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Grief
Grief
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Grief
Other namesMourning; grieving; bereavement[1]
SpecialtyPsychology Edit this on Wikidata
TreatmentPastoral care, mental health professionals, social workers, support groups[1]

Grief is the response to the loss of something deemed important, in particular the death of a person or animal to which a bond or affection was formed. Although conventionally focused on the emotional response to loss, grief also has physical, cognitive, behavioral, social, cultural, spiritual, political and philosophical dimensions. While the terms are often used interchangeably, bereavement refers to the state of loss, while grief is the reaction to that loss.

The grief associated with death is familiar to most people, but individuals grieve in connection with a variety of losses throughout their lives, such as unemployment, ill health or the end of a relationship.[2] Loss can be categorized as either physical or abstract;[3] physical loss is related to something that the individual can touch or measure, such as losing a spouse through death, while other types of loss are more abstract, possibly relating to aspects of a person's social interactions.[3]

Modern research has moved beyond rigid stage-based models, such as Kübler-Ross's five stages, toward more flexible frameworks. One influential approach is Simon Shimshon Rubin's Two-Track Model of Bereavement, which focuses on both day-to-day functioning and the evolving emotional relationship with the deceased.[4] George Bonanno's research further shows that most people demonstrate natural resilience, experiencing stable functioning despite significant losses, while acknowledging that grief can manifest as sadness, anger, anxiety, laughter, or even numbness.

In some cases, however, grief can become prolonged or debilitating, leading to complicated grief or prolonged grief disorder (PGD), where persistent longing and difficulty resuming normal routines interfere with life. Certain losses, such as the death of a spouse, child, or parent, tend to carry higher risks of depression and other mental health challenges. Studies on biological and cultural differences reveal that expressions of grief are highly diverse, while evolutionary theories suggest grief may help strengthen social bonds and survival behaviors.

Grieving process

[edit]

Between 1996 and 2006, there was extensive skepticism about a universal and predictable "emotional pathway" that leads from distress to "recovery" with an appreciation that grief is a more complex process of adapting to loss than stage and phase models have previously suggested. The two-track model of bereavement, created by Simon Shimshon Rubin in 1981,[5] provided a deeper focus on the grieving process. The model examines the long-term effects of bereavement by measuring how well the person is adapting to the loss of a significant person in their life. The main objective of the two-track model of bereavement is for the individual to "manage and live in reality in which the deceased is absent," as well as return to normal biological functioning.[6]

Track One is focused on the biopsychosocial functioning of grief. This focuses on the anxiety, depression, somatic concerns, traumatic responses, familial relationships, interpersonal relationships, self-esteem, meaning structure, work, and investment in life tasks. Rubin (2010) points out, "Track 1, the range of aspects of the individual's functioning across affective, interpersonal, somatic and classical psychiatric indicators is considered".[7]

The significance of the closeness between the bereaved and the deceased is important to Track 1 because this could determine the severity of the mourning and grief the bereaved will endure. This first track is the response to extremely stressful life events and requires adaptation, change, and integration. The second track focuses on the ongoing relationship between the griever and the deceased. Track two mainly focuses on how the bereaved was connected to the deceased and what level of closeness was shared. The two main components considered are positive and negative memories and emotional involvement shared with the decedent. The stronger the relationship with the deceased, the greater the evaluation of the relationship with heightened shock.[citation needed]

An Iranian mother mourning her son, who was killed in the Iran-Iraq war over 20 years earlier.

Any memory could be a trigger for the bereaved, the way the bereaved chose to remember their loved ones, and how the bereaved integrate the memory of their loved ones into their daily lives.[citation needed]

Ten main attributes to this track include imagery/memory, emotional distance, positive effect, negative effect, preoccupation with the loss, conflict, idealization, memorialization/transformation of the loss, impact on self-perception and loss process (shock, searching, disorganized).[8] An outcome of this track is being able to recognize how transformation has occurred beyond grief and mourning.[8] By outlining the main aspects of the bereavement process into two interactive tracks, individuals can examine and understand how grief has affected their life following loss and begin to adapt to this post-loss life. The Model offers a better understanding of the duration of time in the wake of one's loss and the outcomes that evolve from death. Using this model, researchers can effectively examine the response to an individual's loss by assessing the behavioral-psychological functioning and the relationship with the deceased.[9]

The authors of What's Your Grief?, Litza Williams and Eleanor Haley, state in their understanding of the clinical and therapeutic uses of the model:

in terms of functioning, this model can help the bereaved identify which areas of his/her life has been impacted by the grief in a negative way as well as areas that the bereaved has already begun to adapt to after the loss. If the bereaved is unable to return to their normal functioning as in before loss occurred, it is likely they will find difficulty in the process of working through the loss as well as their separation from the deceased. Along the relational aspect, the bereaved can become aware of their relationship with the deceased and how it has changed or may change in the future (Williams & Haley, 2017).[10]

"The Two-Track Model of Bereavement can help specify areas of mutuality (how people respond affectivity to trauma and change) and also difference (how bereaved people may be preoccupied with the deceased following loss compared to how they may be preoccupied with trauma following the exposure to it)" (Rubin, S.S, 1999).[11]

While the grief response is considered a natural way of dealing with loss, prolonged, highly intense grief may, at times, become debilitating enough to be considered a disorder.[12][13][14]

Reactions

[edit]
A family mourns during a funeral at the Lion's cemetery during the Siege of Sarajevo in 1992.

