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Behaviorism
Behaviorism
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Behaviorism is a systematic approach to understanding the behavior of humans and other animals.[1][2] It assumes that behavior is either a reflex elicited by the pairing of certain antecedent stimuli in the environment, or a consequence of that individual's history, including especially reinforcement and punishment contingencies, together with the individual's current motivational state and controlling stimuli. Although behaviorists generally accept the important role of heredity in determining behavior, deriving from Skinner's two levels of selection (phylogeny and ontogeny),[3] they focus primarily on environmental events. The cognitive revolution of the late 20th century largely replaced behaviorism as an explanatory theory with cognitive psychology, which unlike behaviorism views internal mental states as explanations for observable behavior.

Behaviorism emerged in the early 1900s as a reaction to depth psychology and other traditional forms of psychology, which often had difficulty making predictions that could be tested experimentally. It was derived from earlier research in the late nineteenth century, such as when Edward Thorndike pioneered the law of effect, a procedure that involved the use of consequences to strengthen or weaken behavior.

With a 1924 publication, John B. Watson devised methodological behaviorism, which rejected introspective methods and sought to understand behavior by only measuring observable behaviors and events. It was not until 1945 that B. F. Skinner proposed that covert behavior—including cognition and emotions—are subject to the same controlling variables as observable behavior,[4] which became the basis for his philosophy called radical behaviorism.[5][6] While Watson and Ivan Pavlov investigated how (conditioned) neutral stimuli elicit reflexes in respondent conditioning, Skinner assessed the reinforcement histories of the discriminative (antecedent) stimuli that emits behavior; the process became known as operant conditioning.

The application of radical behaviorism—known as applied behavior analysis—is used in a variety of contexts, including, for example, applied animal behavior and organizational behavior management to treatment of mental disorders, such as autism and substance abuse.[7][8] In addition, while behaviorism and cognitive schools of psychological thought do not agree theoretically, they have complemented each other in the cognitive-behavioral therapies, which have demonstrated utility in treating certain pathologies, including simple phobias, PTSD, and mood disorders.

Branches

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The titles given to the various branches of behaviorism include:

  • Behavioral genetics: Proposed in 1869 by Francis Galton, a relative of Charles Darwin. Galton believed that inherited factors had a significant impact on individuals' behaviors, however did not believe nurturing was not important. Which was later discredited due to association with the eugenics movement - researchers did not want to associate with Nazi politics whether direct or indirect. doi:10.3724/sp.j.1041.2008.01073
  • Interbehaviorism: Proposed by Jacob Robert Kantor before B. F. Skinner's writings.
  • Methodological behaviorism: John B. Watson's behaviorism states that only public events (motor behaviors of an individual) can be objectively observed. Although it was still acknowledged that thoughts and feelings exist, they were not considered part of the science of behavior.[5][9][10] It also laid the theoretical foundation for the early approach behavior modification in the 1970s and 1980s. Often compared to the views of B.F Skinner (radical behaviorism). Methodological behaviorism "representing the logical positivist-derived philosophy of science" which is common in science today, radical focuses on the "pragmatist perspective." JSTOR 27759016
  • Psychological behaviorism: As proposed by Arthur W. Staats, unlike the previous behaviorisms of Skinner, Hull, and Tolman, was based upon a program of human research involving various types of human behavior. Psychological behaviorism introduces new principles of human learning. Humans learn not only by animal learning principles but also by special human learning principles. Those principles involve humans' uniquely huge learning ability. Humans learn repertoires that enable them to learn other things. Human learning is thus cumulative. No other animal demonstrates that ability, making the human species unique.[11]
  • Radical behaviorism: Skinner's philosophy is an extension of Watson's form of behaviorism by theorizing that processes within the organism—particularly, private events, such as thoughts and feelings—are also part of the science of behavior, and suggests that environmental variables control these internal events just as they control observable behaviors. Behavioral events may be observable but not all are, some are considered "private": they are accessible and noticed by only the person who is behaving. B.F. Skinner described behavior as the name for the part of the functioning of the organism that consists of its interacting or having commerce with its surrounding environment. In simple terms, how an individual interacts with its surrounding environment.[RB] Although private events cannot be directly seen by others, they are later determined through the species' overt behavior. Radical behaviorism forms the core philosophy behind behavior analysis. Willard Van Orman Quine used many of radical behaviorism's ideas in his study of knowledge and language.[9]
  • Teleological behaviorism: Proposed by Howard Rachlin, post-Skinnerian, purposive, close to microeconomics. Focuses on objective observation as opposed to cognitive processes.
  • Theoretical behaviorism: Proposed by J. E. R. Staddon,[12][13][14] adds a concept of internal state to allow for the effects of context. According to theoretical behaviorism, a state is a set of equivalent histories, i.e., past histories in which members of the same stimulus class produce members of the same response class (i.e., B. F. Skinner's concept of the operant). Conditioned stimuli are thus seen to control neither stimulus nor response but state. Theoretical behaviorism is a logical extension of Skinner's class-based (generic) definition of the operant.

Two subtypes of theoretical behaviorism are:

  • Hullian and post-Hullian: theoretical, group data, not dynamic, physiological
  • Purposive: Tolman's behavioristic anticipation of cognitive psychology

Modern-day theory: radical behaviorism

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B. F. Skinner proposed radical behaviorism as the conceptual underpinning of the experimental analysis of behavior. This viewpoint differs from other approaches to behavioral research in various ways, but, most notably here, it contrasts with methodological behaviorism in accepting feelings, states of mind and introspection as behaviors also subject to scientific investigation. Like methodological behaviorism, it rejects the reflex as a model of all behavior, and it defends the science of behavior as complementary to but independent of physiology. Radical behaviorism overlaps considerably with other western philosophical positions, such as American pragmatism.[15]

Although John B. Watson mainly emphasized his position of methodological behaviorism throughout his career, Watson and Rosalie Rayner conducted the infamous Little Albert experiment (1920), a study in which Ivan Pavlov's theory to respondent conditioning was first applied to eliciting a fearful reflex of crying in a human infant, and this became the launching point for understanding covert behavior (or private events) in radical behaviorism;[16] however, Skinner felt that aversive stimuli should only be experimented on with animals and spoke out against Watson for testing something so controversial on a human.[citation needed]

In 1959, Skinner observed the emotions of two pigeons by noting that they appeared angry because their feathers ruffled. The pigeons were placed together in an operant chamber, where they were aggressive as a consequence of previous reinforcement in the environment. Through stimulus control and subsequent discrimination training, whenever Skinner turned off the green light, the pigeons came to notice that the food reinforcer is discontinued following each peck and responded without aggression. Skinner concluded that humans also learn aggression and possess such emotions (as well as other private events) no differently than do nonhuman animals.[citation needed]

Experimental and conceptual innovations

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As experimental behavioral psychology is related to behavioral neuroscience, we can date the first researches in the area were done in the beginning of 19th century.[17] Later, this essentially philosophical position gained strength from the success of Skinner's early experimental work with rats and pigeons, summarized in his books The Behavior of Organisms and Schedules of Reinforcement.[18][19] Of particular importance was his concept of the operant response, of which the canonical example was the rat's lever-press. In contrast with the idea of a physiological or reflex response, an operant is a class of structurally distinct but functionally equivalent responses. For example, while a rat might press a lever with its left paw or its right paw or its tail, all of these responses operate on the world in the same way and have a common consequence. Operants are often thought of as species of responses, where the individuals differ but the class coheres in its function-shared consequences with operants and reproductive success with species. This is a clear distinction between Skinner's theory and S–R theory.

Skinner's empirical work expanded on earlier research on trial-and-error learning by researchers such as Thorndike and Guthrie with both conceptual reformulations—Thorndike's notion of a stimulus-response "association" or "connection" was abandoned; and methodological ones—the use of the "free operant", so-called because the animal was now permitted to respond at its own rate rather than in a series of trials determined by the experimenter procedures. With this method, Skinner carried out substantial experimental work on the effects of different schedules and rates of reinforcement on the rates of operant responses made by rats and pigeons. He achieved remarkable success in training animals to perform unexpected responses, to emit large numbers of responses, and to demonstrate many empirical regularities at the purely behavioral level. This lent some credibility to his conceptual analysis. It is largely his conceptual analysis that made his work much more rigorous than his peers, a point which can be seen clearly in his seminal work Are Theories of Learning Necessary? in which he criticizes what he viewed to be theoretical weaknesses then common in the study of psychology. An important descendant of the experimental analysis of behavior is the Society for Quantitative Analysis of Behavior.[20][21]

Relation to language

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As Skinner turned from experimental work to concentrate on the philosophical underpinnings of a science of behavior, his attention turned to human language with his 1957 book Verbal Behavior[22] and other language-related publications;[23] Verbal Behavior laid out a vocabulary and theory for functional analysis of verbal behavior, and was strongly criticized in a review by Noam Chomsky.[24][25]

Skinner did not respond in detail but claimed that Chomsky failed to understand his ideas,[26] and the disagreements between the two and the theories involved have been further discussed.[27][28][29][30][31][32] Innateness theory, which has been heavily critiqued,[33][34] is opposed to behaviorist theory which claims that language is a set of habits that can be acquired by means of conditioning.[35][36][37] According to some, the behaviorist account is a process which would be too slow to explain a phenomenon as complicated as language learning. What was important for a behaviorist's analysis of human behavior was not language acquisition so much as the interaction between language and overt behavior. In an essay republished in his 1969 book Contingencies of Reinforcement,[23] Skinner took the view that humans could construct linguistic stimuli that would then acquire control over their behavior in the same way that external stimuli could. The possibility of such "instructional control" over behavior meant that contingencies of reinforcement would not always produce the same effects on human behavior as they reliably do in other animals. The focus of a radical behaviorist analysis of human behavior therefore shifted to an attempt to understand the interaction between instructional control and contingency control, and also to understand the behavioral processes that determine what instructions are constructed and what control they acquire over behavior. Recently, a new line of behavioral research on language was started under the name of relational frame theory.[38][39][40][41]

Education

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B. F. Skinner's book Verbal Behavior (1957) does not quite emphasize on language development, but to understand human behavior. Additionally, his work serves in understanding social interactions in the child's early developmental stages focusing on the topic of caregiver-infant interaction.[42] Skinner's functional analysis of verbal behavior terminology and theories is commonly used to understand the relationship between language development but was primarily designed to describe behaviors of interest and explain the cause of those behaviors.[42] Noam Chomsky, an American linguistic professor, has criticized and questioned Skinner's theories about the possible suggestion of parental tutoring in language development. However, there is a lack of supporting evidence where Skinner makes the statement.[42] Understanding language is a complex topic but can be understood through the use of two theories: innateness and acquisition. Both theories offer a different perspective whether language is inherently "acquired" or "learned".[43]

