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The Narentines were a South Slavic[1] tribe noted as pirates on the Adriatic Sea in the 9th and 10th centuries. They occupied an area of southern Dalmatia centered at the river Neretva (Narenta). Named Narentani in Venetian sources, they were called Paganoi, "pagans", by the Greeks, as they were still pagan after the Christianization of the neighbouring tribes. They were fierce enemies of the Republic of Venice, attacking Venetian merchants and clergy traveling through the Adriatic, and even raiding close to Venice itself and defeating the doge several times. Venetian–Narentine peace treaties did not last long, as the Narentines quickly returned to piracy. They were finally defeated in a Venetian crackdown at the turn of the 10th century and disappeared from sources by the 11th century.

Key Information

Terminology

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The word Narentine is a demonym derived from the local Neretva River (Latin: Narenta). The terms "Narentines", "Pagania" or "Pagans" are found in two contemporary sources: De Administrando Imperio (DAI), a mid-10th century Greek work, and Chronicon Venetum et Gradense, a Venetian chronicle by John the Deacon from the early 11th century.[2][3] In De Administrando Imperio of Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (r. 913–959), the tribe is called Paganoi (Greek: Παγανοὶ, Παγανοἰ), and their polity Pagania (Παγανὶα, Παγανἰα), in Greek, while also noting that in Latin they are called Arentanoi (Αρεντανοἰ) and their polity Arenta (Αρεντα).[4] Chronicler John the Deacon used the geographical term Narentani (as in princeps Narentanorum,[5] Narrentanos Sclavos[6]). In Serbo-Croatian, the tribal name is rendered as Neretljani (Неретљани), Neretvani and Pagani (Пагани), while the polity mostly as Paganija (Паганија).

Geography and economy

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In DAI's chapters Story of the province of Dalmatia and Of the Pagani, also called Arentani, and of the country they now dwell in, the geography of Pagania is described. Pagania had the counties (župa (zoupanias)) of Rhastotza, Mokros and Dalen.[7] Rhastotza and Mokros lay by the coast, and had galleys, while Dalen was distant from the sea and was based on agriculture.[7] Pagania had the inhabited cities of Mokron (Makarska[8]), Beroullia (presumably Brela[8]), Ostrok (Zaostrog[8]) and Slavinetza (near Gradac[8]), and the large islands of Kourkra/Kiker with a city (Korčula[8]), Meleta/Malozeatai (Mljet[8]), Phara (Hvar[8]) and Bratzis (Brač[8]).[9] The Pagani raised flocks on the islands.[7] Islands in the vicinity but not part of Pagania were Chora (presumably Sušac[8]), Iës (Vis[8]) and Lastobon (Lastovo[8]).[9] Croatia was situated to the northwest, and Zachumlia to the east; Serbia was situated inland to the northeast, behind Pagania, Zachumlia, Travunia and Dioklea, and bordered to Croatia on the Tzentina (Cetina) River.[7]

History

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The Sclaveni (South Slavs) overwhelmed the Balkans in the 6th century. In 639 AD, Narona, until then a flourishing Roman city, was destroyed by a horde of Avars and Slavs.[10] A few years later, Slavic tribes took control of the lower Neretva.[10] The Slavs built a new town on the ruins of Narona, and erected a monument to their Slavic god Svetovid, on the ruins of Roman temples.[10] According to Evans, Narentia became a stronghold for pagans in the Balkans, similarly to Balto-Slavs in Rügen (at Jaromarsburg).[10] In 642, Slavs invaded southern Italy and attacked Siponto, by ship from the Dalmatian coast.[11] Slavic naval raids on the Adriatic increased and it became unsafe for travel.[11]

Slavic principalities in the early 9th century.

The first conflicts between the Venetians and Narentines came immediately before 830, around which time the first peace agreement was signed between the two (the Venetian Doge and Sclavorum de insula Narrentis).[12] Narentine Slavs sent envoys to Doge Giovanni I Participazio (r. 829–836).[13] P. Skok believes this period also being the first contact between Venice and the middle Dalmatian islands.[12] According to Šafárik (1795–1861), by the beginning of the 9th century their power had increased so much that Doge Giovanni I attacked them and then offered them peace.[14] The Republic of Venice was de facto subordinate the Byzantine Empire, a period in which Venice expanded its trade relations towards the East.[15] In the first half of the 9th century Byzantium was struck by internal unrest, while the Bulgars and Arabs strengthened themselves thanks to this.[16] Arabs took Crete in 825, Palermo in 831, Taranto in 839, then after destroying the Venetian navy by 840, they roamed freely in the Adriatic.[16] In 841 Arabic ships attacked Adriatic cities and reached a confluence of the Padua river, while smaller contingents attacked Budva, Roza and Lower Kotor.[16] In 842 the Arabs conquered Bari, and in 846 reached Rome itself.[16] The Venetian navy, obliged to defend the Byzantine Adriatic, were occupied almost fully with battles with the Arabs.[16] The Byzantine navy rarely appeared, and with small numbers of ships.[16] This, and Arab harassment, gave the Slavic pirates around the Neretva upswing to develop their ship capabilities.[16] When the Venetian navy was in Sicilian waters as guards in 827–828, the Narentines received momentum; when the Venetian navy returned, they calmed down.[16] Venetian chronicles speak of a Narentine leader having been baptized in Venice, for greater security for the latter; however, the Narentines are unsteady and deceptive as their sea; as soon as events in Venice or the Adriatic worsen, the Narentines continued their piracy.[16] One of their attacks in 834–835, when they robbed and killed some Venetian merchants returning from Benevento, caused great resentment against them in Venice.[16]

In order to stop these assaults, the Venetians undertook a large expedition against the Dalmatian Slavic pirates in 839.[16] Doge Pietro Tradonico sent warships against the Slavic lands (Sclavenia).[13] According to F. Šišić Doge Pietro ordered an attack on the Narentines in the spring of 839.[17] According to V. Klaić, Tradonico had first defeated and made peace with the Croats under Mislav, then proceeded to attack the Narentine islands and make peace with Narentine leader Drosaico.[18] There are no information on the fights that year, but it is known that peace was concluded with Croats and a part of the Narentines.[16] Venetian chronicler John the Deacon (1008) records a renewal of the peace treaty signed by Drosaico (ad Narrentanas insulas cum Drosaico, Marianorum iudice, similiter fedus instituit).[19] The peace with the Narentines did not last long, perhaps as the Narentines signed it to avoid danger, or more likely because it was not concluded with all, but a tribe or clan of the Narentines.[16] In 840 the Venetians attacked Narentine leader Ljudislav, ending in failure;[16] Ljudislav (Liuditus sclavus), possibly a successor or co-ruler of Drosaico, defeated the Venetian Doge and killed hundreds of his men.[17] According to Klaić it was the Narentines who broke the peace.[18] It seems that Narentine piracy even reached Istria by February 840.[17] The 840 Venetian–Frankish treaty included common fight against Slavic tribes (generationes Sclavorum inimicas).[20] After two defeats to the Venetian navy by the Arabs immediately after, the Venetians were unable to enter new fights with the Dalmatian Slavs.[16] In 846 the Narentines reached close to Venice itself, and raided nearby Caorle.[16][21]

Western Balkan polities in the late 9th century.

