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The Gondi (Gōṇḍī, IPA: [ɡoːɳɖiː]) or Gond people, who refer to themselves as "Kōītōr" (Kōī, Kōītōr, IPA: [koː.iː, koː.iː.t̪oːr]), are an ethnolinguistic group in India.[6][7] Their native language, Gondi, belongs to the Dravidian family. They are spread over the states of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,[8] Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, and Odisha. They are classified as a Scheduled Tribe for the purpose of India's system of reservation.[9]

Key Information

The Gond have formed many kingdoms of historical significance. Gondwana was the ruling kingdom in the Gondwana region of India. This includes the eastern part of the Vidarbha of Maharashtra. The Garha Kingdom includes the parts of Madhya Pradesh immediately to the north of it and parts of western Chhattisgarh. The wider region extends beyond these, also including parts of northern Telangana, western Odisha, and southern Uttar Pradesh.

Gondi is claimed to be related to the Telugu language. The 2011 Census of India recorded about 2.4 million speakers of Gondi as a macrolanguage and 2.91 million speakers of languages within the Gondi subgroup, including languages such as Maria (also known as Maadiya Gond).[10][11][12] Many Gonds also speak regionally dominant languages such as Hindi, Marathi, Odia, and Telugu.

According to the 1971 census, the Gondi population was 5,653,422. By 1991, this had increased to 7,300,998,[13][page needed] and by 2001, the figure was 8,501,549. For the past few decades, the group has been witness to the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency.[14] Gondi people, at the behest of the Chhattisgarh government, formed the Salwa Judum, an armed militant group, to fight the Naxalite insurgency. This was disbanded by order of the Supreme Court of India on 5 July 2011, however.[15]

Etymology

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The origin of the name Gond, used by outsiders, is still uncertain. Some believe the word to derive from the Dravidian kond, meaning hill, similar to the Khonds of Odisha or Konda-Doras of Andhra.[16] The word gonda/gunda[17]/gundar[18] is used throughout South Asia to mean a thug and is said to be derived from this word.[19]

Another theory, according to Vol. 3 of the Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Daily Life, is that the name was given to them by the Mughal dynasty of the 16th–18th centuries. It was the Mughals who first used the term "Gond", meaning "hill people", to refer to the group.[20]

The Gonds call themselves Koitur (Kōītōr) or Koi (Kōī), which also has no definitive origin[citation needed] but is perhaps related to , meaning "mountain", other ethnonyms like Kui, Kuvi, Koya and Kubi (Konda endonym) are also said to be from it.[21]

History

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Percentage of Gondi tribes by districts in the 2011 census

The origins of the Gonds is unclear. Some researchers have claimed that the Gonds were a collection of disparate tribes that adopted a proto-Gondi language as a mother tongue from a class of rulers, originally speaking various pre-Dravidian languages.[22] While there is an affinity between Gonds and Munda peoples, researchers point to a more complex event involving language shift through a Dravidian linguistic expansion, rather than a recent event of Gondi replacing a North Munda language, hence supporting distinct origins for these two groups.[23][24]

R. V. Russell believed the Gonds came into Gondwana from the south: up the Godavari into Vidarbha, from there up the Indravati into Bastar, and up the Wardha and Wainganga into the Satpura Range.[25]

The first historical reference to the Gonds appears in Muslim writings from the 14th century. Scholars believe the Gonds ruled Gondwana, a region extending from present-day eastern Madhya Pradesh to western Odisha, and from northern Telangana to the southeastern corner of Uttar Pradesh, between the 13th and 19th centuries CE.[8]

Gond palace, Bhopal

The first kingdom of the Gonds was that of Chanda, founded in 1200, although some genealogies trace its founders to the 9th century CE. The Gonds of Chanda originated from Sirpur in what is now northern Telangana and were said to have overthrown the previous rulers of the country, called the Mana dynasty. Another theory states that after the downfall of the Kakatiyas in 1318, the Gonds of Sirpur had the opportunity to throw off outside domination and built their own kingdom. The kingdom of Chanda developed extensive irrigation and the first defined revenue system of the Gond kingdoms. It also began to build forts, which later became highly sophisticated. Khandakhya Ballal Shah founded the town of Chandrapur and shifted the capital there from Sirpur. The Ain-i-Akbari records the kingdom as being fully independent, and it even conquered some territory from nearby sultanates. However, during Akbar's rule, Babji Shah began paying tribute after the Mughals incorporated territory to their south into the Berar Subah.[8]

The kingdom of Garha was founded in the 14th century by Jadurai, who deposed the previous Kalachuri rulers. Garha-Mandla is known for queen Rani Durgavati, who fought against Mughal emperor Akbar (d. 1564). Mandla was then ruled by her son Bir Narayan, who similarly fought until he died. Afterward, his kingdom was offered to Chanda Shah by the victorious Mughals. During Shah Jahan's reign, his successor Hirde Shah was attacked by the Bundelas and shifted the capital to Mandla. His successors fought against themselves and invited the aid of Aurangzeb and the Marathas to their cause.[8]

Deogarh was founded in the early 13th century. It is said[by whom?] that its founder, Jatba, slew the previous Gauli rulers during a temple festival. In the Ain-i-Akbari, Deogarh was said to have 2,000 cavalry, 50,000 footmen, and 100 elephants and was ruled by a monarch named Jatba. Jatba built outposts in the Berar plains, including a fort near modern Nagpur. It was his grandson Bakr Shah who, in order to enlist Aurangzeb's help, converted to Islam and became Bakht Buland Shah. Shah founded the city of Nagpur and brought a revival of the fortunes of the Deogarh kingdom. During his reign, the kingdom covered the southeastern Satpura range from Betul to Rajnandgaon in the east, and parts of the northern Berar plains. Under his son Chand Sultan, Nagpur gained even more importance.[8]

These kingdoms were briefly conquered by the Mughals, but eventually, the Gond rajas were restored and were simply under Mughal suzerainty.[22] In the 1740s, the Marathas began to attack the Gond rajas, causing both rajas and subjects to flee from the plains to the forests and hills. Raghoji Bhonsle forced the Gond rajas of Garha-Mandla to pay tribute to him. Marathi caste groups quickly replaced the displaced original population. Maratha occupation of the Gond rajas' territory continued until the Third Anglo-Maratha War, when the British took control over the remaining Gond zamindaris and took over revenue collection. The British, who regarded the Gonds as "plunderers" and "thieves" before their takeover, began to view the Gonds as "timid" and "meek" by the mid-19th century.[26] The remaining Gond zamindaris were absorbed into the Indian union upon independence.[27]

During colonial rule, the Gonds were marginalised by colonial forest management practices. The Bastar rebellion of 1910, better known in the tribal belt as the bhumkal, was a partly successful armed struggle against colonial forest policy that denied the Madia and Muria Gonds of Bastar, along with other tribes in the region, access to the forest for their livelihoods. In the early 1920s, Komaram Bheem, a Gond leader from Adilabad in Hyderabad state, rebelled against the Nizam and sought a separate Gond raj. It was he who coined the well-known slogan jal, jangal, jameen ("water, forest, land") that has symbolised Adivasi movements since independence.[28]

In 1916, Gondi intellectuals from various parts of Gondwana formed the Gond Mahasabha to protect Gondi culture from increasing outside influence. The organisation held meetings in 1931 and 1934 to discuss ways to preserve Gond culture from manipulation by outsiders, social norms the Gonds should have, and solidarity between the Gonds of different parts of Gondwana. Starting in the 1940s, various Gond leaders agitated for a separate state that would encompass the erstwhile territory of Gondwana, especially tribal areas of eastern Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Vidharbha, and Adilabad.[29] The demand reached its peak in the early 1950s, when Heera Singh founded the Bharatiya Gondwana Sangh to agitate for statehood. Singh held many meetings throughout Gondwana and could mobilise 100,000 people between 1962 and 1963, but his movement had died down by the late 1960s and was never taken seriously by the Indian authorities. Other methods of agitation, including petitions and demands by various Gond organisations, were ignored by the state. In the 1990s, Heera Singh Markam and Kausalya Porte founded the Gondwana Ganatantra Party to fight for statehood.[28]