Operant conditioning

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Operant conditioning was developed by B.F. Skinner in 1938 and is form of learning in which the frequency of a behavior is controlled by consequences to change behavior.[44][18][45][46] In other words, behavior is controlled by historical consequential contingencies, particularly reinforcement—a stimulus that increases the probability of performing behaviors, and punishment—a stimulus that decreases such probability.[44] The core tools of consequences are either positive (presenting stimuli following a response), or negative (withdrawn stimuli following a response).[47]

The following descriptions explains the concepts of four common types of consequences in operant conditioning:[48]

  • Positive reinforcement: Providing a stimulus that an individual enjoys, seeks, or craves, in order to reinforce desired behaviors.[49] For example, when a person is teaching a dog to sit, they pair the command "sit" with a treat. The treat is the positive reinforcement to the behavior of sitting. The key to making positive reinforcement effect is to reward the behavior immediately.
  • Negative reinforcement: Increases the frequency of a behavior, but the behavior results from removing unpleasant or unwanted stimulus.[44] For example, a child hates being nagged (negative) to clean his room (behavior) which increases the frequency of the child cleaning his room to prevent his mother from nagging. Another example would be putting on sunscreen (behavior) before going outside to prevent sunburn (negative).
  • Positive punishment: Providing a stimulus that an individual does not desire to decrease undesired behaviors. For example, if a child engages in an undesired behavior, then parents may spank (stimulus) the child to correct their behavior.
  • Negative punishment: Removing a stimulus that an individual desires in order to decrease undesired behaviors. An example of this would be grounding a child for failing a test. Grounding in this example is taking away the child's ability to play video games. As long as it is clear that the ability to play video games was taken away because they failed a test, this is negative punishment. The key here is the connection to the behavior and the result of the behavior.[50]

A classical experiment in operant conditioning, for example, is the Skinner Box, "puzzle box" or operant conditioning chamber to test the effects of operant conditioning principles on rats, cats and other species. From this experiment, he discovered that the rats learned very effectively if they were rewarded frequently with food. Skinner also found that he could shape (create new behavior) the rats' behavior through the use of rewards, which could, in turn, be applied to human learning as well.

Skinner's model was based on the premise that reinforcement is used for the desired actions or responses while punishment was used to stop the responses of the undesired actions that are not. This theory proved that humans or animals will repeat any action that leads to a positive outcome, and avoid any action that leads to a negative outcome. The experiment with the pigeons showed that a positive outcome leads to learned behavior since the pigeon learned to peck the disc in return for the reward of food.

These historical consequential contingencies subsequently lead to (antecedent) stimulus control, but in contrast to respondent conditioning where antecedent stimuli elicit reflexive behavior, operant behavior is only emitted and therefore does not force its occurrence. It includes the following controlling stimuli:[48]

  • Discriminative stimulus (Sd): An antecedent stimulus that increases the chance of the organism engaging in a behavior. One example of this occurred in Skinner's laboratory. Whenever the green light (Sd) appeared, it signaled the pigeon to perform the behavior of pecking because it learned in the past that each time it pecked, food was presented (the positive reinforcing stimulus).
  • Stimulus delta (S-delta): An antecedent stimulus that signals the organism not to perform a behavior since it was extinguished or punished in the past. One notable instance of this occurs when a person stops their car immediately after the traffic light turns red (S-delta). However, the person could decide to drive through the red light, but subsequently receive a speeding ticket (the positive punishing stimulus), so this behavior will potentially not reoccur following the presence of the S-delta.

Respondent conditioning

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Although operant conditioning plays the largest role in discussions of behavioral mechanisms, respondent conditioning (also called Pavlovian or classical conditioning) is also an important behavior-analytic process that needs not refer to mental or other internal processes. Pavlov's experiments with dogs provide the most familiar example of the classical conditioning procedure. In the beginning, the dog was provided meat (unconditioned stimulus, UCS, naturally elicit a response that is not controlled) to eat, resulting in increased salivation (unconditioned response, UCR, which means that a response is naturally caused by UCS). Afterward, a bell ring was presented together with food to the dog. Although bell ring was a neutral stimulus (NS, meaning that the stimulus did not have any effect), dog would start to salivate when only hearing a bell ring after a number of pairings. Eventually, the neutral stimulus (bell ring) became conditioned. Therefore, salivation was elicited as a conditioned response (the response same as the unconditioned response), pairing up with meat—the conditioned stimulus)[51] Although Pavlov proposed some tentative physiological processes that might be involved in classical conditioning, these have not been confirmed.[52] The idea of classical conditioning helped behaviorist John Watson discover the key mechanism behind how humans acquire the behaviors that they do, which was to find a natural reflex that produces the response being considered.

Watson's "Behaviorist Manifesto" has three aspects that deserve special recognition: one is that psychology should be purely objective, with any interpretation of conscious experience being removed, thus leading to psychology as the "science of behavior"; the second one is that the goals of psychology should be to predict and control behavior (as opposed to describe and explain conscious mental states); the third one is that there is no notable distinction between human and non-human behavior. Following Darwin's theory of evolution, this would simply mean that human behavior is just a more complex version in respect to behavior displayed by other species.[53]

In philosophy

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Behaviorism is a psychological movement that can be contrasted with philosophy of mind.[54][55][56] The basic premise of behaviorism is that the study of behavior should be a natural science, such as chemistry or physics.[57][58] Initially behaviorism rejected any reference to hypothetical inner states of organisms as causes for their behavior, but B.F. Skinner's radical behaviorism reintroduced reference to inner states and also advocated for the study of thoughts and feelings as behaviors subject to the same mechanisms as external behavior.[57][58] Behaviorism takes a functional view of behavior. According to Edmund Fantino and colleagues: "Behavior analysis has much to offer the study of phenomena normally dominated by cognitive and social psychologists. We hope that successful application of behavioral theory and methodology will not only shed light on central problems in judgment and choice but will also generate greater appreciation of the behavioral approach."[59]

Behaviorist sentiments are not uncommon within philosophy of language and analytic philosophy. It is sometimes argued that Ludwig Wittgenstein defended a logical behaviorist position[10] (e.g., the beetle in a box argument). In logical positivism (as held, e.g., by Rudolf Carnap[10] and Carl Hempel),[10] the meaning of psychological statements are their verification conditions, which consist of performed overt behavior. W. V. O. Quine made use of a type of behaviorism,[10] influenced by some of Skinner's ideas, in his own work on language. Quine's work in semantics differed substantially from the empiricist semantics of Carnap which he attempted to create an alternative to, couching his semantic theory in references to physical objects rather than sensations. Gilbert Ryle defended a distinct strain of philosophical behaviorism, sketched in his book The Concept of Mind.[10] Ryle's central claim was that instances of dualism frequently represented "category mistakes", and hence that they were really misunderstandings of the use of ordinary language. Daniel Dennett likewise acknowledges himself to be a type of behaviorist,[60] though he offers extensive criticism of radical behaviorism and refutes Skinner's rejection of the value of intentional idioms and the possibility of free will.[61]

This is Dennett's main point in "Skinner Skinned". Dennett argues that there is a crucial difference between explaining and explaining away... If our explanation of apparently rational behavior turns out to be extremely simple, we may want to say that the behavior was not really rational after all. But if the explanation is very complex and intricate, we may want to say not that the behavior is not rational, but that we now have a better understanding of what rationality consists in. (Compare: if we find out how a computer program solves problems in linear algebra, we don't say it's not really solving them, we just say we know how it does it. On the other hand, in cases like Weizenbaum's ELIZA program, the explanation of how the computer carries on a conversation is so simple that the right thing to say seems to be that the machine isn't really carrying on a conversation, it's just a trick.)

— Curtis Brown, "Behaviorism: Skinner and Dennett", Philosophy of Mind[62]

Law of effect and trace conditioning

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Molecular versus molar behaviorism

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Skinner's view of behavior is most often characterized as a "molecular" view of behavior; that is, behavior can be decomposed into atomistic parts or molecules. This view is inconsistent with Skinner's complete description of behavior as delineated in other works, including his 1981 article "Selection by Consequences".[65] Skinner proposed that a complete account of behavior requires understanding of selection history at three levels: biology (the natural selection or phylogeny of the animal); behavior (the reinforcement history or ontogeny of the behavioral repertoire of the animal); and for some species, culture (the cultural practices of the social group to which the animal belongs). This whole organism then interacts with its environment. Molecular behaviorists use notions from melioration theory, negative power function discounting or additive versions of negative power function discounting.[66] According to Moore,[67] the perseverance in a molecular examination of behavior may be sign of a desire for an in-depth understanding, maybe to identify any underlying mechanism or components that contribute to comples actions. This strategy might involve elements, procedure, or variables that contribute to behaviorism.

Molar behaviorists, such as Howard Rachlin, Richard Herrnstein, and William Baum, argue that behavior cannot be understood by focusing on events in the moment. That is, they argue that behavior is best understood as the ultimate product of an organism's history and that molecular behaviorists are committing a fallacy by inventing fictitious proximal causes for behavior. Molar behaviorists argue that standard molecular constructs, such as "associative strength", are better replaced by molar variables such as rate of reinforcement.[68] Thus, a molar behaviorist would describe "loving someone" as a pattern of loving behavior over time; there is no isolated, proximal cause of loving behavior, only a history of behaviors (of which the current behavior might be an example) that can be summarized as "love".

Theoretical behaviorism

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Skinner's radical behaviorism has been highly successful experimentally, revealing new phenomena with new methods, but Skinner's dismissal of theory limited its development. Theoretical behaviorism[12] recognized that a historical system, an organism, has a state as well as sensitivity to stimuli and the ability to emit responses. Indeed, Skinner himself acknowledged the possibility of what he called "latent" responses in humans, even though he neglected to extend this idea to rats and pigeons.[69] Latent responses constitute a repertoire, from which operant reinforcement can select. Theoretical behaviorism links between the brain and the behavior that provides a real understanding of the behavior, rather than a mental presumption of how brain-behavior relates.[70] The theoretical concept of behaviorism are blended with knowledge of mental structure such as memory and expectancies associated with inflexible behaviorist stances that have traditionally forbidden the examination of the mental state.[71] Because of its flexibility, theoretical behaviorism permits the cognitive process to have an impact on behavior.

Behavior analysis and culture

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From its inception, behavior analysis has centered its examination on cultural occurrences (Skinner, 1953,[72] 1961,[73] 1971,[74] 1974[75]). Nevertheless, the methods used to tackle these occurrences have evolved. Initially, culture was perceived as a factor influencing behavior, later becoming a subject of study in itself.[76] This shift prompted research into group practices and the potential for significant behavioral transformations on a larger scale. Following Glenn's (1986) influential work, "Metacontingencies in Walden Two",[77]  numerous research endeavors exploring behavior analysis in cultural contexts have centered around the concept of the metacontingency. Glenn (2003) posited that understanding the origins and development of cultures necessitates delving beyond evolutionary and behavioral principles governing species characteristics and individual learned behaviors requires analysis at a major level.[78]

Behavior informatics and behavior computing

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With the fast growth of big behavioral data and applications, behavior analysis is ubiquitous. Understanding behavior from the informatics and computing perspective becomes increasingly critical for in-depth understanding of what, why and how behaviors are formed, interact, evolve, change and affect business and decision. Behavior informatics and behavior computing deeply explore behavior intelligence and behavior insights from the informatics and computing perspectives.