The arrival of Basil I (r. 867–886) to the Byzantine throne led to important changes in Byzantium; energetic, he managed to enter closer ties with the Bulgarians, and even the distant Croats, and protected the Empire well.[22] When Ragusa (Dubrovnik) asked for the emperor's help against the threat of the Saracens, he dispatched a strong navy into the Adriatic.[22] Byzantine admiral Niketas Ooryphas took up closer contacts with the Slavic tribes around Ragusa, the Zachumlians, Travunians and Kanalites, and invited them to jointly combat the Saracens, both on land and sea, in 869.[22] Only Slavic tribes of southern Dalmatia were called to cooperate; to the north, the Croats and Dalmatians entered relations with Italian king Louis at the dismay of the Byzantines.[22] When some "Slavs"[22] (Narentines according to Narayan[21]) in March 870 kidnapped the Bishop of Rome's emissaries returning home from the Fourth Council in Constantinople,[21] the Byzantines used this as a good pretext to attack and force them into submission (871).[22] The DAI mentions that the Narentines were called "pagans, because they did not accept baptism in the time when all Serbs were baptized", which is placed during Basil's rule.[22] The Narentines are not mentioned in relation to the Byzantine military expedition on Bari dispatched by Basil I (r. 867–886), in which other Dalmatian Slavs participated.[23] The Croats, Serbs, Zachlumians, Travunians, Konavlians, Ragusans, "with all the men of the towns of Dalmatia", crossed over the sea to Langobardia and took Bari.[24] Basil returned Dalmatia under Byzantine rule[23] by 878, and a large part of Dalmatia was put under the Patriarchate of Constantinople.[22] The DAI claims that the Dalmatian Slavs asked Basil I to baptize them; the Christianization of the Narentines seems to have failed.[23] According to Evans, the Narentines remained pagan until 873, when Byzantine admiral Ooryphas persuaded them to accept baptism.[10] While Doge Orso I Participazio and his son Giovanni II Participazio made peace and an alliance with the Croats after 876, the Venetians were still at war with the Narentines.[25]

In 880 the Venetian–Frankish treaty was renewed.[26] In 887 Doge Pietro I Candiano sent troops against the Narentine Slavs, landing at the "Slavic Hill" (mons Sclavorum), putting the Slavs to flight.[13] The Narentines were defeated in a battle in August 887 at Makarska, and their five ships were destroyed with axes.[26] With help from neighbours, the Narentines decisively defeated the Venetian navy on 18 September 887, with the Doge killed in action and his body left laying (Andrea Tribun later secretly took the body to Venice).[26] From this time until 948 the Venetian chronicles do not mention conflicts with the Croats, which would mean that the Venetians offered peace and paid tribute to the Croats.[26]

Pagania became under control of Serbian ruler Petar Gojniković (r. 892–917).[27][28] Petar and the Byzantine commander of Dyrrhachion Leo Rhabdouchos met in Narentine lands regarding an alliance against the Bulgars.[29] Michael of Zahumlje, who had been pushed out from Zahumlje to the neighbouring islands by Petar, informed the Bulgars about these negotiations.[29] In 917 Petar was tricked by the Bulgars, who then annexed Serbia in 924–927,[30] until Časlav returned to Serbia and rebuilt the state, in Byzantine alliance.[31] Some scholars consider that Časlav's state expanded into Pagania,[32] but it is improbable due to lack of evidence.[33] In the 940s, the islands of Brač and Hvar, which had earlier become part of the Croatian kingdom, seceded during Ban Pribina's rebellion and rejoined the Narentine province.[34] The Narentines took advantage of the internal unrest in Croatia after the death of Krešimir I of Croatia (945) and took the islands of Sušac, Vis and Lastovo.[29] In 948 the Narentines were at war with Venetian Doge Pietro III Candiano, who sent 33 war galleys under Urso Badovario and Pietro Rozollo; the Narentines managed to defend themselves.[34] The Venetians were forced to pay tribute to the Narentines for safe sea passage.[29] Serbia collapsed after Časlav's death in ca. 960, into smaller units.[29]

In 997, the Narentines increased raids against Latin and Venetian towns, and they had close ties with Croat ruler Svetoslav Suronja, who at the time fought his two brothers over the throne; this relation caused the Latin Dalmatian towns and Venice to turn against Svetoslav.[35] In 998, the Republic of Venice, under the Byzantine Emperor, exerted control over the Byzantine Dalmatian towns; Dalmatian Croatia was in civil war; the Narentines were semi-independent, raiding the Adriatic, particularly against Venice.[36] As Venice gained authority in Dalmatia, some Dalmatian towns that felt threatened allied with the Narentines.[36] The Venetians then interved and defeated the Narentines and their Croatian allies decisively on sea, resulting in Narentine power decline.[36] The Neretljani principality in the 11th century was part of the Croatian Kingdom.[37]

On 9 May 1000, Venetian Doge Pietro II Orseolo[38] decided to conquer the allied Croats and Narentines, protecting the interests of their trading colonies and the Latin Dalmatian citizenry. Without difficulty, he struck the entire eastern Adriatic coastline - with only the Narentines offering him some resistance. As a counterattack, the Narentines kidnapped 40 of the foremost citizens of Zara (Zadar) and stole a transport of goods from Apulia.[citation needed] On their way home, Pietro II dispatched 10 ships that surprised them between Lastovo and Sušac and took them as prisoners to Trogir. Narentine emissaries came to the Doge's temporary residence at Split (Spalato) to beg for the release of the prisoners. They guaranteed that the Narentine prince himself would show up with his men and renounce the old rights to tax the Venetians for free passage. All prisoners were allowed to return to their homes, except for six that were kept as hostages. Lastovo and Korčula continued to oppose the Venetians. Korčula was conquered by Pietro II and Lastovo fell too after long bloody fights. As Lastovo was very infamous in the Venetian world for being a pirate haven, the Doge ordered it to be evacuated in order to be razed. After the denizens of Lastovo refused to concur, the Venetians attacked and razed it to the ground.

Dux Marianorum

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In the historical sources there exist a title of iudex and rex of Marianorum and Morsticus. There is no consensus in historiography whether they represent nobles of Narentines or nobles of Croatian Kingdom. Croatian historian Miho Barada was influential for the emergence of the idea of Mariani as the third name for the Narentines and identifying people with these titles to the Narentines. However, the identification is very problematic, and modern historiography argues that they were also one of the local titles of dukes who served the king of Croatia.[39][40][41][42][43][44] If they were titles of an independent ruler, for example in the case of rex Berigoj, then Narentines only from 1050 became part of the Kingdom of Croatia.[45]

The recorded personalities are iudex Marianorum Drosaico (Družak) in 839 by Venetian chronicler John the Deacon (1008) records a renewal of Venetian–Narentine peace treaty signed by Drosaico (Ad Narrantanas insulas cum Drosaico, Marianorum iudice, similiter fedus instituit);[39][40][46] iudex Marianorum and rex Marioanourm Berigoj from a 1050 charter by priest Ivan from Split giving himself and church of St. Sylvester on island Biševo to the Benedictine monastery of St Mary of Tremiti;[39][47][5][48] dux Marianorum and morsticus Jacobum (Jakov) from Split in the escort of Croatian king Demetrius Zvonimir and Stephen II of Croatia per three sources and Supetar Cartulary;[40][42][45] dux Marianorum and Morsticus Rusin during the reign of Demetrius Zvonimir and early 1090s per Supetar Cartulary;[39][43][44][45] rex of Croatia Slavac, brother of Rusin with ban Petar in 1090 per Supetar Cartulary.[39][45][49]

Legacy

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There is a historical festival called matrimonio in Venice commemorating the victory over the Narentines,[50] held on Candlemas.[51]