The Gond rajas used Singh or Shah as titles, influenced by the Rajputs and Mughals.[30] The Gond are also known as the Raj Gond. The term was widely used in the 1950s but has now become almost obsolete, probably because of the political eclipse of the Gond rajas.[13][page needed]

Society

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Komaram Bheem statue at the Kumuram Bheem Tribal Museum in Jodeghat

Gond society is divided into several exogamous patrilineal units known as sagas. The number depends on the region, with Gonds in the hills of Madhya Pradesh and the northern Nagpur plain having only two and those in the southern Nagpur plain and Adilabad having four. In Adilabad, these Sagas are called Yerwen, Sarwen, Siwen, and Nalwen, and their names refer to the number of ancestors for that saga.[a] In Adilabad, there is a fifth saga, Sarpe saga, which for marriage purposes is linked with Sarwen, although their origin myths are different. According to Gond mythology, all sagas once lived in a single village but soon moved out and established individual villages. The names of these ancestral villages are preserved in culture and sometimes identified with present-day locations. The number of ancestors for each saga is its symbol, and on many ceremonial and ritual occasions, the number of involved animals, people, actions, or objects corresponds to that saga's number.[31]

The saga exists mostly in the sphere of ritual and has no real political or organizational significance. The most visible sign of saga consciousness is in the worship of Persa Pen, although this occurs mainly at the clan level. All worshippers of the same Persa pen see themselves as agnatically related, and so any intermarriage or sexual relations between them is forbidden. Gonds use the term soira to refer to sagas whose members they can marry.[31]

Each saga is regarded as performing actions essential to society as a whole. During ceremonies and ritual events, the saga becomes important for determining roles in the proceedings. For instance, in the worship of a clan's Persa pen, the clan priest is involved in sacrifice while two members of a soira saga to the celebrating clan dress the idol and cook the sacrificial food. During certain parts of Gond festivals, participants divide into saga or soira. For serving the sacrificial meal at Persa Pen, members of each saga sit separately and are served in order of which their ancestors emerged from the cave in their origin story. However, all sagas have equal status in Gond society. Members of each saga work cooperatively on issues affecting their relationship with other sagas, such as negotiations about bride price in marriage. In addition, for ritual purposes, any person can be replaced by someone of the same age, generation, and saga. As an example, in a marriage where, for instance, the bride's parents are not present, a couple from the same saga as the bride can stand in for the bride's parents in the ritual. This applies also to the relations between Gonds and Pardhans: if a Pardhan of the same clan is not found, then a Pardhan belonging to a different clan in the same saga can be brought in as a suitable replacement.[31]

Subdivided within the saga is the pari, or clan, the main unit of organisation of Gond society. In each saga, the number of clans is determined by the number of ancestors of that saga. The clans of a saga are arranged by precedence based on when they emerged from the cave in the Gond creation story. This precedence regulates behaviour during some rituals. For instance, during the First Fruit festival, all members of a saga eat with the seniormost member of the seniormost pari of the saga represented in the village. Group relations between senior and junior pari are based on relations between older and younger brothers. For instance, members of a senior pari cannot marry a widow from a junior pari, since it is seen as analogous to the marriage between an elder brother and a younger brother's wife. Clans generally have names relating to specific plants. Some common pari include Tekam, Uikey, Markam, Dhurwe, and Atram.[31]

Each clan is divided into several parallel lineages, called kita. Each of these kita has a specific ritual function within Gond society: for instance, the katora kita is the only kita that presides over the worship of Persa Pen. Kita in some clans use Maratha titles like Deshmukh, bestowed on certain Gond chiefs. The kita functions only in the ritual sphere. Sometimes, the clans are also divided into khandan, or subclans, which are generally organic in nature. Each khandan is like a mini-clan, in that it has its own set of ritual objects for worship of Persa Pen and is formed when a group in a pari including a katora decide to set up a new centre for worship of Persa Pen. Eventually, this group becomes solidified into a khandan.[31]

Culture

[edit]

Many astronomical ideas were known to ancient Gonds,[32] who had their own local terms for the Sun, Moon, Milky Way, and constellations. Most of these ideas served as the basis for their timekeeping and calendrical activities.[b]

1928 painting of a Gond woman by M. V. Dhurandhar
Gond art
Saila and Karma dance by Gonds
Dandari festival of Rajgonds, Adilabad

The Gondi language is spoken by almost 3 million people, mainly in the southern area of the Gond range. This area encompasses the southeastern districts of Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra, northern Telganana, and southern Chhattisgarh (mainly in the Bastar division). The language is related to Telugu. In the early 20th century, it was spoken by 1.5 million people, nearly all of whom were bilingual.[25] At present, the language is only spoken by one fifth of Gonds and is dying out, even in its traditional linguistic range.[citation needed]

In Chhattisgarh, women perform the sua dance, which was named after the word for "parrot". It is performed after Diwali to honour Shiva and Parvati, representing the belief that the parrot will bring their sadness to their lovers.[citation needed]

Diwali is a major festival for Adilabad's Gond tribes, which they celebrate with the traditional Gussadi dance, donning peacock-feathered turbans, saffron attire, and joining in festive groups.[34]

The Gondi people have their own version of the Ramayana, known as the Gond Ramayani, derived from oral folk legends. It consists of seven stories with Lakshmana as the protagonist, set after the main events of the Ramayana, where he finds a bride.[35]

Religion

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Traditional Gondi music performance

According to the 2011 census, there were 1,026,344 followers of the "Gondi" religion in India, with the majority residing in Madhya Pradesh (584,884), followed by Chhattisgarh (368,438), Maharashtra (66,857), Uttar Pradesh (3,419), and Jharkhand (2,419).[36] The majority of Gond people still follow their own traditions of nature worship, but like many other tribes in India, their religion has been influenced by Brahminical Hinduism.[37][38][5][39]

Many Gond people practice their own indigenous religion, Koyapunem, while some follow Sarnaism.[40][better source needed] Pola, Phag, and Dassera are some of their major festivals.[38] A small number of Gonds are Christian or Muslim.[citation needed]

Hinduism

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In medieval times, the Gondi kingdoms worshipped Vishnu as their patron deity.[41]

The Gonds worship ancestral deities known as Angadevs, which Brahminical Hindus claim are a representation of the goddess Mahakali. There were seven groups of Angadevs, rescued by Pari Kupar Lingo from the Kachchargardh caves. In one version, there were twenty-eight Angadevs, and in another version, there were thirty-three.[42]

In the second version, the Angadevs, or Saga Deva, were the children of the goddess Mata Kali Kankali after she ate a flower given to her by a sage. They were raised in Raitad Jungo's ashram, and while they were playing, they met the gods Shambu and Gaura. Gaura offered them food, but because they were annoyed by the children's mischief, Shambu and Gaura imprisoned them in the Kachchargardh caves. For twelve years, the children relied on a pond and a mythical bird who provided them food to survive. Kali Kankali pleaded to Shambu to release her children, but he rejected her pleas. Raitad Jungo then asked Pari Kupar Lingo to help him free the children, and Pari Kupar Lingo approached the bard Hirasuka Patalir. Patalir played music on his kingri, and the children were filled with strength to push the boulder blocking the caves from the outside world. Patalir was then crushed by the boulder. Ever since, the Kachchargardh caves became a site of pilgrimage, and Kali Kankali became one of the dharmagurus of the Gondi people.[43]

A typical Gond reaction to death has been described as one of anger, because they believe death is caused by demons.[44] Gonds usually bury their dead, together with their worldly possessions, but due to partial Hinduization, their kings were occasionally cremated, as per Vedic practices. Hinduization has led to cremation becoming more common.