Pavel et al. (2015) found that in the realm of healthcare and health psychology, substantial evidence supports the notion that personalized health interventions yield greater effectiveness compared to standardized approaches. Additionally, researchers found that recent progress in sensor and communication technology, coupled with data analysis and computational modeling, holds significant potential in revolutionizing interventions aimed at changing health behavior. Simultaneous advancements in sensor and communication technology, alongside the field of data science, have now made it possible to comprehensively measure behaviors occurring in real-life settings. These two elements, when combined with advancements in computational modeling, have laid the groundwork for the emerging discipline known as behavioral informatics. Behavioral informatics represents a scientific and engineering domain encompassing behavior tracking, evaluation, computational modeling, deduction, and intervention.[79]

Criticisms and limitations

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In the second half of the 20th century, behaviorism was largely eclipsed as a result of the cognitive revolution.[80][81] This shift was due to radical behaviorism being highly criticized for not examining mental processes, and this led to the development of the cognitive therapy movement. In the mid-20th century, three main influences arose that would inspire and shape cognitive psychology as a formal school of thought:

  • Noam Chomsky's 1959 critique of behaviorism, and empiricism more generally, initiated what would come to be known as the "cognitive revolution".[82]
  • Developments in computer science would lead to parallels being drawn between human thought and the computational functionality of computers, opening entirely new areas of psychological thought. Allen Newell and Herbert Simon spent years developing the concept of artificial intelligence (AI) and later worked with cognitive psychologists regarding the implications of AI. The effective result was more of a framework conceptualization of mental functions with their counterparts in computers (memory, storage, retrieval, etc.).
  • Formal recognition of the field involved the establishment of research institutions such as George Mandler's Center for Human Information Processing in 1964. Mandler described the origins of cognitive psychology in a 2002 article in the Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences[83]

In more recent years, several scholars have expressed reservations about the pragmatic tendencies of behaviorism.

  • Burgos (2003) highlights the potential peril of pragmatism, noting that within William James pragmatism—widely discussed in philosophy and science, including behaviorism and behavior analysis—there exists a tolerance for anything deemed useful, even if nonsensical.[84] Additionally, Burgos (2007) contends that pragmatism engenders a relativism that contradicts the emphasis on science as the paramount path to knowledge.[85]
  • Staddon (2018, as cited in Araiba, 2019) further argues that the proliferation of diversification in social science poses disadvantages by hindering healthy and open scientific communication and critique among specialized areas.[86]
  • Rider (1991) shares a similar concern, highlighting reduced communication between the experimental analysis of behavior and applied behavior analysis. Contrarily, diversification is portrayed as an innate and uncontrollable consequence of the environment, a natural facet contributing to species' survival. It is viewed as an integral aspect of the evolution of behaviorism.[87]

In the early years of cognitive psychology, behaviorist critics held that the empiricism it pursued was incompatible with the concept of internal mental states. Cognitive neuroscience, however, continues to gather evidence of direct correlations between physiological brain activity and putative mental states, endorsing the basis for cognitive psychology.

Limitations

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Staddon (1993) found that Skinner's theory presents two significant deficiencies: Firstly, he downplayed the significance of processes responsible for generating novel behaviors, which it is term as "behavioral variation." Skinner primarily emphasized reinforcement as the sole determinant for selecting responses, overlooking these critical processes involved in creating new behaviors. Secondly, both Skinner and many other behaviorists of that era endorsed contiguity as a sufficient process for response selection. However, Rescorla and Wagner (1972) later demonstrated, particularly in classical conditioning, that competition is an essential complement to contiguity. They showed that in operant conditioning, both contiguity and competition are imperative for discerning cause-and-effect relationships.[88]

The influential Rescorla-Wagner model  highlights the significance of competition for limited "associative value," essential for assessing predictability. A similar formal argument was presented by Ying Zhang and John Staddon (1991, in press) concerning operant conditioning: the combination of contiguity and competition among action tendencies suffices as an assignment-of-credit mechanism capable of detecting genuine instrumental contingency between a response and its reinforcer.[89] This mechanism delineates the limitations of Skinner's idea of adventitious reinforcement, revealing its efficacy only under stringent conditions – when the reinforcement's strengthening effect is nearly constant across instances and with very short intervals between reinforcers. However, these conditions rarely hold in reality: behavior following reinforcement tends to exhibit high variability, and superstitious behavior diminishes with extremely brief intervals between reinforcements.[88]

Behavior therapy

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Behavior therapy is a term referring to different types of therapies that treat mental health disorders. It identifies and helps change people's unhealthy behaviors or destructive behaviors through learning theory and conditioning. Ivan Pavlov's classical conditioning, as well as counterconditioning are the basis for much of clinical behavior therapy, but also includes other techniques, including operant conditioning—or contingency management, and modeling (sometimes called observational learning). A frequently noted behavior therapy is systematic desensitization (graduated exposure therapy), which was first demonstrated by Joseph Wolpe and Arnold Lazarus.[90]

Behavior analysis

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Applied behavior analysis (ABA)—also called behavioral engineering—is a scientific discipline that applies the principles of behavior analysis to change behavior. ABA derived from much earlier research in the Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, which was founded by B.F. Skinner and his colleagues at Harvard University. Nearly a decade after the study "The psychiatric nurse as a behavioral engineer" (1959) was published in that journal, which demonstrated how effective the token economy was in reinforcing more adaptive behavior for hospitalized patients with schizophrenia and intellectual disability, it led to researchers at the University of Kansas to start the Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis in 1968.

Although ABA and behavior modification are similar behavior-change technologies in that the learning environment is modified through respondent and operant conditioning, behavior modification did not initially address the causes of the behavior (particularly, the environmental stimuli that occurred in the past), or investigate solutions that would otherwise prevent the behavior from reoccurring. As the evolution of ABA began to unfold in the mid-1980s, functional behavior assessments (FBAs) were developed to clarify the function of that behavior, so that it is accurately determined which differential reinforcement contingencies will be most effective and less likely for aversive punishments to be administered.[16][91][92] In addition, methodological behaviorism was the theory underpinning behavior modification since private events were not conceptualized during the 1970s and early 1980s, which contrasted from the radical behaviorism of behavior analysis. ABA—the term that replaced behavior modification—has emerged into a thriving field.[16][93]

The independent development of behavior analysis outside the United States also continues to develop.[94][95][96][97][98][99] In the US, the American Psychological Association (APA) features a subdivision for Behavior Analysis, titled APA Division 25: Behavior Analysis, which has been in existence since 1964, and the interests among behavior analysts today are wide-ranging, as indicated in a review of the 30 Special Interest Groups (SIGs) within the Association for Behavior Analysis International (ABAI). Such interests include everything from animal behavior and environmental conservation to classroom instruction (such as direct instruction and precision teaching), verbal behavior, developmental disabilities and autism, clinical psychology (i.e., forensic behavior analysis), behavioral medicine (i.e., behavioral gerontology, AIDS prevention, and fitness training), and consumer behavior analysis.

The field of applied animal behavior—a sub-discipline of ABA that involves training animals—is regulated by the Animal Behavior Society, and those who practice this technique are called applied animal behaviorists. Research on applied animal behavior has been frequently conducted in the Applied Animal Behaviour Science journal since its founding in 1974.

ABA has also been particularly well-established in the area of developmental disabilities since the 1960s, but it was not until the late 1980s that individuals diagnosed with autism spectrum disorders were beginning to grow so rapidly and groundbreaking research was being published that parent advocacy groups started demanding for services throughout the 1990s, which encouraged the formation of the Behavior Analyst Certification Board, a credentialing program that certifies professionally trained behavior analysts on the national level to deliver such services. Nevertheless, the certification is applicable to all human services related to the rather broad field of behavior analysis (other than the treatment for autism), and the ABAI currently has 14 accredited MA and Ph.D. programs for comprehensive study in that field.

Early behavioral interventions (EBIs) based on ABA are empirically validated for teaching children with autism and have been proven as such for over the past five decades. Since the late 1990s and throughout the twenty-first century, early ABA interventions have also been identified as the treatment of choice by the US Surgeon General, American Academy of Pediatrics, and US National Research Council.

Discrete trial training—also called early intensive behavioral intervention—is the traditional EBI technique implemented for thirty to forty hours per week that instructs a child to sit in a chair, imitate fine and gross motor behaviors, as well as learn eye contact and speech, which are taught through shaping, modeling, and prompting, with such prompting being phased out as the child begins mastering each skill. When the child becomes more verbal from discrete trials, the table-based instructions are later discontinued, and another EBI procedure known as incidental teaching is introduced in the natural environment by having the child ask for desired items kept out of their direct access, as well as allowing the child to choose the play activities that will motivate them to engage with their facilitators before teaching the child how to interact with other children their own age.

A related term for incidental teaching, called pivotal response treatment (PRT), refers to EBI procedures that exclusively entail twenty-five hours per week of naturalistic teaching (without initially using discrete trials). Current research is showing that there is a wide array of learning styles and that is the children with receptive language delays who initially require discrete trials to acquire speech.

Organizational behavior management, which applies contingency management procedures to model and reinforce appropriate work behavior for employees in organizations, has developed a particularly strong following within ABA, as evidenced by the formation of the OBM Network and Journal of Organizational Behavior Management, which was rated the third-highest impact journal in applied psychology by ISI JOBM rating.

Modern-day clinical behavior analysis has also witnessed a massive resurgence in research, with the development of relational frame theory (RFT), which is described as an extension of verbal behavior and a "post-Skinnerian account of language and cognition."[100][38][39][40] RFT also forms the empirical basis for acceptance and commitment therapy, a therapeutic approach to counseling often used to manage such conditions as anxiety and obesity that consists of acceptance and commitment, value-based living, cognitive defusion, counterconditioning (mindfulness), and contingency management (positive reinforcement).[101][102][103][104][105][106] Another evidence-based counseling technique derived from RFT is the functional analytic psychotherapy known as behavioral activation that relies on the ACL model—awareness, courage, and love—to reinforce more positive moods for those struggling with depression.

Incentive-based contingency management (CM) is the standard of care for adults with substance-use disorders; it has also been shown to be highly effective for other addictions (i.e., obesity and gambling). Although it does not directly address the underlying causes of behavior, incentive-based CM is highly behavior analytic as it targets the function of the client's motivational behavior by relying on a preference assessment, which is an assessment procedure that allows the individual to select the preferred reinforcer (in this case, the monetary value of the voucher, or the use of other incentives, such as prizes). Another evidence-based CM intervention for substance abuse is community reinforcement approach and family training that uses FBAs and counterconditioning techniques—such as behavioral skills training and relapse prevention—to model and reinforce healthier lifestyle choices which promote self-management of abstinence from drugs, alcohol, or cigarette smoking during high-risk exposure when engaging with family members, friends, and co-workers.

