds and bulrush there were many snakes and frogs, fishes and leeches. Above this swamp, flocks of birds circled and the swarms of mosquitos and other insects were going up and down. Just a few houses and an occasional shack in the marsh around the Zemun airport, so as the derelict neighborhood of Staro Sajmište attested the human presence in that inhospitable ambience."[32]

It was on 11 April 1948, three years after World War II ended, that the ground was broken on a huge construction project, which would give birth to what is known today as New Belgrade. During first three years of construction alone, over 200,000 workers and engineers from all over the freshly liberated country took part in the building process. The housing project was also constructed in order to minimize Roma negation of assimilating into society by mass free housing in New Belgrade as a way to incentivize them to culturally integrate. Work brigades, parts of the Youth work actions made up of villagers brought in from rural Serbia provided most of the manual labour. Even high school and university student volunteers took part. It was backbreaking labour that went on day and night. With no notable technological tools to speak of, mixing of concrete and spreading of sand were done by hand with horse carriages only used for extremely heavy lifting. The concept of Youth work actions continued up to 1990 and the objects built this way include the Studentski Grad, Block 7, Block 7a, Paviljoni, Gazela Bridge, Hospital Bežanijska Kosa, SIV, etc.[32]

Before the actual construction started, the terrain was evenly covered with sand from the Sava and the Danube rivers in an effort to dry out the land and raise it above the reach of flooding and underground streams. From 1947 to 1950 over 200,000 voluntary workers were employed in the construction of the new city. The first building which was officially opened was the Workers University, which was opened on 29 November 1949. But the construction of New Belgrade was almost slowed down significantly after 1950 and the ongoing Tito–Stalin split. The full, rapid development continued after 1960.[21] Many apartments were assigned for the officers of the Yugoslav People's Army. At one point, 80% of the officers opted to move to New Belgrade.[23]

New Belgrade was the first polycentric urban design in Yugoslav architecture.[23] Among the first to go up was the SIV 1 building, which housed the Federal Executive Council (SIV). The building has 75,000 square metres of usable space. Built during the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, it was also used during the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia before its dissolution. The building was renamed to Palace of Serbia, and now houses some departments of the Serbian government.

First buildings for classic residential purposes were built as pavilions close to the area known as Tošin Bunar (Toša's Well). Studentski Grad (Student City) complex was also built around the same time to meet the residence needs of the growing University of Belgrade student body that came from other parts of Yugoslavia. Base for the first phase in city's development was Belgrade's general plan from 1950. Area was divided in blocks. First finished ones were blocks 1 and 2. Designed by Branko Petričić, and still considered "experimental" at the time, they were finished in 1958.[33]

SIV 1 or Palata Srbije (Palace of Serbia)

Buildings sprung up one after another and by 1952, New Belgrade was officially a municipality. In 1955 the municipality of Bežanija was annexed to New Belgrade. It was for years the biggest construction site in Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and a huge source of pride for country's communist authorities that oversaw the project.

One of the major successes during the construction was the arrangement and planting of the greenery. The main obstacle was the, now sandy, terrain. Still, the planting of the parks began after 1956. In 1961, the Park of Friendship was opened, to commemorate the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement. Park itself is part of much larger Park Ušće. Also in the 1960s, the arrangement of the promenades along the Sava and the Danube began.[34]

On 20 October 1971, a major commercial complex was opened in Block 11-C, along the Lenin Boulevard (modern Mihajlo Pupin Boulevard). It included the Mercator Shopping Mall (today known as Old Mercator), which at the time was the largest shopping mall in Yugoslavia with the total retail floor area of 30,000 square metres (320,000 sq ft). Other parts of the complex include the roofed farmers' market, garage with several hundred parking spaces and the Mercator Department Store, the largest one in Belgrade at that point. Northern section of the complex was occupied by the 600-seats multipurpose cinema hall "Jugoslavija" (cinema now defunct) and hotel "Putnik", designed by Mihajlo Mitrović, today part of the Tulip Inn hotel chain.[35]

In general, development of New Belgrade is divided in four major phases, all of which have a landmark buildings constructed in that periods:[13]

a) First phase (1948–1958)

  • completion of the first residential blocks, 7 and 7a;
  • founding of the first local community “Pionor” (now Paviljoni);
  • completion of the Studentski Grad (1949–1955).

b) Second phase (1958–1968)

c) Third phase (1968–2000)

d) Modern period (from 2000)

21st century

[edit]

In 2010, the first international architectural design competition in almost 30 years was organized for one of the future symbols of Belgrade in Block 39. It was the project of the Center for Promotion of Science. Out of 232 submissions, the work of Wolfgang Tschapeller was selected. The design of an elevated, ethereal building, which was to appear from distance as hovering, was supported by the architects, but not much by the public. Main problem was the price. Initially estimated to cost €10 million and to be finished by 2014, the projected price skyrocketed to €65 million and the construction never began. Local architects now called the project a colossal waste of money and in 2015 government scrapped the project all together. In July 2020 it was announced that the massive new police building will be built on the location, which remained undeveloped.[36][37]

Since the 2000s, and especially in the 2010s, the rapid development resumed in the southwest half of the municipality, bounded by the streets Tošin Bunar, Vojvođanska, Milutina Milankovića and Sava's left bank. Prior to this. one of the central streets in the neighborhood, Omladinskih Brigada, was urbanized "here and there", with buildings humble in both architectural merits or functionality and this section of New Belgrade was considered to be neglected in terms or architecture and urbanism. In one decade, new boulevards were constructed (Heroes of Košare Boulevard), while numerous large buildings and objects sprawled along the boulevards, including some entire neighborhoods and residential or business blocks: Airport City Belgrade, Delta City, West 65 (will be 142 m (466 ft) tall), Savada, A Block, Novi Minel, Roda shopping mall, Ekstra shopping mall, hotels, gas stations, many business highrise, etc.[38]

By 2020, this urban development was considered mostly positive, as being functional and credited with lifting New Belgrade's business and commercial quality to the highest level in all of Belgrade. Especially commended objects include Airport City, West 65, string of business building along the Omladinskih Brigada street, complex in Block 41-A, Holiday Inn hotel and a bit older headquarters of the municipal Tax Administration. Criticized projects are several buildings, representatives of the "investors urbanism", where building was constructed by the wishes of the investors, no matter what (like the building at 11 Milutina Milankovića).[38] Though the plans were made already in the 1970s, New Belgrade got its first fire station only on 23 March 2022, in Block 67-A.[39]

Development of Block 26, between the Palace of Serbia (former SIV 1), and the Belgrade Arena, began in the early 2000s. Several modern six-floor buildings were constructed, so as the Serbian Orthodox Church dedicated to the Saint Simeon the Myrrh-streaming, and the clergy house. Half of the area remained filled with the auxiliary structures and temporary gravel and cement storage, left from the construction of the Arena. Architectural design competition for the entire block was won by Jovan Mitrović and Dejan Miljković in 2006. It includes construction of three buildings facing three streets - Mihajlo Pupin Boulevard (65 metres (213 ft) tall, 17 floors), Antifašističke Borbe (52 metres (171 ft)), and Španskih Boraca (58 metres (190 ft)), and a row of four 120 metres (390 ft) tall skyscrapers along the fourth side, the Zoran Đinđić Boulevard. This was confirmed in 2016, and revised in 2019 to allow more residential space in the buildings. Preparatory works on the construction of the building across the Palace of Serbia began in July 2022. Design includes kindergarten, ambulance, while the central part will partially fulfil the original plans for the blocks 24 to 26, as the center of New Belgrade: it will be turned into the wide promenade, with ponds and fountains.[40]

By the 2020s, construction in New Belgrade was completely influenced by the investors' urbanism, which, caring only about the investors' interests and profits, was turning every available free or green area into buildings. Finished in the early 1970s, Block 45 contains 71% of either green areas or empty space with natural ground. Block 19a, finished in 1981, has 60%, while Block 70a, from the same decade, has 64%. Block 29, completed in 2006, has only 23% of such areas. In the cases of the A Block (in Block 67a, 2019), and West 65 (still under construction in 2023), in a period of the full-blown investors' urbanism, green areas are reduced to 14% and 8%, respectively. Even if there are remaining, free spaces, the investors arrange decorative lawns, which have no natural (soil, earth) foundations. This resulted in elevated temperatures in neighborhood's microclimate and highly reduced absorption of torrential rains, so the streets of New Belgrade are almost regularly flooded with every heavy rain.[41]

Neighbourhoods

[edit]
Map of Local communities in Novi Beograd

Just like other municipalities of Serbia, New Belgrade is further divided into local communities (Serbian: mesna zajednica). Apart from Bežanija and Staro Sajmište, no other neighbourhoods have historical or traditional names, as Novi Beograd did not exist as such. However, in the five decades of its existence, some of its parts gradually became known as distinct neighborhoods of their own.