Koyapunem

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The native Gond religion, Koyapunem (meaning "the way of nature"), was founded by Pari Kupar Lingo. It is also known as Gondi Punem, or "the way of the Gondi people".[45]

In Gond folk tradition, adherents worship a high god known as Baradeo, whose alternate names are Bhagavan, Kupar Lingo, Badadeo, and Persa Pen. Baradeo oversees activities of lesser gods such as clan and village deities as well as ancestors.[38] Baradeo is respected but he does not receive fervent devotion, which is shown only to clan and village deities, ancestors, and totems. These village deities include Aki Pen, the village guardian and the anwal, the village mother goddess, a similar paradigm to folk traditions of other Dravidian peoples. Before any festival occurs, these two deities are worshipped. Each clan has their own persa pen, meaning "great god". This god is benign at heart but can display violent tendencies. However, these tendencies are reduced when a pardhan, a bard, plays a fiddle.[citation needed]

Three people are important in Gond religious ceremonies: the baiga (village priest), the bhumka (clan priest), and the kaser-gaita (leader of the village).[citation needed]

As Kupar Lingo, the high god of the Gonds is depicted as a clean-shaven young prince wearing a trident-shaped crown, the munshul, which represents the head, heart, and body. There are many shrines to Kupar Lingo in Gondwana, and he is revered as an ancestral hero.[46]

Per Gond religious beliefs, their ancestor Rupolang Pahandi Pari Kupar Lingo was born as the son of the chief Pulsheev, during the reign of Sambhu-Gaura, several thousand years ago. Kupar Lingo became the ruler of the Koya race and established the Gondi Punem, a code of conduct and philosophy that the Gondi practice. He gathered thirty-three disciples to teach the Gondi Punem to the distant lands of the koyamooree.[citation needed]

A principle in the Gond religion is munjok, which is non-violence, cooperation, and self-defense. Another part of Gond belief is salla and gangra, which represent action and reaction, superficially similar to the concept of karma in Hinduism. To prevent people from destroying themselves in conflict and discord, they are supposed to live under Phratrial society. Among the beliefs related to Phratrial society are the need to defend the community from enemies, working together and being in harmony with nature, and being allowed to eat animals (but not those representing a totem).[citation needed]

Like village deity worship in South India, Gonds believe their clan and village deities have the capability of possession. A person possessed by the spirit ceases to have any responsibility for their actions. Gonds also believe disease is caused by spirit possession.[47]

Many Gonds worship Ravana, whom they consider to be the tenth dharmaguru of their people, the ancestor-king of one of their four lineages and the eightieth lingo (great teacher). On Dussehra, Gondi inhabitants of Paraswadi in Gadchiroli district carry an image of Ravana riding an elephant in a procession to worship him and "protest" the burning of his effigies.[c][48][49]

Gonds venerate plants and animals, especially the saja tree. In some places, death is associated with a saja (Terminalia elliptica) tree. Stones representing souls of the dead, or hanals, are kept in a hanalkot at the foot of a saja tree. When there is no specific shrine for the village mother goddess, the saja tree is her abode. In addition, the Penkara, or holy circle of the clan, is under this tree. Gonds in Seoni believe Baradeo lives in a saja tree. The Mahua plant, whose flowers produce a liquor considered purifying, is also revered. In many Gond weddings, the bride and groom circle a post made out of a Mahua tree during the ceremony, and the Gonds of Adilabad perform the first ceremonies of the year when Mahua flowers bloom.[47]

Gonds also believe in rain gods. One early British anthropologist noted how during the pre-monsoon hunting ceremony, the amount of blood spilled by the animals was indicative of the amount of rain to follow.[47]

The gods are known as pen in the singular and pennoo in the plural. Other gods worshipped by the Gonds include:

  • Mata Kali Kankali, the ancestral mother of the Gondi forefathers. She is associated with Mahakali.
  • Dulha-Pen, the bridegroom god. He is represented by a stone, a man riding a horse, or a battle-axe.
  • Gansam, the protector of villages from tigers. He is represented by a stone on the village boundary or a platform and a pole. Animals were sacrificed to him.
  • Hardul, the god of weddings
  • Bhimsen or Bhimal, the god of strength and the earth. He is associated with rocks, mountains, and rivers, and certain hills and rocks are considered holy sites of Bhimsen.
  • Nat Awal or Dharti Mata, the goddess of fertility
  • Bhumi, the earth and mother of humanity
  • Nat Auwal, the mother goddess of the village. She is invoked when the village partakes in a ceremony, from seasonal rites to prayers against disasters.
  • Thakur Dev, the male guardian of the village
  • Hulera-Pen, the protector of cattle
  • Maitya-Pen, the demon of whirlwinds
  • Narayan-Pen, the sun god
  • Kodapen, the horse god
  • Maswasi Pen, the hunting god
  • Kanya, water spirits

Classification

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Gondi people are designated as a Scheduled Tribe in Andhra Pradesh, parts of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Odisha, and West Bengal.[50]

The Government of Uttar Pradesh had classified them as a Scheduled Caste, but by 2007, they were one of several groups that was redesignated as Scheduled Tribes.[51] As of 2017, that tribal designation applies only to certain districts, not the entire state.[52] The 2011 Census of India for Uttar Pradesh showed the Gond population at 21,992.[53]

[edit]

Gondi people have been portrayed in the 2017 Amit V. Masurkar film Newton and in S.S. Rajamouli's 2022 blockbuster RRR, in which N. T. Rama Rao Jr. plays a fictionalised version of the Gond tribal leader Komaram Bheem.

Some people have speculated that the plot of the 2021 film Skater Girl is based on the life of Gond skateboarder Asha Gond.[54] The film's writer and director, Manjari Makijany, has denied this, however.[55]

Notable people

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Footnotes

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Gondi people, also known as Gonds, are a Dravidian ethno-linguistic group and one of India's largest indigenous () communities, primarily inhabiting the central and eastern regions of the country including , , , , and . With a population exceeding 11.3 million as recorded in the 2011 Indian , they are officially classified as a Scheduled Tribe and speak Gondi, a South-Central Dravidian language with around 2.7 million reported speakers, though community estimates suggest higher figures due to underreporting and assimilation into dominant languages like . Historically, the Gondi established several kingdoms in the region—spanning parts of present-day and surrounding areas—from the 14th to 18th centuries, ruling through dynasties such as Garha-Mandla and Chanda, which maintained fortified capitals and engaged in trade and warfare with neighboring powers before succumbing to Mughal and Maratha expansions. These polities reflected a hierarchical structure among subgroups like the Raj Gonds (ruling class) and lower-status Mawas, blending animistic traditions with selective Hindu influences. Culturally, the Gondi are defined by clan-based social organization, traditional practices like and forest-dependent livelihoods, and a worldview centered on ancestor veneration and nature spirits (persa pen), though many have adopted or amid modernization pressures. Notable aspects include their resistance to external domination, exemplified by figures like , who led tribal uprisings against the in the early 20th century, and a vibrant expressive encompassing —characterized by intricate depictions of , , and myths using natural pigments—and communal dances such as Saila and Gussadi performed during festivals. Contemporary challenges involve land rights disputes, linguistic erosion, and integration into broader Indian society, with empirical data indicating persistent socio-economic disparities despite policies.

Etymology and Self-Identification

Terminology and Origins of Names

The exonym "Gond," applied by outsiders to the Gondi people, is believed to derive from the Dravidian term kond or konda, signifying "hill," reflecting their historical association with hilly terrains in ; this parallels the naming of related groups such as the Khonds. The term gained prominence through Mughal administrative records in the 16th to 18th centuries, where it denoted "hill men" or inhabitants of elevated regions in the . In contrast, the Gondi people self-identify primarily as Kōītōr (singular) or Koithur (plural), with or Kōī as variants, terms that underscore their indigenous identity tied to forested and upland habitats. The etymology of Koitur remains unclear, though colonial ethnographers speculated connections to similar self-designations like the Khonds' Kui, potentially rooting in proto-Dravidian words for mountainous or elevated communities. Exonyms evolved further in British colonial documentation from the , where "Gond" was standardized to encompass diverse subgroups across administrative districts, often emphasizing their as hill-dwelling tribes rather than precise ethnic boundaries. This usage persisted in census and records, distinguishing them from lowland populations while occasionally lumping them with other Dravidian-speaking groups.