While schoolwide positive behavior support consists of conducting assessments and a task analysis plan to differentially reinforce curricular supports that replace students' disruptive behavior in the classroom, pediatric feeding therapy incorporates a liquid chaser and chin feeder to shape proper eating behavior for children with feeding disorders. Habit reversal training, an approach firmly grounded in counterconditioning which uses contingency management procedures to reinforce alternative behavior, is currently the only empirically validated approach for managing tic disorders.

Some studies on exposure (desensitization) therapies—which refer to an array of interventions based on the respondent conditioning procedure known as habituation and typically infuses counterconditioning procedures, such as meditation and breathing exercises—have recently been published in behavior analytic journals since the 1990s, as most other research is conducted from a cognitive-behavior therapy framework. When based on a behavior analytic research standpoint, FBAs are implemented to precisely outline how to employ the flooding form of desensitization (also called direct exposure therapy) for those who are unsuccessful in overcoming their specific phobia through systematic desensitization (also known as graduated exposure therapy). These studies also reveal that systematic desensitization is more effective for children if used in conjunction with shaping, which is further termed contact desensitization, but this comparison has yet to be substantiated with adults.

Other widely published behavior analytic journals include Behavior Modification, The Behavior Analyst, Journal of Positive Behavior Interventions, Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science, The Analysis of Verbal Behavior, Behavior and Philosophy, Behavior and Social Issues, and The Psychological Record.

Cognitive-behavior therapy

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Cognitive-behavior therapy (CBT) is a behavior therapy discipline that often overlaps considerably with the clinical behavior analysis subfield of ABA, but differs in that it initially incorporates cognitive restructuring and emotional regulation to alter a person's cognition and emotions. Various forms of CBT have been used to treat physically experienced symptoms that disrupt individuals' livelihood, which often stem from complex mental health disorders. Complications of many trauma-induced disorders result in lack of sleep and nightmares, with cognitive behavior therapy functioning as an intervention found to reduce the average number of PTSD patients suffering from related sleep disturbance.[107]

A popularly noted counseling intervention known as dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) includes the use of a chain analysis, as well as cognitive restructuring, emotional regulation, distress tolerance, counterconditioning (mindfulness), and contingency management (positive reinforcement). DBT is quite similar to acceptance and commitment therapy, but contrasts in that it derives from a CBT framework. Although DBT is most widely researched for and empirically validated to reduce the risk of suicide in psychiatric patients with borderline personality disorder, it can often be applied effectively to other mental health conditions, such as substance abuse, as well as mood and eating disorders. A study on BPD was conducted, confirming DBT as a constructive therapeutic option for emotionally unregulated patients. Before DBT, participants with borderline personality disorder were shown images of highly emotional people and neuron activity in the amygdala was recorded via fMRI; after 1 year of consistent dialectical behavior therapy, participants were re-tested, with fMRI capturing a decrease in amygdala hyperactivity (emotional activation) in response to the applied stimulus, exhibiting increases in emotional regulation capabilities.[108]

Most research on exposure therapies (also called desensitization)—ranging from eye movement desensitization and reprocessing therapy to exposure and response prevention—are conducted through a CBT framework in non-behavior analytic journals, and these enhanced exposure therapies are well-established in the research literature for treating phobic, post-traumatic stress, and other anxiety disorders (such as obsessive-compulsive disorder, or OCD).

Cognitive-based behavioral activation (BA)—the psychotherapeutic approach used for depression—is shown to be highly effective and is widely used in clinical practice. Some large randomized control trials have indicated that cognitive-based BA is as beneficial as antidepressant medications but more efficacious than traditional cognitive therapy. Other commonly used clinical treatments derived from behavioral learning principles that are often implemented through a CBT model include community reinforcement approach and family training, and habit reversal training for substance abuse and tics, respectively.

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List of notable behaviorists

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See also

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Reference in APA 7th edition format

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
Behaviorism is a foundational in that prioritizes the scientific study of observable and measurable behaviors over internal mental states or , positing that all behaviors are acquired through interactions with the environment via processes like conditioning. Its core aim, as originally articulated, is to establish as a purely objective experimental branch of dedicated to the prediction and control of . This approach rejects subjective as unreliable and instead focuses on empirical methods to understand how stimuli elicit responses, treating and as continuous phenomena shaped by external factors. The origins of behaviorism trace back to the early 20th century as a reaction against the introspective methods dominant in structuralist and functionalist psychology. John B. Watson, often regarded as the founder, formally introduced the paradigm in his 1913 paper, arguing that psychology should abandon unobservable concepts like thoughts and feelings in favor of rigorous, laboratory-based analysis of habits and responses. Watson's views were heavily influenced by earlier work in animal psychology, including Edward Thorndike's law of effect (1898), which suggested that behaviors followed by satisfying consequences are more likely to be repeated. A pivotal precursor was Ivan Pavlov's research on classical conditioning, detailed in his 1927 lectures, where he demonstrated how a neutral stimulus (e.g., a bell) paired repeatedly with an unconditioned stimulus (e.g., food) could elicit a conditioned response (e.g., salivation) independently. In the mid-20th century, advanced behaviorism into , first outlined in his 1938 book The Behavior of Organisms and explicitly termed in 1945, which extended the framework to include private events like thinking as forms of behavior while maintaining an . Skinner's emphasis on —where voluntary behaviors are strengthened or weakened by reinforcements (positive or negative) or punishments—became central, as seen in his experimental analyses using devices like the Skinner box to study response rates under varying schedules. This evolution positioned behaviorism as a pragmatic , applicable to education, therapy, and animal training, with Skinner's work dominating today. Behaviorism reached its peak influence in American psychology during the to 1950s, shaping research and practice through its empirical rigor and rejection of . However, it faced criticism for oversimplifying complex human , leading to the of the late 1950s and 1960s, which reintegrated mental processes via information-processing models. Despite this shift, behaviorist principles persist in diverse fields, including (e.g., cognitive-behavioral therapy) and , demonstrating its enduring adaptability and diversification into variants like contextualistic and intentional behaviorism.

Historical Development

Origins and Early Influences

The foundations of behaviorism emerged from 18th- and 19th-century philosophical and empirical traditions that emphasized observable associations over introspective analysis of the mind. Associationism, a key precursor, posited that mental processes arise from the linking of simple ideas through principles like contiguity, resemblance, and cause-and-effect. David Hume's A Treatise of Human Nature (1739) articulated these ideas, arguing that habits form when impressions connect via temporal or spatial proximity and causal relations, providing an empirical basis for understanding learning without invoking innate structures. These associationist principles influenced early psychology by framing intelligent behavior as the outcome of experiential linkages, setting the stage for behaviorism's rejection of unobservable mental states. In the realm of animal psychology, Edward Thorndike's late-19th-century experiments further developed these associative concepts through objective observation. Beginning in 1898, Thorndike placed cats in puzzle boxes, where they had to manipulate levers or strings to escape and access food; over repeated trials, the animals reduced random actions, demonstrating learning via trial-and-error that strengthened successful responses. This work culminated in his 1905 statement of the , which held that connections between stimuli and responses are fortified by satisfying consequences and weakened by annoying ones, emphasizing environmental over or . Thorndike's findings in Animal Intelligence (1911) highlighted the continuity of learning across and provided an empirical foundation for later behavioral theories, including as an extension of his associative framework. Parallel advancements came from Ivan Pavlov's physiological research in during the 1890s and early 1900s, which inadvertently uncovered while investigating digestion. In salivary reflex studies, Pavlov observed that dogs produced not only to (the unconditioned stimulus eliciting the unconditioned response of salivation) but also to previously neutral cues like a bell when repeatedly paired with food presentation. Over time, the bell alone became a conditioned stimulus, triggering the conditioned response of salivation, demonstrating how reflexive behaviors could be acquired through temporal association without awareness or intention. Detailed in his lecture (1904) and elaborated in Conditioned Reflexes (1927), Pavlov's methodology shifted focus to measurable reflexes, reinforcing behaviorism's commitment to objective, physiological explanations of learning. By the 1910s, amid growing dissatisfaction with the subjective methods of —which dissected via —and functionalism—which examined mental adaptations without rigorous observability—behaviorism coalesced as a distinct school. , critiquing these approaches for their reliance on unverifiable inner experiences, advocated in his 1913 manifesto "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It" for a centered on predicting and controlling overt behavior through environmental determinants, dismissing innate traits or as primary causal factors. This , rooted in the prior influences of , animal experimentation, and conditioning, formalized behaviorism's emergence as psychology's objective alternative around 1913.

Key Figures and Evolution

John B. Watson is widely regarded as the founder of behaviorism, launching the movement with his seminal 1913 manifesto, "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It," which positioned psychology as a purely objective experimental science focused on observable behavior while explicitly excluding and from its scope. Watson's influence extended to practical demonstrations, such as the 1920 conducted with , which conditioned a response in an infant toward a white rat by pairing it with a loud noise, illustrating the principles of emotional conditioning and stimulus generalization. Preceding Watson's formalization, laid foundational ideas through his 1911 theory of , articulated in "Animal Intelligence," which emphasized that learning occurs via the formation of stimulus-response connections strengthened by satisfying outcomes (the Law of Effect) and trial-and-error processes. Building on such empirical foundations as Ivan Pavlov's , behaviorism gained traction in the 1920s within U.S. universities, where it rose as a dominant emphasizing environmental determinants of . In the 1930s and 1940s, advanced behaviorism into , detailed in his 1938 book "The Behavior of Organisms," which shifted focus from respondent stimuli to through contingencies while incorporating private events like thoughts as behaviors subject to environmental control. Concurrently, neobehaviorism emerged in the 1940s, exemplified by Clark Hull's hypothetico-deductive in "Principles of Behavior" (1943), which formalized learning as drive reduction via mathematical models of habit strength, incentive, and inhibition to predict behavioral outcomes systematically. Behaviorism reached its peak influence from 1930 to 1950, shaping and applications in and , before declining in the 1960s amid the , which critiqued its neglect of internal mental processes.