List of the neighborhoods of New Belgrade:

Blocks

[edit]
The Palace of Serbia in Block 13
"B-7" building in Block 21, informally known as "Meander"
"TV building" in Block 28
Residential highrises in Block 45
Residential buildings in Belville

New Belgrade is divided into 72 blocks, some of which are further divided into subblocks.[42] The blocks are not numerated one after another: for example, there are Blocks 26 and 28, but there is no Block 27. The one-digit blocks are the oldest.[43]

  • Block 5 hosts the Ranko Žeravica Sports Hall, the oldest sports object in New Belgrade.[44] The FK IMT Stadium, the home arena of FK IMT is also located there.[45]
  • Block 6 is small and distinctly green, setting it apart from the other blocks. It is known as New Belgrade's Dedinje, after the wealthiest part of the city.[46]
  • Block 11A is home to the Embassy of Japan, as well as the Chinese Cultural Centre built in place of the Embassy of China which was damaged during the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.[47] The Historical Archive of Belgrade is located in Block 11B, while the Old Mercator (Serbian: Stari Merkator) shopping centre is situated in Block 11C.
  • Block 13 is almost entirely taken up by the Palace of Serbia and the surrounding green area. Stretching to cover a floor area 65,000 m2,[48] it is almost 13 times larger than the White House. The Palace is officially protected by the state as immovable cultural property.[49]
  • Block 16 is dominated by the Ušće Shopping Center, as well as the two Ušće Towers. Built in 1964[50] and 2020,[51] these are the third- and sixth-tallest buildings in Belgrade, respectively.[52]
  • Block 21 is famous for its six residential highrises known as the "Six Corporals" (Serbian: Šest kaplara), as well as a long, winding "B-7" building, informally known as "Meander", "Snake" (Serbian: Zmijica), or "Chinese Wall" (Serbian: Kineski zid).[53] Being the longest building in the city, it is one kilometer long and houses more than 3,500 people.[54]
  • Block 28 houses long, narrow residential buildings known as "televizorke" (from Serbian "televizor", meaning "TV", literally "TV buildings". In addition to that, the "Horseshoe" (Serbian: Potkovica) building is also located there.[55]
  • Block 30 is primarily residential. Initially intended for foreign investors and diplomats, the block was later constructed with primarily social housing in mind.[56] In addition to that, a hotel was supposed to be built, although the construction was never started.[57] Today, the block also houses the building of the United Nations missions in Serbia, complete with a mural commemorating nature.[58]
  • Block 32 is home to the Church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrius and the Embassy of Slovakia, as well as a newly built residential condominium complex.[59]
  • Block 33 is known for the massive Western City Gate, one of the symbols of the capital.[60]
  • Block 34 hosts the settlement of Studentski Grad, as well as the student dormitory with the same name.[61] The dormitory is the largest in Belgrade,[62] with a capacity of almost 4,500 student beds.[63]
  • Block 42 is home to the newly opened Belgrade Bus Station.[64] The station is available via all four of tram lines passing through New Belgrade - 7, 9, 11 and 13 - as well as several bus lines.[65]
  • Block 44 hosts the Pyramid shopping centre (Serbian: Piramida), where the Faculty of Business Studies and Law of the private Union–Nikola Tesla University is located.[66] Furthermore, a waterpark was supposed to be built by the Sava's riverbank, but its construction was abandoned in 2006 after being started in 2005.[67]
  • Block 45, also known as the "Sun Settlement" (Serbian: Naselje sunca), is home to 45 residential highrises, as well as 23 lower-story buildings, where about 18,000 people live.[68] Block 45 has long had a poor reputation as the "fortress" of football ultras such as Grobari (Serbian: Grobari, meaning "gravediggers").[69][70] Graffiti are a well-known feature of the block: some of the first street art in Serbia was made there.[71]
  • Block 64 used to house a major industrial zone of the IMT and FMO companies. Since their privatisation, plans have appeared to build massive residential complexes.[72][73]
  • Block 65 hosts the Airport City Belgrade (Serbian: Erport Siti) business park built where the hangars of Belgrade's old airport once stood.[74] The airport itself was destroyed in the WW2, and the new Nikola Tesla Airport was built in Surčin. A single hangar of the old airport remained intact, and it is now a protected cultural monument.[75] The new West 65 residential complex is also located there, complete with a forty-story tower.[76]
  • Block 67 is home to the modern Belville residential complex and the Delta City shopping centre.[77]

Architecture

[edit]

The Old Elementary School in Bežanija, at 68 Vojvođanska Street, was built in 1891. A standard object of its kind, designed by the subdued postulates of the Academism, it was declared a cultural monument in January 2019. It is the oldest preserved building on the territory of the modern municipality of New Belgrade.[78]

Ikarus building

[edit]

As of 2018, one of the oldest surviving buildings in New Belgrade is the former administrative building of the Ikarus company, built in 1938. It is located in the modern Block 9-a, at 3-a Gramšijeva street. In June 2017 it was announced that the building will be demolished so that private investor can build a highrise instead. Locals organized in an effort to adapt the building into the museum instead.[79] City government, which in 2015 stated that the building will not be demolished, issued a demolition permit in February 2018. Citizen protested, demolished the construction hoarding and physically preventing the investor to destroy the building, so police intervened.[80] Investor then posted a board which showed that the original building will be preserved but vastly expanded and superstructured (total of 8.500 m2 (91.49 sq ft) floor area). Still, a heavy demolition machinery was brought so citizens protested again in March. Inheritors of the pre-World War II owners of the "Ikarus" company, which was nationalized after 1945, applied for the restitution.[81]

The administrative building of the former airplane factory was a symbol of the industrial development of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Interbellum. Apart from being one of the oldest preserved objects in New Belgrade, it was the only representative of the Art Deco in the municipality. Citizens proposed that the building might be adapted into the Museum of New Belgrade or a branch of the Museum of Aviation. The building was not protected by the law.[81] Still, the building was demolished in July 2018.[82]

After 1945

[edit]
Aerial view on Bežanija skycrapers
(view as a 360° interactive panorama)
Šest kaplara buildings

Architects who are most deserving for New Belgrade's development are Uroš Martinović, Milutin Glavički, Milosav Mitić, Dušan Milenković and Leonid Lenarčić. They drafted the city's regulatory plan in 1962 which encompassed all the previous ideas, solutions and propositions.[13]

New Belgrade developed on Le Corbusier's principles of the "sun city", which includes many green areas and infrastructure which can easily be upgraded. In general, city developed in the style of urban modern architecture and is considered to be a major representative of that style, along with Brasília in Brazil, Chandigarh in India and Velenje in Slovenia.[13]

Characteristic for the buildings in New Belgrade is that many of them got nicknames. Best known ones include:[13][83]

  • "Šest kaplara" (Six corporals), Block 21, as most apartments were settled by the military personnel and their families;
  • "Televizorka" (TV-screen building), Block 28, due to the look of its windows; on 21 March 2020, a fire broke out on the eight floor, ultimately killing seven people;[84][85]
  • "Tri sestre" (Three sisters), Fontana, three identical buildings;
  • "Potkovica" (Horseshoe), Block 28, due to its shape;
  • "Pendrek", "Sirotica" and "Besna kobila" (Police baton, Poor girl and Mad mare), near Studentski Grad, as the first was populated by the policemen's families, second by the socially endangered and third by the well-to-do members of the Communist party;
  • "Mercedes", Block 38, three connected buildings in the shape of the car's logo;
  • "Lamela" or "Meander", Block 21; next to "Šest kaplara", with 972.5 m (3,191 ft) it is the longest residential building in former Yugoslavia. It was built from 1960 to 1966 and officially named "B-7",[86] but it is colloquially referred to as the "Great Wall"[87] or "Chinese Wall".[88]

Protection

[edit]

The central section of New Belgrade was declared a cultural monument in January 2021, as the protected spatial cultural-historical unit. It includes nine blocks, from No. 21 to No. 30, in three proper rows, three by three (block No. 27 ever existed). The three central ones, 24, 25 and 26, were originally left unbuilt, as they were planned as the three central squares, the main prospekt of the city, with each square given a specific role: ceremonial, central and traffic hub. This was later abandoned and the blocks were urbanized in time. In 2019, the depictions of block No. 23 became part of the permanent exhibition in the New York's Museum of Modern Art.[89] Though this central area was envisioned by the original planners of the city, individual blocks were later designed by other architects. Residential complexes in blocks 22 and 23 were designed by Aleksandar Stjepanović, Božidar Janković and Branislav Karadžić.[33]

Block 23 was built from 1969 to 1976 and was financed by the army. Though in the brutalism style, prevailing in New Belgrade at the time, the design avoided the stripped, rigid rules of the style. The loggias and windows are ornamented with concrete bars, the facades are vertically divided with vertical dividing lines protruding above the gables. The windows have additional horizontal frames. Critics labeled it the "brutalist baroque". The block is conceived as having tall, military buildings on the edge, serving as "sentinels" of the inside, which is filled with rows of buildings in cubical or meandering shapes, including the elementary school "Laza Kostić" which occupies the central part. During the construction, the prefabricated panels of reinforced concrete were used, patented by Branko Žeželj [sr]. Interiors are designed in the manner of the "Belgrade apartment" - units with central core which both serves as the living room and connects all other rooms, enabling "family communication".[90]

Demographics

[edit]
Historical population
YearPop.±%
19489,195—    
195311,339+23.3%
196133,347+194.1%
197192,200+176.5%
1981173,541+88.2%
1991224,424+29.3%
2002217,773−3.0%
2011214,506−1.5%
2022209,763−2.2%
Source: [2]

Ever since the construction began in 1948, New Belgrade experienced explosive population growth, but this trend stopped during the 1990s and became negative. As of 2022, the municipality of New Belgrade has a population of 209,763 inhabitants.