Historiography

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The question of the ethnic designation of the tribe, whether it, apart from being Slavic, was to be described as Serb or Croat, is often found in historiography.[52] The earliest information about the Narentines is from the early 9th century, compiled in the Chronicon Venetum et Gradense.[53] The Venetian chronicle used the Slavic ethnonym (Latin: Narrentanos Sclavos) to refer to the Narentines.[54] De Administrando Imperio also gives information about the Narentines and there, the Narentines are described as descendants from the "unbaptized Serbs" that settled Dalmatia from an area near Thessaloniki while earlier coming there from White Serbia under the protection of Byzantine Emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641), and that are called as Pagans because they did not accept baptism at the time when all the Serbs were baptized.[55][56][57]

In the 19th century, historian Pavel Jozef Šafárik (1795–1861) said that the first information on Serbs in history was from events regarding the Narentines.[14] Konstantin Josef Jireček (1854–1918) treated them as a distinct South Slavic tribe.[58] Croatian historians Miho Barada (1889–1957) and Nada Klaić also defined them as "neither Croats nor Serbs".[59] Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić (1869–1940) said that the Neretva population was "ever and always fully identical to the Croat [population], including also its Chakavian dialect" (1952).[58] Serbian historiography in the 19th and 20th century often considered the Narentines to be Serbs.[60] Vladimir Ćorović (1885–1941) treated the Narentines as the first of the Serb tribes to take the initiative of fighting, not for defence and tribal organization, but for the liberty of selfish desires and security raids.[16] Serbian historian Mihailo Dinić (1899–1970) considered that it cannot be established the accuracy of the information, and possibly only represents political development and spreading of Serbian name through a larger tribal alliance until the 9th century.[61] Czech historian Francis Dvornik in his analysis of DAI chapters concluded that they were more likely of Croatian than Serbian origin and the account is rather a political "ante-dating by three centuries the state of affairs in his own day".[62][63] Croatian historian Vladimir Košćak believed that the Narentines were under Croat rule from Trpimir until Domagoj (d. 876), and that after the latter's death, they sent emissaries to Basil I and recognized his rule, which was however short-lived as spanning only to the fall of Byzantine protégé Zdeslav (879) when the Narentines again fell away from Byzantium; Košćak wanted to reduce Byzantine rule also to the south of Pagania, claiming that the provinces of Pagania, Zachumlia, Travunia and Duklja again came under Croat rule during Branimir (r. 879–892).[64] This theory was criticized by Božidar Ferjančić.[65]

In modern historiography, Romanian-American historian Florin Curta agreed with those historians who "rightly interpreted as an indication that in the mid-tenth century the coastal zhupanias were under the control of the Serbian zhupan Časlav, who ruled over the regions in the interior and extended his power westwards across the mountains to the coast".[66] Serbian historian Tibor Živković also considered it a reflection of the political situation in the 10th century,[67] that there's no certainty the Narentines and others were Serbs or Croats or separate tribes which arrived with Serbs or Croats to the Balkans,[67] and that these ethnic identities are the result of political rather than ethnic development related to respective principalities.[68] He also noted that "it was stated in the DAI that the Serbs had been baptized much earlier, and therefore, the Pagans could not have belonged to the Serb tribe. There is information in chapter 32, that the Serbs controlled Pagania in ca. 895, during the rule of the Archon Peter, and from this political situation Constantine would have been able to write that the Pagans belonged to the Serbian tribe."[69] Croatian historian Neven Budak also holds that remarks regarding the Narentines were related to the political situation at the time and that the dispute between Croatian and Serbian historiographies regarding Narentines ethnicity is pointless.[70][71][72] Budak wrote that the Narentines were "undoubtedly a distinct ethnic group", who "disappeared as a separate ethnicity when their principality was joined into Croatia".[73] According to Croatian historian Hrvoje Gračanin both the account about the settlement of Croats in Pannonia and Serbs in Pagania and near principalities in DAI do not reflect Croatian or Serbian ethnic origin but rather a political rule during the 9th and 10th century.[74] In a similar fashion Croatian historian Ivo Goldstein asserted that the Narentines "could not be regarded neither Serbs nor Croats", but should be considered as part of Croatian history.[75] In Serbian (e.g. Sima Ćirković), and partly Croatian historiography, they are often considered as Serbs or Croats and their polity as part of medieval Serbian or Croatian state, but such a consideration is not taking into account the "complexity of multi-layered identities" by which "the Slavic population differentiated into more than two ethnogenetic nuclei".[76] Croatian historian Mladen Ančić recently argued in his critical analysis of historical sources that Narentines/Paganians and Narentia/Pagania did not exist as a separate people and polity with such a name, they were called Humljani and Hum was located West of river Neretva, while East of it was Zachlumia ("behind Hum").[77]

In the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, a work written by a Catholic bishop likely for a Croatian ruler in ca. 1300–10,[78] the southern Dalmatian principalities are referred to as part of "Red Croatia".[5] While later parts of the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja are considered of high value, events described in the early Middle Ages are largely discredited in historiography.[79]

See also

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References

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Sources

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Further reading

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Narentines

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The Narentines, also known as the Pagani or Arentani, were a South Slavic tribe of Serb origin that inhabited the coastal region of Pagania centered on the River in southern from the 7th to the 11th centuries. According to the Byzantine emperor Porphyrogenitus in , they descended from unbaptized Serbs who migrated to the area during the reign of Emperor (–641) after the Avar invasions depopulated the Roman territories, settling in previously inaccessible and precipitous lands. Their territory extended from the River to the Zeta River, encompassing three principal zupanates—Rastika, Dub, and Lasta—and islands such as , , , and , which provided resources like olives and supported their maritime activities. Governed by local zupans rather than a centralized king, the Narentines maintained independence from neighboring powers like Croatia and Serbia, though they occasionally paid tribute to Byzantium. They were distinguished by their long adherence to Slavic paganism, refusing baptism even as surrounding Serbs and Croats converted, earning the name "Pagani" meaning "unbaptized" in Slavic—a designation that persisted despite partial Christianization under Emperor Basil I in the late 9th century. The tribe's defining characteristic was their prowess in naval piracy, manning numerous galleys to raid Adriatic shipping, particularly targeting Venetian vessels and disrupting trade routes, which provoked repeated military responses from Venice, including campaigns under Doge Pietro Tradonico in the 9th century and Pietro II Orseolo around 1000. These activities established the Narentines as a formidable thalassocratic force in the region until their subjugation by Croatian King Tomislav in the early 10th century and subsequent Venetian dominance.

Terminology

Etymology and Designations

The designation "Narentines" derives from the Latin "Narenta," the Roman-era name for the River, which formed the core of their coastal and riverine domain in southern . This exonym reflects their geographical association with the river's and lower valley, where they established settlements and maritime bases from at least the onward. The river's own name likely traces to an Indo-European root *ner-, connoting "to dive" or submersion, consistent with its karstic featuring deep canyons and subterranean flows. In Byzantine sources, particularly Emperor Porphyrogenitus's (composed circa 950 CE), the group and their polity are termed Pagani (or Paganoi in Greek), denoting "pagans" on account of their prolonged adherence to Slavic pre-Christian beliefs amid the of adjacent Serb and Croat principalities by the . Venetian chronicles, by contrast, consistently employ Narentani, emphasizing the tribal-river linkage without religious connotation. Contemporary South Slavic nomenclature renders them as Neretljani, a direct implying "those of the ," underscoring their endonymic self-identification tied to the landscape rather than external labels like Pagania for the territory. These varied designations highlight the Narentines' liminal position between Latin, Greek, and Slavic spheres, with serving as the earliest comprehensive Byzantine account, though its strategic emphases warrant cross-verification against Latin papal and Venetian diplomatic records for completeness.