Grief can be experienced in a variety of ways.[15] Crying is a normal and natural part of grieving. Crying and talking about the loss is not the only healthy response and, if forced or excessive, can be harmful.[16][17] Lack of crying is also a natural, healthy reaction, potentially protective of the individual, and may also be seen as a sign of resilience.[16][17][18] Grieving people are also likely to become anxious.[15]

Some grief responses or actions, called "coping ugly" by researcher George Bonanno, may seem counter-intuitive or even appear dysfunctional, e.g., celebratory responses, laughter, or self-serving bias in interpreting events.[19] Some healthy people who are grieving do not spontaneously talk about the loss. Pressing people to cry or retell the experience of a loss can be damaging.[17] Genuine laughter is healthy.[16][18]

When a loved one dies, it is not unusual for the bereaved to report that they have "seen" or "heard" the person they have lost. Most people who have experienced this report feeling comforted. In a 2008 survey conducted by Amanda Barusch, 27% of respondents who had lost a loved one reported having had this kind of "contact" experience.[20] These experiences are correlated with pathology like grief complications.[21]

Bereavement science

[edit]
Grief can be caused by the loss of one's home and possessions, as occurs with refugees.

Bonanno's four trajectories of grief

[edit]

George Bonanno, a professor of clinical psychology at Columbia University, conducted more than two decades of scientific studies on grief and trauma. Subjects of his studies number in the several thousand and include people who have suffered losses in the U.S. and cross-cultural studies in various countries around the world, such as Israel, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and China. His subjects suffered losses through war, terrorism, deaths of children, premature deaths of spouses, sexual abuse, childhood diagnoses of AIDS, and other potentially devastating loss events or potential trauma events.

His findings include that a natural resilience is the main component of grief and trauma reactions.[16] The first researcher to use pre-loss data, he outlined four trajectories of grief.[16] Bonanno's work has also demonstrated that absence of grief or trauma symptoms is a healthy outcome, rather than something to be feared as has been the thought and practice until his research.[19] Because grief responses can take many forms, including laughter, celebration, and bawdiness, in addition to sadness,[18][22] Bonanno coined the phrase "coping ugly" to describe the idea that some forms of coping may seem counter intuitive.[19] Bonanno has found that resilience is natural to humans, suggesting that it cannot be "taught" through specialized programs[19] and that there is virtually no existing research with which to design resilience training, nor is there existing research to support major investment in such things as military resilience training programs.[19]

The four trajectories are as follows:

  • Resilience: "The ability of adults in otherwise normal circumstances who are exposed to an isolated and potentially highly disruptive event, such as the death of a close relation or a violent or life-threatening situation, to maintain relatively stable, healthy levels of psychological and physical functioning" as well as "the capacity for generative experiences and positive emotions".
  • Recovery: When "normal functioning temporarily gives way to threshold or sub-threshold psychopathology (e.g., symptoms of depression or post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD), usually for a period of at least several months, and then gradually returns to pre-event levels".
  • Chronic dysfunction: Prolonged suffering and inability to function, usually lasting several years or longer.
  • Delayed grief or trauma: When adjustment seems normal but then distress and symptoms increase months later. Researchers have not found evidence of delayed grief, but delayed trauma appears to be a genuine phenomenon.

"Five stages" model

[edit]

The Kübler-Ross model, commonly known as the five stages of grief, describes a hypothesis first introduced by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her 1969 book, On Death and Dying.[23] Based on the uncredited earlier work of John Bowlby and Colin Murray-Parkes, Kübler-Ross actually applied the stages to people who were dying, not people who were grieving.

The five stages are:

  1. denial
  2. anger
  3. bargaining
  4. depression
  5. acceptance

This model found limited empirical support in a study by Maciejewski et al.[24] That is that the sequence was correct although Acceptance was highest at all points throughout the person's experience. The research of George Bonanno, however, is acknowledged as debunking the five stages of grief because his large body of peer-reviewed studies show that the vast majority of people who have experienced a loss are resilient and that there are multiple trajectories following loss.

