Hubbry Logo
Eric Harris and Dylan KleboldEric Harris and Dylan KleboldMain
Open search
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold
Community hub
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold
from Wikipedia

Key Information

Eric David Harris (April 9, 1981 – April 20, 1999) and Dylan Bennet Klebold (/ˈklbld/ KLEE-bohld; September 11, 1981 – April 20, 1999) were American high school seniors and mass murder duo who perpetrated the massacre at Columbine High School on April 20, 1999, in Columbine, Colorado. Harris and Klebold killed 13 students and one teacher and wounded 23 others.[b] After killing most of their victims in the school's library, they died by suicide. At the time, it was the deadliest high school shooting in U.S. history.[c] It remains one of the most infamous massacres due to the pair inspiring many other school attacks, mass shootings, and bombings.

The ensuing media frenzy and moral panic led to "Columbine" becoming a byword for school shootings, and becoming one of the most infamous mass shootings ever perpetrated in the United States.[3][4]

Harris and Klebold were both born in 1981. Harris was born in Wichita, Kansas, but moved around frequently as a child due to his father's occupation in the United States Air Force, while Klebold was born and raised near Columbine. Harris's family eventually settled in Colorado in 1992. Shortly after, Harris and Klebold met while they were in the 7th grade. Over time, they became increasingly close. By the time they were juniors in high school, they were described as inseparable. There are differing reports; some say Harris and Klebold were very unpopular students once they were upperclassmen, as well as frequent targets of bullying, while others say they were not near the bottom of the school's social hierarchy and that each had many friends, along with active social lives. Columbine High School was alleged to have an intense "jock culture", which saw popular students, mainly athletes, benefit from special treatment from faculty and other students.[5]

According to their journal entries, Harris and Klebold seem to have begun planning the attack by May 1998, nearly a year before the attack. Throughout the next eleven months, Harris and Klebold meticulously built explosives and gathered an arsenal of weapons. Both Harris and Klebold each left behind several journal writings and home videos, ones they made both alone and together, foreshadowing the massacre and explaining their motives. Harris and Klebold hoped this content would be viewed by the public extensively and inspire followers, although much of the evidence has never been released by authorities.

Harris and Klebold often wore trench coats in school, and in general, as part of their everyday outfits, so after the massacre, it was widely believed Harris and Klebold were part of a clique in school called the "Trenchcoat Mafia", a group of misfits in the school who supposedly rebelled against the popular students.[6] This turned out to be untrue, as neither Harris nor Klebold had any affiliation with the group.[7][8] The pair's aforementioned writings and videos gave insight into their rationale for the shooting. The FBI concluded that Harris was a psychopath, who exhibited narcissistic traits, unconstrained aggression, and a lack of empathy, while Klebold was concluded to be an angry depressive with a vengeful attitude toward individuals who he believed had mistreated him.[9] However, neither Harris nor Klebold were formally diagnosed with any personality disorders prior to the attack,[10] so this conclusion is often debated. In the following years, various media outlets attributed multiple motivating factors to the attack, including bullying, mental illness, racism, psychiatric medication, and violence in music, movies, and video games. Despite these conclusions, the exact motive for the attack remains inconclusive.

Harris and Klebold have become pop culture icons, with the pair often portrayed, referenced and seen in film, television, video games, music and books. Many killers since the shooting have taken inspiration from the pair (dubbed the Columbine effect), either hailing them as heroes or expressing sympathy for them. Harris and Klebold also have a fanbase, who have coined the term "Columbiners", who write fan fiction and draw fan art of them. Others have also dressed as the duo for cosplay or Halloween.[11]

Early life

[edit]

Eric Harris

[edit]

Eric David Harris was born on April 9, 1981, in Wichita, Kansas. Harris's parents were both born and raised in Colorado. His mother, Katherine Ann Poole, was a homemaker. His father, Wayne Harris, was working in the United States Air Force as a transport pilot. In 1983, the family moved to Dayton, Ohio, when Harris was two years old. Six years later, the family relocated to Oscoda, Michigan. Michigan pastor William Stone lived across the street from the Harris family while they were located in Oscoda. Stone recalled them as "great neighbors" and often saw Wayne very engaged with his sons.[12] The Harris family then moved to Plattsburgh, New York, in 1991. During his time at Stafford Middle School, Harris played Little League Baseball, regularly went to birthday parties and was "part of the crowd". Kyle Ross, a former classmate of Harris, said, "He was just a typical kid."[13] The Harris family finally settled back in Littleton, Colorado the next year when Wayne retired from the military.[14]

On a 1997 English class assignment, Harris wrote about how difficult the move was from New York to Colorado. "It was the hardest moving from Plattsburgh. I have the most memories from there", Harris continued. "When I left (his friends) I felt alone, lost and even agitated that I had spent so much time with them and now I have to go because of something I can't stop."[15] Harris, in a basement tape, blamed his father for moving the family around, forcing Harris to "start out at the bottom of the ladder."[16] Harris had a chest deformity known as pectus excavatum, in which the breastbone sinks into the chest. This made Harris reluctant to take his shirt off in gym class as other students ridiculed him. Harris had two cosmetic surgeries at age 12 and 13 to repair the deformity. The sunken chest was still mildly observable during his autopsy.[17][18]

The Harris family lived in rented accommodations for the first three years that they lived in the Littleton area. While Harris was in 7th grade, he met Klebold. In 1996, the Harris family purchased and settled at a house south of Columbine High School. Harris's older brother, Kevin, attended college at the University of Colorado.[19][20] Harris's father took a job with Flight Safety Services Corporation and Harris's mother became a caterer.[21][22]

Harris entered Columbine High School in 1995 as a freshman. Columbine had just gone through a major renovation and expansion.[23] From all accounts, he had many friends and was left forward and mid-field on the Columbine soccer team for his freshman and sophomore year. Josh Swanson, one of his teammates, said that Harris was a "solid" soccer player who enjoyed the sport a lot.[24][25] During his freshman year, Harris met Tiffany Typher. They had German class together.[26] Typher later recounted that Harris quickly wooed her. Harris asked her to homecoming and she accepted. After the event, it appeared that Typher was no longer interested in seeing Harris anymore, for reasons never disclosed. When Typher refused to socialize with Harris again, Harris staged a fake suicide, sprawling on the ground with fake blood splashed all over him. When Typher saw him on the ground, she began to scream for help, at which point Harris and his friends began laughing, prompting Typher to storm off, shouting at Harris to get psychological help.[27]

Dylan Klebold

[edit]

Dylan Bennet Klebold was born on September 11, 1981, in Lakewood, Colorado, to Thomas and Sue Klebold.[14] On the day after the shooting, Klebold's mother remembered that shortly after Klebold's birth, she described what felt like a shadow cast over her, warning her that this child would bring her great sorrow. "I think I still make of it what I did at that time. It was a passing feeling that went over very quickly, like a shadow." Sue said in an interview with Colorado Public Radio. Klebold was soon diagnosed with pyloric stenosis, a condition in which the opening between the stomach and small intestines thickens, causing severe vomiting during the first few months of life.[28]

Klebold's parents had met when they were both studying art at Ohio State University. After they both graduated, they married in 1971, with their first child, Byron, being born in 1978. Thomas had initially worked as a sculptor, but then moved over to engineering to be more financially stable.[29] Sue had worked in assistance services with disabled children. Furthermore, Klebold's parents were pacifists and attended a Lutheran church with their children. Both Klebold and his older brother attended confirmation classes in accordance with the Lutheran tradition.[30] As had been the case with his older brother, Klebold was named after a renowned poet, Dylan Thomas.[31] Klebold attended Normandy Elementary School for first and second grade and then transferred to Governor's Ranch Elementary School where he was part of the Challenging High Intellectual Potential Students program for gifted children. According to reports, Klebold was exceptionally bright as a young child, although he appeared somewhat sheltered in elementary school.[32] When he transitioned to Ken Caryl Middle School, he found it difficult. Fellow classmates recalled Klebold being painfully shy and quiet, often to an uncomfortable degree.[33] Klebold's parents were unconcerned with the fact that Klebold found the changing of schools uneasy, as they assumed it was just regular behavior among young adolescents.[34] At the family home, the Klebolds also observed some rituals in keeping with Klebold's maternal great-grandfather's Jewish heritage.[30][35]

During his earlier school years, Klebold played baseball, soccer and T-ball. Klebold was in Cub Scouts with friend Brooks Brown, whom he was friends with since first grade. Brown lived near the house Harris's parents had bought when they finally settled in Littleton, and rode the same bus as Harris. Shortly after, Klebold had met Harris and the pair quickly became best friends. Later, Harris introduced Klebold to his friend Nathan Dykeman, who also attended their middle school, and they all became a tight-knit group of friends.[36]

Background

[edit]

Personalities

[edit]

Both Harris and Klebold worked together as cooks at a Blackjack Pizza, a mile south from Columbine High School. Harris was eventually promoted to shift leader.[37] He and his group of friends were interested in computers,[38] and were enrolled in a bowling class.[39]

Some described Harris as charismatic, and others described him as nice and likable.[40][41] Harris also often bragged about his ability to deceive others, once stating in a tape that he could make anyone believe anything.[42] By his junior year, Harris was also known to be quick to anger, and threatened people with bombs.[40][43] Classmates also related that Harris was fascinated by war, and wrote out violent fantasies about killing people he did not like.[41]

Klebold was described by his peers and adults as painfully shy. Klebold often was fidgety whenever someone new talked to him, rarely opening up to people.[44] Klebold was also exceptionally nervous in front of women.[45] In the last year of his life, many noted a change in Klebold's behavior. Unlike before, Klebold became short-tempered, often prone to sudden outbursts of anger.[33]

Friendship

[edit]

Much of the information on Harris and Klebold's friendship is unknown, on their interactions and conversations, aside from the Basement Tapes, of which only transcripts have been released, aside from a short audio clip recorded surreptitiously by a victim's father. The pair claimed they were going to make copies of the tapes to send to news stations, but never did so.[42] Harris and Klebold met at Ken Caryl Middle School during their seventh grade year. Over time, they became increasingly close, hanging out by often going out bowling, carpooling and playing the video game Doom over a private server connected to their personal computers. By their junior year of high school, the boys were described as inseparable. Chad Laughlin, a close friend of Harris and Klebold, said that they always sat alone together at lunch and often kept to themselves.[46]

A rumor eventually started that Harris and Klebold were gay and romantically involved, due to the time the pair spent together. It is unknown if they were aware of this rumor.[47] Judy Brown believed Harris was more emotionally dependent on Klebold, who was more liked by the broader student population.[48] In his journals, however, Klebold wrote that he felt that he was not accepted or loved by anyone. Due to these feelings, Klebold possibly sought validation from Harris. Klebold's mother believes Harris's rage, intermingled with Klebold's self-destructive personality, caused the boys to feed off of each other and enter in what eventually became an unhealthy friendship.[49]

Columbine High School

[edit]

At Columbine High School, Harris and Klebold were active in school play productions, operated video productions and became computer assistants, maintaining the school's computer server.[14] According to early accounts of the shooting, they were very unpopular students and targets of bullying. While sources do support accounts of bullying specifically directed toward Harris and Klebold,[50][51][52] accounts of them being outcasts have been reported to be false, since both of them had a close knit group of friends.[53][54]

Harris and Klebold were initially reported to be members of a clique that was called the "Trenchcoat Mafia", despite later confirmation that the pair had no connection to the group and furthermore did not appear in the group's photo in Columbine High's 1998 yearbook.[55][56] Harris's father erroneously stated that his son was "a member of what they call the Trenchcoat Mafia" in a 9-1-1 call he made on the day of the shooting.[57] Klebold attended the high school prom three days before the shootings with a classmate named Robyn Anderson.[58]

Harris and Klebold linked their personal computers on a network and played video games over the Internet. Harris created a set of levels for the game Doom, which later became known as the "Harris levels". The levels are downloadable over the internet through Doom WADs. Harris had a web presence under the handle "REB" (short for Rebel, a nod to the nickname of Columbine High's sports teams) and other online aliases, including "Rebldomakr", "Rebdoomer", and "Rebdomine". Klebold went by the names "VoDKa" and "VoDkA", after the alcoholic beverage. Harris had various websites that hosted Doom and Quake files, as well as team information for those with whom he gamed online. The sites openly espoused hatred for people in their neighborhood and the world in general. When the pair began experimenting with pipe bombs, they posted results of the explosions on the websites. The website was shut down by America Online after the shootings and was preserved for the FBI.[59]

Initial criminal activity

[edit]