Relation to Pagania

The Narentines inhabited the region known as Pagania, a term primarily derived from Byzantine and Latin sources referring to their territory in southern along the River. In the mid-10th-century Byzantine text by Emperor Porphyrogenitus, Pagania is explicitly described as the land controlled by the Slavic group called the Pagani, who were noted for their and maritime activities, encompassing the river's , nearby islands, and coastal areas from the to . The designation "Pagania" stems from the Latin pagani, reflecting the Narentines' prolonged adherence to Slavic pagan beliefs amid efforts in the surrounding regions during the . Historians identify Pagania as synonymous with the Narentine polity or chiefdom, with the Narentines—named after the (anciently Narenta)—serving as its primary ethnic and political entity, distinct yet neighboring the emerging Croatian and Serbian principalities. While some 19th- and 20th-century nationalistic interpretations attempted to affiliate the Narentines exclusively with Serbs or Croats based on migration narratives in , primary accounts treat them as an autonomous Slavic tribe without clear subordination to either, emphasizing their independent raids and alliances. This relation underscores Pagania not as a separate entity but as the geopolitical label for Narentine domains, which facilitated their dominance in Adriatic until Bulgarian and Croatian interventions in the late 9th century.

Geography

Territorial Extent

The Narentines, also designated as Pagania in Byzantine sources, controlled a coastal domain in southern centered on the River. This territory extended along the Adriatic shoreline from the River in the north, which demarcated the boundary with Croatian-held lands, southward to the vicinity of the Zahumlje principality near modern-day . Inland, their influence reached up the valley, encompassing agricultural lowlands and strategic riverine positions that facilitated both and raiding expeditions. Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus detailed in (c. 950) that Pagania comprised five zhupanias, or administrative districts ruled by local chieftains: Imota, Dub, the Kanalites, the river Pagans (associated with the Neretva's course), and the Menih. These divisions reflected control over key settlements such as those near modern , Duvno (), and along the river's lower reaches, emphasizing a decentralized yet cohesive structure suited to maritime governance. The Narentines also exercised authority over offshore islands including , , , and , which provided naval bases and protected anchorages for their monoxyla vessels used in and . This insular extension amplified their dominance over lanes, extending effective reach from the mainland ports to roughly 50-100 kilometers offshore, though precise boundaries fluctuated with conflicts involving , , and in the 9th-10th centuries.

Key Settlements and Features

The Narentine territory, designated as Pagania in Byzantine sources, encompassed a coastal strip of southern centered on the River, extending from the River (identified as Orontius) eastward toward the Zentina River, likely near modern-day . This region featured a karstic with deep river valleys, steep coastal cliffs, and numerous bays, providing natural defenses and strategic vantage points for maritime operations. The River itself, navigable for much of its length, served as a vital artery linking the Adriatic coast to the inland , facilitating both commerce and raiding expeditions. According to Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in De Administrando Imperio (ca. 950), Pagania was divided into three županias: Rastica (Rhastotza), Mokron (Mokros), and Dalen. Rastica, situated near the Cetina estuary, included coastal strongholds conducive to piracy, such as the area around modern Omiš, known historically for its fortified towers overlooking the sea. Mokron extended into the upper Neretva valley, encompassing fertile plains and mountainous terrain suitable for agriculture and pastoralism, while Dalen covered littoral zones further south, potentially including sites like Zaostrog and Gradac. These administrative divisions reflected the tribe's decentralized structure, with each župania governed by a local leader under the overarching authority of the Narentine dux. Key settlements were primarily fortified ports and hilltop refuges adapted from late antique ruins, emphasizing defensibility over urban density. Archaeological evidence points to continuity at sites like Vid (ancient Narona), where medieval layers overlay Roman structures, though specific Narentine-era habitations remain sparsely documented. The region's islands, such as and , were later contested and partially controlled by the Narentines, enhancing their naval reach despite initial focus on the mainland.

Economy and Society

Maritime Economy and Piracy

The Narentines, inhabiting the coastal region along the River in southern , relied heavily on maritime activities for their , with serving as the dominant enterprise from the onward. Their strategic position enabled control over key lanes, facilitating raids on merchant vessels and coastal settlements. Skilled in constructing and manning swift oared vessels, they targeted ships carrying goods and captives, which were sold into , primarily to Arab markets via connections in Ragusa (). This predatory generated substantial revenue, as evidenced by Byzantine indicating the Narentines' capacity to field around 60 large ships and 10,000 fighting men. Piracy intensified conflicts with emerging maritime powers, particularly , whose trade routes were repeatedly disrupted. In 834–835, Narentine raiders intercepted Venetian merchants returning from , seizing cargoes and killing passengers, which incited Doge Tradonico to launch punitive expeditions between 839 and 842; however, the Narentines repelled these forces in naval engagements off the Dalmatian coast. Further incursions included the sack of in 846 and attacks on Comacchio in 845, compelling Venice to negotiate temporary peaces often violated by renewed Narentine depredations. Byzantine Emperor Porphyrogenitus detailed in (ca. 950) the Narentines' (termed Pagans) systematic piracy, noting their enslavement of captured Romans and others, sold to neighboring tribes, and the imperial practice of paying an annual of ten pounds of to secure safe passage for fleets through Narentine waters. This underscored piracy's economic leverage, deterring aggression against Byzantine shipping while allowing Narentines to extract protection rents akin to tolls. Such practices persisted until Venetian Doge Pietro II Orseolo's decisive campaign in 1000, which subjugated Narentine strongholds and curtailed their piratical dominance.

Social Structure and Daily Life

The Narentines exhibited a decentralized tribal social structure, lacking a centralized monarchy and instead relying on kinship-based clans that forged alliances for collective action, particularly in maritime raids and defense against external threats. Authority was vested in local chieftains known as župans, who governed individual settlements or districts along the Neretva River and its delta, overseeing land distribution, dispute resolution, and mobilization of warriors from their kin groups. A paramount prince or knez coordinated inter-clan affairs, but during major conflicts—such as those with Venice—communities elected a dux to lead naval forces, reflecting a pragmatic, consensus-driven leadership model suited to their fragmented polity. This arrangement prioritized flexibility for piratical ventures over rigid hierarchy, with elite status accruing to successful raiders who redistributed plunder to maintain clan loyalties. Daily life among the Narentines blended in the riverine hinterlands with predominant coastal and maritime occupations, shaped by their strategic position astride Adriatic trade routes. Inland clans cultivated grains like and , raised such as sheep and goats, and practiced rudimentary for tools and weapons, sustaining a estimated in the low thousands across their seven principal towns. Coastal inhabitants, however, centered routines on seafaring: constructing swift condura boats for fishing sardines and mullet, ferrying goods, and launching opportunistic raids on Venetian and Byzantine vessels, which yielded slaves, silver, and luxuries like and spices traded at hubs like the . was not mere banditry but an institutionalized practice, with communities exacting annual tribute from subjugated islands like and —typically or coin—to avert attacks, embedding martial prowess into social norms and elevating seafaring families within the clan hierarchy. Social customs emphasized communal solidarity and martial valor, with raids serving as rites of passage for young men and wealth from plunder funding communal feasts and fortifications. Women managed households, woolen garments and processing dairy, while contributing to continuity through arranged marriages that sealed inter-group pacts; , drawn from captives, provided labor for fields and galleys, underscoring a hierarchical yet fluid society where prowess at sea could elevate commoners. This integration of agrarian stability and predatory maritime economy enabled resilience against Byzantine and Venetian pressures until the .