Continuing bonds

[edit]

Continuing bonds is a bereavement theory that suggests that maintaining an enduring connection with a deceased loved one is a common and expected part of grieving, rather than an obstacle to "moving on". Until recently, both psychological literature and popular culture often regarded ongoing bonds with the dead as pathological in grief.[25][26][27][28] According to the dominant model, the goal of grief was to let go and move on.[29] Toward the end of the 20th century, Dennis Klass, Phyllis Silverman, and Steven Nickman developed a model of grief that includes continuing interactions with the dead, while remaining "open to both the positive and negative consequences of this activity".[30]

Typical manifestations of continuing bonds include sensing the deceased's presence, maintaining connections through physical objects, believing the deceased influences thoughts or events, and consciously integrating the deceased's traits into personal or group identity.[31] While the intensity of these bonds may diminish, they typically persist in some form throughout a survivor's life. Rather than signifying fixation or denial, these enduring connections reflect how past relationships continuously shape individual and collective identities. Attempting to completely leave the deceased behind would itself constitute a denial of reality, as relationships naturally persist and shape ongoing experiences and identities.[32]

Maintaining bonds generally does not imply a failure to accept the permanence of the loss or the physical separation. Continuing bonds have been observed across diverse cultures and historical periods, reflecting the significant cognitive and emotional investment humans consistently place in their relationships with their deceased loved ones.[31]

Despite this longstanding cultural recognition, 20th-century psychological theories significantly diverged from these traditional views, claiming instead that severing ties with the deceased was necessary. The emergence of continuing bonds theory marked a major challenge to these prevailing ideas, prompting a reevaluation of what constitutes normative grieving.[33][34]

Physiological and neurological processes

[edit]
"Pietà" by El Greco, 1571–1576
Grief in art: grave statue at Vienna Central Cemetery

Studies of fMRI scans of women from whom grief was elicited about the death of a mother or a sister in the past 5 years resulted in the conclusion that grief produced a local inflammation response as measured by salivary concentrations of pro-inflammatory cytokines. These responses were correlated with activation in the anterior cingulate cortex and orbitofrontal cortex. This activation also correlated with the free recall of grief-related word stimuli. This suggests that grief can cause stress, and that this reaction is linked to the emotional processing parts of the frontal lobe.[35] Activation of the anterior cingulate cortex and vagus nerve is similarly implicated in the experience of heartbreak whether due to social rejection or bereavement.

Among those persons who have been bereaved within the previous three months of a given report, those who report many intrusive thoughts about the deceased show ventral amygdala and rostral anterior cingulate cortex hyperactivity to reminders of their loss. In the case of the amygdala, this links to their sadness intensity. In those individuals who avoid such thoughts, there is a related opposite type of pattern in which there is a decrease in the activation of the dorsal amygdala and the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex.

In those not so emotionally affected by reminders of their loss, studies of fMRI scans have been used to conclude that there is a high functional connectivity between the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and amygdala activity, suggesting that the former regulates activity in the latter. In those people who had greater intensity of sadness, there was a low functional connection between the rostral anterior cingulate cortex and amygdala activity, suggesting a lack of regulation of the former part of the brain upon the latter.[36]

Evolutionary hypotheses

[edit]

From an evolutionary perspective, grief is perplexing because it appears costly, and it is not clear what benefits it provides the sufferer. Several researchers have proposed functional explanations for grief, attempting to solve this puzzle. Sigmund Freud argued that grief is a process of libidinal reinvestment. The griever must, Freud argued, disinvest from the deceased, which is a painful process.[37] But this disinvestment allows the griever to use libidinal energies on other, possibly new attachments, so it provides a valuable function. John Archer, approaching grief from an attachment theory perspective, argued that grief is a byproduct of the human attachment system.[38] Generally, a grief-type response is adaptive because it compels a social organism to search for a lost individual (e.g., a mother or a child). However, in the case of death, the response is maladaptive because the individual is not simply lost and the griever cannot reunite with the deceased. Grief, from this perspective, is a painful cost of the human capacity to form commitments.

Other researchers such as Randolph Nesse have proposed that grief is a kind of psychological pain that orients the sufferer to a new existence without the deceased and creates a painful but instructive memory.[39] If, for example, leaving an offspring alone led to the offspring's death, grief creates an intensively painful memory of the event, dissuading a parent from ever again leaving an offspring alone. More recently, Bo Winegard and colleagues argued that grief might be a socially selected signal of an individual's propensity for forming strong, committed relationships.[40] From this social signaling perspective, grief targets old and new social partners, informing them that the griever is capable of forming strong social commitments. That is, because grief signals a person's capacity to form strong and faithful social bonds, those who displayed prolonged grief responses were preferentially chosen by alliance partners. The authors argue that throughout human evolution, grief was therefore shaped and elaborated by the social decisions of selective alliance partners.

Risks

[edit]

Bereavement, while a normal part of life, carries a degree of risk when severe. Severe reactions affect approximately 10% to 15% of people.[16] Severe reactions mainly occur in people with depression present before the loss event.[16] Severe grief reactions may carry over into family relations. Some researchers have found an increased risk of marital breakup following the death of a child, for example. Others have found no increase. John James, author of the Grief Recovery Handbook and founder of the Grief Recovery Institute, reported that his marriage broke up after the death of his infant son.