On the night of January 30, 1998, Harris and Klebold broke into a locked van to steal computers and other electronic equipment. A short while after a Jefferson County sheriff's officer drove upon the two boys parked further down road at another park entrance and since the park area was closed by that time of night, the arresting deputy decided to further inspect them. The deputy announced his presence as one of the boys prepared to move the stolen goods into the trunk of the car. Harris shortly after admitted to theft after the deputy asked about where the equipment came from.[60] They were later charged with mischief, breaking and entering, trespassing, and theft. They both left good impressions on juvenile officers, who offered to expunge their criminal records if they agreed to attend a diversionary program which included community service and psychiatric treatment. Harris was required to attend anger management classes where, again, he made a favorable impression. The boys' probation officer discharged them from the program a few months ahead of schedule for good behavior. Regarding Harris, it was remarked that he was "a very bright individual who is likely to succeed in life", while Klebold was said to be intelligent, but "needs to understand that hard work is part of fulfilling a dream."[61]

Several months later on April 30, Harris handed over the first version of a letter of apology he wrote to the owner of the van, which he completed the next month.[62] In the letter, Harris expressed regret about his actions; however, in one of his journal entries dated April 12, he wrote: "Isn't america supposed to be the land of the free? how come, If im free, I cant deprive some fucking dumbshit from his possessions If he leaves them sitting in the front seat of his fucking van in plain sight in the middle of fucking nowhere on a fri-fucking-day night? Natural selection. Fucker should be shot. [sic]".[63][64]

Hitmen for Hire

[edit]

When an economics class had Harris make an ad for a business, he and Klebold made a video called Hitmen for Hire on December 8, 1998, which was released in February 2004. It depicts them as part of the Trench Coat Mafia, a clique in the school who wore black trench coats, extorting money for protecting preps from bullies.[65] They were apparently not a part of the Trench Coat Mafia, but were friends with some of its members.[66][d] They wore black trench coats on the day of the massacre, and the video seemed a kind of dress rehearsal, showing them walking the halls of the school, and shooting bullies outside with fake guns.[71]

Both also displayed themes of violence in their creative writing projects; of a Doom-based story written by Harris on January 17, 1999, Harris's teacher said: "Yours is a unique approach and your writing works in a gruesome way — good details and mood setting."[72][73]

Acquiring arms

[edit]

Harris and Klebold were unable to legally purchase firearms due to their both being underage at the time. Klebold then enlisted Robyn Anderson, an 18-year-old Columbine student and old friend of Klebold's, to make a straw purchase of two shotguns and a Hi-Point carbine for the pair. In exchange for her cooperation with the investigation that followed the shootings, no charges were filed against Anderson.[74] After illegally acquiring the weapons, Klebold sawed off his Savage 311-D 12-gauge double-barrel shotgun, shortening the overall length to approximately 23 inches (580 mm). Meanwhile, Harris's Savage-Springfield 12-gauge pump shotgun was sawn off to around 26 inches (660 mm).[75]

The shooters also possessed a TEC-DC9 semi-automatic handgun, which had a long history. The manufacturer of the TEC-DC9 first sold it to Miami-based Navegar Incorporated. It was then sold to Zander's Sporting Goods in Baldwin, Illinois, in 1994. The gun was later sold to a firearms dealer, Larry Russell, in Thornton, Colorado. In violation of federal law, Russell failed to keep records of the sale, yet he determined that the purchaser of the gun was twenty-one years of age or older. Two men, Mark Manes and Philip Duran, were convicted of supplying weapons to the two.[76]

The bombs used by the pair varied and were crudely made from carbon dioxide canisters, galvanized pipe, and metal propane tanks. The CO2 and pipe bombs were primed with matches placed at one end of their fuses. Both had striker tips on their sleeves. When they rubbed against the bomb, the match head lit the fuse. The weekend before the shootings, Harris and Klebold had purchased propane tanks and other supplies from a hardware store for a few hundred dollars. Several residents of the area claimed to have heard glass breaking and buzzing sounds from the Harris family's garage, which later was concluded to indicate they were constructing pipe bombs.[77]

More complex bombs, such as the one that detonated on the corner of South Wadsworth Boulevard and Ken Caryl Avenue, had timers. The two largest bombs built were found in the school cafeteria and were made from small propane tanks. Only one of these bombs went off, only partially detonating.[14] It was estimated that if any of the bombs placed in the cafeteria had detonated properly, the blast could have caused extensive structural damage to the school and would have resulted in hundreds of casualties.[78]

Massacre

[edit]
Harris (left) and Klebold (right) on a surveillance camera on the day of the shooting

On April 20, 1999, just weeks before Harris and Klebold were both due to graduate,[79] Brooks Brown, who was smoking a cigarette outside during lunch break, saw Harris arrive at school. Brown had severed his friendship with Harris a year earlier after Harris had thrown a chunk of ice at his car windshield. Brown reconciled with Harris just prior to the shooting. Brown approached Harris near his car and scolded him for skipping his morning classes, because Harris was always serious about schoolwork and being on time. Harris replied, "It doesn't matter anymore." Harris followed up a few seconds later, "Brooks, I like you now. Get out of here. Go home."[80] Brown, who felt uneasy, quickly left the school grounds. At 11:19 am, he heard the first gunshots after he had walked some distance away from the school, and informed the police via a neighbor's cell phone.[81]

By that time, Klebold had already arrived at the school in a separate car, and the two boys left two duffel bags, each containing a 20-pound propane bomb, inside the cafeteria. Their original plans indicated that when these bombs detonated, Harris and Klebold would be waiting at their cars and would shoot, stab and throw bombs at survivors of the initial explosion as they ran out of the school. At noon, this would be followed by bombs set up in their personal cars detonating, killing first responders and others on scene.[82] When these devices failed to detonate, Harris and Klebold resorted to gunning down their classmates and teachers. It was the deadliest high school shooting in U.S history until it was surpassed by the Stoneman Douglas High School shooting committed by Nikolas Cruz on February 14, 2018.[83][84] Harris was responsible for nine of the fourteen confirmed deaths (Rachel Scott, Daniel Rohrbough,[85] Anne Marie Hochhalter–who was initially left paraplegic and eventually died from her injuries in 2025–[86][87][88][89] teacher Dave Sanders, Steve Curnow, Cassie Bernall, Isaiah Shoels, Kelly Fleming, and Daniel Mauser), while Klebold was responsible for the remaining five (Kyle Velasquez, Matthew Kechter, Lauren Townsend, John Tomlin, and Corey DePooter). There were 23 injured (20 of them by the shooters), most in critical condition.[90][91]

Suicide

[edit]

At 12:02 pm, Harris and Klebold returned to the library. Of the 56 library hostages, 34 remained unharmed, all of whom escaped after Harris and Klebold left the library initially. Investigators later found that Harris and Klebold had enough ammunition to have killed them all.[92] This was 20 minutes after their lethal shooting spree had ended, leaving 12 students dead, one teacher dying, and another 24 students and staff injured. Ten of their victims had been killed in the library.[93] It is believed they came back to the library to watch their car bombs detonate, which had been set up to explode at noon.[93] This did not happen, as the aforementioned bombs failed. Harris and Klebold went to the west windows and opened fire on the police outside. No one was injured in the exchange. Between three and six minutes later, they walked to the bookshelves near a table where Patrick Ireland lay badly wounded and coming in and out of consciousness. Student Lisa Kreutz, injured in the earlier library attack, was also in the room, unable to move.[94]

By 12:08 pm, Harris and Klebold had killed themselves. In a subsequent interview, Kreutz recalled hearing a comment such as, "You in the library", around this time. Harris sat down with his back to a bookshelf and fired his shotgun through the roof of his mouth; Klebold went down on his knees and shot himself in the left temple with his TEC-9. An article by The Rocky Mountain News stated that Patti Nielson overheard them shout "One! Two! Three!" in unison, just before a loud boom.[95] Nielson said that she had never spoken with either of the writers of the article,[96] and evidence suggests otherwise. Just before shooting himself, Klebold lit a Molotov cocktail on a nearby table, underneath which Ireland was lying, which caused the tabletop to momentarily catch fire. Underneath the scorched film of material was a piece of Harris's brain matter, suggesting Harris had shot himself by this point.[97][98]

Suggested rationales

[edit]
President Clinton's remarks regarding the shooting, April 20, 1999
President Clinton's speech to the school's community, May 20, 1999

There was controversy over whether Harris and Klebold should be memorialized. Some were opposed, saying that it glorified murderers, while others argued that Harris and Klebold were also victims. Atop a hill near Columbine High School, crosses were erected for Harris and Klebold along with those for the people they killed,[99] but the father of victim Daniel Rohrbough cut them down, saying that murderers should not be memorialized in the same place as victims.[100]

Overview

[edit]

Harris and Klebold wrote some about how they would carry out the massacre, and less about why. Klebold penned a rough outline of plans to follow on April 20, and another slightly different one in a journal found in Harris's bedroom.[101] In one entry on his computer, Harris referenced the Oklahoma City bombing, and they mentioned their wish to outdo it by causing the most deaths in US history. They also mentioned how they would like to leave a lasting impression on the world with this kind of violence.[102] Much speculation occurred over the date chosen for their attack. The original intended date of the attack may have been April 19; Harris required more ammunition from Mark Manes, who did not deliver it until the evening of April 19.[103][104][105]

Harris and Klebold were both avid fans of KMFDM, an industrial band led by German multi-instrumentalist Sascha Konietzko. It was revealed that lyrics to KMFDM songs ("Son of a Gun", "Stray Bullet" and "Waste") were posted on Harris's website,[106] and that the date of the massacre, April 20, coincided with both the release date of the album Adios[107] and the birthday of Adolf Hitler.[108] Harris noted the coincidence of the album's title and April release date in his journal.[64] In response, KMFDM's Konietzko issued a statement that KMFDM was "against war, oppression, fascism and violence against others" and that "none of us condone any Nazi beliefs whatsoever".[109]

An April 22, 1999, article in The Washington Post described Harris and Klebold:

They hated jocks, admired Nazis and scorned normalcy. They fancied themselves devotees of the Gothic subculture, even though they thrilled to the violence denounced by much of that fantasy world. They were white supremacists, but loved music by anti-racist rock bands.[110]

The attack occurred on Hitler's birthday, which led to speculation in the media. Some people, such as Robyn Anderson, who knew the perpetrators, stated that the pair were not obsessed with Nazism nor did they worship or admire Hitler in any way. Anderson stated, in retrospect, that there were many things the pair did not tell friends. In his journal, Harris mentioned his admiration of what he imagined to be natural selection, and wrote that he would like to put everyone in a super Doom game and see to it that the weak die and the strong live.[64] On the day of the massacre, Harris wore a white T-shirt with the words "Natural selection" printed in black.[54]

Bullying

[edit]

At the end of Harris's last journal entry, he wrote: "I hate you people for leaving me out of so many fun things. And no don't fucking say, 'Well that's your fault,' because it isn't, you people had my phone number, and I asked and all, but no. No no no don't let the weird-looking Eric KID come along, ooh fucking nooo."[54] However, in another entry by Eric in his journal, he stated that even if he were complimented and respected more by his peers, the attack would've still, in all likelihood, occurred.[111]

Similarly, Klebold wrote in his journal both about perceived rejection, bullying others, his desire to belong, and his extreme contempt for others. In January 1997, he wrote, "I am GOD compared to some of those un-existable [sic] brainless zombies," referring to his perception of the morons of the world. In March 1997, he wrote, "I do shit to supposedly ‘cleanse’ myself in a spiritual, moral sort of way... trying not to ridicule/make fun of people ([name omitted] at school), yet it does nothing to help my life morally."[112]

Klebold said on the Basement Tapes, "You've been giving us shit for years. You're fucking gonna pay for all the shit! We don't give a shit. Because we're gonna die doing it."[113][42] However, they also stated on the tapes that nobody is to blame and nobody could have prevented the attack.[114]

Accounts from various parents and school staffers describe bullying at the school as "rampant".[115] Nathan Vanderau, a friend of Klebold, and Alisa Owen, Harris's eighth-grade science partner, reported that Harris and Klebold were constantly picked on. Vanderau noted that a "cup of fecal matter" was thrown at them.[116] "People surrounded them in the commons and squirted ketchup packets all over them, laughing at them, calling them faggots", Brooks Brown says. "That happened while teachers watched. They couldn't fight back. They wore the ketchup all day and went home covered with it."[50] In his book No Easy Answers: The Truth Behind Death at Columbine, Brown wrote that Harris was born with mild chest indent. This made him reluctant to take his shirt off in gym class, and other students would laugh at him.[51]