Core Principles

Respondent Conditioning

Respondent conditioning, also known as , is a form of associative learning in which a neutral stimulus becomes associated with an unconditioned stimulus that naturally elicits a response, resulting in the neutral stimulus alone triggering a learned response after repeated pairings. In this process, the unconditioned stimulus () automatically produces an unconditioned response (), while the neutral stimulus (NS) initially has no effect; through contiguity, the NS is transformed into a conditioned stimulus (CS) that elicits a conditioned response (CR). This mechanism can be conceptually represented as: repeated pairings of CS (formerly NS) + → CR. The foundational experiments demonstrating respondent conditioning were conducted by Russian physiologist between 1901 and 1904, building on his earlier work on in dogs during the 1890s. Pavlov observed that dogs salivated (UR) to food (US) presented in his laboratory; he then paired a neutral stimulus, such as a or bell, with the food, leading the dogs to salivate (CR) to the sound alone after several trials. Further investigations revealed key properties: , where the CR diminishes if the CS is presented repeatedly without the US; , in which the extinguished CR partially reemerges after a rest period; stimulus generalization, where similar stimuli to the CS also elicit the CR; and , where animals learn to respond only to the specific CS through differential reinforcement. American psychologist John B. Watson extended respondent conditioning to human emotional responses in his 1920 experiment with infant Albert B., demonstrating how fears and phobias could develop through associative learning. Watson and collaborator Rosalie Rayner paired a white rat (initially neutral to the 9-month-old Albert) with a loud noise (US) that provoked fear (UR); after seven pairings, the rat alone (CS) elicited crying and avoidance (CR), with the fear generalizing to similar furry objects like a rabbit or dog. This study illustrated the potential for respondent conditioning to shape involuntary emotional behaviors in humans, influencing early behaviorist views on phobia acquisition. Advanced concepts in respondent conditioning include higher-order conditioning, where a new neutral stimulus acquires excitatory properties by being paired with an existing CS rather than the US directly, forming associative chains such as CS1 → CS2 → US. For instance, Pavlov noted dogs salivating to a tone paired with a that was previously conditioned to . Trace conditioning involves a temporal gap between the CS offset and US onset, requiring the to maintain a trace of the CS to form the association, which can enhance higher-order effects by strengthening representational links.

Operant Conditioning

Operant conditioning, also known as instrumental conditioning, refers to the process by which s are strengthened or weakened through their consequences, emphasizing voluntary actions rather than reflexive responses. This approach builds on earlier ideas by focusing on how outcomes following a behavior influence its future occurrence, allowing for the analysis of complex, goal-directed activities that may incorporate elements of respondent conditioning to form compound behaviors. The foundational principle of operant conditioning is Edward Thorndike's , proposed in 1905, which states that behaviors followed by satisfying consequences are more likely to be repeated, while those followed by dissatisfying consequences are less likely to recur. Thorndike formalized this as the strengthening or weakening of stimulus-response (S-R) associations based on outcomes, derived from his puzzle-box experiments with cats where escape and reward gradually reduced trial-and-error attempts. refined this concept in the 1930s by shifting emphasis from S-R bonds to response-consequence (R-S) relations, arguing that behaviors operate on the environment to produce reinforcing or punishing effects independently of specific eliciting stimuli. Skinner's free operant methodology allowed subjects to respond at will in controlled settings, enabling precise measurement of rates without imposed trials, as detailed in his seminal 1938 work. Skinner distinguished between positive reinforcement, which involves presenting a desirable stimulus to increase behavior (e.g., providing food after a response), and negative reinforcement, which removes an aversive stimulus to achieve the same effect (e.g., turning off a upon responding). In contrast, decreases behavior through positive (adding an aversive stimulus, like an electric shock) or negative (withdrawing a desirable one, such as removing access to play). These contingencies form the core of , with reinforcement schedules determining the pattern and persistence of behaviors. Reinforcement schedules vary in predictability and timing, profoundly affecting behavior maintenance. Fixed-ratio schedules deliver reinforcement after a set number of responses, producing high response rates with brief pauses post-reward, as seen in piecework pay systems. Variable-ratio schedules provide reinforcement after an unpredictable number of responses, yielding steady, resistant-to-extinction responding, exemplified by slot machines where wins occur after varying pulls. Fixed-interval schedules reinforce the first response after a fixed time, leading to scalloped response patterns with increasing rate near reinforcement time, while variable-interval schedules reinforce after varying times, resulting in moderate, consistent responding akin to checking email for sporadic messages. These schedules were systematically explored by Skinner and colleagues in their 1957 analysis. A key innovation in studying was Skinner's operant conditioning chamber, developed in the 1930s, which isolated the subject to observe self-initiated behaviors and their consequences without external prompts. In typical experiments, a hungry placed in the chamber would explore and eventually press a lever, receiving a pellet as positive , gradually increasing the lever-pressing rate. Skinner introduced shaping, or successive approximations, to build complex behaviors by reinforcing incremental steps toward the target response, such as initially rewarding proximity to the lever before exact presses. This apparatus and method, described in Skinner's 1938 publication, revolutionized behavioral research by quantifying operant responses through cumulative recorders.

Branches of Behaviorism

Methodological Behaviorism

Methodological behaviorism, pioneered by in the early , posits as a purely objective experimental branch of , focusing exclusively on observable behavior while deliberately excluding or references to unobservable mental states from scientific inquiry. Watson articulated this approach in his seminal 1913 manifesto, arguing that should model itself after the s by studying behavior through controlled experiments on stimuli and responses, thereby eliminating subjective elements like that had dominated earlier psychological traditions. This methodological stance emphasized empirical rigor, predicting that with sufficient data on environmental influences, behaviors could be accurately forecasted and controlled, much like physical laws govern inanimate objects. Central to methodological behaviorism are two key tenets: , which asserts that behavior is primarily shaped by external stimuli and learning experiences rather than innate or hereditary factors, and a strict anti-mentalism in research methodology, which rejects the analysis of internal mental processes as unverifiable and unscientific. Watson contended that all behavior, from simple reflexes to complex habits, arises from conditioning through environmental interactions, famously claiming in his writings that he could take any healthy and, through controlled conditioning, shape them into any specialist—lawyer, doctor, or even thief—given the right environmental manipulations. This underscored the belief that nurture overrides nature in behavioral development, positioning methodological behaviorism as a tool for practical prediction and control in human affairs. Watson's approach found practical applications beyond academia, notably in his work during the as a consultant for the , where he applied behavioral principles to influence consumer responses through stimulus-based campaigns, such as associating products with emotional triggers like or desire. Additionally, in his 1928 book Psychological Care of Infant and Child, Watson extended methodological behaviorism to child-rearing, advising parents to minimize emotional attachments and to foster independent, conditioned behaviors, recommending strict schedules for feeding and sleeping to shape habits through consistent environmental cues. These applications demonstrated the method's utility in real-world domains, prioritizing observable outcomes over subjective experiences. While methodological behaviorism did not outright deny the existence of private events like thoughts or feelings, it excluded them from on the grounds that they were not directly observable and thus could not be reliably measured or manipulated. This limitation maintained a sharp boundary between and , ensuring focus on verifiable data, though it later influenced the evolution toward , which sought to incorporate such private events as forms of covert subject to environmental control.

Radical Behaviorism

Radical behaviorism, developed by , represents a comprehensive of the science of behavior that treats behavior as a natural phenomenon amenable to scientific analysis, extending the scope to include private events such as thoughts and feelings conceptualized as covert forms of behavior rather than mental causes. Unlike methodological behaviorism, which limits study to actions, radical behaviorism asserts that private events can be understood through the same functional principles as public behavior, without invoking unobservable mental entities. This approach emphasizes contingency analysis—examining the functional relations between environmental variables and behavior—over traditional notions of mechanical causation, rejecting explanatory fictions like "" or innate drives as circular or tautological. Central to radical behaviorism is the three-term contingency, which describes the basic unit of analysis in operant : an antecedent stimulus (or discriminative stimulus) that sets the occasion for a response, the itself, and the subsequent consequence (such as or ) that influences the future probability of that . Skinner argued that this framework allows for prediction and control of without resorting to hypothetical internal states, positioning as selected by its consequences in a manner analogous to . By integrating private events into this analysis, radical behaviorism maintains a monistic view of , where all actions—overt or covert—are products of environmental histories rather than autonomous mental processes. In the 1950s, Skinner advanced through his work on , proposing that language and communication are forms of operant behavior shaped by social reinforcements, as detailed in his seminal book . He also applied these principles to , developing teaching machines and programmed instruction to create optimal learning environments based on immediate reinforcement, influencing pedagogical practices. These ideas laid the groundwork for (ABA), which emerged in the as a practical extension of , with foundational standards outlined in the 1968 paper by Baer, Wolf, and Risley that emphasized socially significant behavior change through experimental validation. Today, remains the dominant philosophical foundation within behavior analysis, guiding research and practice in fields like ABA, though recent reviews note increasing diversification, including integrations with and , as explored in Araiba's 2020 analysis of behaviorism's evolving landscape. This enduring influence underscores Skinner's vision of a unified of behavior capable of addressing complex human issues without mentalistic assumptions.

Other Variants

Psychological behaviorism, developed by Arthur W. Staats in the and , represents a social learning that extends classical behaviorism to encompass complex human phenomena such as , , and cultural influences through the lens of learned repertoires. This approach posits that emerges from three fundamental behavioral repertoires—language-cognitive, sensory-motor, and emotional-motivational—which are shaped by social reinforcement and discriminative stimuli, allowing for a unified of individual differences without invoking internal mental states. Staats' framework integrates as a key mediator, drawing on B.F. Skinner's operant principles but emphasizing hierarchical learning structures to explain how attitudes and self-concepts form through repeated social interactions. Theoretical behaviorism, advanced by Clark Hull in his 1943 work Principles of Behavior, employs a hypothetico-deductive to formalize learning as a drive-reduction process, where behavior is predicted through mathematical models of biological needs and . Hull's core for reaction potential is sEr=sHr×DsEr = sHr \times D, where sErsEr is excitatory reaction potential, sHrsHr denotes habit strength (learned associations from ), and DD represents drive (arousal from deprivation), illustrating how these factors multiplicatively determine the strength of a behavioral response. This systematic approach aimed to derive all behavioral laws from empirical postulates, influencing mid-20th-century by prioritizing quantifiable variables over subjective . Interbehaviorism, formulated by J.R. Kantor in the 1950s as outlined in his 1959 book Interbehavioral Psychology, conceptualizes psychological events as dynamic interactions within a field comprising the , stimuli, setting, and response segments, rejecting mechanistic as the sole explanatory . Kantor's field theory emphasizes the contextual and historical specificity of behavior, viewing it as an event arising from mutual influences among interdependent factors rather than linear cause-effect chains, thus promoting a naturalistic, non-reductionist of behavior. This variant avoids hypotheticals like drives or innate mechanisms, focusing instead on observable interrelations to account for adaptive adjustments in diverse environments. In the 1920s, behaviorism intersected with early discussions in behavioral genetics amid the eugenics movement, where figures like countered hereditarian claims by stressing in shaping traits, thereby clarifying behaviorism's commitment to modifiable external influences over fixed genetic endowments. Although some psychological institutes of the era, such as Yale's, linked behavioral research to eugenic policies, behaviorism's core tenets rejected innate inferiority arguments, prioritizing conditioning as the primary driver of human variation—a perspective now recognized as outdated in light of integrated gene-environment models. Teleological behaviorism, as articulated by in his 1932 publication Purposive Behavior in Animals and Men, incorporates goal-directed explanations into a behaviorist framework, positing that animal actions reflect cognitive maps and expectancies oriented toward achieving purposes, rather than mere stimulus-response associations. This variant bridges mechanistic behaviorism with purposive interpretations, using experiments to demonstrate how behaviors are organized around intervening variables like "means-ends readiness," influencing subsequent neobehaviorist developments.