Health risks

[edit]

Many studies have looked at the bereaved in terms of increased risks for stress-related illnesses. Colin Murray Parkes in the 1960s and 1970s in England noted increased doctor visits, with symptoms such as abdominal pain, breathing difficulties, and so forth in the first six months following a death. Others have noted increased mortality rates (Ward, A.W. 1976) and Bunch et al. found a five times greater risk of suicide in teens following the death of a parent.[41] Research funded by the Medical Research Council found that people bereaved by the sudden death of a friend or family member by suicide are 65% more likely to attempt suicide, bringing the absolute risk to 1 in 10.[42] Bereavement also increases the risk of heart attack.[43]

Complicated grief

[edit]

Prolonged grief disorder (PGD), formerly known as complicated grief disorder (CGD), is a pathological reaction to loss representing a cluster of empirically derived symptoms that have been associated with long-term physical and psycho-social dysfunction. Individuals with PGD experience severe grief symptoms for at least six months and are stuck in a maladaptive state.[44] An attempt is being made to create a diagnosis category for complicated grief in the DSM-5.[12][45] It is currently an "area for further study" in the DSM, under the name Persistent Complex Bereavement Disorder. Critics of including the diagnosis of complicated grief in the DSM-5 say that doing so will constitute characterizing a natural response as a pathology, and will result in wholesale medicating of people who are essentially normal.[45][46]

Shear and colleagues found an effective treatment for complicated grief, by treating the reactions in the same way as trauma reactions.[47][48]

Complicated grief is not synonymous with grief. Complicated grief is characterised by an extended grieving period and other criteria, including mental and physical impairments.[49] An important part of understanding complicated grief is understanding how the symptoms differ from normal grief. The Mayo Clinic states that with normal grief the feelings of loss are evident. When the reaction turns into complicated grief, however, the feelings of loss become incapacitating and continue even though time passes.[50] The signs and symptoms characteristic of complicated grief are listed as "extreme focus on the loss and reminders of the loved one, intense longing or pining for the deceased, problems accepting the death, numbness or detachment ... bitterness about your loss, inability to enjoy life, depression or deep sadness, trouble carrying out normal routines, withdrawing from social activities, feeling that life holds no meaning or purpose, irritability or agitation, lack of trust in others".[50] The symptoms seen in complicated grief are specific because the symptoms seem to be a combination of the symptoms found in separation as well as traumatic distress. They are also considered to be complicated because, unlike normal grief, these symptoms will continue regardless of the amount of time that has passed and despite treatment given from tricyclic antidepressants.[51] Individuals with complicated grief symptoms are likely to have other mental disorders such as PTSD (post traumatic syndrome disorder), depression, anxiety, etc.[52]

An article by the NEJM (The New England Journal of Medicine) states complicated grief cases are multifactorial, and that complicated grief is distinguished from major depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. Evidence shows that complicated grief is a more severe and prolonged version of acute grief than a completely different type of grief. While only affecting 2 to 3% of people in the world, complicated grief is usually contracted when a loved one dies suddenly and in a violent way.[53]

In the study "Bereavement and Late-Life Depression: Grief and its Complications in the Elderly" six subjects with symptoms of complicated grief were given a dose of Paroxetine, a selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitor, and showed a 50% decrease in their symptoms within a three-month period. The Mental Health Clinical Research team theorizes that the symptoms of complicated grief in bereaved elderly are an alternative of post-traumatic stress. These symptoms were correlated with cancer, hypertension, anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation, increased smoking, and sleep impairments at around six months after spousal death.[51]

A treatment that has been found beneficial in dealing with the symptoms associated with complicated grief is the use of serotonin specific reuptake inhibitors such as Paroxetine. These inhibitors have been found to reduce intrusive thoughts, avoidant behaviors, and hyperarousal that are associated with complicated grief. In addition psychotherapy techniques are in the process of being developed.[51]

Disenfranchised grief

[edit]

Disenfranchised grief is a term describing grief that is not acknowledged by society. Examples of events leading to disenfranchised grief are the death of a friend, the loss of a pet, a trauma in the family a generation prior,[54] the loss of a home or place of residence particularly in the case of children, who generally have little or no control in such situations, and whose grief may not be noticed or understood by caregivers.[55][56][57] American military children and teens in particular moving a great deal while growing up,[58] an aborted or miscarried pregnancy, a parent's loss or surrender of a child to adoption, a child's loss of their birth parent to adoption, the death of a loved one due to a socially unacceptable cause such as suicide,[59] or the death of a celebrity.

There are fewer support systems available for people who experience disenfranchised grief compared to those who are going through a widely recognized form of grief. Therefore, people who suffer disenfranchised grief undergo a more complicated grieving process. They may feel angry and depressed due to the lack of public validation which leads to the inability to fully express their sorrow. Moreover, they may not receive sufficient social support and feel isolated.[60]

Examples of bereavement

[edit]

Death of a child

[edit]

It is a fearful thing to love
What Death can touch.
Josephine Jacobsen, The Instant of Knowing (Library of Congress, 1974), 7.