Endonyms and Exonyms

The Gondi people refer to themselves primarily as Koitur (or variants such as or Kōītōr) in oral traditions and self-narratives, a term evoking descent from ancient hill-dwelling ancestors and tied to clan-based identities rooted in forested uplands. This endonym underscores a self-perception of indigenous continuity with pre-state mountain communities, fostering internal cohesion through shared mythological origins rather than hierarchical subgroups. In contrast, "Gond" functions as an exonym imposed by outsiders, likely deriving from Dravidian roots like konda or kond meaning "hill" or "mound," and first systematically applied by Mughal administrators in the 16th–18th centuries to denote highland inhabitants across . Medieval Hindu polities and subsequent British ethnographers, such as those compiling 19th-century gazetteers, extended this label to unify linguistically and culturally diverse clans under a single administrative category, which facilitated governance but obscured phratry-specific distinctions. In modern contexts, including India's decennial censuses since 1951, "Gond" predominates in official records—enumerating over 13 million self-identifiers by 2011—yet activist movements, particularly those reclaiming Gondi linguistics since the late , advocate for "Koitur" to assert specificity against subsumption under broader pan-tribal terms like , emphasizing ethnic autonomy over generic indigeneity. This terminological tension influences external perceptions, with the exonym reinforcing stereotypes of marginality while the endonym bolsters demands for cultural revival.

Origins and Classification

Linguistic and Cultural Classification

The is classified within the South-Central branch of the Dravidian language family, a grouping that encompasses languages spoken primarily by indigenous communities in central and southern , with Gondi exhibiting phonological innovations such as aspirated stops and a distinct vowel system not fully shared with neighboring Telugu, despite common proto-forms in vocabulary and syntax. This affiliation underscores Gondi speakers' divergence from the dominant Indo-Aryan linguistic substrate introduced later in the region, positioning Gondi as a marker of deeper autochthonous layers in India's linguistic landscape. The recorded 2,856,581 mother-tongue speakers of Gondi, concentrated in states like , , , and , reflecting its role as a tied to ethnic rather than widespread or official status. Culturally, Gondi identity coalesces around shared saga—fraternal clan mythologies that narrate descent from primordial ancestors, such as the original wen (progenitors) who dispersed into exogamous groups regulating marriage and totem worship across diverse subgroups like Raj Gond, Maria, and Hill Maria. These sagas, transmitted orally through rituals honoring deities like Persa Pen (the supreme being), impose totemic prohibitions (e.g., clans avoiding specific trees or animals) that foster unity amid ecological and dialectical variations, with all sagas tracing to a mythic village origin before proliferation. This mythic framework, preserved in vernacular epics, differentiates Gondi cultural cohesion from caste-based Hindu systems, emphasizing patrilineal descent and brotherhoods (phratries) over hierarchical varna. Under Indian constitutional law, the Gondi are designated as a Scheduled Tribe, conferring status that acknowledges their indigenous precedence over post-Aryan settler populations, corroborated by Gondi's retention of archaic Dravidian features predating Indo-Aryan phonological shifts around 1500 BCE. This classification aligns with empirical linguistic reconstructions tracing Dravidian roots to a pre-Indo-Aryan horizon, though regional admixture has introduced lexical borrowings without eroding core ethnic markers.

Anthropological and Genetic Debates

Anthropological studies have classified the Gondi people within the Proto-Australoid racial type, characterized by dolichocephalic skulls, dark brown skin, medium stature, and platyrrhine nasal profiles, distinguishing them from and later Indo-Aryan or groups. This classification, originating from early 20th-century anthropometric surveys like those of B.S. Guha, positions Proto-Australoids as an ancient layer in India's population stratification, predating significant but postdating initial settlements. Empirical measurements from Gond samples confirm these traits, with averages including stature around 160-165 cm for males and high frequencies of wavy black hair and prominent supra-orbital ridges. Genetic analyses, however, challenge simplistic racial typologies and reveal complex admixture rather than isolation. Autosomal DNA studies indicate that Gonds share substantial ancestry with Austroasiatic-speaking groups like the Munda, rather than primarily with South Indian Dravidians, despite the Gondi language's Dravidian affiliation. Haplotype and allele frequency data from over 1,000 Gond samples show elevated derived alleles shared with Munda and tribes, alongside from Indo-European and Dravidian populations, suggesting historical mixing via migration corridors in . Y-chromosomal and mtDNA haplogroups (e.g., H, L, and M lineages) further support affinities with eastern Indian tribals, contradicting hypotheses of a direct southern origin around 2000 BCE. Debates persist on whether Gonds constitute a unified ethnic lineage or an amalgamation of disparate proto-tribal groups that converged linguistically and culturally. Proponents of unity cite shared clan and totemic systems across subgroups, but —evident in varying Austroasiatic vs. Dravidian components (up to 40% differential admixture)—implies fusion through adoption of Gondi dialects by neighboring hill tribes. This view aligns with causal migration patterns: post-Pleistocene dispersals from eastern admixed with local foragers, rejecting romanticized notions of Gonds as India's "pure first inhabitants" in favor of evidence-based polyphyletic origins with Indo-Aryan overlays from medieval expansions. Such admixture is quantified in principal component analyses placing Gonds intermediate between Austroasiatics and northern castes, underscoring adaptive convergence over primordial isolation.

Subgroups and Diversity

The Gondi people encompass diverse subgroups differentiated by historical status, territorial adaptations, and localized customs, with major divisions including Raj Gonds, Madia Gonds, Muria Gonds, Dhurve Gonds, and Khatulwar Gonds. Raj Gonds historically formed the aristocratic or ruling stratum, often settled in accessible plains regions where they developed relatively hierarchical structures and interacted more extensively with external Hindu societies. In contrast, Madia Gonds (also termed Maria Gonds) predominantly occupy rugged hill and forest tracts, such as those in and districts of , preserving practices like podu () cultivation suited to dense woodlands. Muria Gonds, concentrated in northern Bastar regions of , exhibit distinctive social institutions, notably the or youth dormitory system, where unmarried adolescents of both sexes reside communally to foster education in tribal lore, dance, and premarital relationships under elder oversight, tracing origins to mythological figures like Lingo Pen. These subgroups articulate through dialectal variants of the —such as the Maria dialect among Madia speakers—while broader distinctions arise between hill and plains dwellers: hill groups maintain dispersed, open hamlets with minimal external influence, whereas plains Gonds adopt fixed-field farming, enclosed villages, and partial Sanskritization, including in some cases. Ethnographic accounts underscore shared foundational traits amid these variations, including patrilineal (sag) organization with totemic prohibitions, of clan deities (muhar dev) alongside a supreme creator (Persa Pen), and rituals invoking ancestral spirits, which unify Gondi identity across ecological and subgroupal divides despite adaptive divergences. Such commonalities, evident in oral traditions and like ironworking tools, persist even as subgroups like Abujmadia (a reclusive Madia offshoot) exhibit heightened isolation in core forest zones.