"A lot of the tension in the school came from the class above us", Chad Laughlin states. "There were people fearful of walking by a table where you knew you didn't belong, stuff like that. Certain groups certainly got preferential treatment across the board. I caught the tail end of one really horrible incident, and I know Dylan told his mother that it was the worst day of his life." That incident, according to Laughlin, involved seniors pelting Klebold with "ketchup-covered tampons" in the commons.[52] However, other commentators have disputed the theory that bullying was the motivating factor.[117] Jeff Kass who has also published a book on the attack believes that bullying wasn't the cause.[118] Peter Langman also argues against bullying being the cause of the attack.[119][111] Other researchers have concurred.[120]

Journals and investigation

[edit]

Harris began keeping a journal in April 1998, a short time after the pair was charged with breaking into a van, for which each received ten months of juvenile intervention counseling and community service in January 1998. They began to formulate plans then, as reflected in their journals.[104]

Harris wanted to join the United States Marine Corps, but his application was rejected shortly before the shootings because he was taking the drug fluvoxamine, an SSRI antidepressant, which he was required to take as part of court-ordered anger management therapy. Harris did not state in his application that he was taking any medications. According to the recruiting officer, Harris did not know about this rejection. Though some friends of Harris suggested that he had stopped taking the drug beforehand,[121] the autopsy reports showed low therapeutic or normal (not toxic or lethal) blood-levels of fluvoxamine in his system, which was around 0.0031–0.0087 mg/ml,[122] at the time of death.[123] After the shootings, opponents of contemporary psychiatry like Peter Breggin[124] claimed that the psychiatric medications prescribed to Harris after his conviction may have exacerbated his aggressiveness.[125]

Klebold entitled his journal A Virtual Book: EXISTENCES. Klebold's first journal entry was March 31, 1997, over a year prior to when Harris began his own writings, and in it, he talks about his depression and suicidal thoughts, over two years prior to the massacre.[126] For the rest of his writings, Klebold often wrote about his view that he and Harris were "god-like" and more highly evolved than every other human being, but his secret journal records the aforementioned self-loathing and suicidal intentions. Page after page was covered in hearts, as he was secretly in love with a Columbine student. Although both had difficulty controlling their anger, Klebold's anger had led to his being more prone to serious trouble than Harris. After their arrest, which both recorded as the most traumatic thing they had ever experienced, Klebold wrote a letter to Harris, saying how they would have so much fun getting revenge and killing police, and how his wrath from the January arrest would be "god-like". On the day of the massacre, Klebold wore a black T-shirt which had the word "WRATH" printed in red.[54] It was speculated that revenge for the arrest was a possible motive for the attack, and that the pair planned on having a massive gun battle with police during the shooting. Klebold wrote that life was no fun without a little death, and that he would like to spend the last moments of his life in nerve-wracking twists of murder and bloodshed. He concluded by saying that he would kill himself afterward in order to leave the world that he hated and go to a better place. Klebold was described as being "hotheaded, but depressive and suicidal".[9]

Some of the home-recorded videos, called "The Basement Tapes", have reportedly been destroyed by police. Harris and Klebold reportedly discussed their motives for the attacks in these videos and gave instructions in bomb making. Police cite the reason for withholding these tapes as an effort to prevent them from becoming "call-to-arms" and "how-to" videos that could inspire copycat killers.[127] Some people have argued that releasing the tapes would be helpful, in terms of allowing psychologists to study them, which in turn could possibly help identify characteristics of future killers.[128]

Media accounts

[edit]

Initially,[55] the shooters were believed to be members of a clique that called themselves the "Trench Coat Mafia", a small group of Columbine's self-styled outcasts who wore heavy black trench coats. Early reports described the members as also wearing German slogans and swastikas on their clothes.[55] Additional media reports described the Trench Coat Mafia as a cult with ties to the neo-Nazi movement which fueled a media stigma and bias against the Trench Coat Mafia. The Trench Coat Mafia was a group of friends who hung out together, wore black trench coats, and prided themselves on being different from the 'jocks' who had been bullying the members and who also coined the name Trench Coat Mafia.[129] The trench coat inadvertently became the members' uniform after a mother of one of the members bought it as a present.[55]

Investigation revealed that Harris and Klebold were only friends with one member of the group, Kristin Thiebault, and that most of the primary members of the Trench Coat Mafia had left the school by the time that Harris and Klebold committed the massacre. Most did not know the shooters, apart from their association with Thiebault, and none were considered suspects in the shootings or were charged with any involvement in the incident.[55]

Marilyn Manson was blamed by the media in the wake of the Columbine shooting, and responded to criticism in an interview with Michael Moore, in which he was asked, "If you were to talk directly to the kids at Columbine and the people in the community, what would you say to them if they were here right now?", to which he replied, "I wouldn't say a single word to them—I would listen to what they have to say, and that's what no one did", referring to people ignoring red flags that rose from Harris and Klebold prior to the shooting.[130]

Psychological analysis

[edit]

Although early media reports attributed the shootings to a desire for revenge on the part of Harris and Klebold for bullying that they received, subsequent psychological analysis indicated Harris and Klebold harbored serious psychological problems. Harris and Klebold were never diagnosed with any mental disorders, which is overwhelmingly uncommon in mass shooters.[131] According to Supervisory Special Agent Dwayne Fuselier, the FBI's lead Columbine investigator and a clinical psychologist, Harris exhibited a pattern of grandiosity, contempt, and lack of empathy or remorse, distinctive traits of psychopaths that he concealed through deception. Fuselier adds that Harris engaged in mendacity not merely to protect himself, as Harris rationalized in his journal, but also for pleasure, as seen when Harris expressed his thoughts in his journal regarding how he and Klebold avoided prosecution for breaking into a van. Other leading psychiatrists concur that Harris was a psychopath.[9]

According to psychologist Peter Langman, Klebold displayed signs of schizotypal personality disorder – he struck many people as odd due to his shy nature, appeared to have had disturbed thought processes and constantly misused language in unusual ways as evidenced by his journal. He appeared to have been delusional, viewed himself as "god-like", and wrote that he was "made a human without the possibility of BEING human." He was also convinced that others hated him and felt like he was being conspired against, even though according to many reports, Klebold was loved by his family and friends.[132]

Lawsuits

[edit]

In April 2001, the families of more than 30 victims were given shares in a $2,538,000 settlement by the families of the perpetrators, and the two men convicted of supplying the weapons used in the massacre. The Harrises and the Klebolds contributed $1,568,000 to the settlement from their own homeowners' policies, Manes contributed $720,000, and Duran contributed $250,000. The Harrises and the Klebolds were ordered to guarantee an additional $32,000 be available against any future claims. Manes was ordered to hold $80,000 against future claims, and Duran was ordered to hold $50,000.[133]

One family had filed a $250-million lawsuit against the Harrises and Klebolds in 1999 and did not accept the 2001 settlement terms. A judge ordered the family to accept a $366,000 settlement in June 2003.[134][135] In August 2003, the families of five other victims received undisclosed settlements from the Harrises and Klebolds.[134]

Reaction of Sue Klebold

[edit]

Sue Klebold, mother of Dylan Klebold, initially was in denial about Klebold's involvement in the massacre, believing he was tricked by Harris into doing it, among other things. Six months later, she saw the Basement Tapes made by Harris and Klebold and acknowledged that Klebold was equally responsible for the killings.[136] She spoke about the Columbine High School massacre publicly for the first time in an essay that appeared in the October 2009 issue of O: The Oprah Magazine. In the piece, Klebold wrote: "For the rest of my life, I will be haunted by the horror and anguish Dylan caused", and "Dylan changed everything I believed about myself, about God, about family, and about love." Stating that she had no clue of her son's intentions, she said: "Once I saw his journals, it was clear to me that Dylan entered the school with the intention of dying there."[137] In Andrew Solomon's 2012 book Far from the Tree, she acknowledged that on the day of the massacre, when she discovered that Klebold was one of the shooters, she prayed he would kill himself (before committing mass murder). "I had a sudden vision of what he might be doing. And so while every other mother in Littleton was praying that her child was safe, I had to pray that mine would die before he hurt anyone else."[138]

In February 2016, Klebold published a memoir, titled A Mother's Reckoning, about her experiences before and after the massacre.[139][140] It was co-written by Laura Tucker and included an introduction by National Book Award winner Andrew Solomon. It received very favorable reviews, including from the New York Times Book Review.[141] It peaked at No. 2 on The New York Times Best Seller list.[142]

On February 2, 2017, Klebold posted a TED Talk titled, "My son was a Columbine shooter. This is my story."[143] As of January 2024, the video has over 12.1 million views. The site listed Klebold's occupation as "activist", and stated: "Sue Klebold has become a passionate agent working to advance mental health awareness and intervention."[144]

Legacy

[edit]

ITV describes the legacy of Harris and Klebold as deadly, as they have inspired several instances of mass killings in the United States and globally. Napa Valley Register have called the pair "cultural icons".[145] Author of Columbine, Dave Cullen, called Harris and Klebold the fathers of the movement for disenfranchised youth.[146] Harris and Klebold have also, as CNN referred to, left their inevitable mark on pop culture.[147]

Copycats

[edit]

The Columbine shooting influenced several subsequent school shootings, with many praising Harris and Klebold.[148] Cho Seung-Hui, who perpetrated the Virginia Tech shooting, called them "martyrs".[149] In some cases, it has led to the closure of entire school districts.[150] According to psychiatrist E. Fuller Torrey of the Treatment Advocacy Center, a legacy of the Columbine shootings is its "allure to disaffected youth".[151]

Ralph Larkin examined twelve major school shootings in the US in the following eight years and found that in eight of those, "the shooters made explicit reference to Harris and Klebold."[152] Larkin wrote that the Columbine massacre established a "script" for shootings. "Numerous post-Columbine rampage shooters referred directly to Columbine as their inspiration; others attempted to supersede the Columbine shootings in body count."[153]

A 2015 investigation by CNN identified "more than 40 people ... charged with Columbine-style plots." A 2014 investigation by ABC News identified "at least 17 attacks and another 36 alleged plots or serious threats against schools since the assault on Columbine High School that can be tied to the 1999 massacre." Ties identified by ABC News included online research by the perpetrators into the Columbine shooting, clipping news coverage and images of Columbine, explicit statements of admiration of Harris and Klebold, such as writings in journals and on social media, in video posts,[e] and in police interviews, timing planned to an anniversary of Columbine, plans to exceed the Columbine victim counts, and other ties.[155] 60 mass shootings have been carried out, where the perpetrators had made at least a single reference to Harris and Klebold.[156]

In 2015, Canadian journalist Malcolm Gladwell writing in The New Yorker magazine proposed a threshold model of school shootings in which Harris and Klebold were the triggering actors in "a slow-motion, ever-evolving riot, in which each new participant's action makes sense in reaction to and in combination with those who came before."[152][157]

In 2024, Natalie Rupnow, who carried out the Abundant Life Christian School shooting in Madison, Wisconsin, was revealed to have worn a KMFDM shirt like Harris, which suggested that she may have intended to copycat Harris when she carried out the shooting.[158]

Fandom

[edit]

Harris and Klebold have also spawned a fandom who call themselves "Columbiners", mostly apparent on blogging site Tumblr. While some just have a scholarly interest in the pair or the event, the vast majority of these individuals, mostly young women, express a sympathetic, or sometimes even sexual interest, in Harris and Klebold.[159] There has been homoerotic art drawn of the two, fan fiction created on the pair's future together had they not gone through with the shooting and costumes created on the outfits Harris and Klebold sported the day of the shootings.[160]

"I relate to their feelings of hopelessness, being angry and not being able to change it, and wanting to be accepted and appreciated", an 18-year-old Tumblr user wrote on Harris and Klebold. "No one noticed they were struggling, and no one took their suffering seriously", added another user. A news site called "All That's Interesting" said on the fandom, "Many of these Columbiners have no positive feelings about the massacre, but are instead focused on the troubled inner lives of its perpetrators because they see themselves in them."[160] The fandom has received criticism for heroizing Harris and Klebold and allegedly inspiring shooting plots such as the Halifax mass shooting plot.[161]

Media about the duo

[edit]

The 2002 Michael Moore documentary film Bowling for Columbine focuses heavily on a perceived American obsession with handguns, its grip on Jefferson County, Colorado, and its role in the shooting.