Ethnic groups

[edit]
Map of New Belgrade municipality
Map of local communities of New Belgrade as of 2019

The ethnic composition of the municipality (as of 2022)

Ethnic group Population
Serbs 178,784
Yugoslavs 2,262
Romani 1,598
Russians 1,071
Montenegrins 1,041
Croats 993
Macedonians 753
Muslims 514
Slovenians 259
Bosniaks 270
Hungarians 228
Gorani 228
Albanians 207
Slovaks 125
Bulgarians 125
Romanians 84
Others 6,945
Unknown 14,276
Total 209,763

Economy

[edit]
Corner of Block 25
Ušće Towers

As all of the socialist governments considered heavy industry to be the driving force of the entire economy, it for decades dominated New Belgrade's economy too: Industry of Machinery and Tractors (IMT), Metallic cast iron factory (FOM), shipyard "Beograd" (formerly "Tito"), large heating plant in Savski Nasip, "MINEL" electro-construction company, etc. All of these complexes will be removed and develop in business and residential areas.

In the 1990s with the collapse of gigantic state-owned companies, New Belgrade's local economy bounced back by switching to commercial facilities, with dozens of shopping malls and entire commercial sections such as Mercator Center Belgrade, Ušće Mall, Delta City Belgrade etc. These activities are further enhanced in the 2000s (decade). The 'Open Shopping Mall' or the Belgrade's flea market is also located in New Belgrade.

New Belgrade became the Central business district in Serbia and one of major in Southeast Europe. Many companies choose New Belgrade for regional centers such as IKEA, Energoprojekt holding, Delta Holding, MK Group, DHL, Air Serbia, OMV, Siemens, Société Générale, Telekom Srbija, Telenor Serbia, Unilever, Vip mobile, Yugoimport SDPR, Ericsson, Colliers International, CB Richard Ellis, SNC-Lavalin, Hewlett-Packard, Huawei, Ernst & Young and Arabtec.[91] The Belgrade Stock Exchange is also located in New Belgrade. Other notable structures built not too long afterwards include convention and congress hall Sava Center, Hotel Jugoslavija, Genex condominium, Genex Tower sports and concert venues Hala Sportova and Belgrade Arena, and 4 and 5-star hotels Crowne Plaza Belgrade, Holiday Inn, Hyatt Regency, Tulip Inn etc., with around 1700 rooms,... Many structures are currently under construction like Airport City Belgrade, Elektroprivreda Srbije HQ., West 65 business-residential complex, etc.

Many IT companies choose New Belgrade as regional center like NCR Corporation, Cisco Systems, SAP AG, Acer, ComTrade Group, Hewlett-Packard, Huawei, Samsung. One of Microsoft's development centers is also located in New Belgrade.

Currently finished projects in New Belgrade are Delta City, Sava City, Univerzitetsko Selo, Ada Bridge, Intesa HQ and Ušće Tower.

In 2019. average price of square meter of an apartment in New Belgrade was €1.650. Average net salary in New Belgrade in December 2019 was $960.[92] It contains also the most expensive areas for buying an apartment in Belgrade as A Blok (2.920 €) and West 65 (5.000 €).[93]

Sava Centar Convention Center built in 1978 and reconstructed in 2023

The following table gives a preview of total number of registered people employed in legal entities per their core activity (as of 2018):[94]

Activity Total
Agriculture, forestry and fishing 655
Mining and quarrying 283
Manufacturing 7,534
Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supply 1,585
Water supply; sewerage, waste management and remediation activities 550
Construction 7,250
Wholesale and retail trade, repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles 28,117
Transportation and storage 7,598
Accommodation and food services 5,147
Information and communication 12,351
Financial and insurance activities 10,518
Real estate activities 1,048
Professional, scientific and technical activities 14,779
Administrative and support service activities 20,949
Public administration and defense; compulsory social security 11,283
Education 4,058
Human health and social work activities 4,768
Arts, entertainment and recreation 2,055
Other service activities 2,373
Individual agricultural workers 31
Total 142,935

Projects under construction in New Belgrade

[edit]
  • Airport City Belgrade – Currently under construction 9 15 storey buildings. Airport Garden residential buildings were started in 2019.
  • Blok 23 (T/O) – An investment by Verano of €80 million into a new office building. Currently on hold.
  • Bus Station Belgrade - New bus station and terminal building. Construction started in 2018.
  • Bel Mondo Residential and office project.
  • Delta City District Project starts in 2024. Coplex will have 3 towers including one Intercontintal hotel.
  • Tempo Tower Project starts in October 2024. Tower is 120m tall.
  • Soul 64 Project od 14 residential buildings. Started in 2023.
  • Wellport Belgrade - Condominium project, started in 2018. Estimated cost: €130 million.[95]
  • SkyGarden Belgrade - Another project set to start in 2018, consisting of residential and office space, as well as a hotel. Investment: €155 million.[96][97]
  • Sakura Park Belgrade - Establishment comprising 228 apartments.
  • Merin Tower (prep) - Mixed use tower next to the NCR Campus in Block 42. 28 floors with a height of 100m.

Transportation

[edit]



Railways and trams in New Belgrade
Sava River
A3-SRB.svg A3
to Zmaj
interchange
Blok 45│Dr Ivana Ribara
Zemun enlarge…
New Belgrade
OŠ Branko Radičević
Bežanija tunnel
Nehruova
Gandijeva
Tošin Bunar
Blok 70
Omladinskih brigada
Omladinskih
brigada Street
Agostina Neta
Tram depot
Naselje Belvil
Blok 42
Novi Beograd
Milutina Milankovića
Blok 23│Sava centar
Blok 21
Staro sajmište
to Ekonomski fakultet
New Belgrade
Savski venac enlarge…
 

 

New Railroad Bridge

Old Railroad Bridge

Gazela Bridge

Old Sava Bridge

Several important thoroughfares run through New Belgrade, along with numerous wide boulevards that criss-cross most of its territory.

The A3 motorway (carrying E70 and E75) runs northwest to southeast, with five exits. It crosses the Sava River via Gazela Bridge. New Belgrade is served by two more road bridges – Branko's Bridge and Ada Bridge, and by the road-tram Old Sava Bridge.

With services started in 1985, tram transportation plays an important role in New Belgrade transportation, despite it having just two tracks which mostly run along the several kilometers long Jurija Gagarina street. Four tram lines serve the municipality (7, 9, 11 and 13) and there is a tram depot in Đorđa Stanojevića street.

Since the 1970s, New Belgrade has been served by two railway lines connecting it to the city center and by one line to Zemun. Virtually the entire length of these lines is on an embankment, with an elevated segment on the approach to the New Railroad Bridge, and a tunnel toward Zemun. Two railway stations exist, the larger being the Novi Beograd which is located above the Antifašističke borbe street and is served by BG Voz and other local and international lines. The other railway station is Tošin Bunar which is a 2-track stop located just outside Bežanija tunnel.

The international fairway on the Sava runs along the banks of New Belgrade. The only public river transportation is run by two seasonal boat lines from Blok 70 to Ada Ciganlija, and by another one connecting Blok 44 to Ada Međica.

Belgrade's main shipyard is located on New Belgrade's Sava bank. On the Danube, the base of the 2nd River Squadron of Serbian River Flotilla is located next to the confluence of the Sava, which restricts navigation around Little War Island.

From 1927 to 1964 the international Dojno polje Airport was located on the territory of today's New Belgrade.

Politics

[edit]
Belgrade Arena

Historical Presidents of the Municipality since 1952:[98]

  • 1952–1953: Stevan Galogaža
  • 1953–1955: Mile Vukmirović
  • 1955–1956: Živko Vladisavljević
  • 1956–1957: Ilija Radenko
  • 1957–1962: Ljubinko Pantelić
  • 1962–1965: Jova Marić
  • 1965–1969: Pero Kovačević (born 1923)
  • 1969–1979: Novica Blagojević (died 1979)
  • 1979–1982: Milan Komnenić
  • 1982–1986: Andreja Tejić
  • 1986–1989: Toma Marković
  • 1989–2000: Čedomir Ždrnja (born 1936)
  • 2000–2008: Željko Ožegović (born 1962)
  • 2008–2012: Nenad Milenković (born 1972)
  • 2012–2022: Aleksandar Šapić (born 1978)
  • 2022–present: Bojan Bovan

Culture and education

[edit]

For a settlement of such size, New Belgrade has some unusual cultural characteristics, influenced by the Yugoslav communists' ideas how a new and modern city should look like. If it can be understood why there were no churches built, a fact that a city of 250,000 has no theaters and only one museum (out of the residential area) is much less comprehensible, underlying the decades long Belgrader's feel of New Belgrade being nothing more but a big dormitory.

Museum of Contemporary Art is located in Ušće which is also projected by the city government as the location of the future Belgrade Opera. The issue became highly controversial in the 2000s (decade) as the general feel of the population, ensemble of the opera and most prominent architects and artists is that it is a very bad location for the opera, while the city government stubbornly insists against the popular wishes.

For decades, the only church in the municipality was an old Church of Saint George in Bežanija. Construction of the new church in Bežanijska Kosa, the Church of Saint Basil of Ostrog, began in 1996, while the construction of the Church of Saint Demetrius of Salonica, which is considered the first church in New Belgrade, began in 1998. Both are still not completed.

Schools

[edit]
Main building of the Megatrend University in New Belgrade

Education fared much better than culture, as there are numerous elementary and high schools, as well as University of Belgrade's residential campus – Studentski Grad.

List of schools in New Belgrade:

Night life

[edit]

New Belgrade offers rich night life along the banks of Sava and Danube, right up to the point where the two rivers meet. What started mostly as raft-like social clubs for river fishermen in the 1980s expanded into large floats offering food and drink with live turbo folk performances during the 1990s.

Today, it is unlikely that one would walk a 100-metre (330-foot) stretch along the rivers without encountering a float. Some of them grew into entire entertainment complexes rivaling clubs in Belgrade's downtown core. While most of the floats used to be synonymous with turbo folk in what was essentially a stereotypical kafana setting, a recent trend saw many turned into full-fledged clubs on water with elaborate events involving world-famous DJs spinning live music.