Experimental Methods and Innovations

Classical Experiments

One of the earliest foundational experiments in behaviorism was Edward Thorndike's study on animal intelligence, conducted in 1898, where he placed hungry cats inside puzzle boxes to observe their learning processes. The boxes were designed such that the cats could escape and access food by performing a specific action, such as pulling a string or pressing a , often after initial random clawing and biting at the . Thorndike recorded the latency—the time from placement in the box to successful escape—for multiple trials across several cats, demonstrating that escape times decreased progressively as the animals repeated the trials, indicating learning through trial-and-error association rather than or reasoning. In the early 1900s, Ivan Pavlov's experiments on established precise methods for studying reflexive responses in dogs, focusing on salivation as a measurable indicator of learning. To quantify salivation objectively, Pavlov surgically implanted fistulas—small tubes—into the dogs' salivary glands and cheeks, allowing direct collection and measurement of without interference from or other behaviors. By pairing a neutral stimulus, such as a or light, with an unconditioned stimulus like food powder that naturally elicited salivation, Pavlov observed acquisition curves where the conditioned response (salivation to the neutral stimulus alone) strengthened over repeated trials, typically reaching after 20-50 pairings depending on the stimulus intensity. These "tower experiments," conducted in his physiological laboratory, provided empirical evidence that reflexes could be conditioned through temporal contiguity, laying the groundwork for respondent conditioning. John B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner's 1920 extended to human s, demonstrating that could be acquired in infants. The subject, a 9-month-old boy named Albert, initially showed no toward a white but displayed distress to a loud produced by striking a with a hammer. After seven pairings of presenting the followed immediately by the , Albert developed a conditioned response to the alone, crying and attempting to crawl away; this generalized to similar stimuli, including a , fur coat, and even a mask, persisting at least 31 days later without trials. The study highlighted the transfer of emotional responses through association, though it has been criticized for ethical concerns. B.F. Skinner's development of the cumulative recorder in the 1930s revolutionized the measurement of operant behavior rates in controlled environments. Working with rats in operant chambers (later known as Skinner boxes), Skinner invented the device to graphically depict cumulative responses over time: a motorized pen moved horizontally at a constant speed to represent time, while each lever press or key peck stepped the pen vertically, producing a sloping line whose steepness directly indicated response rate. Introduced in his 1938 book, the recorder allowed real-time visualization of behavior patterns, such as steady slopes for constant rates or pauses for extinction, enabling precise analysis without aggregating data into averages and influencing subsequent operant conditioning research.

Conceptual Advances

One of the foundational conceptual advances in behaviorism was B.F. Skinner's distinction between respondent and operant behaviors, introduced in the late 1930s. Respondent behaviors are elicited by antecedent stimuli through processes, as originally described by Pavlov, whereas operant behaviors are emitted by the organism and shaped by their consequences on the environment. This differentiation allowed behaviorists to analyze voluntary actions independently of reflexive responses, emphasizing environmental contingencies over internal drives. Building on this framework, Skinner extended operant conditioning to include escape and avoidance procedures during the 1930s, refining the understanding of negative reinforcement. In escape conditioning, a behavior terminates an ongoing aversive stimulus, thereby increasing the likelihood of that behavior recurring in similar situations. Avoidance conditioning, in contrast, involves behaviors that prevent the onset of an aversive stimulus altogether, such as a rat pressing a lever to delay electric shock. These concepts highlighted how punishment and reinforcement interact to maintain behavioral repertoires, providing tools for analyzing complex motivational systems without invoking unobservable mental states. In the 1950s, Skinner advanced chain analysis as a method to decompose complex behaviors into sequences of linked operant responses, each reinforced in relation to the next. This approach treated intricate actions, like solving a puzzle or performing a skill, as chains where terminal links produce primary reinforcers, and earlier links gain strength through secondary reinforcement from subsequent behaviors. Such analysis underpinned innovations like teaching machines, which programmed sequential tasks to build response chains incrementally, fostering cumulative learning through immediate feedback. The debate between molar and molecular views of behavior, prominent in the 1940s, further refined behaviorist theory by contrasting functional and mechanistic analyses. Molecular approaches, aligned with Skinner's early work, focused on discrete stimulus-response units and physiological mechanisms underlying individual responses. Molar perspectives, influenced by figures like Tolman, emphasized holistic functional relations between overall behavior and environmental contexts, viewing actions in terms of purpose or goal-directed patterns rather than atomic elements. This tension spurred conceptual clarity, with Skinner advocating a synthesis where molecular processes support molar outcomes, enhancing the explanatory power of environmental determinism./Lectures/Lecture%2012%20-%20Behaviorism/12%20Behaviorism.pdf)

Applications in Education

Learning Theories

Behaviorist learning theories emphasize the formation of associations between stimuli and responses (S-R) through environmental interactions, viewing learning as a measurable change in behavior rather than internal mental processes. These theories, developed in the early , prioritize observable mechanisms such as repetition and to explain how habits and skills are acquired, laying the groundwork for later applications in and . Connectionism, proposed by Edward Thorndike in 1911, posits that learning occurs through the trial-and-error establishment of connections between stimuli and multiple possible responses, with successful responses becoming dominant over time. Thorndike outlined three primary laws: the , which states that behaviors followed by satisfying consequences are strengthened and more likely to recur, while those followed by discomfort are weakened; the law of exercise, asserting that repeated connections between stimuli and responses are strengthened, whereas disuse leads to weakening; and the law of readiness, suggesting that learning is facilitated when an organism is prepared to respond, reducing discomfort from unmet needs. These principles, derived from Thorndike's puzzle-box experiments with animals, underscored that learning is incremental and driven by the consequences of actions rather than insight or understanding. In the 1930s, Edwin Guthrie developed contiguity theory as an alternative to reinforcement-based models, arguing that learning results from simple, non-reinforced pairings of stimuli and responses, where any response occurring in the presence of a stimulus becomes associated with it upon recurrence. Guthrie emphasized one-trial learning, positing that a single contiguous event is sufficient to form a lasting S-R bond, as the stimulus pattern gains full associative strength immediately, without needing drives or rewards. This theory, detailed in his 1935 book The Psychology of Learning, challenged more complex drive-reduction explanations by highlighting the efficiency of mere temporal proximity in habit acquisition. Clark Hull's , formalized in his 1943 book Principles of Behavior, integrated biological motivations into S-R learning by reducing drives—such as or —to quantifiable tensions that energize and direct toward reduction through reinforced responses. Hull conceptualized learning as the strengthening of stimulus-response connections via drive reduction, where primary drives (innate biological needs) and secondary drives (learned associations) motivate organisms to seek that alleviate tension, thereby forming adaptive habits. This systematic approach aimed to predict mathematically, emphasizing that arises from homeostatic imbalances rather than intrinsic pleasure or . Within behaviorism, habit formation is viewed as the incremental strengthening of S-R associations through consistent repetition, gradually automating responses to specific stimuli without reliance on conscious effort. This process aligns with Thorndike's law of exercise and Hull's strength concept, where each repetition reinforces neural pathways, transforming novel behaviors into reliable, cue-triggered over time. Such views underscore repetition's role in building enduring behavioral patterns, as seen in experimental demonstrations of skill acquisition through practice.

Classroom and Instructional Techniques

Programmed instruction emerged as a key behaviorist technique in the mid-20th century, emphasizing self-paced learning through structured sequences of instructional materials that provide immediate feedback on responses. introduced the concept in his 1954 paper, proposing "teaching machines" that deliver small units of information, known as , where students respond and receive instant or correction to shape correct behaviors. This approach includes linear programs, which present information in a fixed sequence, and branching programs, which allow students to skip or revisit sections based on performance, thereby personalizing the learning path while maintaining principles. Implemented in classrooms from the onward, these methods aimed to optimize schedules for efficient acquisition without intervention. Token economies represent another practical application of in school settings, where students earn tokens for exhibiting desired behaviors, which can later be exchanged for tangible rewards or privileges. Developed in the as part of , these systems systematically reinforce positive actions such as completing assignments or demonstrating appropriate social interactions, leading to improved . A seminal study by O'Leary and Becker (1967) demonstrated the effectiveness of a token reinforcement program in an adjustment class, where tokens increased appropriate behaviors from baseline levels of around 50% to over 80%, with maintenance post-intervention. Widely adopted in and general classrooms since then, token economies foster self-regulation by linking to observable actions, though they require careful fading to promote intrinsic motivation. Drill and practice methods, rooted in behaviorist repetition for habit formation, involve repeated exposure to stimuli to reinforce skill mastery, often incorporating spacing effects to enhance retention. In educational contexts, these techniques use tools like systems, where students respond to prompts and receive immediate feedback, strengthening stimulus-response associations through successive approximations. For instance, in drills—presenting material at increasing intervals based on performance—has been shown to improve long-term recall, as evidenced by studies demonstrating up to 200% better retention compared to massed practice. Such methods are particularly effective for foundational skills like arithmetic facts or , aligning with behaviorist goals of automating responses via consistent . Behaviorist principles have significantly influenced curriculum design by promoting objective-based instruction, where learning outcomes are defined in measurable, behavioral terms to guide teaching and assessment. In the 1950s, this approach gained traction through frameworks like of Educational Objectives (1956), which categorizes into hierarchical levels tied to observable performances, facilitating the alignment of instruction with of specific behaviors. Robert Mager's 1962 work further refined this by advocating for performance objectives that specify conditions, behaviors, and criteria, ensuring curricula focus on verifiable student achievements rather than vague goals. This shift enabled educators to design sequential, feedback-driven lessons that operationalize learning, as seen in competency-based models that prioritize mastery before progression.

Clinical Applications

Behavior Therapy

Behavior therapy emerged in the 1950s and 1960s as a clinical application of conditioning principles, focusing on modifying maladaptive behaviors through direct environmental manipulations rather than exploring internal mental states. A pivotal development was Joseph Wolpe's introduction of in 1958, a technique designed to treat phobias and anxiety by pairing relaxation with gradual exposure to feared stimuli, based on the principle of where anxiety is inhibited by competing responses like relaxation. This approach marked a shift toward empirical, measurable interventions in , emphasizing observable changes in behavior over psychoanalytic interpretations. Key techniques in pure behavior therapy include flooding, , and , all rooted in classical and mechanisms. Flooding involves prolonged, direct exposure to the feared stimulus without escape, aiming to extinguish anxiety responses through , as pioneered by Thomas Stampfl in the mid-1960s. pairs undesirable behaviors, such as addictive substance use, with unpleasant stimuli like electrical shocks or nausea-inducing drugs to create negative associations and reduce the targeted behavior, with early applications in the 1940s and 1950s for . , drawing from , uses rewards or consequences to reinforce desired behaviors, such as providing vouchers for in substance use treatment. Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) represents a data-driven extension of these principles, particularly for developmental disorders. In the 1960s, O. Ivar Lovaas developed within ABA to teach skills to children with autism through repeated, structured trials involving a prompt, response, and , emphasizing measurable progress and individualized interventions. Lovaas's early approaches included aversive techniques, which have faced ethical criticism, particularly from the autistic community; contemporary ABA prioritizes positive and ethical practices. This method relies on systematic observation and adjustment of contingencies to build adaptive behaviors. Early studies demonstrated the efficacy of behavior therapy for anxiety disorders, with techniques like showing significant symptom reduction compared to no-treatment controls. Meta-analyses from the confirmed short-term success, with effect sizes indicating moderate improvements in phobic and anxiety symptoms, though benefits often diminished without maintenance strategies.