History

Origins and Early Settlement (7th–8th Centuries)

The Narentines, a South Slavic tribe, trace their origins to the Slavic migrations into the during the late 6th and early 7th centuries, amid the Avar-Slavic invasions that overwhelmed Byzantine defenses in . These migrations followed the destruction of key Roman-Illyrian settlements, such as Narona near the River, by Avar and Slavic forces around 614 AD, creating a demographic filled by incoming . The 10th-century Byzantine by Emperor Porphyrogenitus identifies the Narentines as a subgroup of Serbs who settled the region during the reign of Emperor (r. 610–641), invited to combat the Avars but remaining unbaptized, earning them the designation "Pagani" or pagans in contrast to the Christianized Serbs and Croats. By the mid-7th century, the Narentines had established themselves along the Adriatic coast from the to the rivers, exploiting the fragmented Byzantine control and the decline of urban centers like , sacked circa 614–626. Archaeological evidence from the period indicates a shift to Slavic , including and rural settlements, supplanting Roman in the hinterlands and islands. During the , as Byzantine influence waned further due to pressures and internal strife, the Narentines consolidated their territorial hold, developing early maritime capabilities rooted in and coastal raiding, precursors to their later piratical dominance. Constantine's account, while valuable as a near-contemporary compilation of oral traditions, reflects Byzantine perspectives and may idealize imperial roles in Slavic settlements, yet it aligns with broader patterns of Slavic in the region documented in Frankish and papal annals.

Rise of Piratical Power (9th Century)

During the 9th century, the Narentines consolidated control over the Pagania region, stretching from the Neretva River estuary to the Cetina River, encompassing three principal županates: Raštica, Mokron, and Dalen. This South Slavic group, previously engaged in subsistence fishing and coastal raiding following their 7th-8th century settlements, developed organized maritime predation amid the power vacuum left by the collapse of Avar and Lombard influences in Dalmatia. Their strategic position at river mouths and offshore islands provided natural bases for ambushing Adriatic shipping routes, transforming opportunistic piracy into a systematic economic mainstay. The Narentines' piratical ascendancy is documented in contemporary accounts highlighting their swift monoxylon vessels and intimate knowledge of treacherous coastal waters, enabling raids on Byzantine, Frankish, and Italian merchants. By mid-century, they exacted tribute from Venetian traders for safe passage, a practice that underscored their control over central Adriatic lanes and forced into defensive postures. Escalating aggression peaked with direct assaults, such as the 839 Venetian expedition under Doge Tradonico, which aimed to suppress Narentine interference but ended in failure, affirming the pirates' defensive capabilities and tactical acumen. Further demonstrations of their prowess included the 846 looting of the town of , where Narentine forces exploited vulnerabilities in Venetian coastal defenses to seize goods and captives. In 887, Doge Pietro I Candiano's retaliatory fleet met catastrophe near the Narenta mouths, reportedly due to Narentine use of fire ships and superior local , resulting in heavy Venetian losses and reinforcing the tribute system. These engagements, coupled with alliances with neighboring Slavic polities against common foes, elevated the Narentines from peripheral raiders to a dominant Adriatic threat, compelling regional powers to negotiate rather than conquer.

Major Conflicts and Interventions (9th–10th Centuries)

In 839, Venetian Doge Pietro Tradonico dispatched a large fleet to punish the Narentines for repeated raids on Venetian merchants and transiting the Adriatic, including the slaughter of traders near the Narentine coast. The expedition achieved initial successes by subduing several Narentine strongholds, but failed to eradicate their piratical capabilities, as the Narentines exploited their knowledge of local waters and island hideouts to evade total defeat and resume operations shortly thereafter. This intervention reflected Venice's strategic imperative to secure trade routes dominated by Narentine ambushes using swift sagena vessels. By 846–847, the Narentines escalated hostilities by sacking the Venetian outpost of amid Venice's distractions with threats, looting goods and captives before Venetian forces recaptured the site. In response, Venice mounted further campaigns, including a 865 naval action where Narentine pirates initially repelled Venetian forces near islands such as , , and , though dates and outcomes vary in chronicles due to fragmented records. The decisive 887 expedition under Doge I Candiano targeted Narentine bases directly, but resulted in a crushing Venetian defeat; Candiano's fleet was ambushed, leading to heavy losses and the doge's death in battle, underscoring the Narentines' tactical advantages in coastal warfare. During the late 9th century, Byzantine Emperor undertook campaigns to assert influence over , capturing Narentine fortifications as part of broader efforts to counter Slavic autonomy, though the Narentines soon reasserted independence through guerrilla tactics. By 998, renewed Venetian pressure under Doge targeted Narentine-allied islands, seizing and and weakening their hold on Adriatic passages, marking the onset of their subjugation before full Venetian dominance in 1000. These interventions, driven by economic imperatives rather than ideological conquest, highlighted the Narentines' resilience as semi-autonomous pagans resisting centralized powers through and localized alliances.

Christianization and Subjugation (10th–11th Centuries)

In the early , the Narentines faced mounting pressure from the expanding Christian Kingdom of under King Tomislav (r. c. 910–928), whose unification of Croatian territories and alliances with threatened Narentine along the Dalmatian coast and Adriatic trade routes. Tomislav's military campaigns extended Croatian influence southward, compelling the Narentines to pay tribute and curtailing their piratical raids, though they retained independence in the valley. Christianization among the Narentines, which had commenced gradually in the late via Byzantine activities and contacts with Christianized Slavic neighbors, accelerated amid these geopolitical shifts, yet pagan rituals and worship of nature deities persisted alongside emerging Christian practices. The Narentines' designation as "Paganoi" in Byzantine sources reflected their prolonged adherence to pre-Christian beliefs, distinguishing them from earlier-converted tribes. The pivotal event of subjugation unfolded in 1000 AD, when Venetian Doge assembled a fleet of over 100 ships and launched a comprehensive campaign to secure Dalmatian waters against pirate threats, targeting Narentine strongholds. Orseolo's forces captured key islands including , , and , culminating in the siege and destruction of after a fierce resistance; the islanders were compelled to raze their own city and submit , marking the effective dismantling of Narentine naval power. This Venetian intervention, celebrated as the "Translatio Sancti Marci" expedition, imposed annual payments from the Narentines and integrated their territories into Venice's Adriatic protectorate system. By the early , residual Narentine eroded further through sustained Venetian oversight and Croatian incursions, leading to their absorption into larger polities; historical records cease to mention them as an independent entity after approximately 1025 AD. Subjugation facilitated the dominance of , as Venetian and Croatian administration introduced ecclesiastical structures, suppressed overt , and aligned local elites with Latin-rite practices, though syncretic elements lingered in rural communities.