Public image

[edit]
New Belgrade seen from Kalemegdan

Not much attention was paid to detail and subtlety when New Belgrade was being built during the late 1940s and early 1950s. The objective was clearly to put up as many buildings as fast as possible, in order to accommodate a displaced and growing post-World War II population that was in the middle of a baby boom. This across-the-board brutalist architectural approach led to many apartment buildings and even entire residential blocks looking monumental in an awkward way. Although the problem has been alleviated to certain extent in recent decades by addition of some modern expansion (Hyatt and Intercontinental hotels, luxury Genex condos, Ušće Tower, Belgrade Arena, Delta City, etc.), many still complain about what they see as New Belgrade's "grayness" and "drabness". They often use the derisive term "spavaonica" ("dormitory") to underscore their view of New Belgrade as a place that does not inspire creative living nor encourage healthy human interaction, and is only good for overnight sleep at the end of the hard day's work. This opinion has found its way into Serbian pop culture as well.

In an early 1980s track called 'Neću da živim u Bloku 65', popular Serbian band Riblja čorba sings about a depressed individual who hates the world because he's surrounded by the concrete of New Belgrade, while a more recent local cinematic trend sees New Belgrade presented somewhat clumsily as the Serbian version of New York ghettos like those found in Harlem, Brooklyn and The Bronx. The most obvious example of the latter would be 2002 movie 1 na 1, which portrays a bunch of Serbian teenagers who rap, shoot guns, play street basketball and seem to blame many of their woes on living in New Belgrade. Other films like Apsolutnih 100 and The Wounds also implicitly paint New Belgrade in the negative light but they have a more coherent point of view and place their stories within the context of the 1990s when war and international isolation truly did push some Serbs, including those inhabiting New Belgrade, to desperate acts.

Twin towns – sister cities

[edit]

New Belgrade is twinned with the following cities and municipalities:[99]

Notable people

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

New Belgrade (Serbian: Novi Beograd) is a municipality of , the capital of , situated on the left bank of the River opposite the historic core of the city. Developed as a planned starting in 1948 on previously uninhabited marshland, it features extensive modernist and , including large residential superblocks known as blokovi that house much of its population. With an area of approximately 41 square kilometers and a population of over 210,000 as of recent estimates, it ranks as one of 's most populous districts and has evolved into 's primary , hosting numerous corporate headquarters, government institutions like the Palace of Serbia, and the nearby. Its post-World War II construction prioritized rapid housing and infrastructure development under socialist planning, resulting in a dense grid of high-rise buildings that contrast sharply with 's older, organic urban fabric.

Geography

Location and Terrain

New Belgrade is situated on the left bank of the River, directly opposite the historic center of , at the confluence of the Sava and rivers. This positioning places it on the western edge of the older urban core, extending into the Pannonian Plain where the plain meets the Balkan Peninsula. The boundaries are defined by the Sava to the south and east, and the Danube to the north, creating a triangular area advantageous for river-based transportation and offering natural barriers against invasion. The terrain consists of flat, low-lying land typical of a riverine , with elevations generally below 100 meters above . Prior to extensive human modification, the region featured extensive swamps and wetlands, limiting its use primarily to and sporadic infrastructure, such as the Bežanija airfield opened in 1927 on the periphery. The proximity to major waterways historically exposed the area to recurrent flooding, as the slow-draining floodplains retained water from river overflows, with significant marsh coverage persisting into the 1950s across more than 10 square kilometers near .

Environmental Features

New Belgrade experiences a characterized by hot summers and cold winters, with average daily high temperatures exceeding 24°C (75°F) from late May to mid-September, peaking in August at around 29°C (84°F). Winters are marked by average lows near 0°C (32°F) in , with occasional sub-zero temperatures and snowfall. Annual averages approximately 700 mm, distributed relatively evenly but with higher rainfall in spring and early summer, contributing to about 9-10 wet days per month during peak periods. Recent data from the 2020s indicate an intensification of effects due to the area's dense blocks and limited , raising local temperatures by up to 4-7°C compared to surrounding rural zones, particularly during summer nights. The terrain of New Belgrade, originally comprising marshlands between the Sava and rivers, underwent extensive drainage in the mid-20th century to enable urban development, fundamentally altering local and reducing habitats that once supported diverse avian and aquatic species. This transformation has led to diminished , with native and largely supplanted by introduced urban-tolerant species amid the prevailing high-density residential blocks. Green space coverage remains sparse, estimated at under 5% in core areas versus the broader municipal average of 15%, exacerbating ecological fragmentation; however, recent initiatives have introduced linear parks along the riverfront, enhancing riparian corridors for limited reintroduction of native vegetation and bird populations. Air quality in New Belgrade faces persistent challenges from heavy vehicular traffic on major arteries like the Gazela Bridge and industrial proximity, resulting in elevated particulate matter levels; annual PM2.5 concentrations averaged 23-25 μg/m³ in the , comparable to or slightly exceeding Belgrade's citywide mean, with spikes during winter inversions driven by heating and emissions. These levels classify air quality as unhealthy for sensitive groups on multiple days annually, per monitoring data, though regulatory efforts have yielded modest declines since 2010.

History

Origins and Pre-Socialist Era

The territory of modern New Belgrade, situated on the between the River and the slopes of Banjica hill, was historically a low-lying, flood-prone marshland that discouraged dense settlement. From antiquity through the medieval period, the area supported limited human activity, primarily seasonal fishing in the Sava's wetlands and small-scale farming on higher ground, as evidenced by archaeological traces of and Roman-era use in the broader region, though permanent villages were rare due to recurrent inundations. During the Ottoman occupation of after 1521, the Sava's left bank remained peripheral and underutilized, functioning as a with minimal habitation amid Habsburg-controlled across the river; scattered farmsteads and temporary herding occurred, but no significant urban or defensive development took place, preserving the landscape's rural, semi-wild character into the . In the interwar (1918–1941), the area's flat terrain was designated for early aviation infrastructure, with the airfield established in the 1920s to accommodate civil flights and bomber training, marking the first notable modern intervention. Population density stayed low, with fewer than 1,000 residents by 1940 in isolated hamlets like Bežanija and Ledine, focused on agriculture and supporting 's outskirts; the zone's openness offered tactical advantages for military maneuvers during regional tensions but remained economically marginal to Belgrade's historic core.

World War II and Post-War Foundations

During the Axis occupation of Serbia from 1941 to 1944, the marshy territory across the Sava River from central Belgrade, later designated as New Belgrade, housed the primary airfield serving the capital, which German forces utilized and improved for Luftwaffe operations. The area remained sparsely populated, serving mainly agricultural and aviation purposes amid broader wartime disruptions, while Yugoslav Partisan units conducted guerrilla actions in surrounding Serbian territories, including sabotage near transportation nodes like the airfield. The , culminating on October 20, 1944, liberated the city and its environs through coordinated advances by the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and Soviet forces, ending German control over the region without major fighting in the undeveloped New Belgrade swamplands. In the immediate post-war period, the communist provisional government, formalized as the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia on November 29, 1945, prioritized reconstruction and ideological renewal; by 1947, directed the establishment of a new administrative hub on the Sava's left bank to embody socialist modernity, distinct from the royalist connotations of the old city core. Initial foundations involved intensive starting in 1948, as the floodplain's frequent Sava inundations necessitated drainage canals, embankment reinforcements, and to render over 6 square kilometers viable for , mobilizing labor brigades under state directives. The 1950 General Urban Plan for , adopted amid Yugoslavia's shift toward self-managed post-Tito-Stalin rift, enshrined this expansion and launched international planning competitions to outline a functionalist framework, prioritizing efficient over pre-war incremental designs. These efforts laid the groundwork for rapid state-led development, reflecting causal priorities of ideological symbolism and over environmental or historical preservation.

Yugoslav Socialist Development (1945–1991)

Following the end of , New Belgrade was designated as the administrative and symbolic core of the , embodying the regime's vision of a modern, centralized socialist state under Josip Broz Tito's leadership. Construction commenced in 1948 on previously undeveloped marshland across the River from historic , with initial plans prioritizing monumental government buildings to project ideological unity and progress, influenced by early Soviet-style modernism before Yugoslavia's 1948 split from the . The project served as a for socialist urbanism, intended to house federal institutions and workers relocating for industrialization, with egalitarian housing policies allocating socially owned apartments to promote ideals, where nearly 90% of units in the area were state-provided without private ownership until later reforms. From the through the , the area expanded rapidly through centralized planning, dividing the terrain into approximately 72 superblocks—large-scale residential and mixed-use zones averaging 1-2 km² each—to accommodate of laborers from rural and other republics. Over 30 such superblocks were substantially completed by the late , providing housing for more than 200,000 residents by enabling prefabricated construction techniques that allowed entire blocks to rise in months, as seen in developments like Blocks 61-62 using industrial panel systems for efficiency. surged from around 10,000 in the early to approximately 150,000 by the 1981 census, driven by for jobs in nearby industrial zones, though this density strained infrastructure like sewage and green spaces initially. This phase achieved notable scale in addressing post-war housing shortages, with standardized designs facilitating quick assembly and uniform access to utilities, reflecting self-management principles after reforms that devolved some planning to worker councils. However, the monotonous , often executed in brutalist styles ignoring Serbia's traditions, led to early critiques of alienating scales—blocks spanning hundreds of meters without pedestrian-friendly transitions—fostering isolation in high-density environments that prioritized ideological symbolism over human-centric urban dynamics, as evidenced by limited variation in layouts despite international influences like Le Corbusier's radiant city concepts adapted locally.