Historical Development

Pre-Colonial Kingdoms and Governance

The Gondi people formed several independent kingdoms in the Gondwana region of between the 14th and 18th centuries, primarily Garha-Mandla in the north, Deogarh in the center, and Chanda in the south, emerging from tribal expansions amid fragmented post-Delhi Sultanate polities. These realms consolidated power through conquest of local forts and strategic marital alliances with lineages, enabling administrative control over forested and riverine territories suited to decentralized yet fortified governance. Empirical accounts highlight their rise as driven by capabilities in terrain favoring tactics and levies, rather than large standing armies. In Garha-Mandla, the kingdom underwent rapid territorial growth under , the 48th ruler, who expanded holdings by capturing over 50 forts and adjacent Narmada valley areas, establishing a stable core around by the early . This consolidation reflected causal advantages in leveraging Gondi networks for and , prioritizing defensive fortifications over expansive to maintain amid rival principalities. Administrative achievements included systematized collection from agrarian villages, supporting a that ensured internal cohesion without over-reliance on external . The Deogarh kingdom, centered in present-day Chhindwara, peaked under Bakht Buland Shah in the late 17th to early 18th century, when he annexed portions of Chanda and Mandla while founding Nagpur in 1702 through amalgamation of 12 scattered hamlets into a fortified urban nucleus. Governance innovations emphasized equitable land distribution to Gondi, Hindu, and Muslim cultivators, promoting agricultural productivity and fiscal resilience via diversified tenures rather than caste-exclusive holdings. Such policies underscored a pragmatic realism in integrating settler groups for economic output, stabilizing rule amid ecological challenges like seasonal floods. Successor Chand Sultan extended this until 1738, relying on inherited clan hierarchies for provincial oversight. Chanda, tracing origins to circa 1200 with foundational conquests from Sirpur lineages, maintained southern dominance through fortified outposts and kinship-based administration until the mid-18th century, focusing on resource extraction from forests and river trade routes. Rulers administered via semi-autonomous headmen, fostering loyalty through shared martial obligations that attributes to the kingdom's endurance in resource-scarce uplands. This structure prioritized defensive pacts over centralized taxation, enabling sustained .

Encounters with Islamic and British Powers

The Gond kingdoms encountered Mughal expansion in the mid-16th century, with the prominent Garha-Mandla realm falling to imperial forces under Asaf Khan in 1564 following the defeat of regent . Subsequent restorations of Gond rulers under Mughal established tributary arrangements, allowing local autonomy amid nominal overlordship, as the empire exerted little direct administrative control over forested interiors. This pragmatic adaptation persisted across kingdoms like Deogarh and Chanda, where Gond elites paid tribute while retaining governance over clans and resources, leveraging the region's hilly terrain for defense. Internal divisions among Gond subgroups, fragmented into semi-autonomous polities by the , eased Mughal incursions by preventing unified opposition, though dispersed warrior bands countered with suited to dense jungles. Such asymmetries in organization—Gond society emphasizing loyalties over centralized command—enabled external powers to exploit rivalries, yet also sustained resilience through localized resistance rather than pitched battles. British encounters intensified after the 1818 defeat of the Marathas in the Third Anglo-Maratha War, annexing Central Indian territories and subordinating Gond principalities through military campaigns that dismantled prior sovereignties. Colonial authorities reclassified former Gond rajas as zamindars within the revenue framework, co-opting them into tax collection roles to extract agrarian surpluses from tribal lands, thereby aligning local elites with imperial fiscal demands. This integration preserved some Gond intermediaries' influence, as zamindars mediated between communities and district officers, though it eroded traditional authority amid surveys that alienated communal holdings. Fragmented Gond polities, persisting from pre-colonial patterns, again facilitated British consolidation by allowing piecemeal submissions, with guerrilla ambushes in forested zones serving as intermittent checks on patrols and revenue agents. The empire's superior and alliances with compliant zamindars systematically curtailed autonomy, shifting Gond interactions toward administrative compliance over outright confrontation.

20th-Century Rebellions and Integration

In the mid-19th century, leading into the 20th, Gond leader spearheaded a from 1853 to 1860 in the region against British colonial forces and local feudatories seeking to annex Gond territories. Commanding a force of approximately 1,000 fighters allied with Muslims, employed guerrilla tactics to resist land encroachments and taxation, temporarily liberating areas like and Utnoor before his capture and execution by hanging on July 9, 1860. A prominent 20th-century uprising was led by , a Gond tribal from Asifabad in , who from the early mobilized Gonds against the Nizam's exploitative forest policies and revenue demands that restricted traditional access to jal (water), jangal (forest), and zameen (land). Bheem's guerrilla campaign in challenged forest officials and zamindars, advocating for tribal self-rule and culminating in his death during a 1940 encounter with Nizam's forces, inspiring ongoing Gond assertions of autonomy rooted in resource rights. Following India's independence in , Gonds were classified as a Scheduled Tribe under the , granting reservations in , , and political representation to address historical marginalization. This status facilitated expanded access to government schools and health programs, contributing to literacy rate increases among Scheduled Tribes from 8.54% in 1961 to 16.35% by 1981, with further gains to around 59% by 2011, though still below national averages. Health interventions under tribal welfare schemes similarly improved and maternal care metrics in Gond-inhabited districts, reducing isolation-driven vulnerabilities compared to pre-integration eras. These measures underscored integration's role in enhancing human development indices through state-supported , while earlier rebellions highlighted Gonds' self-reliant defense of communal lands against external overreach.

Geographic Distribution and Demographics

Regional Spread in India

The Gondi people are concentrated in the central Indian highlands, known historically as , spanning the states of , , , , and , with their presence shaped by the region's forested plateaus and hills. Settlements cluster in districts like Bastar in and in , where undulating terrain and dense woodlands dictate dispersed village morphologies aligned with natural contours and watercourses. This topographic influence fosters adaptive settlement strategies, including clustered hamlets on hill slopes and edges, enabling proximity to resources while navigating rugged landscapes that limit large-scale aggregation. In Bastar, villages often perch on elevated plateaus amid sal-dominated s, reflecting a pattern responsive to seasonal flooding and soil variability in the extensions. Gadchiroli's Gond hamlets similarly hug river valleys and escarpments, integrating with the Satpura-Maikal range's elevations. Since the , accelerated urban migration has dispersed some Gondi communities toward industrial hubs in nearby states, driven by land pressures and development, though core rural footholds in these terrains persist amid seasonal returns. The Gond tribe, officially recognized as a Scheduled Tribe in , numbered 11,344,629 individuals according to the , representing those self-identifying under the Gond category within notified tribal populations. This figure positions the Gonds as one of India's largest tribal groups, with estimates for the broader ethno-linguistic population exceeding 12 million, accounting for assimilated subgroups who may not formally register as Scheduled Tribes but retain cultural or ancestral ties. In contrast, the 2011 Census recorded approximately 2.98 million individuals reporting Gondi as their mother tongue, highlighting a significant gap due to among the wider population. This discrepancy arises from widespread adoption of regional dominant languages like , driven by economic incentives such as access to , , and urban opportunities, which favor proficiency in non-tribal languages over Gondi. Population growth among the Gonds has been sustained by relatively high rates, exceeding the national average for tribal groups, contributing to an overall expansion from earlier censuses despite post-2011 data limitations due to the delayed enumeration. However, trends indicate pressures from assimilation into mainstream society, internal displacement from forest evictions, and seasonal out-migration for labor, which erode distinct ethnic markers like language use and accelerate cultural integration. These factors have led to a slower proportional increase in pure Gondi speakers compared to the tribal total, with macrolanguage usage estimated at around 2.4 million, reflecting ongoing linguistic deculturation.

Social Organization

Clan Systems and Kinship

The Gondi social structure revolves around exogamous patrilineal clans known as sagas, which function as the foundational units for kinship ties, inheritance, and community cohesion. These sagas trace descent through the male line from a common ancestor, with membership inherited patrilineally and prohibiting marriage within the same saga to avoid incest, a rule enforced by beliefs in divine punishment such as skin diseases or infestations. The number of sagas varies regionally, with examples including four major exogamous phratries in parts of Madhya Pradesh, each subdivided into smaller clans (pari) that regulate daily social interactions and resource sharing. Totemic deities or ancestral symbols associated with each saga reinforce group identity and taboos, serving practical roles in alliance formation through exogamous marriages that link disparate clans and mitigate local conflicts. In certain subgroups, such as hill-dwelling communities, gotuls—communal dormitories for youth—further strengthen bonds by facilitating supervised social mixing, skill-building, and premarital alliances across sagas, thereby embedding norms within broader communal solidarity. This clan-based system historically prioritized localized loyalties, functionally limiting the expansion of centralized authority in Gond polities as saga rivalries constrained unified governance beyond immediate kinship networks.