In 2004, the shooting was dramatized in the documentary Zero Hour, in which Harris and Klebold are played by Ben Johnson and Josh Young, respectively.[162]

In 2005, game designer Danny Ledonne created a role-playing video game where the player assumes the role of Harris and Klebold during the massacre, entitled Super Columbine Massacre RPG!.[163] The game received substantial media backlash for allegedly glorifying the pair's actions. The father of one victim remarked to the press that the game "disgusts me. You trivialize the actions of two murderers and the lives of the innocent."[164]

The 2016 biographical film I'm Not Ashamed, based on the journals of Rachel Scott, includes glimpses of Harris's and Klebold's lives and of interactions between them and other students at Columbine High School. Harris is played by David Errigo Jr. and Klebold is played by Cory Chapman.[165]

Fiction inspired by the duo

[edit]

The 2003 Gus Van Sant film Elephant depicts a fictional school shooting, some of whose details were based on the Columbine massacre, such as one scene in which one of the young killers walks into the evacuated school cafeteria and pauses to take a sip from a drink left behind, as Harris did during the shooting.[116][166] In the film, the killers are called "Alex and Eric" after the actors who portray them, Alex Frost and Eric Deulen.

In the 2003 Ben Coccio film Zero Day, which was inspired by the Columbine shooting, two shooters are played by Andre Keuck and Cal Robertson and called "Andre and Calvin" after their actors.[167]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Eric Harris (1981–1999) and Dylan Klebold (1981–1999) were high school seniors who perpetrated the on April 20, 1999, in , killing 12 students and one teacher, injuring 24 others, and then dying by . The attack involved firearms and homemade explosives, with the pair detonating bombs and firing indiscriminately inside the school, though most of their over 90 planned devices failed to function as intended, limiting the casualty count. Contrary to widespread early media narratives framing them as bullied outcasts seeking on jocks or peers, Harris and Klebold maintained social connections, participated in school activities like and , and expressed in their journals a generalized rage against humanity, admiration for Nazi ideology in Harris's case, and a quest for notoriety rather than targeted retribution. Harris exhibited traits consistent with , including lack of and manipulative tendencies, while Klebold showed signs of severe depression, though neither had received adequate intervention despite prior warnings to authorities about their bomb-making and threats. The massacre, one of the deadliest school shootings in U.S. history at the time, spurred extensive investigations revealing systemic failures in threat assessment and response, while also inspiring subsequent attackers through the perpetrators' videos and writings that glorified violence and predicted their infamy. Initial reporting by mainstream outlets amplified unsubstantiated claims of subcultural alienation or cliques like the "Trench Coat Mafia," which investigations debunked as peripheral or nonexistent influences, highlighting biases toward simplistic causal explanations over the duo's documented ideological and personal pathologies.

Individual Backgrounds

Eric Harris

David Harris was born on , 1981, in , to Wayne Harris, a U.S. Air Force transport pilot, and Katherine "Kathy" Harris. The family, including Eric's older brother Kevin, relocated frequently due to Wayne's military career, living in places such as , where Eric participated in . Wayne retired from the Air Force in 1993, after which the family settled in . Harris attended Columbine High School starting in 1996, where he was described as a strong student with good grades and interests in computers and soccer. Initially outgoing and preppy in attire, he later adopted a more withdrawn demeanor, dressing in dark clothing and long coats. In January 1998, Harris and his friend Dylan Klebold were arrested for breaking into a parked van and stealing electronics, leading to participation in a juvenile diversion program that included community service and anger management counseling. Harris complied superficially with the program requirements but continued documenting intense personal grievances and violent fantasies in private journals. Analyses of Harris's writings and behavior, including entries expressing desires to commit mass violence and a sense of god-like superiority, have led researchers to characterize him as exhibiting psychopathic traits such as lack of , , and manipulative tendencies. These journals, spanning over a year, reveal a fixation on revenge against perceived persecutors and admiration for figures like , though no formal psychiatric diagnosis was conducted prior to his death on April 20, 1999.

Dylan Klebold

Dylan Bennet Klebold was born on September 11, 1981, in , . He was the second son of Thomas Klebold, who worked in the mortgage business, and Susan Klebold, who managed a small operation from their home in Jefferson County. His older brother, Byron, preceded him by several years. The family participated in a local Methodist church, but Klebold exhibited minimal religious engagement. In elementary and middle school, Klebold was regarded by educators as intelligent, affable, and socially connected, with one 8th-grade recalling his consistent cheerfulness and friendships. He transferred through several local schools before enrolling at in Littleton, where he became a senior by 1999. Academically diligent, he achieved a 3.8 grade point average and received acceptances from multiple universities, including the , with aspirations in . By high school, descriptions shifted to portray Klebold as reserved, introverted, and awkward in larger groups, maintaining a tight-knit circle that included Eric Harris, whom he befriended around 1993 after the Harris family relocated nearby. He shared interests in video games like Doom and part-time employment at alongside Harris. No records indicate significant disciplinary issues or overt in his school file prior to . Jefferson County Sheriff's Office documents, including Klebold's personal journals, later disclosed persistent suicidal thoughts and depressive symptoms emerging at least two years before April 20, 1999, contradicting early public assumptions of sudden rage or pervasive as primary drivers. Forensic Peter Langman, analyzing over 27,000 pages of these records, attributed Klebold's behavior to major depression rather than external victimization, noting the absence of corroborated evidence for chronic abuse or targeting by peers. His writings emphasized internal despair and fantasies of death, with entries spanning 1997 onward revealing a gradual escalation unaddressed by family or school interventions.

Family Environments

Harris Family Dynamics

The Harris family resided in a suburban home in , after relocating there in 1993 following Wayne Harris's military career postings, which included moves from (Eric's birthplace in 1981), to (1983), (circa 1989), and (1992). Wayne, a retired U.S. transport pilot, worked as a for the , while Kathy served as a homemaker; their older son, Kevin (born circa 1978), attended college during Eric's high school years. The family's frequent relocations—totaling at least five states—resulted in Eric attending seven schools prior to enrolling at in 1995, contributing to documented challenges in his social adjustment as noted in his later basement tapes. Wayne Harris maintained a 60-page journal logging Eric's disciplinary issues from the mid-1990s onward, focusing on problems, thefts, and interpersonal conflicts, such as a April 19, 1997, incident where neighbors accused Eric of damaging property with snowballs, which Wayne attributed to external targeting rather than fully accepting Eric's responsibility. In response to verified misbehavior, including a 1998 van break-in committed with Dylan Klebold, the family enforced punishments like restricting television, phone, computer, and video game access, imposing a 10 p.m. "lights out" rule to address Eric's irregular sleep and poor academic focus, and requiring him to surrender weapons in a September 1998 school assignment context. Wayne expressed frustration in the journal over Eric's lack of motivation, urging him to demonstrate a desire for success through improved conduct. Despite these interventions, the family did not report certain discoveries, such as Wayne's disposal of a found in Eric's room months before the April 20, 1999, attack, citing Eric's enrollment in a juvenile for prior offenses. Neighbors and acquaintances perceived the Harrises as a model family—structured, involved in family discussions (e.g., on policy issues like ), and supportive of Eric's activities, including a multi-day trip—with no substantiated reports of physical or emotional abuse in investigative documents. Wayne's journal reflects a approach emphasizing accountability and self-correction within a disciplined , though it also reveals defensiveness against external accusations of parental fault.

Klebold Family Dynamics

Thomas and Susan Klebold married in 1971 and resided in a suburban home in , where they raised two sons: Byron Jacob Klebold, born on October 23, 1978, and Dylan Bennet Klebold, born on September 11, 1981. The family maintained a gun-free household, eschewing even toy guns, and neighbors recalled the Klebold children, including Dylan and older brother Byron, participating in typical suburban activities such as playing in community pools during elementary school years. Thomas Klebold, a former geophysicist, later operated a business from home and engaged in property maintenance and rental, though his career was impacted by a diagnosis that strained family finances. Susan Klebold developed an interest in supporting individuals with mental disabilities through her work, though specific pre-1999 employment details remain limited in ; post-Columbine, she became an advocate for awareness and . The parents described their home as a stable haven, with Dylan portrayed in retrospect by his mother as a quiet, compliant child who adhered to rules and avoided overt rebellion, though she later acknowledged missing indicators of his underlying depression and that he concealed from the family. In a 2004 interview, Thomas and Susan Klebold stated they saw no signs their son was "beyond hope" prior to the attack and expressed no need for from victims' families, emphasizing their perception of Dylan as non-violent until evidence emerged otherwise. Family dynamics appeared outwardly conventional and supportive, with the Klebolds cooperating fully with investigators after April 20, 1999, including permitting searches of their home; however, Dylan's journals and basement tapes later revealed he harbored private resentments, such as discomfort when his parents unexpectedly entered his room while he tried on a trench coat. Critics of Susan Klebold's 2016 memoir A Mother's Reckoning argue it presents an idealized view of the family's normalcy while minimizing parental oversight of Dylan's escalating isolation and associations, though the book attributes his actions primarily to undetected mental health struggles rather than familial dysfunction. No verified evidence from official investigations points to abusive or neglectful parenting as a causal factor, contrasting with narratives in some media accounts that question the depth of parental awareness amid Dylan's prior minor legal troubles, including a 1998 van break-in for which the family secured diversion counseling.

Pre-Columbine Activities

High School Experiences

Eric Harris transferred to in , following his family's relocation to the area in 1993 due to his father's assignment. Dylan Klebold, born in on September 11, 1981, had attended schools in the district since childhood, including Columbine as a long-term student. Both were enrolled as seniors during the 1998–1999 academic year, with Harris turning 18 on April 9, 1999, and Klebold aged 17. Academically, Harris performed well, earning mostly As, maintaining strong attendance, and excelling in math and technology-related subjects. Klebold, identified for the Challenging High Intellectual Potential Students (CHIPS) program in third grade, was similarly gifted in math and computers, achieving acceptance to the for despite periodic struggles with depression impacting his focus. Their friendship, which deepened through shared technical hobbies like programming and (including Harris's custom Doom levels), provided mutual support amid these pursuits. Socially, Harris and Klebold maintained a close-knit group of acquaintances rather than being isolated loners, with Harris appearing more outgoing—attending parties, dating briefly, and smoking or drinking with peers—while Klebold remained shy and self-conscious, securing a prom date with classmate in April 1999. They loosely affiliated with the "Trench Coat Mafia," a informal cluster of students favoring black trench coats, , and edgy aesthetics, but held no leadership roles and distanced themselves from its core. Early media narratives of them as bullied victims have been refuted by investigative reviews; instead, they often acted as aggressors, with Harris displaying a volatile temper that alienated classmates through belligerence and —such as reducing a to tears over fears of —and both engaging in like picking on younger or defacing lockers with obscenities. One cited incident of Harris being shoved into lockers occurred in his senior year but postdated the onset of attack planning by months, undermining claims of retaliatory motive. Beyond academics, their high school routine included off-campus jobs at , where they bonded further, and leisure activities like bowling league participation and attending school events such as football games and dances, presenting an outwardly unremarkable teenage existence.

Early Criminal Behavior

In January 1998, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, along with two acquaintances, broke into a parked van belonging to a local business in , and stole electronic equipment including computers, monitors, and tools valued at several thousand dollars. The theft was discovered when the van's owner reported missing items, leading to an investigation that identified the perpetrators through fingerprints and witness accounts. Both Harris, then 16, and Klebold, then 17, admitted to their involvement after being confronted by authorities. Harris and Klebold faced charges of , criminal mischief, and criminal trespassing, offenses that could have resulted in up to three years in juvenile detention and fines ranging from $1,000 to $100,000 per count. Instead of formal prosecution, they were enrolled in Jefferson County's Juvenile Diversion Program in March 1998, a initiative for first-time, nonviolent offenders aimed at avoiding a permanent through supervised , counseling, and educational requirements. The program, which lasted until February 1999, required Harris and Klebold to complete 45 hours of each, attend classes, and reimburse the victim for damages exceeding $1,800. Harris complied minimally, performing tasks like cleaning parks, while expressing resentment toward the process in private writings; Klebold participated more cooperatively but showed little remorse. This incident marked the only documented criminal offense for either individual prior to the Columbine attack, with no prior arrests or juvenile records noted for Klebold and Harris having no earlier convictions. During the diversion period, Harris confided to his assigned officer about experiencing homicidal and , though these disclosures were not escalated as imminent threats under program protocols. The episode highlighted early patterns of rule-breaking and entitlement in their behavior, but authorities viewed it as typical rather than indicative of escalating violence.