1990s Crises and Sanctions

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), encompassing , faced comprehensive UN starting in May 1992, imposed for its role in the wars of Yugoslav dissolution, which restricted , and imports, exacerbating pre-existing fiscal mismanagement. In New Belgrade, a district heavily reliant on state-directed and imports for its block-based expansion, these measures halted ongoing projects mid-way, leaving skeletal residential superblocks exposed to the elements and accelerating physical deterioration of completed structures due to deferred maintenance. , reaching an annual rate of 116.5 thousand billion percent in 1993, eroded savings and wages, forcing residents into systems and informal economies while state budgets for urban upkeep collapsed. Refugee inflows from , Bosnia-Herzegovina, and later —totaling over 550,000 to by the mid-1990s—intensified housing pressures in New Belgrade's unfinished blocks, where families squatted in raw concrete frames lacking utilities, as legal allocations faltered under economic strain. This informal occupation, common in peripheral urban zones, exposed the brittleness of the socialist housing model, which prioritized quantity over adaptability, leading to and ad-hoc modifications that compromised structural integrity. Serbia's GDP contracted by approximately 50% from 1990 to 1999, with industrial output in plummeting amid sanctions-induced shortages, underscoring how external isolation amplified internal policy failures in sustaining planned developments. The aerial campaign from March to June 1999, targeting FRY military and dual-use assets over , inflicted direct damage on New Belgrade's infrastructure, including multiple strikes on the Ušće Tower—one of the district's tallest structures—which suffered severe structural compromise from missile impacts in April, rendering it unusable for years. Nearby facilities like the Palace of Serbia (former building) also sustained hits, disrupting administrative functions and power grids, while bridge bombings over the River severed connectivity to the district. These events, following partial sanctions relief in 1995, caused a temporary population dip through and internal flight, offset partially by war-displaced inflows, but entrenched decay in a area already strained by a decade of isolation and fiscal collapse.

Post-2000 Market Reforms and Growth

Following the in October 2000, Serbia pursued market liberalization reforms, including the establishment of the Privatization Agency in 2003, which facilitated the sale of state-owned assets and shifted New Belgrade's economy from socialist-era administrative and industrial functions toward commercial real estate and services. Numerous underutilized state buildings in the municipality's blocks were repurposed into office spaces, attracting private investment and contributing to economic reactivation after the and sanctions-induced stagnation, where output had contracted by over 50% from 1990 levels. This transition leveraged the area's pre-existing modernist infrastructure, enabling efficient repurposing under private ownership incentives, which contrasted with the inefficiencies of state control by prioritizing profitability and adaptability. By the 2011 census, New Belgrade's population had surpassed 217,000, reflecting inward migration driven by job opportunities in the burgeoning service sector, up from approximately 180,000 in 2002 amid broader Serbian economic stabilization with annual GDP growth averaging 4-5% through the mid-2000s. Aspirations for accession, formalized as candidate status in 2012, spurred infrastructure enhancements, including expansions of the Gazela and Branko's bridges over the River in the early , improving connectivity to the municipality's superblocks and supporting logistics for emerging businesses. In the 2020s, New Belgrade solidified as Serbia's , hosting over 70% of the capital's modern office stock and drawing multinational firms in IT, finance, and consulting, fueled by low corporate taxes and exceeding €3 billion annually nationwide by 2022. Despite these gains, the reforms exacerbated urban pressures, with rapid concentrating benefits among property developers and high-income professionals while peripheral blocks lagged in services, highlighting privatization's tendency to favor asset-holders in transitional economies. intensified due to , as personal vehicle ownership rose over 150% since 2000 amid inadequate public transit upgrades, resulting in average commute delays of 30-45 minutes during peaks and elevated from diesel emissions. These issues stem causally from legacies prioritizing wide boulevards for cars over integrated mass transit, underscoring how market-driven growth amplified pre-existing infrastructural mismatches without proportional regulatory adaptation.

Urban Structure and Planning

Administrative Divisions and Neighbourhoods

New Belgrade functions as one of the 17 municipalities of the City of , with its own local assembly and administrative apparatus responsible for municipal governance, including , public services, and community affairs within its 41 km² territory. The municipality is subdivided into 19 local communities, known as mesne zajednice, which represent the primary grassroots-level administrative units, handling localized issues such as maintenance of communal areas, resident representation, and minor management. These local communities encompass clusters of residential blocks and functional zones, evolving from the municipality's original superblock planning into more organically defined areas that reflect post-construction demographic and urban developments. The communities include Paviljoni, Studentski Grad, Staro Sajmište, Bežanija, Ledine, Fontana, Pariške Komune, Ušće, Ikarus, Stari Aerodrom, Akademija, , Gazela, Savski Kej, Bežanijski Blokovi, Dunavski Kej, Mladost, Bežanijska Kosa, and , each with designated community centers for administrative functions. Functionally, areas like Ušće serve as the primary business and commercial hub, hosting and exhibition centers, while Studentski Grad accommodates major educational institutions and student housing, and newer developments such as the Novi Beograd Waterfront integrate into communities like Dunavski Kej, focusing on mixed-use luxury residential and retail spaces. As of the 2022 census, the municipality's stood at approximately 209,800 residents, distributed across these communities, with densities varying based on residential intensity and recent infill developments. Integration with central occurs across the River via key infrastructure like the Gazela and Branko's Bridges, enabling seamless administrative oversight and daily commuter flows between the municipality and the city's core districts.

Block System and Superblocks

New Belgrade's urban fabric is defined by a grid of superblocks, developed primarily from the onward as a Modernist response to rapid and needs. These superblocks served as modular, self-sufficient residential units within a broader functionalist , emphasizing separation of and vehicular , extensive spaces occupying 48–85% of the area, and freestanding high-rise buildings to maximize while minimizing internal circulation. The design rationale prioritized efficient for large populations, integrating to foster life and reduce external dependencies, aligning with Yugoslav socialist ideals of egalitarian urban expansion. Typically spanning 19 hectares or roughly 400–600 meters in dimensions, individual superblocks were engineered to accommodate thousands of residents, with amenities such as kindergartens, primary schools, and basic retail embedded within open public spaces to support daily needs without reliance on the surrounding grid's main boulevards. The municipality's territory was subdivided into around 70 such blocks, forming the core of its residential structure and housing the bulk of its over 200,000 inhabitants as of recent censuses. This system enabled high population densities—often exceeding 10,000 per block—while allocating significant areas for and greenery, promoting a vision of hygienic, planned living over organic city growth. Post-1990s economic transitions and sanctions-era stagnation prompted adaptations, including spontaneous in underutilized open areas and the of ground-floor spaces, such as the addition of shops and services starting around 2008. These changes addressed initial neglect from fragmented ownership but introduced denser usage, with floor space indices rising modestly (e.g., from 1.1 to 1.2 in studied blocks) and emerging urban hubs forming through community-driven place-making. While enhancing functionality and social sustainability in some cases, such evolutions have intensified internal densities, potentially straining original green space allocations and shifting the blocks from isolated self-containment toward greater integration with commercial networks, though inter-block travel remains car-dependent due to the expansive grid scale.

Architecture

Modernist and Brutalist Influences

The architectural development of New Belgrade in the post-World War II era drew heavily from modernist principles, particularly those articulated by , emphasizing functional urbanism, high-density housing separated from vehicular traffic, and expansive green spaces to promote hygiene and efficiency in socialist society. Yugoslav planners, adapting these ideas to the needs of rapid reconstruction after wartime devastation, initiated the core master plan in under a team led by architects like Aleksandar Đoklović and Mihailo Petrović, prioritizing development on the Danube-Sava floodplain to accommodate projected population growth without the constraints of historic urban cores. This approach rejected ornamental aesthetics in favor of rational, machine-like forms suited to industrialized production, reflecting Yugoslavia's independent socialist path after the 1948 Tito-Stalin split, which allowed integration of Western modernist influences absent in stricter Soviet bloc designs. Brutalist elements emerged prominently in the 1950s as construction accelerated, characterized by raw, exposed béton brut concrete to embody material honesty, cost-effectiveness, and structural expression over decorative finishes, aligning with the era's emphasis on collective utility and self-management ideals. Prefabricated concrete panel systems, such as the IMS Žeželj method developed in the 1960s but rooted in earlier 1950s experiments, enabled mass production of slab-like residential units, facilitating the erection of over 100 superblocks by the 1980s to house up to 200,000 residents with minimal skilled labor and resources. These designs achieved empirical successes in scalability—allowing Belgrade's population to double postwar without proportional infrastructure collapse—and seismic resilience, as reinforced concrete frames withstood regional earthquakes better than traditional masonry, per structural engineering analyses of Yugoslav prefab standards. Critics, including architectural historians, have argued that this functionalist prioritization often produced depersonalized environments, with vast, repetitive scales diminishing human psychological needs for variety and enclosure, as evidenced by resident surveys from the 1970s documenting feelings of isolation in isolated high-rises despite green belts. However, such assessments must account for contextual successes: the system's causal realism in delivering shelter to war-displaced masses outweighed aesthetic trade-offs in a resource-scarce , with lower per-unit costs (approximately 20-30% below Western equivalents) enabling broader access than market-driven alternatives. Brutalism's unadorned permanence also symbolized Yugoslavia's worker-led , as seen in projects like the (construction initiated ), which extended these principles into symbolic gateways during the self-management peak.