Economic Practices and Livelihoods

The Gondi people have traditionally relied on as their primary economic activity, cultivating crops such as , , pulses, and millets on rain-fed lands without extensive use of or draught animals. , locally termed podu or slash-and-burn, persists on a small scale in forested hill areas despite government restrictions, involving clearing for short-term cropping cycles followed by periods. Supplementary livelihoods include , , and gathering non-timber forest products like mahua flowers, tendu leaves, and , which provide both and minor cash income through sales to local markets. In pre-colonial Gond kingdoms, such as Garha-Mandla and Chanda established around the , economies incorporated trade and production, with rulers promoting cultivation of paddy, , and gur () in high-rainfall regions like eastern ; commerce flourished via caravan routes linking northern and southern , including elephant capture and export for profit. Contemporary livelihoods among Gonds show a shift toward diversified income sources, with occupying about 65% of households but supplemented by wage labor in , , and agriculture (70-87% participation) and collection of forest products (60-78%). Employment in mining and quarrying has emerged in mineral-rich districts like those in and , though often as informal, low-wage work amid resource extraction booms. Land alienation, exacerbated by colonial forest policies and post-independence development projects, has displaced many from ancestral holdings, compelling migration to urban centers for casual labor and eroding traditional self-sufficiency. Commercialization of Gond art, particularly paintings featuring motifs, has provided empirical income gains for select artists since the 1990s, with rising market prices enabling purchases of , appliances, and improved housing, though benefits remain uneven due to market hierarchies.

Gender Roles and Internal Social Dynamics

In Gond society, clans are organized patriarchally, with authority and inheritance rights transmitted patrilineally, positioning men as primary decision-makers in and . Women traditionally contribute to , , and domestic tasks, including child-rearing and , while men focus on , warfare, and external trade, reinforcing a division of labor that subordinates economic . This structure perpetuates disparities, as evidenced by norms that integrate women into their husband's clan, limiting their claims to natal family property. Among certain subgroups, such as the Muria Gonds in Bastar, the ghotul—a communal for unmarried —offers a , enabling premarital interactions and partner experimentation that enhance female agency in mate selection and social learning. In these settings, adolescent girls, termed motiari, participate alongside boys in cultural , sanitation duties, and consensual relationships, which some ethnographies describe as reducing marital discord by allowing compatibility assessment prior to formal unions. However, this freedom is confined to youth phases and coexists with broader patriarchal constraints, including oversight that can enforce conformity. Tensions between customary gender norms and individual manifest in practices like widow , which is culturally permitted—often via levirate to a deceased husband's kin—but faces resistance in conservative prioritizing male lineage continuity over female choice. Such dynamics highlight causal frictions: while animistic traditions afford women roles, entrenched patriliny curtails their legal standing, as seen in limited participation in clan councils. Contemporary data underscore persistent disparities, with female literacy rates in Gond-dominated regions like Bhamragarh block at 19.25% as of the 2011 , compared to higher rates, reflecting barriers like early domestic responsibilities and geographic isolation. Over 40% of Gond women in remain illiterate, hampering workforce participation beyond informal labor. Tribal has risen to 58.96% overall by 2011, signaling incremental gains from interventions, yet gaps endure due to cultural preferences for . These trends balance limited agency advancements, such as through ghotul-inspired social norms, against systemic patriarchal inertia.

Language

Structure and Features of Gondi

Gondi, a Central Dravidian language, displays agglutinative morphology in which discrete suffixes attach to verbal and nominal roots to encode categories like tense, aspect, person, number, gender, and case, enabling the construction of lengthy, inflected words while preserving boundaries. This system aligns with broader Dravidian patterns, featuring forms and distinctions such as inclusive/exclusive in first-person plural pronouns. Syntactically, it adheres to a rigid subject-object-verb order, employs postpositions for relational functions, and positions adjectives and possessors before nouns, facilitating hierarchical embedding in clauses. The phonological inventory of Gondi includes retroflex consonants—such as voiceless /ʈ/, aspirated /ʈʰ/, voiced /ɖ/, and aspirated /ɖʰ/—which contrast with dental and alveolar series, contributing to phonemic distinctions critical for lexical differentiation. Vowels form a symmetrical set of five qualities (/i, e, a, o, u/), each occurring in short and long variants, with length serving as a phonemic feature; semivowels like /v/ and /j/ function ambiguously between consonantal and vocalic roles depending on context. Historically, Gondi possessed no standardized indigenous script for routine documentation, relying instead on adaptations of for northern varieties and for southern ones to approximate its . Rare native systems, including the Gunjala Gondi script attested in manuscripts dated around 1750 CE from , indicate sporadic pre-colonial use but limited dissemination and influence on broader literacy. The lexicon incorporates ecology-specific terms suited to forested habitats, such as "mun" denoting forest and designations for indigenous flora like mahua trees (Madhuca longifolia) and wildlife, underscoring adaptations to subsistence patterns involving gathering and hunting.

Dialects, Usage, and Preservation Efforts

The Gondi language features a dialect continuum spanning northern, central, and southern varieties, spoken primarily across Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Odisha. Adjacent dialects within this chain demonstrate substantial mutual intelligibility, facilitating communication among neighboring communities, whereas distant forms—such as northern dialects like Dorla and southern ones like Muria—exhibit reduced comprehensibility, approaching mutual unintelligibility in extreme cases due to phonological shifts (e.g., s > h sound changes) and lexical divergence. Contemporary usage reflects pressures of assimilation, with most Gondi speakers—estimated at 2.3 to 2.9 million per the Indian census—functioning bilingually or multilingually, shifting to dominant regional languages like , Telugu, Marathi, and Odia for schooling, employment, and governance interactions. This transition, driven by limited institutional support and economic incentives favoring majority languages, has accelerated , particularly among urban youth and in formal domains, rendering Gondi vulnerable as classified by in 2009. Preservation initiatives have gained momentum since the , including the development of standardized orthographies using scripts like the revived Gunjala Gondi lipi and the publication of monolingual and bilingual dictionaries to document vocabulary and grammar. Community-led , including petitions from Gond organizations, pushes for Gondi's inclusion in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution—despite its speaker base exceeding several scheduled languages—to secure funding for curricula, media production, and , countering deculturation trends observed in tribal systems. These efforts, though nascent, emphasize literacy drives and digital tools to sustain oral proficiency amid assimilation.

Cultural Practices

Arts, Crafts, and Material Culture

Gond painting emerged as a distinctive form in the 1980s through the work of , a Pardhan Gond from born in 1962. Shyam adapted traditional motifs from hut walls and floors to paper and canvas, establishing the Jangarh Kalam style noted for its bold lines, vibrant colors, and representations of animals, plants, trees, and deities drawn from Gondi cosmology and nature observation. His innovations marked the first widespread use of portable media for Gond art, enabling exhibitions in major institutions and auctions where pieces have fetched significant prices, such as works sold for tens of thousands of dollars. Godna, a traditional tattooing practice prevalent among Gond women in regions like and , involves hand-poking motifs into the skin using thorns, needles, and natural inks derived from or plants. These tattoos feature geometric patterns, floral designs, and symbols denoting protection, fertility, prosperity, and ancestral lineage, often applied during or as markers of identity and spiritual safeguarding. The art, transmitted matrilineally, incorporates motifs like trees for family roots and animals for totemic affiliations, reflecting empirical connections to agrarian and forest-based livelihoods. Contemporary Gond art production has fostered economic opportunities through and sales networks, with paintings serving as a supplemental source for tribal artists amid limited formal options. Initiatives promoting Gond works have enabled rural women and men to market pieces globally, yielding measurable improvements, as evidenced by increased household earnings from art cooperatives and online platforms in . This commercialization, while boosting incomes, has also standardized certain motifs for market appeal, diverging from purely ritualistic origins.