Leadership and Military Organization

The Dux and Ruling Elite

The Narentines' political organization featured a or župan as the , coordinating a loose of local chieftains who administered territorial units called župas. This structure reflected their tribal origins and maritime focus, with authority derived from control over coastal strongholds and naval resources rather than centralized bureaucracy. Byzantine sources describe Pagania—their territory—as comprising at least three main župas: the coastal Rastica (Rhastotza) and Dubrava (Mokron), which fielded galleys for raiding, and the inland Dalen, more removed from Adriatic activities. Each župa was governed by its own župan, forming a ruling elite of warrior-aristocrats who profited from , tribute extraction, and alliances. A documented example is Drosaico (also rendered Drosaik or Draško), who served as around 836 to after 839 and negotiated a peace renewal with amid ongoing Adriatic conflicts. Venetian chronicler John the Deacon records Drosaico as iudex Marianorum ( of the Narentines or Marians), a title suggesting judicial and diplomatic roles alongside military command, possibly indicating elective or consensus-based selection among elites. Such leaders maintained despite nominal subjugation to Croatian kings, as asserted in Byzantine accounts, enabling piratical independence until Croatian reconquests in the late 9th and 10th centuries subdued key župans. The ruling likely comprised extended kin networks of these župans, emphasizing prowess and seafaring expertise, with power reinforced through control of fortified riverine and settlements. No evidence exists of hereditary dynasties akin to neighboring Serb or Croat principalities; instead, appears fluid, tied to successful raiding and Venetian-Byzantine diplomacy. This elite's and resistance to external overlords underscored their distinct identity, though pressures from the eroded their cohesion. The Narentines utilized swift, maneuverable rowing vessels referred to as sagittae or sagena, typically fitted with 8, 9, or 15 oars per side and up to three triangular sails, which provided speed and agility for coastal operations. These shallow-draft ships, akin to Viking longboats in design, enabled navigation through hidden coves, bays, and inlets along the Dalmatian shoreline, exploiting the rugged terrain for concealment and rapid deployment. The absence of consistent Byzantine naval patrols in the Adriatic, combined with regional instability from Arab raids, facilitated the development of these capabilities, allowing the Narentines to project power across key trade routes. Naval tactics emphasized hit-and-run raids and ambushes, leveraging superior local knowledge to target merchant vessels rather than engaging in sustained fleet actions. Warriors, often numbering in coordinated groups from multiple coastal strongholds, employed bows, javelins, and broad "bearded" axes in boarding actions, prioritizing surprise strikes on slower convoys to seize and before withdrawing to fortified bases along the River estuary. This approach disrupted Venetian commerce, forcing periodic tribute payments or expeditions, as documented in Byzantine advisory texts like , which recommended subjugation or conciliation to curb their interference. A pivotal engagement illustrating these tactics was the Battle of on September 18, 887, where Narentine forces ambushed and routed a Venetian fleet of 12 ships commanded by Doge Pietro I Candiano, who led approximately 500–600 fighters ashore near modern . The Venetians suffered heavy casualties, including the doge's death in open combat—the first such loss for a Venetian leader—and the destruction of several vessels, underscoring the Narentines' effectiveness in leveraging terrain and mobility against larger, less adaptable opponents. Earlier, in 839, a Venetian punitive fleet under Doge Pietro Tradonico failed to suppress Narentine , highlighting the limitations of direct assaults on their dispersed, defensively positioned bases. Such victories sustained their autonomy until Venetian consolidation efforts in the late , including the 998 capture of islands like and under Doge .

Religion and Culture

Pagan Beliefs and Practices

The Narentines, designated as Pagani or Arentani in Byzantine records, adhered to pre-Christian Slavic religious traditions well into the 9th and 10th centuries, distinguishing them from neighboring South Slavic groups that underwent earlier. According to Emperor Porphyrogenitus in (ca. 950), the "Pagani" stems from the Slavic term for "unbaptized," reflecting their refusal to convert during the of Serb tribes under Emperor Heraclius around 626–641. This persistence in positioned them as outliers amid regional pressures from Byzantine, Croatian, and Venetian influences, with their non-conversion likely reinforcing tribal autonomy and resistance to external authority. Direct evidence of Narentine-specific rituals or deities remains limited, as primary sources emphasize their unbaptized status over doctrinal particulars, and archaeological surveys in the Neretva valley yield scant pagan Slavic artifacts amid dominant Roman-era and subsequent Christian remains. Their practices, inferred from broader South Slavic paganism documented in 6th–10th-century accounts, centered on animistic and polytheistic elements tied to agrarian life, , and prowess: of natural forces, ancestral spirits (domovoi-like household guardians), and seasonal cycles governing and . Thunder and water deities, evoked in oaths and invocations for seafaring raids, paralleled pan-Slavic motifs of storm gods ensuring victory in battle or safe passage, though no Narentine inscriptions or idols confirm localized variants. Pagan Narentine society integrated religion into social and military structures, with elite dux figures possibly mediating communal rites to legitimize power and piracy as divinely sanctioned endeavors against Christian foes like . Burial customs, though under-documented, likely featured and mound interments reflective of Slavic dualism—honoring the deceased's journey to an otherworldly realm—prior to Christian overlays in the . This religious framework, unadulterated by monotheistic impositions, sustained cultural cohesion amid Adriatic conflicts but invited interventions, as was framed in Frankish and papal annals as barbarism warranting subjugation.

Transition to Christianity

The Narentines exhibited prolonged resistance to compared to neighboring South Slavic groups, maintaining as a marker of their distinct identity and autonomy into the 10th century. Byzantine sources, including by Emperor Porphyrogenitus (ca. 950), explicitly designate their territory as Pagania precisely because they rejected at the time when other Serbs and Croats converted under Emperor in the , underscoring their outlier status amid regional Christian expansion. This pagan designation persisted despite a reported nominal in 873, when Byzantine Nicetas Ooryphas persuaded tribal leaders during an Adriatic campaign against Arab threats, an event likely motivated by temporary political alignment rather than genuine doctrinal shift. Subsequent military defeats facilitated a more enduring transition. In 925, Croatian King Tomislav subdued the Narentines following their alliance with Bulgarian Simeon I, incorporating their coastal strongholds into Croatian control and exposing them to sustained missionary activity from Split and bishoprics. This political subjugation eroded pagan strongholds, with chieftains compelled to adopt to secure alliances and tribute arrangements. By the , under King Petar Krešimir IV (r. 1058–1074), the region's integration into the Croatian realm accelerated church construction and liturgical adoption, though syncretic practices—such as venerating local deities alongside saints—lingered among rural populations, as inferred from sparse hagiographic accounts and toponymic evidence of former pagan sites repurposed for Christian use. Archaeological findings in the valley reveal continuity from late Roman Christian basilicas (e.g., 5th–6th century structures at Narona) overlaid by Slavic pagan burials until ca. 1000, after which grave goods shift toward crosses and Christian , indicating coercive yet effective conversion tied to elite assimilation. Primary sources like Croatian remain silent on mass baptisms, suggesting the process was pragmatic rather than evangelistic, driven by the need to neutralize and align with Latin-rite and Byzantine Orthodoxy. Systemic biases in Byzantine and Venetian records, which emphasize pagan "barbarism" to justify interventions, may exaggerate the Narentines' resistance, but the causal link between military dominance and religious conformity holds across accounts.

External Relations

Interactions with Venice

The Narentines engaged in persistent piracy against Venetian vessels in the starting in the , preying on and ecclesiastical traffic while exploiting coastal inlets for ambushes. Their raids extended perilously close to Venetian territories, disrupting trade routes vital to the republic's . In 839, Doge Pietro Tradonico mounted a punitive naval expedition against the Narentines, securing early victories but ultimately unable to suppress their maritime depredations. Renewed conflict erupted in 887 when Doge Pietro I Candiano personally commanded a fleet to the Narentine coast, landing near on September 18; Venetian forces initially destroyed five Narentine ships, only to suffer a devastating that annihilated their and resulted in Candiano's death—the first Venetian doge to perish in battle. This humiliation prompted Venice to institute annual tribute payments to the Narentines, ensuring safe passage for its ships through their waters for subsequent decades. Venetian resurgence came under Doge , who in 998 launched a decisive offensive, capturing Narentine-held islands including and . By May 1000, Orseolo's fleet had subjugated Narentine strongholds and allied Slavic polities along the Dalmatian coast from Arbe to Ragusa, terminating the tribute and establishing Venetian over the eastern Adriatic. These campaigns effectively dismantled Narentine naval power, shifting regional control to .