Iconic Structures and Developments

The , originally constructed as the Federal Executive Council building, stands as one of New Belgrade's earliest and most prominent government structures, completed in 1959 after construction began in 1947. Designed by a team of architects including Vladimir Potočnjak, Anton Ulrih, Zlatko Neumann, and Dragica Perak, who won a 1946 competition, the building spans approximately 40,000 square meters and houses over 1,000 offices, multiple conference rooms, salons, and halls. Its H-shaped layout and modernist design reflect early Yugoslav post-war architectural priorities, serving successively as the seat of federal and republican executive bodies. The , commonly known as the Genex Tower, exemplifies as a symbolic entry point to New Belgrade, with construction spanning 1977 to 1980 under the design of architect Mihajlo Mitrović. Reaching a height of 115 meters, the complex features two towers—one 26 stories for offices and the other for residential apartments topped by a rotating —connected by a skybridge, making it Belgrade's tallest structure at completion and a focal point for commerce and symbolism. Intended as a gateway for the Genex corporation, it facilitated trade links during Yugoslavia's non-aligned era. Post-1990s economic shifts introduced contemporary high-rises to New Belgrade's skyline, often in mixed-use developments within established blocks, though these lack the singular iconic status of earlier socialist-era builds. Structures like the , two 25-story buildings along Boulevard damaged in 1999 and subsequently rebuilt, integrate office, retail, and residential functions, reaching heights around 100 meters and signaling adaptation to market-driven growth. These additions contrast with the monumental scale of predecessors like the Genex Tower, which some regard as enduring functional icons of industrial ambition while others critique as polarizing relics amid evolving urban aesthetics.

Heritage Protection and Debates

In January 2021, the Government of Serbia designated the Central Zone of New Belgrade as a spatial cultural-historical entity, encompassing blocks 21 through 26, 28, 29, and 30, following a proposal from the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of the City of Belgrade. This listing recognizes the zone's role in post-World War II modernist urban experimentation, including the IMS prefabrication system developed by Branko Žeželj and innovative residential designs, such as those in Block 23, which earned inclusion in the Museum of Modern Art's permanent collection. Blocks 24, 25, and 26 were further classified as a protected environment due to their architectural and urban planning contributions to linking Belgrade's historical cores. These protections have sparked debates over balancing heritage preservation with economic redevelopment, particularly amid pressures to demolish or redevelop aging structures for higher profitability. A prominent case involves the Hotel Yugoslavia in Block 26, a modernist landmark damaged in the 1999 bombings, where developers propose replacement with luxury towers, offices, and apartments, citing structural decay, outdated facilities, and market demands, while preservation advocates highlight its symbolic value as a Yugoslav-era that hosted world leaders like and , arguing for to retain cultural continuity. Protests have ensued, underscoring tensions between public heritage interests and private investment, with similar frictions evident in partial preservations of nearby Belgrade Fair halls against full demolition plans. Critics of expansive protections contend that they over-romanticize socialist-era designs marred by functional shortcomings, such as inadequate spatial standards, poor energy efficiency, and monotonous urban forms, which have prompted or refurbishment of comparable post-war mega-blocks across due to technical obsolescence. Empirical instances of , like ongoing residential habitation in protected blocks such as 23, demonstrate viability without wholesale replacement, yet opponents argue that rigid listings hinder pragmatic upgrades needed for modern livability and economic viability in a transitioning .

Demographics

Population Dynamics

New Belgrade's population grew from near zero in the immediate post-World War II period to 163,915 by the 1991 , fueled primarily by organized from rural and other Yugoslav republics to support the area's rapid and industrial development. By the 2002 , it had reached 217,773, reflecting continued influxes tied to housing construction in the block system and employment opportunities in expanding state enterprises. This growth stabilized in the 2011 at the same 217,773, as migration patterns shifted amid and the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The 2022 recorded a decline to 209,763, a drop of about 3.7% from , attributed to low natural increase—Serbia's fertility rate fell below replacement levels post-1990s—and emerging suburban outflows to 's periphery municipalities like Surčin amid rising housing costs and . Despite this, the region overall maintained a positive annual migration balance of approximately 5,500 persons through 2022, with Novi Beograd benefiting from net inflows from other Serbian regions but experiencing localized outflows to less dense areas. stood at around 5,116 inhabitants per km² in 2022, over an area of 41 km², higher than 's city average but indicative of maturing urban pressures. Projections suggest modest decline to under 205,000 by 2030, aligning with national trends of negative natural growth outweighing migration gains in urban cores, though official municipal forecasts remain limited; the Statistical Office of anticipates intensified aging, with over 25% of residents aged 65+ by mid-century based on regional models. Post-1990s sanctions and conflicts exacerbated aging dynamics, as younger cohorts emigrated abroad or to rural reversals, reducing the and straining infrastructure planning.

Ethnic and Social Composition

New Belgrade's ethnic composition is characterized by a strong Serbian majority, reflecting broader patterns in urban following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. According to the 2022 conducted by the Statistical Office of the Republic of , Serbs constitute 178,784 residents, or approximately 85.3% of the municipality's total of 209,763. This proportion marks a slight decline from the 2011 , where Serbs accounted for over 90% amid a of around 217,000, attributable in part to natural demographic shifts and minor inflows of non-Serb groups. Minorities remain limited, including 1,598 Roma (0.8%), 993 Croats (0.5%), 270 (0.1%), and smaller numbers of (228), (207), and (125); an "other" category encompassing regional identities, undeclared, or mixed affiliations totals 8,341 (4%). These groups trace origins largely to intra-Yugoslav migrations during the socialist era and integrations post-1990s conflicts, yet their small scale has preserved relative ethnic uniformity, which empirical patterns in suggest correlates with lower intergroup tensions compared to more fragmented regions. Socially, the municipality's profile aligns with its origins as a planned residential expanse for industrial workers, evolving into a commuter hub blending blue-collar roots with emerging professional layers. The 2022 census reveals a skew, with females numbering 112,685 (53.7%) against 97,078 males (46.3%), a disparity amplified among the elderly. Age distribution underscores an aging populace: 37,462 under 18 (17.9%), 126,330 working-age (18-64, 60.2%), and 45,971 seniors (65+, 21.9%), reflecting national trends of low fertility and of , which concentrate family-oriented and retiree households in high-rise blocks. This structure supports social cohesion through shared cultural norms—predominantly Orthodox Christian and Serbian-speaking—facilitating community ties in superblock settings, though it poses challenges like strained elder care amid . Early socialist allocations prioritized nuclear families in state housing, fostering a working-class base that has gradually upshifted via proximity to business districts, without the socioeconomic fragmentation seen in ethnically diverse locales.

Economy

Role as Business District

New Belgrade functions as the of and a key economic hub within , concentrating a substantial portion of the city's corporate activities and modern office developments. Originally conceived during the socialist era as an administrative and residential extension of the capital, the municipality underwent a profound transformation following Serbia's shift to a market-oriented after , evolving from state-planned zones into a vibrant commercial core attracting private enterprises. This repositioning capitalized on its pre-existing modernist infrastructure, including expansive blocks suitable for repurposing into office spaces, fostering a migration of businesses from central to its more contemporary environment. The area's appeal as a locale intensified in the , driven by inflows into , which exceeded €46 billion cumulatively since , with significant portions directed toward urban and commercial projects in Belgrade's New Belgrade due to its strategic location and development potential. Modern office complexes along boulevards like Mihajla Pupina have housed , consulting firms, and international companies, underscoring its role in 's post-socialist economic revitalization from legacy industrial sites to dynamic market-driven vitality. This evolution has positioned New Belgrade as a magnet for commercial investment, benefiting from proximity to transportation links and ongoing urban expansions that enhance its macroeconomic centrality.

Key Sectors and Employment

New Belgrade's economy centers on the services sector, encompassing , banking, , and retail trade, which dominate local employment due to the area's concentration of corporate offices, financial institutions, and commercial centers. Major banks, including those with headquarters or significant operations in blocks like 23 and 61, provide substantial jobs in , while IT firms leverage the district's modern infrastructure for and , contributing to Serbia's growing tech workforce of over 47,000 in early 2022. Retail employment is bolstered by large malls such as Delta City and Ušće Shopping Center, supporting sales and related roles amid national service sector employment at approximately 57% of the total workforce. Remnants of manufacturing persist in limited form, primarily tied to pre-1990s socialist-era facilities, but these represent a minor share compared to services, with national industry accounting for 29% of employment overall. Public administration also plays a notable role, with thousands employed in government entities housed in structures like the Palace of Serbia, reflecting a partial reliance on state-linked positions that critics argue fosters economic vulnerability to policy shifts. The municipality exhibits stronger labor market performance than national averages, aligned with the Belgrade region's leading employment rate of 64.9% among working-age adults in 2019, driven by its business hub status. Unemployment trends remain below Serbia's Q2 2025 figure of 8.5%, aided by high average monthly net salaries exceeding 100,000 dinars in recent years, though exact municipal rates are not disaggregated in official releases. The shift toward , particularly in IT and , has enhanced job accessibility and retention, mitigating some urban commuting pressures while amplifying demand for skilled labor in these fields.