Music, Dance, and Oral Traditions

The Gondi people employ a variety of traditional instruments in their music, including flutes crafted from and drums that accompany communal performances. These instruments, such as the noted in ethnographic accounts of Gond communities, produce melodies that evoke natural rhythms and are integral to social gatherings. Drums, often played in ensembles, provide percussive foundations for dances and songs, reflecting the tribe's deep connection to agrarian cycles and daily life. Dances form a central performative tradition among the Gondi, with forms like the Saila stick dance performed predominantly by young men using paired sticks to create rhythmic clashes and competitive displays. This dance, popular in regions such as and , involves groups from different villages challenging each other in synchronized movements, emphasizing physical prowess and community bonding. Other dances, including Gussadi and Karma, feature vigorous steps and group formations, often executed with enthusiasm during social events to reinforce and transmit cultural motifs through embodied expression. Oral traditions among the Gondi serve as repositories of historical sagas, legends, and social norms, conveyed through folk songs and narratives that preserve ancestral knowledge without reliance on written scripts. These verbal arts, including epic tales derived from folk legends, foster saga-based clan identity by recounting origins and moral lessons across generations, as documented in studies of Gondi cultural transmission. Songs accompanied by string instruments like the kingri or bana further embed philosophical and environmental insights, ensuring continuity of ethnic heritage amid external influences.

Festivals and Life Cycle Rituals

The Gondi people celebrate Nagoba Jatara, an annual tribal fair in Keslapur village, , , spanning 8 to 10 days in January or February during the Hindu lunar month of . Organized primarily by the Mesaram clan, it centers on worship of the serpent deity Nagoba and attracts participants from surrounding regions for rituals, folk theater performances including Gondi versions of epics, and social alliances often finalized from prior harvest events. Harvest festivals such as the post-harvest Dandari-Ghusadi feature communal dances like Gussadi, agricultural thanksgiving rites, and youth gatherings that reinforce social bonds, with many clans using these occasions for betrothal arrangements adhering to preferences. Syncretically, Gondi communities in observe Devari on the day of , lighting lamps, exchanging black-eyed beans as gifts, and performing dances to mark mythical unions and seasonal renewal while minimizing environmental impact compared to mainstream celebrations. Life cycle rituals among the Gondi prioritize exogamy and ritual purity to maintain social harmony. Birth ceremonies commence with purification rites post-delivery, involving sacred plants like the Bel tree for protection and communal naming to integrate the child into the clan lineage. Marriage rites emphasize cross-cousin unions, with pre-wedding youth dorm activities in some groups leading to formal exchanges that uphold structures and prohibit same- pairings. Death rituals, including the karun ceremony, entail or burial followed by secondary offerings to guide the spirit to ancestral realms, ensuring its acceptance among forebears through clan-specific mourning practices.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

Core Animistic Traditions (Koyapunem)

The Gondi , known as Koyapunem or "the way of ," constitutes a decentralized animistic system centered on of clan-specific deities called Persa Pen, alongside spirits and ancestral figures. Each maintains its own Persa Pen, a protective entity invoked through offerings and sacrifices at dedicated shrines, ensuring communal welfare in exchange for adherence to totemic prohibitions and periodic worship. These deities are not anthropomorphized in a hierarchical pantheon but function as localized guardians tied to lineages, with rituals led by hereditary priests or shamans known as bhagats, who mediate possessions and exorcisms to resolve disputes or illnesses attributed to spiritual imbalances. Koyapunem lacks formalized scriptures or centralized authority, operating instead through oral codes of conduct emphasizing reciprocity with the surrounding forest ecosystem, where deities embody natural forces such as rivers, hills, and trees. Bhagats facilitate communication with these entities via trance-induced possession, during which possessed individuals convey divine injunctions without personal accountability for ensuing actions, reflecting a pragmatic mechanism for social arbitration in pre-literate communities. Ancestor worship integrates into this framework through household altars and seasonal rites, where spirits of deceased kin (mutha) are appeased to avert misfortune, underscoring a causal linkage between ritual observance and ecological stability in agrarian-forest economies. This adaptively aligns with the Gondi subsistence patterns in central India's woodlands, promoting sustainable resource use—such as regulated hunting and seed preservation—rooted in beliefs that environmental disruption invites retributive spirits, without prescriptive dogma beyond clan-specific taboos. Empirical observations from ethnographic studies indicate that these practices foster awareness, as narratives link totems to habitat preservation, enabling long-term habitation in resource-scarce terrains. The absence of universal doctrines allows flexibility across subgroups, prioritizing experiential harmony over doctrinal uniformity.

Syncretism with Hinduism and Folk Deities

The Gondi pantheon integrates key into its animistic core, with the supreme being Bada Dev (Great God) or Bara Deo syncretized as equivalent to or the otiose Hindu Bhagwan, invoked as creator and distant overseer rather than actively worshipped. holds special prominence as Jati Deve, the community's patron deity, honored through offerings and rituals that blend tribal propitiation with Shaivite elements for protection against misfortune. Similarly, manifestations, including those linked to ancestral Angadevs, are revered as fierce guardians akin to , with village and clan deities incorporated as localized protectors fulfilling pragmatic roles in agriculture, health, and clan welfare. This fusion manifests in everyday practices, where Hindu icons coexist with indigenous spirit worship; for instance, Persa Pen (a high tribal god) parallels Parameswar, receiving sacrifices alongside or forms during communal rites. Among Raj Gond subgroups, syncretism extends to social organization, with adoption of Hindu-derived titles such as or —drawn from and Mughal influences—and assertions of equivalence, fostering internal hierarchies that parallel endogamy and purity norms while retaining tribal descent from elder sisters. Official enumerations reflect this integration's dominance: in the 2011 Census of India, the vast majority of the approximately 13 million Scheduled Tribe individuals affiliated with Gondi groups were classified under Hinduism, encompassing syncretic adherents who enumerate animistic practices under broader Hindu categories, though ethnographic accounts confirm persistent undercurrents of clan-god veneration and nature spirit rituals distinct from orthodox Hinduism. This pragmatic layering prioritizes functional efficacy over doctrinal purity, enabling coexistence of tribal cosmology with Hindu temple visits and festivals.

Debates Over Religious Identity and Myths

Certain Gond subgroups, notably in , preserve oral traditions identifying Mahishasur as an ancestral figure and heroic king rather than the buffalo-demon slain by in Hindu Puranic accounts such as the . These sagas link Mahishasur to Gond progenitors like Sambhushek, interpreting his narrative as emblematic of indigenous resilience, with archaeological allusions to buffalo-horn iconography in Harappan seals invoked as supporting evidence by proponents. Such myths, rooted in Punem —a materialist, nature-centric attributed to the 14th-century sage Pari Kupar Lingo—prioritize clan solidarity and earthly forces over dualism, functioning causally to unify communities amid historical marginalization rather than to advance anti-Hindu polemics. Debates on Gond religious identity hinge on the tension between assertions of a pure animistic heritage (Koyapunem) and observable , where tribal deities merge with Hindu ones; for instance, the supreme Bara Deo equates to Bhagwan or Parameswar, while ancestral Angadevs parallel . Empirical patterns reveal voluntary adoption of Hindu elements—like worship as Mahadev—through proximity and exchange, evidenced in ethnographic studies of rituals blending clan totems with Vedic influences, contra claims of wholesale Brahmanical imposition. Critiques of conversion narratives highlight that while Hindu groups like Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram have promoted assimilation via reinterpretation of tribal symbols, and Christian missions exert proselytizing efforts, Gond practices empirically defy binary "tribal vs. Hindu" framings, with myths serving adaptive social cohesion over ideological exclusion. Sources advancing conflict-oriented views, such as publications, often draw from selective oral accounts but underemphasize this overlap, reflecting activist biases rather than comprehensive fieldwork.