This 1860 woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Karolsfeld depicts the death of Bathsheba's first child with David

Death of a child can take the form of a loss in infancy such as miscarriage, stillbirth, neonatal death, SIDS, or the death of an older child. Among adults over the age of 50, approximately 11% have been predeceased by at least one of their offspring.[61]

In most cases, parents find the grief almost unbearably devastating, and it tends to hold greater risk factors than any other loss. This loss also bears a lifelong process: one does not get 'over' the death but instead must assimilate and live with it.[62] Intervention and comforting support can make all the difference to the survival of a parent in this type of grief but the risk factors are great and may include family breakup or suicide.[63][64]

Feelings of guilt, whether legitimate or not, are pervasive, and the dependent nature of the relationship disposes parents to a variety of problems as they seek to cope with this great loss. Parents who suffer miscarriage or a regretful or coerced abortion may experience resentment towards others who experience successful pregnancies.[65]

Death of a spouse

[edit]

Many widows and widowers describe losing 'half' of themselves. A factor is the manner in which the spouse died. The survivor of a spouse who died of an illness has a different experience of such loss than a survivor of a spouse who died by an act of violence. Often, the spouse who is "left behind" may suffer from depression and loneliness, and may feel it necessary to seek professional help in dealing with their new life.

Furthermore, most couples have a division of 'tasks' or 'labor', e.g., the husband mows the yard, the wife pays the bills, etc. which, in addition to dealing with great grief and life changes, means added responsibilities for the bereaved. Planning and financing a funeral can be very difficult if pre-planning was not completed. Changes in insurance, bank accounts, claiming of life insurance, securing childcare can also be intimidating to someone who is grieving. Social isolation may also become imminent, as many groups composed of couples find it difficult to adjust to the new identity of the bereaved, and the bereaved themselves have great challenges in reconnecting with others. Widows of many cultures, for instance, wear black for the rest of their lives to signify the loss of their spouse and their grief. Only in more recent decades has this tradition been reduced to a period of two years, while some religions such as Orthodox Christianity many widows will still continue to wear black for the remainder of their lives.[66]

Death of a sibling

[edit]

Grieving siblings are often referred to as the 'forgotten mourners' who are made to feel as if their grief is not as severe as their parents' grief.[67] However, the sibling relationship tends to be the longest significant relationship of the lifespan and siblings who have been part of each other's lives since birth, such as twins, help form and sustain each other's identities; with the death of one sibling comes the loss of that part of the survivor's identity because "your identity is based on having them there".[68][69]

If siblings were not on good terms or close with each other, then intense feelings of guilt may ensue on the part of the surviving sibling (guilt may also ensue for having survived, not being able to prevent the death, having argued with their sibling, etc.)[70]

Death of a parent

[edit]
Queen Maria II of Portugal crying and hugging a bust of her late father King Pedro IV (also Emperor of Brazil as Pedro I), 1836

For an adult

[edit]

When an adult child loses a parent in later adulthood, it is considered to be "timely" and to be a normative life course event. This allows the adult children to feel a permitted level of grief. However, research shows that the death of a parent in an adult's midlife is not a normative event by any measure, but is a major life transition causing an evaluation of one's own life or mortality. Others may shut out friends and family in processing the loss of someone with whom they have had the longest relationship.[71]

In developed countries, people typically lose parents after the age of 50.[72]

For a child

[edit]

For a child, the death of a parent, without support to manage the effects of the grief, may result in long-term psychological harm. This is more likely if the adult carers are struggling with their own grief and are psychologically unavailable to the child. There is a critical role of the surviving parent or caregiver in helping the children adapt to a parent's death. However, losing a parent at a young age also has some positive effects. Some children had an increased maturity, better coping skills and improved communication. Adolescents who lost a parent valued other people more than those who have not experienced such a close loss.[73]

Death of a celebrity

[edit]

Loss during childhood

[edit]

When a parent or caregiver dies or leaves, children may have symptoms of psychopathology, but they are less severe than in children with major depression.[74] The loss of a parent, grandparent or sibling can be very troubling in childhood, but even in childhood, there are age differences in relation to the loss. A very young child, under one or two, may be found to have no reaction if a carer dies, but other children may be affected by the loss.

At a time when trust and dependency are formed, even mere separation can cause problems in well-being. This is especially true if the loss is around critical periods such as 8–12 months, when attachment and separation are at their height and even a brief separation from a parent or other caregiver can cause distress.[75]

Even as a child grows older, death is still difficult to fathom and this affects how a child responds. For example, younger children see death more as a separation, and may believe death is curable or temporary. Reactions can manifest themselves in "acting out" behaviors, a return to earlier behaviors such as thumb sucking, clinging to a toy or angry behavior. Though they do not have the maturity to mourn as an adult, they feel the same intensity.[76] As children enter pre-teen and teen years, there is a more mature understanding.

Adolescents may respond by delinquency,[77][78] or oppositely become "over-achievers". Repetitive actions are not uncommon such as washing a car repeatedly or taking up repetitive tasks such as sewing, computer games, etc. It is an effort to stay above the grief.[79] Childhood loss can predispose a child not only to physical illness but to emotional problems and an increased risk for suicide, especially in the adolescent period.[80]

Grief can be experienced as a result of losses due to causes other than death. For example, women who have been physically, psychologically or sexually abused often grieve over the damage to or the loss of their ability to trust. This is likely to be experienced as disenfranchised grief.[81]

In relation to the specific issue of child sexual abuse, it has been argued by some commentators that the concepts of loss and grief offer particularly useful analytical frames for understanding both the impact of child sexual abuse and therapeutic ways to respond to it. From this perspective, child sexual abuse may represent for many children multiple forms of loss: not only of trust but also loss of control over their bodies, loss of innocence and indeed loss of their very childhoods.[82][83][84]