Infrastructure and Transportation

Connectivity and Networks

New Belgrade's connectivity to central relies heavily on bridges spanning the River, including the Brankov Bridge, constructed in 1956 on the remnants of a pre-World War II structure destroyed in 1941, and the Gazela Bridge, built between 1966 and 1970 as part of the city's highway system. These crossings facilitate the bulk of vehicular and pedestrian traffic between the municipality and the historic core, with the Gazela Bridge serving as the primary route for the E75 highway corridor. The area benefits from direct access to the E75 (A1) motorway, which traverses the northern and western peripheries, linking New Belgrade to northern Serbia toward and southward through the city. Public transportation consists mainly of bus lines operated by the city system, extending from New Belgrade's blocks to downtown via the aforementioned bridges, while trams remain confined to the older urban districts without extension into the municipality. Since January 1, 2025, all bus services in , including those serving New Belgrade, have been provided free of charge to residents and visitors. Proximity to Belgrade Nikola Tesla Airport, located approximately 14 kilometers west, enhances regional links, with bus route 72 providing direct service from the airport through New Belgrade to the city center. However, the superblock layout of New Belgrade's residential areas, characterized by expansive zones exceeding 1 kilometer in dimension, fosters high automobile dependency for short-distance travel within and between blocks, exacerbating congestion on radial arterials like Bulevar Mihajla Pupina and access roads to the bridges. This design-induced car reliance contributes to severe urban traffic bottlenecks, particularly during peak hours, as noted in studies of Belgrade's transport energy consumption.

Major Projects and Expansions

The New Belgrade–Surčin highway section, spanning 7.9 km as part of the E-763 Belgrade–South Adriatic route, was opened to traffic in April 2023, featuring four bridges and two overpasses designed for speeds up to 80 km/h. This urban motorway directly links New Belgrade to the Nikola Tesla Airport area, reducing travel times and easing congestion on access routes to Surčin by providing a dedicated high-capacity corridor. At Airport, reconstruction of the primary 3,400-meter concluded in November 2024, enabling resumed full operations after a temporary shift to a newly built 3.5 km secondary introduced in 2024 to sustain traffic during maintenance. These upgrades, integrated into ongoing terminal expansions adding over 40,000 of space, support increased passenger throughput and movements, with empirical showing enhanced operational resilience post-reconstruction. Belgrade's metro system, planned since the 1960s but repeatedly stalled due to funding and political hurdles, advanced in the 2020s with Phase 1 construction targeting a 15-km line including stations in New Belgrade; Chinese tunnel-boring machines for 11 km of tunneling are slated to arrive in late 2026, aiming for partial service by 2028. Complementary rail enhancements include a high-speed link from the airport to central Belgrade via New Belgrade, projected for completion by late 2026 to further cut transit durations. Despite these initiatives, Serbian infrastructure projects, including those serving New Belgrade, have encountered delays and quality issues attributed to , as highlighted by 2024–2025 protests following structural failures in and indictments for irregularities. Such scandals have empirically prolonged timelines and eroded public trust in execution, though recent completions demonstrate partial mitigation through international partnerships.

Governance and Politics

Municipal Administration

The municipal administration of New Belgrade functions as part of the City of Belgrade's local self-government system, where the elected assembly appoints the municipal president and chief of administration to manage delegated tasks defined by the city's statute and Serbian law on local self-government. The administration comprises a chief responsible for , , and coordination with city and state organs, supported by a deputy and organized into six departments and four services. Key departments handle specialized operations: the Department for Budget and Finance prepares quarterly quotas, monitors execution, and manages reserves; the Department for General Administration oversees administrative processes; the Department for Property-Legal and Housing Affairs addresses and residential issues; the Department for Social Activities coordinates welfare; the Department for Inspections enforces local regulations; and the Department for Construction and Communal Affairs manages maintenance, including utilities and services. These units execute core services such as , utility oversight, housing permits, and regulatory inspections, with operational planning extending to civil protection and emergency response. Funding derives primarily from allocations by the City of Belgrade's , supplemented by local revenues, with the municipality's 2024 budget formally adopted by its assembly on December 30, 2023, as published in the official gazette. Autonomy remains constrained, as municipalities perform only those functions explicitly assigned by national legislation and city oversight, limiting independent policymaking on broader fiscal or developmental matters.

Political Dynamics and Influences

The (SNS), led by President , has maintained dominant control over political outcomes in New Belgrade through consistent electoral victories aligned with broader city assembly results. In the June 2024 rerun elections for the City Assembly, the SNS-led coalition secured approximately 48.7% of the vote, translating to 64 of 110 seats, reflecting strong mobilization in urban municipalities like New Belgrade where pro-development policies resonate with residents and business interests. in these elections reached around 57%, bolstered by SNS's organizational efforts including transport provisions and community outreach, contrasting with lower opposition participation amid allegations of irregularities. This pattern echoes prior cycles, such as the 2023 snap elections where SNS garnered over 46% nationally, underscoring a realist model prioritizing stability and infrastructure over fragmented opposition challenges. Nationalist undercurrents in New Belgrade's politics stem from its role as a hub for state institutions, including the Palace of Serbia, which houses key ministries relocated under Vučić's administration to centralize executive power away from historic cores. This fosters a pragmatic emphasizing sovereignty on issues like while pursuing economic pragmatism through foreign investments from and the UAE, often clashing with EU accession demands for judicial reforms and anti-corruption measures. Local dynamics reveal tensions where SNS leverages nationalist rhetoric to counter EU pressures, as evidenced by resistance to external oversight on development projects, yet empirical data shows 's stalled EU progress with only two chapters opened since 2015 despite rhetorical commitments. Such influences prioritize causal via state-directed over liberal institutional constraints, with New Belgrade's skyline expansions exemplifying this approach. Despite official narratives of efficient governance, documented in land and contracts undermines claims of low , particularly in New Belgrade's expansive system where state-owned assets were transferred to SNS-aligned entities at undervalued rates. Investigations have highlighted irregularities in deals near Airport, adjacent to the municipality, where a businessman profited €47 million from land sales before partnering with firms involved in the transactions, illustrating networks of influence rather than market-driven outcomes. Serbia's 2023 score of 36/100 reflects entrenched perceptions of systemic favoritism, corroborated by opposition reports of vote-buying and media control that sustain SNS hegemony, though the party counters with evidence of sustained urban investment yielding measurable GDP contributions from the district. This duality—perceived crony networks versus tangible development—defines the realist power dynamics, where loyalty to ruling structures secures access to resources amid ongoing anti- protests that have yet to dislodge entrenched control.

Culture and Society

Educational Institutions

New Belgrade hosts a network of public primary schools serving its dense urban population, with institutions such as "20. Oktobar" Elementary School, "" Elementary School, and "Branko Radičević" Elementary School providing compulsory eight-year education to local children. Additional primary schools include "Mladost," "," and "Novi Beograd" Elementary School, reflecting the municipality's emphasis on distributed educational facilities across its residential blocks to accommodate families in high-rise developments. Serbia's national primary enrollment rate stands at 98.9% as of 2022, with New Belgrade benefiting from this high participation due to its proximity to Belgrade's broader resources. Secondary education in New Belgrade includes specialized public and private high schools, such as the Technical School "Novi Beograd," Tourist School, Graphic-Media School, and Srednja Škola Ušće, offering vocational and general programs tailored to urban needs in sectors like and . Private options like Kosta Cukić Secondary School provide alternative curricula for students seeking smaller class sizes or international preparation. These institutions align with Serbia's secondary system, where enrollment exceeds 95% nationally, though local schools have reported operational challenges, including deficiencies like lack of and temporary class suspensions at "20. Oktobar" in 2025. Higher education in New Belgrade features limited presence, with most students commuting to faculties in central districts; private institutions, such as the Faculty of Sports at Narodnih heroja 30, offer localized programs in niche fields. The area's educational quality benefits from urban connectivity, supporting improved outcomes as noted in national assessments, though broader Serbian education faces pressures from demographic decline and resource strains rather than localized overcrowding.

Nightlife and Social Life

New Belgrade's nightlife centers on a mix of modern clubs, bars, and floating river venues along the Sava River, particularly in the Ušće area, attracting young locals and visitors with electronic music, live performances, and affordable drinks. Venues like Night Club Echelon and Ellington's Jazz Club offer diverse options from techno to jazz, while splavovi—anchored river barges converted into clubs—host parties with house and pop music until dawn. These floating establishments, numbering over 100 along Belgrade's rivers including the Sava in New Belgrade, contribute to the area's reputation for extended nightlife hours, often starting after midnight. During the 1990s, amid and civil unrest, underground raves emerged in Belgrade's abandoned industrial and unfinished spaces, providing escapism through and electronic music; while not exclusively in New Belgrade, the municipality's socialist-era blocks and bunkers, such as those hosting KC Živa's events today, echoed this wartime rebellion against isolation. Post-2000 sanctions lift spurred a revival, with shifting to organized riverfront gatherings and bars like Bar and Bar & Shop, fostering social mixing in a recovery context. Low drink prices—often under 5 euros for beers—sustain high attendance among students and young professionals. Social life revolves around informal youth networks in these venues, where post-sanctions optimism blended with , though challenges persist: has dominated use since the 2010s due to its affordability and availability, correlating with higher overdose risks in party settings. from late-night music and crowds disrupts residential blocks, prompting local complaints, while perceived safety remains high relative to European peers, with low rates in areas per police data, though petty and substance-related incidents occur.