Hitmen for Hire Website and Initial Fantasies

In December 1998, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold produced a short video titled Hitmen for Hire (originally conceived as Revenge for Hire) as part of an class assignment requiring students to create an advertisement for a fictional . In the video, Harris and Klebold portrayed themselves as professional hitmen available for hire to protect bullied students from antagonists, dressed in black trench coats and sunglasses while roaming the hallways of with prop firearms. A classmate, Eric Veik, appeared as a bullied victim who hires the duo, offering to "pay anything" for protection, while another student, Michael Vendegnia, played the role of the bully. The hitmen outline their services with a pricing structure: $20 per day for in-school protection and $1,000 to "relocate" targets off school grounds, implying lethal removal. Additional footage shows the pair driving around , further emphasizing their mercenary personas. The video served as an early public manifestation of Harris and Klebold's shared preoccupation with violent revenge against perceived persecutors, particularly bullies, and has been described by analysts as a symbolic for their later actions. Harris, who directed the project, drew from influences like the film in styling the hitmen characters, blending hyper-masculine bravado with threats of retribution. Classmates viewed the submission, which depicted confronting and eliminating "bad guys," but it elicited no formal intervention from school staff despite its explicit violent themes. Harris's personal websites, hosted under handles like "REB" (short for Rebel) on platforms such as AOL and WBS.net, provided an outlet for earlier expressions of rage and fantasies predating the video. These sites, active from at least 1997, primarily featured content related to video games like Doom and Quake—including custom WAD files, clan pages for the "Rebel Clan," and deathmatch discussions—but also included "pissed hate rants" targeting individuals like classmate Brooks Brown and broader grievances about society. One rant threatened violence in response to personal slights, while others documented nighttime "pranks" involving explosives conducted with Klebold (under "VoDkA") and another associate ("KiBBz"). Post-event investigations revealed apocalyptic imagery, bomb-related diagrams, and lyrics from bands like KMFDM on these pages, reflecting Harris's growing fixation on destruction, though full contents were sealed by the FBI and no complete archives exist. Harris's handwritten journals, beginning in April 1998, documented initial violent fantasies in detail, including desires for , fascination, and explicit scenarios of murdering those he disliked. Entries described sadistic acts, such as tearing apart victims' bodies or forcing unnatural deaths, often framed as or . By November 1998, these escalated to writings about violent sexual fantasies intertwined with . Klebold's contributions to their joint ideation were more subdued initially, focusing on depressive resentment rather than proactive , though he echoed Harris's themes in shared activities like the hitmen video and pranks. These online and written outlets reveal a progression from abstract fantasies—rooted in perceived —to structured depictions of execution, with the Hitmen for Hire video bridging imaginative rants to performative threats.

Attack Preparation

Ideological and Personal Motivations

Eric Harris exhibited a narcissistic and sadistic worldview, framing himself as a superior being tasked with accelerating natural selection by eliminating the "unfit." In his writings, he invoked Darwinian concepts to justify mass killing, stating, "Natural selection needs a boost, like me with a shotgun," and positioned the attack as a means to "kick natural selection up a few notches." He repeatedly affirmed godlike status, writing "Ich bin Gott" ("I am God") multiple times and aspiring to "feel like God... having everyone being OFFICIALLY lower than me." This pseudoscientific ideology merged with personal contempt for humanity, as Harris expressed broad hatred—"I want to kill everyone except about 5 people"—and a drive to "destroy as much as possible," motivated by desires for infamy and unchecked power rather than targeted revenge. Forensic analyses characterize him as psychopathic, with antisocial traits evident in his calculated cruelty and lack of empathy, debunking narratives centering bullying as the primary cause, since records show he also victimized peers. Dylan Klebold's motivations arose from chronic depression, suicidal despair, and , viewing death as liberation from an unbearable existence. Journal entries convey acute : "Oooh god I want to die sooo bad... such a sad desolate lonely unsalvageable I feel I am," and frame positively: "Thinking of gives me hope, that I’ll be in my place wherever I go after this life." He perceived himself as an outsider amid peers' fulfillment—"I don’t fit in here... I see jocks having fun, friends, women, LIVEZ... like ignorance = bliss"—fostering resentment that escalated to violent fantasies. The planned represented "the ultimate ," coded as NBK, with Klebold writing, "NBK will be the ultimate ... They will know when gods get pissed off," though his role was secondary, influenced by Harris amid a mutual pact. Their combined drives—Harris's ideological elitism and destructive ambition paired with Klebold's emotional collapse—propelled preparations for an apocalyptic event exceeding school confines, envisioned as a bombing to eclipse the Oklahoma City attack in scale and terror, targeting indiscriminate annihilation for symbolic dominance.

Acquisition of Weapons and Explosives

Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, both underage for certain purchases under , obtained their weapons through straw purchases by an adult acquaintance and direct illegal sales from older individuals. Robyn Anderson, an 18-year-old friend of Klebold who attended the prom with him, purchased three of the four guns at the Tanner Gun Show in December 1998 from unlicensed private sellers: a Savage-Springfield 67H 12-gauge pump-action , a Savage-Springfield 311-D 12-gauge double-barrel , and a Hi-Point 995 9mm . These transactions exploited Colorado's lack of background checks for private sales at gun shows, constituting illegal purchases since Anderson bought the on behalf of the minors with intent to transfer them immediately. The fourth weapon, an TEC-DC9 , was sold directly to Klebold by Mark , a 22-year-old acquaintance met through a pizza parlor job, for $500 in early 1999; Manes knew Klebold was underage but proceeded with the sale. Philip Duran, Manes' associate, facilitated aspects of the TEC-DC9's availability and later pleaded guilty to related federal charges including possession of a sawed-off used in practice sessions with the perpetrators. The perpetrators modified the shotguns by shortening their barrels to approximately 15 inches using tools in Harris's garage, enhancing concealability but rendering them illegal short-barreled shotguns under federal regulations. Harris and Klebold practiced with these weapons in rural areas, including footage showing them firing at targets with , Duran, and others present, though the adults claimed ignorance of the attack plans. No background checks were required for the private sales, highlighting enforcement gaps in pre-1999 gun show regulations. For explosives, Harris and Klebold manufactured over 90 pipe bombs and match-grade diversionary devices using readily available materials purchased from hardware stores, sporting goods outlets, and shops starting in late 1998. Components included PVC pipes, end caps, fuses, and black powder derived from disassembled or rocket motors, with total assembly costs estimated under $200; these were tested in remote fields, as documented in their journals and videos. The two large propane bombs placed in the school cafeteria consisted of 20-pound commercial tanks filled with a gasoline- , augmented with nails and metal fragments for shrapnel, and wired to simple kitchen-timer detonators; the tanks were legally purchased from local suppliers like hardware stores without arousing suspicion. Additional smaller bombs used CO2 cartridges packed with explosives for propulsion. These homemade devices, while crude, were central to their plan for mass casualties via blast effects rather than gunfire alone.

Planning Timeline

The planning for the attack by Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold began in earnest in early , evolving from initial violent fantasies documented in their journals into a coordinated effort to acquire weapons, construct explosives, and rehearse tactics over the subsequent months. Harris's journal entries from April 1998 onward explicitly targeted the school and outlined revenge against perceived social slights, while both perpetrators referenced "NBK" () as a code for their scheme. By late 1998, they had procured bomb-making materials and firearms through straw purchasers, marking a shift from ideation to material preparation. Key milestones in their preparation included:
  • March 1998: Harris's journal first specifies as the target, reflecting focused intent on the institution.
  • April 10, 1998: Harris documents societal disdain and hints at violent retribution in his journal.
  • , 1998: Harris affirms commitment to "NBK," mass casualties while sparing a few, and mentions acquiring explosives and weapons.
  • November 1998: Procurement of materials; initial construction of small explosives begins. Robyn Anderson, an 18-year-old friend, purchases two 12-gauge shotguns—a double-barrel Savage-Springfield 67 and a pump-action —at a gun show on Harris and Klebold's behalf.
  • November 17, 1998: Harris records the purchase of the shotguns and a 9mm Hi-Point carbine rifle, describing it as a "."
  • December 1998: Additional guns acquired via friend Mark , including steps toward obtaining a TEC-DC9 .
  • December 29, 1998: Harris notes acquisition of the , six timed clocks, 39 small "cricket" bombs (CO2 cartridge devices), 24 s, and ongoing production.
  • January 23, 1999: Klebold pays Manes $300 as for the TEC-DC9 semi-automatic .
  • January–March 1999: Production of the "Hitmen for Hire" video series, displaying weapons, bombs, and mock attacks; explosives testing conducted and filmed in remote areas.
  • March 1999: Construction and field-testing of larger propane-based bombs (up to 20 pounds each), intended for the school cafeteria; videos capture rehearsals targeting the school structure.
  • April 3, 1999: Harris updates bomb inventory in his journal, confirming readiness of timed devices, crickets, s, and .
  • April 11–12, 1999: Final basement videotapes recorded, detailing attack logistics, weapon assignments, and expectations of high casualties from initial explosions followed by shootings.
  • April 19, 1999: Manes supplies 100 rounds of 9mm ammunition to Harris, completing last-minute arming.
This progression, evidenced by journals, videos, and forensic traces of explosive residues, demonstrates a deliberate escalation from fantasy to operational readiness, with Harris driving technical aspects like bomb-making while Klebold contributed to logistics and shared ideological commitment. The plan emphasized timed diversions and car bombs to maximize chaos, though technical failures in the primary devices altered execution.

The Massacre

Chronology of the Event

Eric Harris arrived at Columbine High School's south junior at approximately 11:00 a.m. on April 20, 1999, parking his 1986 gray . Dylan Klebold arrived shortly after at 11:10 a.m. in the southwest senior with his 1982 black . At 11:10 a.m., the rang, signaling the start of the "A" period, with 270-300 students gathered in the . Harris and Klebold entered the cafeteria at 11:14 a.m., carrying duffel bags containing two 20-pound propane bombs, which they placed near lunch tables before exiting. These bombs were set with timers but failed to detonate fully due to faulty wiring. At 11:19 a.m., the perpetrators positioned themselves on the west exterior steps and initiated the attack by shouting "GO! GO!" and firing shotguns, killing and injuring Richard Castaldo. Over the next few minutes, they continued shooting outside the west entrance and near the cafeteria, killing Daniel Rohrbough and injuring Lance Kirklin, Sean Graves, and Anne Marie Hochhalter. Jefferson County Sheriff's Deputy Neil Gardner arrived at the scene by 11:22 a.m. and exchanged gunfire with Harris from the south parking lot. Harris and Klebold then entered the through the west entrance around 11:24 a.m., with Harris firing at Gardner and another deputy responding from a broken window. At 11:25 a.m., Patti Nielson called 911 from inside the , reporting shots fired originating from the area as students evacuated the . Dave Sanders was shot in the hallway at 11:26 a.m. while assisting students. The gunmen entered the at 11:29 a.m., yelling "Get up!" before opening , killing ten individuals including Kyle Velasquez and Corey DePooter, and injuring twelve others. They left the library at 11:36 a.m., moving through the area where they taped an explosive to a storage room door but did not enter, and proceeded to throw another device inside. By 11:44 a.m., they returned to the cafeteria, where Harris shot at a , causing a partial that activated the sprinklers and started a . Harris and Klebold continued roaming the administrative offices, art area, and kitchen between 11:47 a.m. and 11:59 a.m., firing sporadically. They returned to the around 12:00 p.m., shooting out windows at responding and paramedics from 12:02 p.m. to 12:05 p.m. Between 12:05 p.m. and 12:08 p.m., both perpetrators committed inside the library with self-inflicted gunshot wounds. SWAT teams entered the library at 3:22 p.m., discovering the bodies along with survivor Lisa Kreutz.

Tactics Employed

Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold initiated their assault on at 11:19 a.m. on April 20, 1999, by firing upon students outside the west entrance before entering the building, employing a hybrid strategy of mass bombing followed by targeted shootings to maximize casualties. Their core tactic centered on two 20-pound bombs placed in bags in the , timed to detonate at 11:17 a.m. amid a of approximately 488 students during , with the intent to collapse the structure and trap victims for subsequent gunfire; these devices failed due to faulty wiring, prompting a shift to improvised detonations via small arms fire that yielded only partial explosions around 11:46-11:47 a.m. Complementing the explosives, the perpetrators carried firearms concealed under black trench coats, discharging a total of 188 rounds in a rampage that emphasized high-density areas like the , where they entered at 11:29 a.m. and killed 10 of their 13 victims by methodically targeting individuals hiding under tables, often after verbal taunts. Harris wielded a Hi-Point 9mm , firing 96 rounds, and a Savage-Springfield 12-gauge with 25 rounds, primarily in the ; Klebold used an TEC-DC9 9mm (55 rounds) and a Stevens 12-gauge double-barrel (12 rounds), focusing shots inside the . To amplify chaos and divert responders, they deployed diversionary pipe bombs three miles away at South Wadsworth Boulevard, which exploded at 11:21 a.m. as planned, alongside smaller CO2 cartridge bombs ("crickets"), hand-thrown pipe bombs, and Molotov cocktails scattered throughout hallways, the , and stairwells—some of which detonated, igniting minor fires and activating alarms. Additional timed explosives in their vehicles (Klebold's and Harris's ) were set for noon but also malfunctioned, leaving 95 total devices across the site, including 27 pipe bombs and 11 containers, underscoring a bomb-centric plan undermined by technical unreliability.
PerpetratorFirearmRounds FiredPrimary Use Location
Eric HarrisHi-Point 9mm carbine96Throughout school, including
Eric HarrisSavage-Springfield 12-gauge 25 (21 in )Library and hallways
Dylan Klebold TEC-DC9 9mm 55Inside school,
Dylan KleboldStevens 12-gauge 12 (6 in )Library and exterior
Their movements followed a rehearsed path through west doors into the cafeteria, up to the , and intermittent returns to fire at from windows, prioritizing structural chokepoints over escape, which confined the attack to 49 minutes before their suicides at 12:08 p.m. in the . Knives carried by both were unused, and while racial epithets and jock-targeted comments surfaced in the , shootings appeared largely indiscriminate within victim proximity.