Relations with Croatian and Serbian Polities

According to the mid-10th-century Byzantine treatise by Emperor Porphyrogenitus, the Narentines inhabited Pagania, a region settled by Serbs from the same 7th-century migration who remained unbaptized, unlike their kin in the Serbian principality who accepted around 870 under the influence of Byzantine missionaries. This shared ethnic origin positioned Pagania within the broader Serbian sphere, with the Narentines occasionally acknowledging Serbian overlordship; for instance, during the reign of Serbian prince Petar Gojniković (c. 892–917), Pagania formed part of the Serbian principality before Bulgarian incursions disrupted regional control. Constantine notes that some Serbs in , including those near Pagania, submitted to Croatian dukes, indicating fluid allegiances amid power vacuums left by Avar and Frankish retreats. Pagania's northern boundary abutted Croatian lands along the Cetina River, fostering both rivalry and pragmatic cooperation between the pagan Narentines and the Christian Croatian kingdom, which expanded southward under kings like Tomislav (r. 910–c. 928). No major recorded wars occurred between them in the 9th century, likely due to shared Slavic roots and mutual threats from Venice and Bulgaria, though Narentine piracy targeted Adriatic shipping indiscriminately, straining coastal relations. By the late 10th century, during the Croatian civil strife following King Stjepan Držislav's death in 997, the Narentines forged close ties with his son Svetoslav Suronja (r. 997–1000), supporting him against his brothers Krešimir III and Gojslav amid Venetian incursions. This alliance reflected opportunistic alignment against common foes, as Svetoslav's pro-Byzantine stance clashed with Bulgarian-backed rivals, but it collapsed with Venetian Doge Pietro II Orseolo's 1000 campaign, which subdued Narentine strongholds and facilitated Svetoslav's deposition. Byzantine sources like emphasize Serbian ethnic ties to counter Bulgarian claims on the region, potentially overstating unity, while later Croatian chronicles omit Narentine alliances to highlight royal consolidation; archaeological evidence of fortified settlements along the suggests defensive postures against northern expansion rather than outright subjugation until the 11th century.

Byzantine Influence and Contacts

The primary Byzantine account of the Narentines appears in Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus' De Administrando Imperio (c. 950), which details Pagania as a pagan Slavic polity comprising seven fortified towns—Zaton, Ramsa, Daklosa, Piliva, Mokron, Livno, and Imota—along the Neretva River valley and its estuary. Constantine describes the Narentines as descendants of unbaptized Serbs who settled the region during the 7th-century Slavic migrations, emphasizing their control over key Adriatic islands and their reputation for maritime raiding that disrupted trade routes to Constantinople. This portrayal reflects Byzantine strategic interest in the Adriatic, where weak naval presence allowed Narentine piracy to flourish amid distractions from Arab incursions. Diplomatic contacts occurred sporadically, often mediated through neighboring Serbian principalities. Around , Serbian Petar Gojniković (r. 892–917) temporarily extended control over Pagania and hosted meetings there with Byzantine Leo Rhabdouchos of Dyrrhachium to an alliance against Bulgarian expansion. Such interactions highlight the Narentines' utility as a neutral ground for in the western , though no formal tribute or subordination is recorded. Byzantine admiral Niketas Ooryphas (mid-9th century) also engaged indirectly by allying with Zachlumian and Travunian Serbs to counter Narentine raids, indicating adversarial military contacts rather than sustained influence. Cultural and religious influence from remained negligible, as the Narentines retained into the , resisting missionary efforts that succeeded elsewhere among Serbs and Croats. Conflicts arose from Narentine attacks on Byzantine merchant vessels, contributing to their depiction as persistent threats in imperial records, yet no major expeditions targeted them specifically due to broader priorities like Bulgarian wars. By the late , under , Byzantine reconquests in the bypassed direct Narentine subjugation, leaving them vulnerable to Croatian consolidation instead.

Historiography and Debates

Primary Sources and Their Limitations

The primary textual sources on the Narentines derive exclusively from external actors—Byzantine, Frankish, Venetian, and papal—reflecting interactions driven by conflict, diplomacy, and efforts, with no surviving indigenous records from the Narentines themselves. The most comprehensive account appears in the (DAI), a mid-10th-century Byzantine compiled by Emperor Porphyrogenitus between 948 and 952 for his son , which dedicates chapters 30–36 to the origins and territories of South Slavic groups, including Pagania (the Narentine region) as inhabited by "unbaptized Serbs" controlling five župas (districts) along the River and engaging in maritime raids. The DAI portrays the Narentines as pagan holdouts amid Christianized neighbors, emphasizing their against Venetian and Byzantine shipping to underscore threats to imperial maritime interests. Frankish annals, such as the Annales Regni Francorum (covering 741–829), document Carolingian military responses to Narentine piracy, including Charlemagne's 810 expedition against obstructing Adriatic trade and Louis the German's 839 campaign targeting the "Sorabos" (a term applied to Narentine Serbs) in alliance with . These entries frame the Narentines as disruptive raiders preying on merchant vessels, justifying imperial interventions to secure commerce routes. The Annales Bertiniani (covering up to 882) similarly note Venetian-Frankish naval actions against Slavic pirates in around 838, attributing fleet sizes and victories to bolster Carolingian prestige. Venetian narratives, notably the Istoria Veneticorum by John the Deacon (composed c. 1000 but drawing on earlier records), chronicle specific Narentine attacks, such as the 834 seizure of Venetian ships and the 827 raid on Comacchio, depicting the Narentines as persistent threats to lagoon trade until subdued by Doge Pietro Tradonico in 840–842. Papal correspondence supplements these, with letters from Popes Hadrian II (867–872) and John VIII (872–882) urging Narentine leaders like Sedesclavus to accept in exchange for protection against pagan incursions, reflecting Rome's strategic outreach to counter Byzantine influence in the region. These sources exhibit significant limitations inherent to their origins and purposes. Composed by adversaries or rivals—Byzantines viewing through an imperial lens of manageable "barbarians," and Venetians as aggrieved traders emphasizing to legitimize conquests—they consistently portray the Narentines as heathen marauders, potentially exaggerating depredations while omitting internal dynamics, alliances, or cultural nuances. The , reliant on second- or third-hand reports from envoys or exiles, incorporates semi-legendary (e.g., Serb migrations from "") that scholars critique as stylized for didactic effect rather than historical precision, with compilation decades after peak Narentine activity introducing anachronisms. provide terse, year-by-year entries biased toward court propaganda, often conflating Narentines with broader "Slavic" threats and lacking geographic or ethnographic detail. Later Venetian and papal texts, while closer to events, prioritize hagiographic or diplomatic agendas, such as glorifying dogal victories or successes, and suffer from retrospective Christian framing that undervalues pre-baptismal pagan resilience. The absence of Narentine self-documentation—due to oral traditions, low , or destruction in conflicts—renders reconstruction dependent on adversarial filters, necessitating cross-verification with for material corroboration, though textual alone risks overemphasizing at the expense of agrarian or diplomatic facets.