Cognitive-Behavioral Approaches

Cognitive-behavioral approaches represent an integration of behavioral principles with cognitive theories, emphasizing the role of thoughts and beliefs in influencing emotions and behaviors. Emerging in the mid-20th century, these methods built upon earlier behavioral therapies by addressing internal cognitive processes alongside actions. A pivotal development was Aaron Beck's , introduced in the as a treatment for depression. Beck's approach focuses on identifying and restructuring irrational or distorted beliefs that contribute to emotional distress, such as negative automatic thoughts, through techniques like and behavioral experiments. This therapy posits that maladaptive cognitions mediate between stimuli and responses, marking a shift from purely behavioral interventions. Parallel to Beck's work, developed (REBT) in the 1950s, one of the earliest cognitive-behavioral models. REBT employs the ABC model—where A represents the activating event, B the irrational belief, and C the emotional or behavioral consequence—to help individuals dispute and replace dysfunctional beliefs with rational alternatives. Ellis's framework underscores that emotional disturbances arise not from events themselves but from interpretations of them, promoting active disputation to foster adaptive responses. A notable variant is (DBT), created by Marsha Linehan in the 1980s specifically for (BPD). DBT combines cognitive-behavioral strategies with practices derived from Zen , teaching skills in four modules: , distress tolerance, emotion regulation, and interpersonal effectiveness. Recent updates, including a 2023 study, demonstrate DBT's impact on neural correlates of attachment in BPD patients, showing normalized and anterior medial activity after one year of outpatient treatment, which correlates with reduced symptoms and improved . Evidence from randomized controlled trials (RCTs) supports the long-term efficacy of cognitive-behavioral therapies for conditions like anxiety and (PTSD). A 2020 meta-analysis of 23 RCTs found that CBT yields sustained improvements in anxiety-related disorders at follow-ups ranging from 3 months to 9 years, with effect sizes indicating moderate to large benefits compared to control conditions. For PTSD, a 2018 meta-analysis of 10 RCTs with long-term follow-ups (at least 1 year) confirmed enduring symptom reductions, particularly with trauma-focused CBT variants, outperforming waitlist controls and maintaining gains over time.

Philosophical and Theoretical Dimensions

Behaviorism in Philosophy of Mind

Analytical behaviorism, a philosophical variant of behaviorism, posits that mental concepts can be fully translated into statements about behavioral dispositions and tendencies, rather than referring to inner, unobservable states. This approach, rooted in logical positivism, seeks to eliminate the need for a separate mental realm by analyzing terms like "pain" or "belief" as dispositions to behave in certain ways under specific conditions. Gilbert Ryle's seminal work The Concept of Mind (1949) exemplifies this by critiquing the "category mistake" in traditional views of the mind, arguing that mental predicates describe capacities and propensities for action, not ghostly entities. Behaviorism's rejection of Cartesian dualism fundamentally reshapes the by conceiving the mind not as a non-physical substance interacting with the body, but as patterns of observable and dispositional . John B. Watson's foundational manifesto emphasized psychology's focus on objective over introspective reports, dismissing dualistic notions of an immaterial mind as unscientific. B.F. Skinner's extended this critique, viewing mental life as continuous with public , thereby dissolving the mind-body dichotomy without invoking separate substances. Epistemologically, behaviorism aligns with , holding that meaningful statements about the mind must be verifiable through observable , rendering or private mental claims suspect unless tied to public criteria. This stance prioritizes empirical validation, ensuring psychological theories remain grounded in testable predictions rather than unverifiable inner experiences. In the , behaviorism reinforced by advocating strict adherence to observable data in psychological inquiry, influencing broader debates on scientific and promoting anti-introspectionism as a safeguard against subjective . This emphasis on behavioral shaped empiricist approaches in , underscoring the need for replicable, external validations over subjective reports.

Key Debates

One of the central debates within behaviorism concerns the appropriate for studying behavior: molecular versus molar approaches. Molecular behaviorism emphasized breaking behavior down into small, physiological units such as reflexes or simple stimulus-response connections, viewing these as the building blocks of psychological processes, as seen in early formulations by . In contrast, molar behaviorism, advanced by J.R. Kantor in the 1930s through his interbehavioral framework, advocated for a holistic of behavior as integrated functional systems arising from organism-environment interactions, rejecting reduction to isolated elements. This distinction, later formalized by , highlighted tensions between mechanistic, reductionist explanations and more purposive, contextual interpretations, influencing how behaviorists conceptualized and in psychological events. Another key controversy emerged in the 1940s between theoretical and descriptive strands of behaviorism, particularly in the rivalry between Clark L. Hull and B.F. Skinner. Hull's theoretical behaviorism introduced intervening variables like drives and habits to explain behavior through hypothetico-deductive models, aiming to derive mathematical principles of learning from physiological and environmental factors. Skinner, however, championed a descriptive approach in radical behaviorism, focusing solely on observable functional relations between stimuli, responses, and reinforcements without positing unobservable internal constructs, arguing that such theories risked circularity and unnecessary speculation. This debate underscored philosophical differences over empiricism versus hypotheticism, with Skinner's inductive method gaining prominence for its emphasis on experimental prediction and control of behavior. The , formulated by L. Thorndike in the early 1900s and refined through the , sparked philosophical debates about in learning, particularly regarding trace conditioning mechanisms. Thorndike posited that behaviors followed by satisfying effects are strengthened, while annoying effects weaken them, implying a causal link where the consequence retroactively "stamps in" the stimulus-response connection via a neural trace or residue. Critics in the and , as reviewed by R. H. Waters (1934), questioned the retroactive causality, arguing it violated temporal principles of cause preceding effect and introduced metaphysical assumptions about unobservable traces as intermediaries in conditioning. These implications challenged behaviorism's commitment to strict , raising questions about whether learning required internal traces or could be fully accounted for by direct contiguity. Behaviorism's alignment with physicalism in addressing the mind-body problem provoked critiques from idealist perspectives, framing it as an overly reductive doctrine. Behaviorists like John B. Watson and Skinner adopted a physicalist stance, treating mental states as dispositions to behave or extensions of bodily responses, thereby dissolving dualism by eliminating references to non-physical minds. Idealist critics, drawing from traditions like those of George Berkeley or F.C.S. Schiller, contended that this approach neglected the primary reality of consciousness and subjective experience, reducing the mind to mere epiphenomena of physical behavior and failing to explain qualia or intentionality inherent to idealist ontology. This tension highlighted behaviorism's monistic physicalism as a philosophical bulwark against idealism, yet one vulnerable to charges of explanatory incompleteness in accounting for non-observable mental phenomena.

Relation to Language and Cognition

Verbal Behavior Analysis

B.F. Skinner's analysis of verbal behavior, outlined in his 1957 book Verbal Behavior, posits language as a form of operant behavior shaped by environmental reinforcements rather than innate structures. In this framework, verbal responses are acquired and maintained through contingencies of reinforcement, where speakers emit behaviors that are selectively strengthened by consequences in their social environment. Skinner emphasized that verbal behavior differs from nonverbal operants primarily due to its dependence on social mediation for reinforcement, as it requires a listener or mediator to provide the reinforcing consequences. Skinner classified verbal behavior into distinct functional units known as verbal operants, each defined by its controlling variables and reinforcement history. The mand is a verbal operant reinforced by a specific consequence that satisfies an existing deprivation or aversive condition, such as requesting food when hungry to receive it. The tact involves labeling or describing environmental stimuli, reinforced by generalized social approval, like saying "dog" upon seeing one and receiving from a . Intraverbals are conversational responses evoked by other verbal stimuli without direct correspondence, such as answering "What's your name?" with a reply, maintained by social reinforcement like continued dialogue. Additionally, Skinner introduced autoclitics as secondary verbal behaviors that modify or qualify primary operants, functioning as self-editing frames to influence the listener's interpretation; for example, prefixes like "I believe" or "probably" adjust the strength or reliability of a tact or mand. These categories highlight how emerges from reinforced interactions, with social mediators—such as parental approval or listener feedback—playing a crucial role in shaping and sustaining verbal repertoires. In , is predominantly social, deriving from the listener's responses rather than direct environmental access, which distinguishes it from solitary operants. For instance, a child's early utterances may be reinforced by parental or tangible rewards, gradually generalizing to broader social contingencies that maintain fluent speech. Autoclitic frames further illustrate this by allowing speakers to self-regulate their verbal output based on anticipated social reinforcements, enhancing the effectiveness of communication. Skinner's framework has informed practical applications in language intervention, particularly for individuals with speech delays. Echoic training, which teaches of verbal models, serves as a foundational technique to build initial mand and tact repertoires, often used in early behavioral programs to accelerate vocal development. These methods have been applied in structured early interventions for children with developmental delays, where systematic reinforcement of verbal operants leads to improved functional communication skills. From a behaviorist perspective, the meaning of verbal responses arises from their functional relations to environmental contingencies, not from internal representations or innate rules. Skinner argued that a word's significance is determined by the history of reinforcements associated with its use in specific contexts, such as a tact gaining meaning through repeated pairings with the objects it denotes and the social consequences that follow. This view underscores that semantic content is extrinsic, embedded in the interactions between speaker, environment, and listener.

Critiques from Cognitive Perspectives

One of the most influential critiques of behaviorism from a cognitive perspective came in Noam Chomsky's 1959 review of B. F. Skinner's , where he argued that Skinner's reinforcement-based account of failed to explain the rapid and creative nature of children's language learning. Chomsky contended that behaviorist principles, which emphasize environmental stimuli and , could not account for the poverty of stimulus—children produce novel sentences never directly reinforced—nor the universal patterns across languages, suggesting instead an innate (LAD) and as biologically endowed mechanisms that enable grammar construction independently of reinforcement. This review highlighted behaviorism's inability to address internal cognitive structures, positing that language emerges from innate human capacities rather than shaped solely by external contingencies. The of the 1950s and 1960s further challenged behaviorism by shifting focus to internal mental processes, portraying the mind as an information-processing system with mental representations, in contrast to behaviorism's emphasis on observable stimuli-response associations. Ulric Neisser's 1967 book exemplified this paradigm, defining as the active transformation, storage, and use of sensory input through stages like iconic memory and verbal coding, guided by schemata that integrate bottom-up sensory data with top-down expectations. Neisser critiqued behaviorism's rejection of unobservable mental states, arguing that processes such as selective and perceptual synthesis—evidenced in experiments like Sperling's partial report technique—reveal constructive internal representations that drive behavior beyond simple conditioning. This revolution, drawing on , , and , established as a discipline that prioritizes the study of mind over external behavior alone. Behaviorism also faced limitations in explaining phenomena like and , as demonstrated by Köhler's 1920s studies on chimpanzees, which showed sudden problem-solving that defied trial-and-error learning. In The Mentality of Apes (1925), Köhler described experiments where chimpanzees, such as , abruptly stacked boxes to reach a suspended after a pause, or combined sticks to extend reach, solutions emerging holistically without gradual reinforcement or random attempts. These "aha" moments indicated internal and understanding of relations, challenging behaviorism's associative mechanisms and suggesting gestalt-like mental representations in problem-solving. Additionally, behaviorism's pre-1980s dismissal of internal mental states left it ill-equipped to incorporate emerging evidence, particularly imaging techniques that revealed neural correlates of . Prior to (fMRI) in the 1990s, behaviorism's focus on overt behavior ignored potential mechanisms, but historical developments in , building on earlier metabolic studies, demonstrated that mental processes like and have distinct physiological signatures in regions such as the . For instance, fMRI studies have since shown activations correlating with internal states, such as tasks engaging the , underscoring behaviorism's gap in addressing how activity mediates unobservable .