Relocations can cause children significant grief particularly if they are combined with other difficult circumstances such as neglectful or abusive parental behaviors, other significant losses, etc.[55][57]

Loss of a friend or classmate

[edit]

Children may experience the death of a friend or a classmate through illness, accidents, suicide, or violence. Initial support involves reassuring children that their emotional and physical feelings are normal.[85]

Survivor guilt (or survivor's guilt; also called survivor syndrome or survivor's syndrome) is a mental condition that occurs when a person perceives themselves to have done wrong by surviving a traumatic event when others did not. It may be found among survivors of combat, natural disasters, epidemics, among the friends and family of those who have died by suicide, and in non-mortal situations such as among those whose colleagues are laid off.[86]

Other losses

[edit]
People who lose their jobs, such as these people in California, may experience grief.

Parents may grieve due to loss of children through means other than death, for example through loss of custody in divorce proceedings; legal termination of parental rights by the government, such as in cases of child abuse; through kidnapping; because the child voluntarily left home (either as a runaway or, for overage children, by leaving home legally); or because an adult refuses or is unable to have contact with a parent. This loss differs from the death of a child in that the grief process is prolonged or denied because of hope that the relationship will be restored.[87]

Grief may occur after the loss of a romantic relationship (i.e. divorce or break up), a vocation, a pet (animal loss), a home, children leaving home (empty nest syndrome), sibling(s) leaving home, a friend, a faith in one's religion, etc. A person who strongly identifies with their occupation may feel a sense of grief if they have to stop their job due to retirement, being laid off, injury, or loss of certification. Those who have experienced a loss of trust will often also experience some form of grief.[88]

Veteran bereavement

[edit]
A grief-stricken American soldier is comforted by a fellow soldier after a friend is killed in action during the Korean War.

The grief of living veteran soldiers is often ignored. Psychological effects and post traumatic syndrome disorder have been researched and studied but very few focus on grief and bereavement specifically. Additionally, there have been many studies conducted about families losing members who were in the military but little about soldiers themselves. There are many monuments paying respect to those who were lost which emphasizes the lack of focus living veterans and soldiers get in regards to grief.[89]

Gradual bereavement

[edit]

Many of the above examples of bereavement happen abruptly, but there are also cases of being gradually bereft of something or someone. For example, the gradual loss of a loved one by Alzheimer's produces a "gradual grief".[90]

The author Kara Tippetts described her dying of cancer, as dying "by degrees": her "body failing" and her "abilities vanishing".[91] Milton Crum, writing about gradual bereavement says that "every degree of death, every death of a person's characteristics, every death of a person's abilities, is a bereavement".[92]

Support

[edit]

Professional support

[edit]

Many people who grieve do not need professional help.[93] Some, however, may seek additional support from licensed psychologists or psychiatrists. Support resources available to the bereaved may include grief counseling, professional support-groups or educational classes, and peer-led support groups. In the United States of America, local hospice agencies may provide a first contact for those seeking bereavement support.[94]

It is important to recognize when grief has turned into something more serious, thus mandating contacting a medical professional. Grief can result in depression or alcohol- and drug-abuse and, if left untreated, it can become severe enough to impact daily living.[95] It recommends contacting a medical professional if "you can't deal with grief, you are using excessive amounts of drugs or alcohol, you become very depressed, or you have prolonged depression that interferes with your daily life".[95] Other reasons to seek medical attention may include: "Can focus on little else but your loved one's death, have persistent pining or longing for the deceased person, have thoughts of guilt or self-blame, believe that you did something wrong or could have prevented the death, feel as if life is not worth living, have lost your sense of purpose in life, wish you had died along with your loved one".[50]

Professionals can use multiple ways to help someone cope and move through their grief. Hypnosis is sometimes used as an adjunct therapy in helping patients experiencing grief.[96] Hypnosis enhances and facilitates mourning and helps patients to resolve traumatic grief.[97] Art therapy may also be used to allow the bereaved to process their grief in a non-verbal way.[98]

Lichtenthal and Cruess studied how bereavement-specific written disclosure had benefits in helping adjust to loss, and in helping improve the effects of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), prolonged grief disorder, and depression. Directed writing helped many of the individuals who had experienced a loss of a significant relationship. It involved individuals trying to make meaning out of the loss through meaning-making (making sense of what happened and the cause of the death), or through benefit finding (consideration of the global significance of the loss of one's goals, and helping the family develop a greater appreciation of life). This meaning-making can come naturally for some, but many need direct intervention to "move on".[99]

Support groups

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Support groups for bereaved individuals follow a diversity of patterns.[100][101] Many are organized purely as peer-to-peer groups such as local chapters of the Compassionate Friends, an international group for bereaved parents. Other grief support groups are led by professionals, perhaps with the assistance of peers. Some support groups deal with specific problems, such as learning to plan meals and cook for only for one person.[102]