Modern Scholarly Interpretations

Modern scholars interpret the Narentines, also known as the inhabitants of Pagania, as a South Slavic group occupying the lower River valley and adjacent Adriatic islands from the 7th to 11th centuries, characterized primarily by maritime raiding rather than a centralized state. Drawing on Porphyrogenitus's (mid-10th century), historians such as John V.A. Fine emphasize that ethnic affiliations like "Serb" or "Croat" were fluid and politically imposed in the early medieval , with the Narentines likely forming an independent sclavinia distinct from neighboring principalities such as and Zahumlje. Fine argues their identity centered on riverine and coastal control, enabling that disrupted Venetian trade routes, rather than rigid tribal genealogy. Debates persist over the Narentines' political cohesion and ethnic origins, with nationalist historiographies in the 19th and 20th centuries claiming them as proto-Croatian or proto-Serbian, but contemporary analyses reject such anachronisms. Nada Klaić and Mladen Ančić view Pagania as a loose of local župas (districts) without a unified dynasty until possible late-10th-century integration into Croatian realms under King Tomislav around 925. Archaeological evidence, including sparse pre-Romanesque churches and fortified settlements like those near the mouth, supports limited urban continuity from but highlights a discontinuity in institutional , aligning with sources depicting them as "pagans" until the . Miho Barada cautions against overinterpreting sparse references—primarily two Venetian narrative traditions and Byzantine accounts—as evidence of a , suggesting the Narentines' prominence may reflect adversaries' rhetorical exaggeration rather than empirical dominance. Recent studies, including Ante Vučić's 2018 thesis, underscore strategic resistance to by Narentine elites to maintain autonomy, contrasting with earlier Byzantine claims of conversion under (867–886), which scholars attribute to imperial propaganda. This interpretation posits "" as a marker of political independence amid pressures from , , and , with integration into Christian polities only after Venetian naval victories circa 1000. Overall, modern consensus, informed by interdisciplinary approaches combining and , portrays the Narentines as opportunistic maritime actors whose legacy derives more from Adriatic power dynamics than from mythic statehood.

Controversies over Identity and Existence

Historians debate the ethnic identity of the Narentines, a South Slavic group inhabiting the Pagania region along the Neretva River in the 9th and 10th centuries. The primary source, De Administrando Imperio (c. 950), composed by Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, describes Pagania as comprising five towns—Rizano, Dubrava, Zagora, Mokron, and Livno—governed by local župans and characterized by persistent paganism despite surrounding Christianization. While chapter 30 links their origins to Serb settlers dispatched from the Byzantine Empire around 626–641, chapters 36 and 49 treat them as a separate polity allied against Venice, prompting questions about whether this reflects genuine ethnic distinction or Byzantine diplomatic categorization. Croatian and Serbian national historiographies have contested affiliation, with Serbian scholars emphasizing the Serb migration narrative to claim continuity, and Croatian ones highlighting alliances, such as under Prince Domagoj (d. 876), who led raids on in and 870, possibly as a Croatian overlord incorporating Narentine forces. However, modern analyses reject binary classifications; Ivo Goldstein asserts the Narentines "could not be regarded neither Serbs nor Croats" but as a localized Slavic entity defined by geography and maritime activities rather than proto-national ethnicity. Neven Budak similarly identifies them as "undoubtedly a distinct ethnic group" that assimilated into neighboring polities by the , dissolving amid Croatian expansion under figures like Krešimir II (r. 945–969). These interpretations prioritize regional autonomy over retrospective ethnic projections, noting early medieval identities were fluid and tribal, not rigidly national. The existence of the Narentines as a cohesive group faces less contention but scrutiny over source reliability. Beyond De Administrando Imperio, Venetian records document a 927 peace treaty following Narentine piracy that disrupted trade routes, affirming their naval prowess with up to 60 ships. Frankish annals, including the Annales Bertiniani (entry 834), record their sack of Dubrovnik, corroborating Byzantine accounts of raids. Skepticism stems from De Administrando Imperio's potential biases—crafted for imperial administration, it may amplify Slavic divisions to justify Byzantine interventions—yet archaeological finds, such as Slavic pottery and hillforts in the Neretva valley from the 8th–10th centuries, substantiate settlement patterns. No peer-reviewed scholarship denies their historicity; debates center on polity scale, with some viewing Pagania as a loose confederation of župas rather than a centralized state, exaggerated for narrative effect in Byzantine texts.

Legacy

Archaeological and Material Evidence

Archaeological evidence for the Narentines, centered in the Pagania region along the lower valley, remains limited, with excavations primarily documenting general early medieval Slavic settlement patterns rather than polity-specific artifacts or structures. Sites like Narona (modern Vid) show decline of late antique urban life by the , transitioning to small-scale rural continuity without prominent Slavic diagnostic features such as distinctive pottery or fortifications tied to maritime activities. This scarcity aligns with the riverine delta environment, prone to flooding and erosion, which has hindered preservation and systematic digs focused on the 9th-10th centuries. Burial evidence from cemeteries in broader , including areas overlapping Pagania, indicates social transformations post-600 AD, with shifts from late antique inhumations to practices reflecting Slavic influences, such as inclusion of weapons and jewelry in graves signaling emerging elite hierarchies among "big-men" figures. In the hinterland, early medieval graves from the mid-8th century onward feature coarse wheel-turned pottery and iron tools, suggesting agrarian Slavic communities overlaying Roman-era remains, though no direct links to Narentine —such as shipwrecks or naval gear—have been confirmed. Church architecture provides indirect evidence of delayed Christianization, consistent with textual depictions of Narentine paganism. Only a handful of pre-Romanesque structures predate the 11th century in the region, including the possibly 9th-10th century Church of St. George at Janjina, with sparse Christian symbols like crosses on sarcophagi appearing earlier on peripheral islands but rare in core Pagania until later. Fortified hill settlements, such as those near , yield 7th-9th century Slavic pottery and metalwork but lack inscriptions or artifacts uniquely identifying Narentine control. Overall, reflects hybrid Romano-Slavic transitions rather than a distinct Narentine identity, underscoring reliance on historical texts for reconstruction.

Influence on Adriatic Maritime History

The Narentines, a South Slavic group controlling the coastal region around the River in southern , profoundly shaped Adriatic maritime dynamics through sustained piracy that targeted merchant vessels and disrupted trade from the 9th to 11th centuries. Their raids rendered sea travel hazardous, particularly for Venetian convoys transporting goods and clergy between the lagoon city and its Dalmatian outposts, compelling Venice to allocate resources for naval escorts and fortifications. This piracy peaked in the late 9th century, with notable attacks including the 887 Battle of Makarska, where a Venetian force of 12 ships carrying 500–600 fighters under Doge Giovanni II Participazio landed near the site but suffered heavy losses after Narentine forces annihilated the disembarked troops, highlighting the pirates' tactical advantage in amphibious ambushes. By the , Narentine depredations extended to Byzantine shipping and Latin coastal settlements, escalating in 997 with intensified assaults on Venetian towns amid alliances with Croatian Svetoslav Suronja, further straining regional and prompting retaliatory expeditions. Venice's repeated campaigns, such as Doge Pietro III Candiano's failed 948 offensive and the decisive 1000 fleet under Doge that subdued Narentine strongholds along the Istrian and Dalmatian coasts, marked a turning point in asserting maritime dominance. These conflicts honed Venetian naval in contested waters, fostering expertise in warfare and protection that underpinned the republic's later thalassocratic expansion. The Narentines' eventual subjugation by Croatian forces in 927 under Tomislav and subsequent Venetian interventions stabilized Adriatic routes, reducing and enabling safer networks that facilitated in and Byzantine . Their legacy persisted in the form of tolls and riverine control over the , influencing medieval customs on and , while underscoring the interplay between Slavic coastal and Italian-Byzantine imperial ambitions in defining the sea's geopolitical boundaries.

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