Sociocultural and Modern Extensions

Behavior Analysis in Culture

B.F. Skinner advanced the application of behaviorist principles to societal design in his 1971 book , where he outlined cultural engineering as a process of systematically arranging environmental contingencies of reinforcement to foster adaptive social behaviors and mitigate destructive ones. Skinner argued that traditional concepts like and individual often hinder effective cultural improvement, proposing instead that behavioral technologies—rooted in —could engineer cultures for greater survival and well-being by reinforcing prosocial actions through planned consequences. This approach scales individual-level operant principles to collective dynamics, emphasizing the role of external controls in shaping societal outcomes. Cultural selection extends these ideas by treating behaviors as cultural operants that evolve through reinforcing social consequences, much like biological traits under . In this framework, societal norms and practices are maintained when group approval or disapproval acts as a reinforcer, selecting for behaviors that align with collective values. For example, experimental and review studies in behavior analysis have demonstrated how interlocking behavioral contingencies produce aggregate cultural products, such as shared , which are then perpetuated or altered based on their to the group. A of Brazilian psychology programs highlights this process, noting the growth of on cultural operants since the early , with emphasis on how social reinforcement sustains normative behaviors across microcultures. Central to this analysis are metacontingencies, conceptualized as higher-order operants where cultural practices emerge from the interlocked behaviors of multiple individuals, yielding an aggregate product that is selected by environmental consequences. This mechanism explains the persistence of complex societal phenomena, such as cooperative traditions or ethical systems, as the reinforcing outcomes (e.g., group survival benefits) favor certain configurations of behavior over others. Seminal work synthesizes metacontingencies with cultural materialism, distinguishing them from individual contingencies by focusing on how selecting events at the cultural level— like resource availability or social feedback—shape interlocking behavioral networks. Behavior analysis informs practical applications in organizational and domains. management (OBM) applies these principles to workplaces, assessing and modifying contingencies to enhance employee performance, safety, and culture through data-driven interventions like feedback and schedules. In , behaviorist strategies underpin anti-smoking initiatives, such as incentive programs that provide financial rewards contingent on verified abstinence, thereby reinforcing cessation behaviors at a level. These approaches demonstrate the scalability of to address societal challenges without relying on individual .

Behavior Informatics and Computing

Behavior informatics, also known as behavior computing, refers to the interdisciplinary field that applies principles and computational methods to analyze, model, and interpret behavioral data patterns, aiming to derive behavior and insights. Pioneered in the , this approach integrates , , and statistical modeling to quantify behaviors from diverse sources such as user interactions, sensor data, and observational records, enabling systematic understanding beyond traditional qualitative analysis. Longbing Cao's foundational work emphasized explicit behavioral representations and quantitative involvement in computational processes, distinguishing it from general data analytics by focusing on behavioral semantics and dynamics. In practical applications, behavior informatics supports predictive modeling of user behaviors in digital environments, such as mobile applications and online platforms, where algorithms forecast actions based on historical patterns. For instance, recommendation systems exemplify this by employing operant shaping principles, akin to Skinner's reinforcement schedules, where successive approximations of desired behaviors (e.g., purchases or engagements) are reinforced through personalized suggestions that increase the likelihood of repeated interactions. These systems use techniques to optimize long-term user satisfaction, treating recommendations as rewards that shape exploratory and consumptive behaviors over time. Such models have demonstrated improved engagement metrics in settings like by dynamically adjusting reinforcements. Behavior computing extends this to simulations of classical and within frameworks, particularly through algorithms that mirror behavioral principles. These algorithms, inspired by B.F. Skinner's , model agents learning optimal actions via trial-and-error interactions with environments, where rewards and punishments emulate reinforcement schedules to converge on adaptive policies. For example, in AI training, variable-ratio schedules—similar to those studied in Skinner's experiments—enhance exploration and resilience in tasks like game playing or robotic control, achieving state-of-the-art performance in benchmarks such as with millions of interactions. This computational paradigm bridges behaviorism with AI by operationalizing conditioning as probabilistic decision processes, fostering scalable simulations of complex behavioral phenomena. Post-2020 developments have expanded behavior informatics through analytics, leveraging vast datasets from IoT devices and social platforms to uncover nuanced patterns in human and animal behaviors. These advancements address gaps in linking with AI, such as using to model neural correlates of conditioned responses in real-time data. For instance, hybrid models integrating behavioral with have improved predictions of cognitive shifts under in clinical applications like monitoring. In 2025, research demonstrated how incorporating behavioral insights into AI-driven recommendation systems, such as on , enhances performance by better understanding user intentions rather than just engagement metrics, aligning with behaviorist emphasis on environmental contingencies. This evolution underscores behavior informatics' role in scalable, evidence-based interventions, particularly in and .

Criticisms and Limitations

Major Critiques

Behaviorism has faced significant criticism for its reductionist approach, which posits that all psychological phenomena can be explained through observable stimuli and responses, thereby neglecting the richness of internal mental processes such as thoughts, emotions, and . This perspective, prominent in the mid-20th century, was challenged by humanistic psychologists who argued that behaviorism dehumanizes individuals by treating them as passive responders to environmental contingencies rather than autonomous agents capable of . , in his 1954 work Toward a Psychology of Being, critiqued behaviorism's mechanistic view for failing to account for higher human motivations and the innate drive toward personal growth, emphasizing instead a holistic understanding of . Similarly, , through his person-centered theory outlined in Client-Centered Therapy (1951), rejected behaviorism's emphasis on external control and prediction, advocating for the importance of subjective experience and in fostering genuine psychological development. Ethical concerns represent another major critique of behaviorism, particularly regarding its experimental methods and applications. The infamous , conducted by and in 1920, exemplifies these issues: an infant was conditioned to fear a white rat through repeated pairings with a loud , resulting in lasting emotional distress without any documented deconditioning or from the child's guardians. This study, intended to demonstrate of emotions, violated modern ethical standards by inflicting harm on a vulnerable subject and prioritizing scientific demonstration over welfare, leading to broader scrutiny of behaviorist practices involving animal and human subjects. Furthermore, behaviorist techniques in and , such as through rewards and punishments, have been accused of enabling manipulation and coercion, undermining individual autonomy in favor of behavioral control. Critics have also highlighted behaviorism's incompleteness in addressing biological underpinnings of behavior, particularly the role of and innate physiological factors. Early behaviorist theories, by attributing behavior almost entirely to environmental shaping, overlooked evidence from behavioral genetics showing substantial for traits like , as demonstrated in twin studies where identical twins reared apart exhibit greater similarity than fraternal twins reared together. This has been deemed outdated, as subsequent research in fields like reveals how genetic variations influence behavioral predispositions, challenging the notion that nurture alone suffices to explain complex human actions. A related critique concerns behaviorism's overemphasis on environmental influences, which fails to explain innate predispositions, especially in . Noam Chomsky's 1959 review of B.F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior argued that behaviorist accounts cannot adequately account for children's rapid mastery of grammatical structures, as the input they receive—the "stimulus" from their environment—is too impoverished and inconsistent to support such sophisticated learning through reinforcement alone. This "" argument posits that humans possess an innate biological capacity for , a hardwired in the , rendering purely associative explanations insufficient. Chomsky's analysis underscored how behaviorism's dismissal of internal, biologically driven mechanisms limits its explanatory power for inherently human faculties.

Responses and Contemporary Evolutions

In response to criticisms that behaviorism neglected internal mental processes, defended the inclusion of private events—such as thoughts and feelings—as behaviors subject to the same as public actions, arguing in his 1953 work that these events could be studied scientifically without invoking . This perspective, elaborated in Science and Human Behavior, maintained behaviorism's empirical rigor while accommodating subjective experiences as part of a radical behaviorist framework. Further empirical validation came through (ABA), particularly in treating autism spectrum disorder, where interventions have demonstrated consistent efficacy in improving social, communication, and adaptive skills. A 2023 meta-analysis of early childhood autism interventions, including ABA-based approaches, found moderate to large effect sizes across behavioral outcomes, with evidence doubling since 2019 and supporting its role as a first-line treatment. However, ABA has faced recent criticism from the movement, which argues that some practices may prioritize compliance and mask autistic traits, potentially harming and ; proponents respond by emphasizing modern, individualized approaches that incorporate client preferences and ethical guidelines. Post-1980s developments integrated behaviorism with , fostering models that link contingent reinforcement to neural mechanisms, such as dopamine-mediated reward pathways in . For instance, research on neural contingency models has shown how environmental contingencies shape , bridging behavioral principles with brain circuit dynamics in areas like the . These integrations addressed earlier limitations by providing physiological explanations for behavioral phenomena without abandoning . A key evolution addressing within behaviorism is (RFT), developed by in the 1990s, which posits that human language and higher emerge from learned relational responding rather than innate mental structures. RFT extends Skinner's analysis by explaining complex phenomena like and perspective-taking as generalized operants, supported by experimental evidence from derived relational responding tasks. This framework has influenced therapies like (ACT), maintaining behaviorist roots while incorporating cognitive flexibility. In contemporary practice, behaviorism persists through hybrid models like cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), which dominates treatment by combining behavioral techniques with , achieving remission rates of approximately 45-50% in anxiety and depression disorders. Diversification efforts, such as those outlined in Araiba's 2019 analysis of behavioral paradigms, emphasize adapting principles to diverse populations, enhancing applicability beyond traditional settings. Cultural expansions, including 2021 curricula for culturally responsive ABA, promote equitable service delivery by incorporating client values and reducing disparities in autism outcomes across ethnic groups. Looking ahead, behaviorism's future directions include applications in for modeling human-like decision-making under contingencies and adapting ABA for cross-cultural challenges. Emerging behavioral AI systems, such as those simulating operant learning in virtual agents, promise to predict and shape behaviors in and , while international collaborations address scalability in low-resource settings.

References

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