Cultural differences in grieving

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Each culture specifies manners such as rituals, styles of dress, or other habits, as well as attitudes, in which the bereaved are encouraged or expected to take part. An analysis of non-Western cultures suggests that beliefs about continuing ties with the deceased varies. In Japan, maintenance of ties with the deceased is accepted and carried out through religious rituals. In the Hopi of Arizona, the women go into self-induced hallucinations where they conjure images of the deceased loved one to mourn and process their grief.[103]

Different cultures grieve in different ways, but all have ways that are vital in healthy coping with the death of a loved one.[104] The American family's approach to grieving was depicted in "The Grief Committee", by T. Glen Coughlin. The short story gives an inside look at how the American culture has learned to cope with the tribulations and difficulties of grief. The story is taught in the course, "The Politics of Mourning: Grief Management in a Cross-Cultural Fiction" at Columbia University.[105][page needed]

In those with neurodevelopmental disorders

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Contrary to popular belief, people with neurodevelopmental disorders, such as autistic individuals and those with an intellectual disability, are able to process grief in a similar manner to non-autistic individuals.[106] However, the ways in which others interact with individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders may impact the ways in which they perceive, process, and express their grief; this is typically seen in association with the double taboo of death and disability,[107] which leads to those with neurodevelopmental disorders often not being appropriately informed of a loss or its significance and excluded or discouraged from attending events related to the loss (e.g. funerals).[citation needed]

Moreover, one of the main differences between those with an intellectual disability and those without is typically the ability to verbalize their feelings about the loss, which is why non-verbal cues and changes in behavior become so important, because these are usually signs of distress and expressions of grief among this population.[108] This difficulty of expressing the emotional impact of a loss in a neuronormative way is seen across neurodevelopmental disorders and often leads to their grief reactions going unrecognized and/or misunderstood by those around them; for example, authentic grief reactions in autistic individuals and/or individuals with an intellectual disability may just be labelled as challenging behavior by those supporting and caring for them.[109] As such, it is important when working with individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders to remember that they may express and understand their grief in non-neuronormative ways, such as in perseveration and repeating words related to death (a form of echophenomena known as echothanatologia).[citation needed] Moreover, it is important that caregivers and family members of individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders meet them at their level of understanding and allow them to process the loss and grief with assistance given where needed, and not to ignore the grief that these individuals undergo and the unique ways in which they may express their grief.[110]

An important aspect of supporting the processing of grief for those with neurodevelopmental disorders is narrative and storytelling, as this can help individuals understand death and loss and express their grief at a level appropriate to their own understanding. Moreover, another important aspect of support is family involvement where possible, which should focus on promoting inclusion in events before and after the loss (e.g. visiting hospital to see a dying relative, attending the funeral, being able to visit the grave, etc.) and ensuring individuals have information about these events provided to them at their level of understanding and their choices respected, such as whether or not they want to attend a funeral service. By having the involvement of family and friends in an open and supporting dialogue with the individual, being mindful of the double taboo of death and disability,[107] it helps individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders to process, understand, and feel included. However, if those supporting the individual are not properly educated on how those with different neurodevelopmental profiles process, understand, and express grief, their involvement may not be as beneficial than those who are aware of the potential differences, and ultimately may prove harmful in areas beyond practical support.[108][111] Furthermore, the importance of the family unit is very crucial in a socio-cognitive approach to bereavement counseling; in this approach the disabled individual has the opportunity to see how those around them handle the loss and have the opportunity to act accordingly by modeling and mirroring behavior. This approach also helps the individual know that their emotions are acceptable, valid, and normal.[112]

In animals

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In August Friedrich Schenck's 1878 painting Anguish, a grieving ewe mourns the death of her lamb.

Previously it was believed that grief was only a human emotion, but studies have shown that other animals have shown grief or grief-like states during the death of another animal, most notably elephants, wolves, apes, and goats. This can occur between bonded animals which are animals that attempt to survive together (i.e. a pack of wolves or mated prairie voles). There is evidence that animals experience grief in the loss of their group member, a mate, or their owner for many days. Some animals show their grief for their loss for many years. When animals are grieving, their life routines change the same as humans. For instance, they may stop eating, isolate themselves, or change their sleeping routine by taking naps instead of sleeping during the night. After the death of their group member or a mate, some of the animals become depressed, while others like the bonobo keep the dead bodies of their babies for a long time. Cats try to find their dead fellow with a mourning cry, and dogs and horses become depressed.[113]

Since it is more difficult to study emotion in animals because of the lack of clear communication, in effort to study grief, research has been done on hormone levels. One study found that "females [baboons] showed significant increases in stress hormones called glucocorticoids". The female baboons then increased grooming, promoting physical touch, which releases "oxytocin, which inhibits glucocorticoid release".[114]

Mammals

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Mammals have demonstrated grief-like states, especially between a mother and her offspring. She will often stay close to her dead offspring for short periods of time and may investigate the reasons for the baby's non-response. For example, some deer will often sniff, poke, and look at its lifeless fawn before realizing it is dead and leaving it to rejoin the herd shortly afterwards. Other animals, such as a lioness, will pick up its cub in its mouth and place it somewhere else before abandoning it.