Public Image and Cultural Perceptions

New Belgrade is commonly stereotyped as a "concrete jungle" in media and popular discourse, reflecting its vast expanse of brutalist residential blocks and high-rise structures erected during Yugoslavia's socialist period from the onward. This perception emphasizes the area's monotonous gray facades and grid-like , often evoking dystopian imagery in online discussions and travel accounts that contrast it with Belgrade's historic core. In cinematic portrayals, New Belgrade serves as a gritty backdrop for narratives exploring post-Yugoslav social realities, as seen in films like The Wounds (1998), which depicts adolescent life amid the district's blocks during the 1990s conflicts, and Love and Other Crimes (2008), where its socialist-era architecture frames themes of alienation and routine existence. Such depictions reinforce external views of the area as impersonal and isolating, prioritizing aesthetic critique over utilitarian design intended for mass housing and functionality. Residents often express pride in the district's resilience, viewing its rapid post-World War II development—accommodating over 200,000 inhabitants in dense, self-contained communities—as a testament to practical amid resource constraints, rather than mere ideological excess. Criticisms persist, however, labeling it "soulless" in comparison to the organic charm of old , with surveys indicating mixed satisfaction levels that trend higher among working-class inhabitants who value its proximity to employment hubs and over picturesque appeal. This functionalism underscores a causal divide: while or tourist-oriented narratives favor heritage , empirical residency patterns reveal sustained appeal for those prioritizing accessibility and affordability in a high-density urban environment.

Controversies and Criticisms

Socialist Planning Shortcomings

The uniform, high-density (residential blocks) constructed in New Belgrade during the socialist era fostered among residents, as the repetitive modernist design prioritized mass housing over varied communal spaces, leading to isolation confined largely to interactions with immediate floor neighbors. This uniformity, characterized by vast expanses of facades and standardized layouts, eroded cohesion by diminishing opportunities for organic social ties, with empirical observations from the period noting residents' retreat into private spheres amid monotonous environments. High-rise living in such blocks correlated with elevated stress and challenges, as studies on similar structures indicate increased and developmental issues in children due to reduced access to grounded, interactive public areas. Initial master plans for New Belgrade, conceived in the late and refined through the , envisioned a primarily administrative hub with residential capacity scaled to support around 250,000 inhabitants, yet rapid influxes driven by national shortages swelled the population beyond projections by the without commensurate . peaked in the and , transforming the area into an unplanned residential expanse, but services like schools, healthcare facilities, and utilities lagged, resulting in overcrowded blocks—such as those 61-64 over 40,000 people—and inadequate amenities by the 1980s. This over-optimism stemmed from decoupled planning assumptions that failed to anticipate demand surges, leaving vast open spaces underutilized and neighborhoods unfinished amid economic strains. Centralized decision-making under Yugoslavia's self-managing ignored emergent market signals, such as localized needs for diversified functions, leading to rigid that prioritized ideological uniformity over adaptive urban forms. Without mechanisms to allocate resources efficiently, planners imposed top-down blueprints that misjudged human-scale requirements, yielding inefficient sprawl and functional incapacities, as evidenced by the shift from intended administrative primacy to dormitory suburbs lacking integrated economic vitality. These causal disconnects exemplified broader pitfalls of socialist , where absence of decentralized feedback loops perpetuated mismatches between supply and lived realities.

Contemporary Development Disputes

Contemporary development in New Belgrade has been characterized by investor-led construction of high-rise buildings that frequently bypass or alter original master plans, leading to irregular urban growth. Private developers have pursued ad-hoc projects, such as residential and business complexes in established residential blocks, often securing approvals through changes to spatial plans that prioritize density over long-term sustainability. A prominent example is the ongoing dispute in Block 4, where residents have opposed a proposed stambeno-poslovni complex for over eight months as of June 2025, arguing that the investor's aggressive tactics violate limits and threaten cohesion. Such interventions have accelerated the loss of green spaces, with investor-driven projects converting parks and open areas into concrete structures to maximize profitability, exacerbating environmental concerns amid pressures. Resident protests highlight declining quality in these developments, including inadequate like and elevators in new high-rises within blocks such as 28 and 45, fueling demands for stricter oversight. While proponents of market-oriented approaches credit private with addressing housing deficits from the socialist era, they emphasize the need for enforced regulations to prevent haphazard expansions that undermine urban livability.

Belgrade Waterfront Project

The project, a mixed-use urban regeneration initiative along the River, was formalized on April 26, 2015, through a agreement between the and , an Abu Dhabi-based developer. Valued at approximately $3 billion, the project encompasses 1.8 million square meters of development across 177 hectares, including luxury residential units for up to 17,000 residents, office spaces, hotels, retail outlets, and public amenities aimed at transforming a derelict industrial zone into a modern district. Under the terms, received a on the land in exchange for infrastructure investments, including loans of €90 million for railway upgrades and €40 million for expropriations, with the Serbian government retaining a 35% stake in the company. Construction commenced shortly after the agreement, with initial phases focusing on high-rise residential and commercial towers; by November 2020, the fourth building, BW Magnolia, was completed, allowing residents to move in and marking progress amid reported delays in broader timelines originally projected for partial completion within 20 years. The development has contributed to a modernized skyline through structures like the 42-story Kula Belgrade tower and has generated construction-related employment, though specific job figures remain opaque in public disclosures. Proponents highlight economic revitalization, including off-plan sales of apartments and integration of retail and cultural spaces, positioning it as a catalyst for foreign direct investment in Serbia. The project has drawn substantial criticism for alleged and lack of transparency, with opponents arguing the contract disproportionately favors Eagle Hills through undervalued land transfers and exemptions from standard planning laws, effectively tailoring legislation to the deal post hoc. A pivotal erupted in 2016 during the Savamala demolitions, where masked individuals operating excavators razed buildings without permits or owner consent, intimidating witnesses and displacing dozens of residents and businesses in an area earmarked for the project; later attributed the actions to "top city officials" but denied higher-level involvement. These events sparked widespread protests in May 2016, with thousands accusing authorities of state-orchestrated violence and to clear sites, amplifying concerns over foreign investor dominance and potential kickbacks to political elites. Further scrutiny includes reports of worker fatalities on site, illegal construction practices, and cost escalations tied to expropriations, though official audits have not confirmed overruns; critics, including transparency watchdogs, contend the project's opacity—such as delayed contract publication—facilitates rather than public benefit, with luxury pricing rendering units inaccessible to average Serbs and exacerbating urban displacement. Independent analyses question the value-for-money, estimating Eagle Hills' direct outlay closer to €300 million initially, subsidized by state concessions that prioritize rapid redevelopment over equitable . While the maintains the project drives growth without evidence of systemic graft, persistent allegations from investigative outlets underscore risks of authoritarian leverage in mega-project execution.

Recent and Future Developments

Ongoing Constructions (2020s)

In New Belgrade, construction of the Ušće Tower 2, a 135-meter luxury residential at the Sava-Danube , advanced significantly through 2024 and into 2025, with exterior works and interior fit-outs nearing completion as of mid-2025. The 27-story structure, developed by Properties, includes 156 apartments and underground parking, marking a continuation of high-rise development in the Ušće district amid rising demand for premium housing. The Alta Tower project, announced in October 2025, represents a major upcoming high-rise initiative, featuring a 34-story (plus mechanical floors) office and mixed-use building with 79,470 square meters of gross developed area, designed by in collaboration with Bureau Cube. Intended for Alta Bank's headquarters, it incorporates a pedestrian plaza with retail and cafes, with groundbreaking planned for late 2025 and full completion targeted for 2028, funded primarily through private investment. Smaller-scale office and commercial builds persist in areas like Block 25, including expansions of facilities, though progress has been steady without major reported delays as of 2025. enhancements, such as segments of the BeoGrid 2025 transmission project linking to regional grids, support ongoing urban electrification but focus more on utility upgrades than visible construction. No significant stalls have been documented in these projects, contrasting with earlier decade delays, aided by Serbia's broader financing including EU pre-accession grants allocated for and connectivity.

Prospects and Challenges

New Belgrade's , estimated at 207,847 in , holds potential for growth beyond 250,000 in the coming decades if urban migration from Serbia's declining rural areas and surrounding municipalities continues, driven by employment opportunities in its business districts and improved infrastructure. The planned , with lines projected to integrate New Belgrade via stations connecting to central and , could enhance accessibility and stimulate economic activity by reducing road congestion and supporting higher-density development. Realization of the , expected to lower carbon emissions and costs, would position New Belgrade as a more viable hub for (FDI), potentially attracting sectors like IT and logistics amid Serbia's overall FDI inflows exceeding $46 billion since 2007. However, unchecked expansion risks exacerbating overdevelopment, with ongoing high-rise constructions straining existing utilities and green spaces in a municipality already facing traffic congestion and air pollution comparable to broader Belgrade challenges. Large-scale projects, often reliant on non-transparent FDI, could widen socioeconomic inequalities between legacy socialist-era residents in aging blocks and affluent newcomers in luxury enclaves, as demographic pressures from Serbia's projected national population decline to 5.2 million by 2052 limit organic growth and amplify competition for resources. Serbia's heavy dependence on Chinese capital—now the largest single FDI source, funding infrastructure like potential metro components—introduces vulnerabilities such as debt accumulation and reduced policy autonomy, contrasting with efforts toward EU-aligned global integration. Balancing nationalist priorities, such as preserving sovereign development amid Serbia's multi-vector foreign policy, against deeper ties to global markets will shape outcomes; while candidacy offers regulatory frameworks for sustainable planning, persistent balancing with non-Western partners like risks stalling reforms needed for equitable growth. Nationalist may bolster local identity but could hinder FDI diversification, underscoring the need for transparent to mitigate risks of uneven integration.

Notable Figures

Prominent Residents and Natives

Aleksandar Vučić, President of Serbia since 2017, attended elementary school at "Branko Radičević" in New Belgrade during his early years. Branka Katić, a Serbian actress recognized for her roles in films including Black Cat, White Cat (1998) and Public Enemies (2009), grew up in New Belgrade near the Fontana neighborhood. Nemanja Bjelica, a professional player who has competed in the NBA for teams such as the and , was raised in the residential block complexes characteristic of New Belgrade.

References

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