Casualties and Immediate Aftermath

The on April 20, 1999, resulted in 13 immediate fatalities: 12 students and one teacher, William "Dave" Sanders, who was shot in the chest and neck while directing over 100 students to safety from the and later died from blood loss in a science classroom after approximately four hours, despite student efforts to aid him using materials like shirts and wet paper towels as tourniquets. Twenty-four others were injured, including 21 wounded by gunfire and three by secondary causes such as shattered glass from explosions or structural damage. In the hours following Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold's suicides around 12:05 p.m., Jefferson County Sheriff's deputies and SWAT teams conducted sweeps of the building to neutralize remaining threats, including pipe bombs and propane devices that failed to detonate fully, while hundreds of students and staff who had barricaded themselves in classrooms, the library, and other areas were evacuated in small groups with hands raised for identification. Emergency medical services treated the wounded on-site and transported them to hospitals, amid a response involving over 1,000 personnel from local, state, and federal agencies that secured the perimeter and managed a chaotic scene marked by live media broadcasts and parental reunification efforts at nearby fields and churches. The school's library, site of several deaths, was cleared last, with full site control achieved by late afternoon as forensic teams began evidence collection.

Perpetrators' Suicides

Following their return to the around 12:00 p.m., where they had previously killed several students, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold exchanged gunfire with responding through the windows before turning the weapons on themselves between approximately 12:02 p.m. and 12:08 p.m. Harris positioned himself under a in the southwest section of the second-floor library and fired a sawed-off into his head at close range, resulting in immediate fatal brain injuries. Klebold, a few feet away under another near tables cluttered with books and devices, similarly inflicted a self-inflicted to his left temple using a semiautomatic , with the large-caliber round passing through-and-through his skull. Autopsies conducted by the Jefferson County Coroner's Office confirmed both deaths as homicidal-suicides due to penetrating wounds to the head, with no other significant injuries or contributing factors such as explosives noted on their bodies. Ballistic evidence recovered at the scene, including the spent shotgun shell near Harris and the beside Klebold, corroborated the self-inflicted nature of , as trajectories aligned with their positions relative to the weapons. The perpetrators' journals and Basement Tapes, analyzed post-incident, explicitly expressed intent to die during the attack rather than face capture or trial, aligning with the absence of any escape attempts after the library re-entry. SWAT personnel discovered the bodies at 3:22 p.m. upon clearing the , identifying them by and physical descriptions matching suspect photos circulated earlier. Dr. Christopher Colwell of Denver Health Medical Center formally pronounced both deceased at 4:45 p.m., after which forensic teams documented the scene, noting proximity to unexploded pipe bombs and a partially ignited that had triggered a smoke alarm but postdated their deaths. The suicides effectively ended the active phase of the assault, which had begun at 11:19 a.m. with the duo's initial entry into the school.

Forensic and Investigative Findings

Journals, Videos, and Digital Evidence

Eric Harris maintained a journal spanning from early 1998 until shortly before the April 20, 1999, attack, containing over 100 pages of entries filled with expressions of rage toward humanity, detailed planning for the massacre (referred to as "NBK" after the film ), and lists of weapons and targets. Harris wrote of his desire for mass destruction, stating intentions to "burn the fucking city to ashes" and viewing non-participants in the attack as "zombies" deserving death, while fantasizing about terrorist acts like hijacking and crashing a plane into . His entries revealed psychopathic traits, including lack of remorse and of others, as in complaints about being excluded from social activities and vows of vengeance against "natural selection" foes like athletes. These journals, along with planning documents such as maps and supply lists, were released by the Jefferson County Sheriff's on July 6, 2006, as part of nearly 1,000 pages of investigative materials. Dylan Klebold's journal, covering similar periods, consisted of fewer entries focused on personal despair, , and conflicted excitement about the impending violence, with writings like "I have a goal: to make sure everyone who deserves to die does die" interspersed with romantic yearnings and self-loathing. Klebold expressed toward others' and a sense of inevitable doom, noting "existence has lost its meaning" while affirming commitment to Harris's vision of the attack as a path to transcendence or oblivion. Unlike Harris's systematic , Klebold's writings emphasized emotional isolation and depression, though both journals corroborated mutual reinforcement of their plans without external coercion. Harris and Klebold produced multiple videos, including the unreleased "Basement Tapes" recorded in Harris's home basement between March 15 and April 20, 1999, totaling about four hours across several cassettes. These tapes featured them displaying firearms and pipe bombs, practicing movements, and discussing the attack's , with Harris ranting against perceived inferiors and quoting Shakespeare ("Good wombs have borne bad sons") while Klebold appeared more subdued but participatory. They mocked potential survivors, predicted media portrayal as martyrs, and expressed glee at the anticipated chaos, revealing the attack as a deliberate spectacle rather than impulsive rage. Additional videos included a school assignment parodying the as "Hitmen for Hire," where they posed with weapons in trench coats, foreshadowing their attire on the day of . The Basement Tapes were viewed by investigators and select reporters but never publicly released; all copies were destroyed by Jefferson County in early 2011 to prevent glorification. Digitally, Harris operated a personal website under pseudonyms like "Rebldomine," hosting bomb-making recipes (e.g., for pipe bombs using household chemicals), death threats, and rants against classmates and society, with entries dating back to 1998 warning of impending violence. The site included a guestbook receiving responses from peers and strangers, some mocking Harris, which he cited in journals as fueling resentment; it also diverted from a court-mandated anger management program essay into violent fantasies. Klebold had minimal online presence but collaborated on shared digital files, including floppy disks with attack timelines and diversions like Doom game modifications. These artifacts, recovered post-attack, demonstrated premeditation through coded references to "NBK" in online posts and planning spreadsheets logging ammunition purchases and explosive tests.

Autopsies and Toxicology

The autopsies of Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, performed by the Jefferson County Coroner's Office, established that both died from self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head on April 20, 1999, with suicide ruled as the manner of death in each case. No evidence of fatal injuries from law enforcement or other external sources was found, aligning with investigative timelines placing their suicides in the school library prior to police entry. Eric Harris's autopsy documented a massive head injury caused by a high-energy entering through the roof of the mouth and exiting the occiput, consistent with a close-range discharge; the wound track involved destruction of the , , and , rendering instantaneous death. The examination noted no additional significant trauma beyond superficial abrasions and minor contusions unrelated to the terminal injury. Dylan Klebold's confirmed death from a single self-inflicted to the left temple, with the traversing the and exiting the right posterior head; the entry showed muzzle contact, supporting , and caused extensive cerebral hemorrhage and fragmentation. Toxicology tests conducted as part of the autopsies yielded negative results for both Harris and Klebold, showing no presence of alcohol, illicit drugs, or therapeutic medications in their systems at the time of death. This outcome occurred despite Harris having been prescribed (an SSRI ) for prior psychological treatment, which he reportedly ceased taking about one month earlier. Portions of Klebold's report, including some details, were sealed by in 2002 at his parents' request to protect , though the negative drug screen was publicly confirmed.

Official Investigations

The primary official investigation into the Columbine High School massacre was conducted by the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office (JCSO), which released its final report on May 15, 2000, following a 10-month probe involving timelines, diagrams, first-responder accounts, and analysis of evidence such as journals, videos, and bomb-making materials recovered from Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold's residences. The JCSO concluded that Harris and Klebold acted alone, with no evidence of accomplices despite initial rumors, and that their planning spanned over a year, including the illegal acquisition of firearms and construction of devices intended to target responders after the initial attack. The report detailed failures in prior threat responses, such as uninvestigated incidents linked to the perpetrators, but attributed the attack primarily to their deliberate intent rather than external facilitation. Subsequent scrutiny revealed shortcomings in the JCSO investigation, including allegations of withheld and incomplete disclosure; a 2002 Jefferson County report criticized the probe for confirming families' suspicions of covered-up errors that might have allowed preventive intervention, such as inadequate follow-up on prior complaints about Harris's violent writings and Klebold's involvement in of weapons components. The JCSO had not shared known intelligence about the perpetrators' activities with school officials prior to April 20, 1999, contributing to missed opportunities for threat assessment. In parallel, the (FBI) supported the local effort through witness interviews conducted from April 21 to May 5, 1999, and behavioral analysis of the perpetrators' materials, classifying the incident as a targeted driven by the duo's expressed grievances and ideological influences evident in their writings and recordings. FBI records emphasized the homemade explosives' role in the planned scale of destruction, though malfunctions limited casualties beyond the 13 killed and 21 wounded, and noted the investigation's focus on aspects without federal takeover. Governor Bill Owens established the independent Columbine Review Commission in January 2000 to examine systemic responses, culminating in a that highlighted overlooked —including the perpetrators' suicidal and violent tendencies documented in journals and videos—but stopped short of attributing primary causation to or community failures, instead recommending enhanced protocols for threat reporting, inter-agency communication, and emergency preparedness to mitigate future risks. The commission's findings underscored causal factors rooted in the perpetrators' agency, such as Harris's documented rage and Klebold's depression, while advocating for data-driven safety measures without endorsing narratives of pervasive external blame.

Psychological Evaluations

Profile of Eric Harris

Eric David Harris was born on April 9, 1981, in , to Wayne Harris, a U.S. transport pilot, and Katherine (Kathy) Harris. The family relocated frequently due to Wayne's military career, living in ; ; and other locations before settling in , in July 1993 when Eric was 12 years old. He had an older brother, , who was eight years his senior and pursued a military path similar to their father's. The Harris family presented an outward image of stability, with Wayne and Kathy described by acquaintances as involved parents who attended school events and enforced discipline, though Eric's journals later revealed his perception of emotional distance and resentment toward them. Harris enrolled at in 1995 as a and was academically capable, participating in classes and maintaining above-average grades, with reports indicating he was viewed by some teachers as intelligent and technically proficient, particularly in and . He worked part-time at starting in 1998, where he met Dylan Klebold, and the two bonded over shared interests in firearms and violent video games like Doom, which Harris modified extensively. Prior to the massacre, Harris had a minor , including a 1998 incident of breaking into a parked van and , as well as manufacturing and detonating pipe bombs, leading to a year of juvenile involvement, including classes and , which he completed without apparent behavioral change. In terms of personality, Harris displayed traits aligned with and , characterized by , lack of , manipulative charm, and a profound sense of entitlement, as evidenced in his personal journals spanning 1998–1999. These writings, totaling over 100 pages, articulated intense , with repeated declarations of for humanity—"I hate you people for leaving me out"—coupled with fantasies of god-like power, mass killings, and apocalyptic destruction via homemade bombs far more destructive than those used at Columbine. He expressed no for prior acts of or and viewed weaker individuals with contempt, often idolizing figures of destruction like and natural disasters. Despite outward sociability—having acquaintances, a brief romantic interest, and participation in school activities—his inner monologue revealed a calculated detachment, planning the attack under code names like "NBK" (referencing ) while producing videos demonstrating bomb-making and target practice. Retrospective analyses, drawing from journals, witness statements, and unreleased "Basement Tapes," underscore his dominant role in ideation and execution, driven by personal ideology of superiority rather than reactive grievances.