Political and Contemporary Issues

Autonomy Movements and Gondwana Advocacy

The demands for a separate Gondwana Rajya, encompassing tribal-dominated regions of including parts of , , , , and , originated in the 1940s as Gond leaders sought to reassert control over ancestral territories modeled on pre-colonial Gond kingdoms such as Garha-Mandla and Deogarh, which flourished from the 14th to 18th centuries before Mughal and Maratha conquests. These early agitations, intensifying in the late 1950s around centers like , emphasized cultural preservation, resource sovereignty over forests and minerals, and protection from perceived imposition and land alienation by non-tribals. Rooted in historical Gond polities that integrated diverse subtribes through loose feudal structures rather than centralized administration, the demands critiqued post-independence linguistic state reorganizations under the States Reorganisation Act of 1956, which prioritized majority languages over tribal dialects. By the 1990s, organized political efforts coalesced under parties like the Gondwana Gantantra Party (GGP), founded to advocate explicitly for Gondwana statehood as a means of self-determination for approximately 11.3 million Gonds dispersed across nine states. The GGP and allied groups staged rallies and protests through the 2000s, demanding a unified administrative unit to address economic disparities, with agitations peaking around the formation of new states like Chhattisgarh in 2000, which incorporated significant Gond areas but fell short of a dedicated tribal polity. Government responses, including those from the central planning commissions, consistently denied viability, pointing to the lack of a standardized Gondi language—comprising mutually unintelligible dialects—and insufficient demographic contiguity, as Gonds constitute 5-10% in proposed core districts per 2011 census data. Empirically, these autonomy movements have yielded no separate state, with demands repeatedly scuttled amid broader federal rearrangements that redistributed some powers to tribal councils under the Panchayats (Extension to ) Act of 1996, enhancing local governance without full . Integration into India's constitutional framework has instead delivered tangible benefits, including Scheduled Tribe classification since 1950, guaranteeing 7.5% reservations in central government jobs and education, alongside state-level quotas exceeding 20% in and , which have elevated Gond from under 10% in 1961 to 55% by 2011 in high-density areas. Critiques of separatism, drawn from historical patterns where fragmented Gond kingdoms succumbed to larger invasions due to internal rivalries and resource scarcity, argue that standalone statehood risks economic isolation—given reliance on national markets for minerals like and —and could intensify subtribal divisions, whereas federal safeguards have empirically reduced marginalization without the instability of seen in other ethnic demands.

Conflicts, Development Challenges, and Criticisms

The Gondi people in the Bastar region of have been deeply entangled in the Naxalite-Maoist since the 1980s, with many tribal members recruited into the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army due to grievances over land alienation and resource exploitation. This involvement has perpetuated a , as Maoist groups oppose projects like roads and schools, viewing them as tools of state encroachment, thereby blocking access to remote villages and stalling . By , intensified counter- operations have led to over 200 Maoist surrenders in Bastar, yet the conflict continues to displace Gondi communities and deter investment, with outnumbering rebels by more than 40,000 to a few thousand. Development challenges in Gondi-dominated areas stem from both external pressures and internal dynamics, including high rates exacerbated by Naxalite control over forests, which limits formal and agricultural expansion. linked to in mineral-rich Bastar has eroded traditional livelihoods, with Gondi groups protesting under the Forest Rights Act of 2006 for community titles, though implementation disputes have left many claims unresolved since 2008. Critics argue that Maoist advocacy against , while rooted in anti-exploitation ideology, ignores potential revenue for tribal welfare, as blocked projects perpetuate underdevelopment in regions where two-thirds of the population remains . Criticisms of Gondi engagement with modernization highlight self-imposed barriers, such as selective resistance to formal , which Maoist influence exploits by portraying schools as sites of cultural erasure, resulting in low that sustains recruitment and economic stagnation. While state neglect contributes—evident in delayed Forest Rights Act settlements—cultural inertia favoring isolated forest autonomy over integration has been faulted for hindering and health improvements, as communities prioritize traditional practices amid . This dynamic underscores a causal tension: initial grievances from policy failures fuel militancy, but ongoing tribal support for Naxalites reinforces isolation, impeding broader progress despite government commitments to infrastructure in post-conflict phases.

Achievements in Modern Contexts

In recent decades, Gondi individuals have achieved notable representation in Indian politics through parties advocating for tribal interests. The Gondwana Gantantra Party (GGP), founded in by Heera Markam to empower Gonds politically, has contested and , securing visibility for Gondi issues in state assemblies despite challenges in broader electoral success. Educational progress among Gonds has shown gains, with literacy rates approaching 60% in certain communities by the early 2000s, reflecting targeted interventions in tribal areas of and . Gond art has gained international acclaim, with contemporary works by Pardhan Gond artists featured in exhibitions at institutions such as the Royal Ontario Museum and the Davis Museum at , highlighting motifs of nature and mythology adapted to modern media like paper and canvas. These pieces, evolving from traditional wall paintings, have appeared in global events including the since the 2000s, fostering economic opportunities for artists through sales and commissions. In sports, Asha Gond emerged as a trailblazer, representing as its sole female skateboarder at the 2018 in , , while co-founding the Skateboarders nonprofit to promote the among rural tribal youth. Her efforts have inspired community programs in , , emphasizing empowerment through athletics. Economically, Gond heritage sites like the 17th-century monuments at Ramnagar, —comprising palaces and temples from the Garha-Mandla kingdom—have been nominated to UNESCO's Tentative World Heritage List in 2024, spurring cultural tourism that showcases Gond architecture and supports local artisans and guides in . Visitors engage with Gond traditions, including art workshops, contributing to regional income without relying solely on extractive industries.

Notable Gondi Figures

Historical Leaders and Rulers

Sangram Shah, the 48th ruler of the Garha-Mandla kingdom in the 15th century, oversaw its expansion from a minor territory into a dominant power in by conquering approximately 52 forts and annexing regions along the valley. His reign, spanning roughly the late 1400s to early 1500s, emphasized efficient through innovations in and water management, constructing reservoirs and canals that supported in forested terrains. These measures reflected pragmatic adaptations to the local , prioritizing resource control over ritualistic practices. Bakht Buland Shah, a Gond ruler of the Deogarh kingdom from circa 1668 to 1706, founded the city of in 1702 by consolidating twelve scattered hamlets into a unified urban center, which served as a strategic hub for trade and administration in the . Under his leadership, the kingdom integrated diverse communities through inclusive policies, fostering economic growth via fortified markets and alliances with neighboring Muslim principalities, while maintaining Gondi clan-based authority structures. Ramji Gond, a Gond chieftain from the Adilabad region, spearheaded an armed uprising against British colonial forces beginning in 1857, mobilizing around 1,000 tribal fighters alongside Rohilla Muslim allies in a sustained guerrilla campaign that disrupted British supply lines for nearly two years. Captured after inflicting casualties on British detachments, he was executed by on April 9, 1860, marking one of the earliest localized resistances to expansion in the Telugu-speaking areas.

Modern Activists and Contributors

(c. 1901–1940), a Gondi leader from the Sankepalli village in present-day , organized resistance against the Nizam of Hyderabad's exploitative policies, including forced labor and resource extraction, from the late 1920s onward. He established guerrilla bases in the Abujhmarh hills and mobilized Gonds for self-rule, famously declaring "Jal, Jangal, Zameen" to assert tribal sovereignty over essential natural resources. Bheem's efforts culminated in clashes with Nizam forces, leading to his death in 1940, but his legacy inspired subsequent movements for land rights. Gunda Dhur, a tribal leader from Nethanar in Bastar (now ), spearheaded the 1910 Bhumkal rebellion against British colonial impositions such as forest reservations and begar labor, which affected Gond and other communities. Coordinating attacks on government outposts and redistributing seized grain, Dhur evaded capture for months, symbolizing resistance to administrative overreach until suppressed by military force. In contemporary contexts, Venkat Raman Singh Shyam (b. 1970), from the Pardhan Gond subgroup in , has advanced Gond artistic traditions through murals, etchings, and mixed-media works that blend mythological narratives with modern themes, exhibited internationally since the . His practice, rooted in oral histories and nature motifs, contributes to cultural preservation amid urbanization pressures. Gondi language revitalization efforts include community-led schools in regions like , , where locals teach in Gondi to counter assimilation into dominant languages, fostering intergenerational transmission since the 2010s. Technological initiatives, such as crowdsourced data collection via mobile apps, have documented over 10,000 Gondi sentences by 2020, aiding documentation of this Dravidian tongue spoken by approximately 3 million.

References

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