Profile of Dylan Klebold

Dylan Bennet Klebold was born on September 11, 1981, in , , as the second son of Thomas Klebold, an insurance agent, and Susan Klebold, a homemaker who later worked in and . He had an older brother, Byron, born in 1978. The family, of Jewish descent on his mother's side, relocated several times during Dylan's childhood due to his father's career, eventually settling in , in 1993. Klebold attended Normandy Elementary School, Ken Caryl Middle School, and then starting in 1995, where he was enrolled in the class of 1999. Acquaintances described him as a quiet, intelligent youth with interests in computers, , and baseball, particularly rooting for the Boston Red Sox, though he was not athletically active himself. At Columbine, Klebold maintained a small circle of friends, including Eric Harris, whom he met around 1995 while both worked part-time at a local restaurant. He was known among peers as shy and socially reserved, often participating in video games and philosophical discussions but avoiding larger social groups or sports. Classmates noted his lanky build—standing about 6 feet 1 inch tall—and occasional wearing of wire-rimmed glasses, portraying him as unassuming rather than confrontational. Klebold achieved a GPA of approximately 3.6, taking courses in math and science, and expressed aspirations for college, though his writings later revealed underlying dissatisfaction with his academic and social life. He dated sporadically, including a brief relationship with a girl named Jessica, but journals indicate unrequited crushes contributed to his emotional distress. Investigative analysis of Klebold's journals, recovered from his home and spanning from 1998 to early 1999, documents chronic depression, self-loathing, and predating his association with Harris. Entries frequently express feelings of emptiness, worthlessness, and a desire for death, such as repeated phrases like "I hate you people for leaving me out of so many fun things" and fantasies of as an escape from perceived inadequacies. Unlike Harris's writings focused on rage and supremacy, Klebold's reflect passive and romantic longing, including infatuations with unnamed girls and pleas for existential relief. No formal diagnosis was recorded prior to the April 20, 1999, events, but forensic psychologists, reviewing journals and witness accounts, characterized his mindset as indicative of with melancholic features, marked by and recurrent rather than antisocial traits. Videos, including unreleased "Basement Tapes," show Klebold as a reluctant follower influenced by Harris's , expressing personal grievances over fitting in but lacking the premeditated hatred evident in his partner's materials. His mother, , later attributed overlooked signs of severe to his outward compliance and family emphasis on achievement, noting in reflections that he masked turmoil effectively.

Comparative Analysis and Path to Violence

Eric Harris exhibited traits aligned with , including a profound lack of , grandiose , and chronic anger directed at , as detailed in analyses of his journals and videos where he expressed desires for mass destruction and personal . His writings and behaviors, such as creating a in early 1999 with bomb-making instructions and threats, reflected calculated planning and a rejection of constraints, with no evident for prior petty crimes like in 1998. In comparison, Dylan Klebold's documented mindset centered on internalized despair, with journal entries from 1997 onward revealing recurrent , feelings of worthlessness, and a passive , lacking Harris's outward vengeful intensity. Klebold's depression appeared chronic, potentially exacerbated by romantic rejections and academic pressures, but his role leaned toward rather than initiation. The interpersonal dynamic between the two amplified their individual pathologies: Harris, as the dominant figure, redirected Klebold's self-loathing into , framing the attack as mutual revenge while Klebold viewed it partly as an escape through death. Their shared activities, including obsessions like Doom and formation of a loose social circle, provided a facade of normalcy, but escalating isolation in late 1998—marked by weapon acquisitions from Mark Manes and Robyn Anderson—shifted focus to violence. This contrasts with narratives overemphasizing external triggers like , which official reviews found overstated; instead, internal grievances and mutual drove escalation, with Harris's psychopathic traits overriding Klebold's depressive inertia. The path to the April 20, 1999, attack unfolded over approximately 18 months, beginning with small-scale explosives in 1997 and intensifying by November 1998 when journals documented prototypes aimed at killing hundreds during lunch hour. By March 1999, they conducted test detonations and filmed "Basement Tapes" prophesying the event, blending Harris's apocalyptic rants with Klebold's fatalistic agreement, yet ignored warnings like Harris's prior for failed to intervene on red flags. Failed diversions—such as the non-detonation of main bombs—shifted the plan to firearms, resulting in 13 fatalities before their suicides, underscoring how Harris's strategic vision, unchecked by Klebold's enabling presence, bypassed potential off-ramps like family awareness of arsenal accumulation. This trajectory highlights causal primacy of personal agency over environmental excuses, with in Harris providing propulsion and depression in Klebold supplying .

Debunked Narratives and Controversies

Bullying Hypothesis Examination

The bullying hypothesis posits that chronic victimization by peers, particularly from athletic cliques or the "jocks" at , fueled Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold's rage and motivated the April 20, 1999, massacre as an act of revenge. This narrative gained traction in early media coverage and films like , which emphasized social and as causal factors, drawing on anecdotal reports from students and parents describing a hostile environment with rampant and physical . However, empirical of witness statements, records, and the perpetrators' own writings reveals limited substantiation for as a primary driver. Investigations, including the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office review and the Governor's Columbine Review Commission, documented instances of general at the school—such as stronger students targeting weaker ones—but found no pattern of severe, sustained abuse directed at Harris or Klebold specifically. Klebold, described as shy and depressive, faced occasional mockery for his appearance or demeanor, with friends like Nathan Dykeman recalling him enduring light-hearted jabs but maintaining a circle of acquaintances, including participation in school plays and dating. Harris, conversely, exhibited bully-like traits himself, intimidating younger students and deriving satisfaction from dominance, as evidenced by entries in his journal expressing for "inferiors" rather than victimhood. Neither perpetrator's digital footprints—journals, videos, and websites—prioritize school-based grudges; Harris's writings articulate a god-complex and desire for widespread destruction, while Klebold's focus on personal despair and , with the attack framed as mutual suicide rather than retribution against tormentors. Analyses of primary evidence undermine the hypothesis's causal claims, as the duo's year-long planning emphasized arsenal acquisition, bomb-making, and apocalyptic fantasy over targeting specific abusers. While some post-event testimonies, including from the Trench Coat Mafia periphery, alleged jock-led harassment like shoving or name-calling, these were inconsistent and not corroborated by school disciplinary records or pre-attack complaints from Harris or Klebold. The narrative's persistence reflects media amplification of outlier anecdotes amid initial information vacuums, but forensic and psychological reconstructions prioritize the shooters' internal pathologies—Harris's apparent and Klebold's enabling depression—over external provocations, with no verifiable link escalating isolated incidents to .

Mental Health Misconceptions

A prevalent misconception portrays the Columbine attack as primarily the result of untreated severe mental illnesses, such as depression or , that eroded the perpetrators' impulse control and rationality. In reality, while Dylan Klebold exhibited symptoms consistent with clinical depression—including self-loathing expressed in his journals, such as entries lamenting his worthlessness and —his actions demonstrated deliberate planning rather than an acute breakdown. Klebold maintained functionality in daily life, including academic performance, part-time at a chain, and social interactions, without overt behavioral indicators that would typically prompt intervention under standard protocols. His depression, though evident retrospectively, did not manifest as disorganized or delusional thinking; instead, his writings reveal a calculated embrace of as a path to notoriety and escape, with entries expressing excitement over the impending alongside personal despair. Eric Harris, conversely, displayed traits aligned with rather than mood disorders or , including , , and a profound lack of , as analyzed by FBI behavioral profiler Dwayne Fuselier based on Harris's journals and videos. Harris's writings emphasize ideological rage against perceived inferiors, Darwinian "," and a god-like fantasy of domination, without indications of depressive rumination or perceptual distortions. assessments, drawing from the Hare Psychopathy Checklist applied to his documented behaviors—like premeditated bomb-making over 18 months, violations, and boastful Basement Tapes—classify him as a psychopath, characterized by and moral detachment rather than emotional instability. , distinct from treatable Axis I disorders like major depression, involves intact reality-testing and volitional capacity, undermining claims that Harris's actions stemmed from an uncontrollable "illness" overriding agency. This framing often serves to externalize blame, suggesting the perpetrators were victims of systemic failures in or stigma, yet both Harris and Klebold actively concealed their intentions and rejected available interventions. Harris, mandated to and a juvenile following a 1998 pipe bomb incident, complied superficially while escalating plans, as evidenced by his journaled contempt for authority and . Klebold's depressive tendencies, while possibly exacerbated by following Harris's lead, culminated in a shared of mass murder-suicide, not isolated ; his final journal entries blend suicidal intent with vengeful anticipation of killing "humans." Attributing the event predominantly to overlooks the causal role of personal ideology, peer influence, and free choice, as both perpetrators documented admiration for prior attackers and a desire for , indicating rational—if malignant— over pathological compulsion. Such misconceptions, amplified in media and advocacy narratives, risk stigmatizing broader populations while diluting accountability for premeditated evil.

Individual Agency vs. External Blame

Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold demonstrated significant individual agency in the planning and execution of the Columbine attack, as their journals and basement tapes reveal months of deliberate preparation, including acquiring firearms through straw purchases and constructing devices tested in remote locations. Harris's writings explicitly expressed a desire to surpass previous mass killers in body count and infamy, framing the act as a chosen path to god-like power rather than a reaction to external pressures, with entries like "I hate you people for leaving me out of so many fun things" underscoring personal vendettas but rooted in self-perceived superiority. Klebold's contributions, while more emotionally driven by depression and , included active participation in logistics and bomb-making, indicating voluntary complicity rather than coercion. External attributions of blame, such as parental or societal influences like violent media, fail to account for the perpetrators' capacity for moral choice, as both had access to counseling—Harris through diversion programs after a prior —and opportunities to desist, yet escalated their plans over 18 months without intervention forcing their hand. Investigations, including analyses of their psychological profiles, describe Harris as exhibiting psychopathic traits with diminished but intact , enabling calculated actions like targeting the during peak occupancy for maximum casualties, not as impulsive lashing out but as a premeditated spectacle. Klebold, despite depressive tendencies, articulated in videos an excitement for the "suicide mission," rejecting passive victimhood. Critiques of external blame narratives highlight how they dilute perpetrator , often amplified by media and academic sources prone to systemic biases favoring over personal volition, as seen in early post-event reporting that overstated despite limited evidence of its causal role. Empirical reviews of rampage shootings, including Columbine, emphasize that while risk factors like existed, they do not predict violence without the individual's election to weaponize grievances, with Harris and Klebold's rejection of —evident in plans to broader sites like Denver's Stapleton Airport—affirming their agency. Ultimate responsibility rests with their uncoerced decisions to proceed on April 20, 1999, prioritizing self-aggrandizement over alternatives like seeking help or non-violent outlets. Following the attack on April 20, 1999, in which Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold killed 12 students and one teacher before dying by , no criminal charges were filed against the perpetrators themselves due to their deaths. Investigations focused on accomplices and individuals who supplied weapons to the underage shooters, leading to prosecutions under laws prohibiting the transfer of firearms to minors. Two men faced charges for providing handguns used in the attack. Mark , aged 22, pleaded guilty on August 18, 1999, to unlawfully providing a TEC-DC9 and 100 rounds of to Dylan Klebold, who was 17 at the time. The weapon, purchased by Manes from Duran and sold to Klebold for $200 cash in early 1999, was used to kill four victims and injure two others during . Manes, who had a prior making him a prohibited person from possessing firearms, also admitted to shooting the gun with the perpetrators at a remote location prior to the attack. On November 10, 2000, he was sentenced to six years in prison. Philip Duran, aged 22 and a coworker of Harris and Klebold at a local pizza parlor, pleaded guilty on May 8, 2000, to providing a to a juvenile (Klebold) and illegally possessing a sawed-off . Duran had introduced to the shooters and facilitated the pistol sale while engaging in target practice with them. Prosecutors dropped an additional charge of accessory to in exchange for the plea. He was sentenced to 4.5 years in prison on June 23, 2000. Robyn Anderson, an 18-year-old acquaintance of Klebold who purchased three of the four weapons used in the attack (two shotguns and a Hi-Point carbine) at a gun show on behalf of the shooters, was not criminally charged. Authorities cited the private nature of the sales and lack of federal straw purchaser requirements at the time as barriers to prosecution, though Anderson received immunity in exchange for her testimony to a Jefferson County . No criminal charges were brought against the parents of Harris or Klebold despite investigations into their knowledge of the perpetrators' activities and access to weapons. Jefferson County Dave Thomas concluded in 2001 that evidence did not support felony indictments under Colorado's parental responsibility laws, which hold guardians liable for minors' willful damage but require proof of or in violent crimes.

Civil Lawsuits and Settlements

Following the on April 20, 1999, families of the victims filed multiple civil lawsuits alleging negligence by the parents of Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, including failure to supervise their sons and secure firearms used in the attack. In November 2000, the Harris and Klebold families, along with individuals who supplied weapons to the perpetrators, offered a $1.6 million settlement to 13 affected families as part of broader negotiations. By April 19, 2001, 30 of the 36 families representing killed or injured victims reached a settlement totaling $1.56 million directly from the parents, with no admission of liability; this was supplemented by contributions from gun sellers Mark Manes ($720,000) and Phillip Duran ($250,000), bringing the overall package to $2.53 million distributed as lump sums, medical reimbursements, and trust funds. Six families initially opted out to pursue separate claims, including the Shoels family, who had filed a $250 million wrongful death suit alleging parental complicity in providing access to weapons and ignoring . In August 2003, five such holdout families settled their wrongful death claims against the parents under confidential terms, with depositions ordered destroyed post-resolution to protect privacy. The U.S. declined to review a related from the Shoels in 2005, upholding prior settlement conditions without altering outcomes. Victims' families also sued the Jefferson County and Sheriff's Office, claiming inadequate response to prior threats, security lapses, and delayed intervention during the attack. In November 2001, a federal judge dismissed most claims against these entities, citing governmental immunity and ruling that authorities could not be held liable for unforeseeable criminal acts despite alleged prior knowledge of Harris and Klebold's activities. One exception involved the family of William "Dave" Sanders, whose claim that erroneous police assurances delayed was allowed to proceed temporarily, though broader suits failed. By June 2002, remaining families settled with the school district and sheriff's office for $15,000 per eligible relative, marking nominal resolutions without liability admissions.

Family and Survivor Perspectives

Sue Klebold's Reflections

Sue Klebold, the mother of Dylan Klebold, has publicly reflected on the Columbine events primarily through her 2016 memoir A Mother's Reckoning: Living in the Aftermath of Tragedy, co-written with Andrew Solomon, and subsequent interviews and speeches. In the book, she describes Dylan as a generally kind and non-violent young man whose journals, examined post-event, revealed profound depression, self-hatred, and suicidal fantasies dating back years, including entries from 1998 expressing desires to die and harm others as a form of escape. Klebold attributes her failure to detect these issues to Dylan's outward normalcy—he maintained good grades, participated in school activities, and showed no overt aggression—contrasting sharply with Eric Harris's documented anger and rage. Klebold emphasizes in her reflections that Dylan's primary motivation appeared to be , with the serving as a means to amplify his self-destruction rather than stemming from hatred toward victims or society at large, based on forensic of his writings and behavior. She recounts personal regrets, such as dismissing minor incidents involving Dylan and his friend in as youthful mistakes rather than potential indicators of deeper turmoil, and notes sessions where suicidal hints were not probed deeply enough. Proceeds from the book support and initiatives, reflecting her advocacy focus on educating parents to recognize hidden suicidality in adolescents, whom she argues often mask suffering to avoid burdening others. In a 2017 TED Talk titled "My son was a Columbine shooter. This is my story," Klebold shares her ongoing grief, stating she carries Dylan "everywhere I go, always" and grapples with the question of preventability, concluding she will "never know" if earlier intervention could have averted the tragedy. She advocates for systemic changes in screening, drawing from Dylan's case where no professional diagnosed his condition despite acquaintances noting awkwardness or isolation, but stresses personal parental vigilance over blaming external factors like , which she found unsubstantiated in Dylan's experience. Klebold's narrative centers on as the core pathology, urging society to prioritize it in discussions, though she acknowledges the premeditated planning of the April 20, 1999, attack, including bomb-making, as influenced by Harris's lead.

Harris Family Response

The parents of Eric Harris, Wayne and Katherine Harris, issued a brief public statement on April 14, 2000, expressing that they were "profoundly saddened by the suffering of so many that has resulted from the acts of our son" and extending "heartfelt sympathy to the families of the victims and to all those who have been affected by this terrible event," while thanking supporters for their . This followed their abrupt departure from their , home on the afternoon of the April 20, 1999, massacre, after which they relocated out of state and avoided media engagement. In October 1999, the Harrises agreed to interviews with Jefferson County prosecutors and investigators, but only after securing immunity from criminal prosecution, during which they provided information about Eric's behavior and prior complaints against him, such as a 1998 incident reported to authorities. Unlike Dylan Klebold's parents, who later published reflections and advocated publicly on , the Harrises maintained silence in the media, reportedly on advice from attorneys amid ongoing civil litigation, issuing no further personal accounts or apologies in public forums. The family opposed the 2001 publication of excerpts from Eric's journals and drawings, stating through representatives that Wayne and Katherine were "horrified by the unexpected publication," viewing it as a violation that exacerbated their private grief without contributing to understanding the event. In civil suits filed by families of victims including Daniel Rohrbough, Kelly Fleming, Matthew Kechter, Lauren Townsend, and Kyle Velasquez, the Harrises settled in August 2003 for undisclosed amounts without admitting fault or , concluding the legal claims against them. These actions reflected a consistent emphasis on legal protection and over public discourse, contrasting with broader narratives attributing parental oversight to systemic biases in reporting that often amplified external factors while downplaying individual responsibility evidenced in Eric's documented writings and preparations.

Victim and Survivor Accounts

Survivors of the April 20, 1999, shooting provided firsthand accounts of the chaos in the library, where ten of the thirteen victims were killed. Evan Todd, a and the shot there, described being wounded in the face, head, and neck before confronting Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, who had targeted "jocks" and executed another student nearby. When asked, "Why shouldn’t we kill you?", Todd replied that he had been good to them and others at the school, leading the perpetrators to spare him after a tense exchange; he hid until rescued and attributed his survival to divine intervention. Craig Scott, also in the library, hid under a desk and witnessed the fatal shootings of friends Isaiah Shoels and Matthew Kechter at close range, while his sister Rachel Joy Scott was the first victim killed outside. He later recounted initial rage toward the perpetrators but found healing through faith and forgiveness, emphasizing their personal choices over external factors like as the cause. Josh Lapp, another library survivor, shielded classmates and prepared to face death while observing the shooters' methodical actions. Families of the victims expressed profound ongoing grief, often intensified by subsequent mass shootings. and Rick Townsend, parents of Lauren Townsend, one of the students killed in the library, described saving seats for her at events and feeling hopelessness amid over 226,000 students affected by school since 1999. Coni Sanders, daughter of Dave Sanders who died aiding student evacuations, reflected on the mix of societal progress and stagnation in prevention efforts. Perspectives among victims' families and survivors varied on root causes and responses. Tom Mauser, father of Daniel Mauser, advocated for stricter gun laws, wearing his son's shoes symbolically in activism. In contrast, , father of , focused on anti-bullying initiatives through and personal forgiveness for healing. Long-term trauma persisted, with survivors like Krista Hanley reporting PTSD from her cafeteria escape and coping via , while Scott launched programs to channel into purpose. Todd characterized Harris and Klebold as "psychopaths made, not born," stressing the need to confront evil directly rather than solely external blame.

Long-Term Legacy

Copycat Attacks and Fandom

The Columbine High School massacre has been linked to a phenomenon known as the "Columbine effect," wherein subsequent attackers emulate aspects of the planning, execution, or notoriety achieved by Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold. A 2019 analysis documented over 100 copycat plots and attacks inspired by the event in the two decades following , 1999, with perpetrators often studying the shooters' journals, videos, and tactics. By 2014, an ABC News investigation had identified at least 17 actual attacks and 36 additional plots or serious threats against schools directly referencing Columbine as a model. Notable examples include the 2018 shooting in , where perpetrator researched the Columbine attack online, recorded videos echoing its themes, and aimed to surpass its body count. Perpetrators in these copycat incidents frequently cited Columbine as a blueprint, incorporating elements such as pipe bombs, coordinated timing, or manifestos mimicking Harris's writings. For instance, the 2005 in involved a shooter who admired Harris and Klebold, while the 2007 massacre perpetrator referenced them in planning materials. Statistical tracking of such inspirations remains challenging due to underreporting and varying definitions of "copycat," but federal reviews, including FBI assessments, confirm Columbine's role in elevating school shootings as a pathway to infamy for alienated individuals seeking media attention. Efforts to mitigate this have included media guidelines discouraging detailed perpetrator coverage, though online dissemination of original Columbine materials persists, fueling further emulation. Parallel to these attacks, an online termed "Columbiners" has developed, comprising individuals—predominantly young women—who romanticize and idolize Harris and Klebold through fan-created content such as artwork, fiction, and analyses portraying them as misunderstood antiheroes or victims of . This emerged shortly after the massacre, amplified by leaked journals and basement tapes, and thrives on platforms like and private forums despite platform crackdowns. Participants often express motives rooted in personal identification with the shooters' perceived grievances, against authority, or a distorted form of fascination, with some studies noting themes of empathy for the perpetrators over victims. Academic examinations describe this as a niche within serial killer , where glorification manifests in shipping the duo romantically or debating their "aesthetics," though it has drawn criticism for potentially normalizing violence. The persistence of such communities underscores challenges in countering the shooters' enduring mythic status, even as law enforcement monitors them for risks.

Influence on School Security Protocols

![Security camera footage capturing the Columbine shooting][float-right] The on April 20, 1999, marked a pivotal shift in practices nationwide, transitioning focus from fire and preparedness to scenarios. Prior to the event, school drills emphasized evacuation for fires, but the attack exposed deficiencies in responding to armed intruders, leading to widespread adoption of protocols where occupants barricade doors, turn off lights, and remain silent. States rapidly enacted requiring schools to develop and practice these procedures, with many mandating annual drills by the early . Schools invested heavily in enhancements, including surveillance cameras, metal detectors, ballistic-resistant entry vestibules with buzz-in systems, and single-point entry designs to control access. The proliferation of school resource officers (SROs)—armed personnel stationed on campuses—accelerated post-Columbine, with federal and state funding supporting their deployment to provide immediate response capabilities and deter threats. By 2018, surveys indicated over 48% of public schools employed SROs or sworn officers, a direct legacy of the event's emphasis on visible deterrence. The U.S. Department of Education and Secret Service collaborated on the Safe School Initiative, analyzing 37 targeted school attacks including Columbine, which informed behavioral threat assessment teams to identify at-risk individuals through pre-attack behaviors like leaking plans or acquiring weapons. This approach prioritized prevention via multidisciplinary evaluation over reactive measures alone, influencing federal guidelines disseminated in 2002. However, empirical reviews have noted that while these protocols standardized responses, their causal impact on reducing incidents remains debated, with some studies questioning over-reliance on hardware amid persistent insider threats.

Broader Societal and Policy Debates

The Columbine massacre prompted extensive debates on the root causes of school shootings, emphasizing individual agency alongside environmental factors, while rejecting simplistic attributions to isolated elements like media or alone. Empirical analyses have highlighted the perpetrators' premeditated over months, including journals documenting ideological motivations rooted in personal grievances and a desire for infamy, rather than reactive triggers such as , which investigations found overstated. These discussions influenced proposals but yielded limited federal reforms, with states adopting varied measures amid partisan divides on causation. Gun control emerged as a central flashpoint, with advocates citing the use of like a and Hi-Point carbine—obtained via a by Klebold, who was 18 and legally able—to argue for restrictions on high-capacity magazines and assault-style weapons. Post-event data showed mass shootings correlating with a 15% rise in state-level bills, yet federal laws remained largely unchanged or weakened, such as the 2004 expiration of the assault weapons ban without renewal, reflecting debates over whether legal access directly enables rare but lethal acts versus broader cultural or enforcement failures. Critics noted that Harris and Klebold's arsenal included homemade explosives, underscoring planning beyond mere availability. Allegations linking violent video games, such as Harris's affinity for Doom, to real-world aggression fueled moral panics, but longitudinal studies have consistently found no causal connection between gaming and societal violence rates, which have not tracked with industry growth. This narrative persisted in media despite debunking, diverting from evidence-based factors like the shooters' documented psychopathic traits and mutual reinforcement in planning, as revealed in their writings and videos. Mental health interventions gained traction, with expanding school-based services post-1999 to include threat assessment teams and counseling access, aiming to identify earlier—Klebold exhibited depressive symptoms, while Harris displayed antisocial patterns missed by prior juvenile diversion programs. Nationally, however, predictive accuracy remains low for , with policies emphasizing reactive screening over proactive causal analysis, amid concerns that over-reliance on framing stigmatizes non-violent individuals without addressing volitional choices. School safety policies shifted toward zero-tolerance frameworks, mandating expulsions for threats or weapons, which proliferated after Columbine and correlated with higher suspension rates but mixed outcomes in preventing violence. Later critiques highlighted , including disproportionate minority and a "school-to-prison ," prompting some states to pivot to and anonymous reporting systems by the 2010s, prioritizing behavioral intervention over blanket punitiveness. Debates continue on balancing with , informed by Columbine's role in normalizing active-shooter drills while empirical reviews question their efficacy against ideologically driven attacks.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.