When a baby chimpanzee or gorilla dies, the mother will carry the body around for several days before she may finally be able to move on without it; this behavior has been observed in other primates, as well.[115] The Royal Society suggests that, "Such interactions have been proposed to be related to maternal condition, attachment, environmental conditions or reflect a lack of awareness that the infant has died."[116] Jane Goodall has described chimpanzees as exhibiting mournful behavior toward the loss of a group member with silence and by showing more attention to it. And they will often continue grooming it and stay close to the carcass until the group must move on without it. One example of this Goodall observed was of a chimpanzee mother of three who had died. The siblings stayed by their mother's body the whole day. Of the three siblings the youngest showed the most agitation by screaming and became depressed but was able to recover by the care of the two older siblings. However, the youngest refused behavior from the siblings that were similar to the mother.[117] Another notable example is Koko, a gorilla who was taught sign language, who expressed sadness and even described sadness about the death of her pet cat, All Ball.[118]

Elephants have shown unusual behavior upon encountering the remains of another deceased elephant. They will often investigate it by touching and grabbing it with their trunks and have the whole herd stand around it for long periods of time until they must leave it behind. It is unknown whether they are mourning over it and showing sympathy, or are just curious and investigating the dead body. Elephants are thought to be able to discern relatives even from their remains. When encountering the body of a deceased elephant or human, elephants have been witnessed covering the body with vegetation and soil in what seems to be burial behavior.[119] An episode of the seminal BBC documentary series Life on Earth shows this in detail – the elephants, upon finding a dead herd member, pause for several minutes at a time, and carefully touch and hold the dead creature's bones.[120]

Birds

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Mute swans (Cygnus olor) are known to grieve in response to the death or loss of their mate or offspring.

Some birds seem to lack the perception of grief or quickly accept it; mallard hens, although shocked for a moment when losing one of their young to a predator, will soon return to doing what they were doing before the predator attacked. However, some other waterbirds, such as mute swans are known to grieve for the loss of a partner or cygnet, and are known to engage in pining for days, weeks or even months at a time.[121][122] Other species of swans such as the black swan have also been observed mourning the loss of a close relative.[123]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Grief is the natural, universal emotional, cognitive, and physiological response to significant loss, most commonly the of a loved one, but also encompassing other profound changes such as , job loss, or the end of a relationship, manifesting as acute that reflects deep attachment and can feel all-encompassing. It is not a static state but a dynamic process involving —the outward expression of grief—and bereavement—the period of following loss—that varies in intensity and duration among individuals. The grieving process is highly personal and nonlinear, often described through models like Elisabeth Kübler-Ross's five stages: , , , depression, and , originally proposed for terminally ill patients but widely applied to bereavement, though these stages do not occur in a fixed order and not everyone experiences all of them. Symptoms of grief typically include intense , yearning, , guilt, anxiety, , and physical manifestations such as , disturbances, changes, chest tightness, and weakened immune function, which can persist for months but generally diminish over time for most people. Grief manifests in various types, including normal grief, which resolves adaptively; , experienced before an expected loss; complicated grief, where intense symptoms endure beyond 12 months and impair functioning, now recognized as in the DSM-5-TR affecting about 7% of bereaved individuals; and other forms like (socially unsupported losses) or collective grief (shared communal losses). While universal, grief's expression is shaped by cultural norms and rituals that vary widely across societies, influencing how emotions are verbalized, supported, and integrated into daily life.

Definition and Overview

Defining Grief

Grief is defined as the experienced after significant loss, typically the of a beloved , encompassing a multifaceted emotional, cognitive, and social response to perceived that often includes , yearning, and disruption of daily functioning. This response is considered a natural and adaptive reaction to bereavement, allowing individuals to process the absence of an important attachment figure or aspect of life. In psychological terms, grief manifests through interconnected components: emotionally, it involves intense pain and sorrow; cognitively, it features preoccupation with the lost object and difficulty concentrating; behaviorally, it may lead to withdrawal from activities or social interactions; and socially, it can result in isolation or strained relationships as the individual navigates the loss. Grief is distinct from , where the former represents the internal, intrapsychic emotional process of reacting to loss, while the latter involves the external, cultural, and social expressions of that loss, such as rituals or public displays. This differentiation highlights grief's private, subjective nature versus 's outward, communal aspects, though the two often overlap in practice. The concept of grief has evolved historically from its etymological roots in the early 13th century, derived from Old French "grief" meaning "wrong" or "grievance," stemming from Latin "gravare" to burden or make heavy, reflecting the weight of hardship and suffering. In modern psychology, this understanding advanced significantly with Sigmund Freud's 1917 essay "Mourning and Melancholia," which framed grief as a normal, nonpathological process of detaching libido from the lost object through "grief work." Contemporary definitions, as outlined by the American Psychiatric Association in the DSM-5-TR (2022), affirm grief as a typical reaction to loss, distinct from disorders unless it becomes prolonged and impairs functioning for over a year. This progression underscores a shift from viewing grief primarily through philosophical or religious lenses to its current status as a well-studied psychological phenomenon.

Types of Loss Leading to Grief

Grief arises from a variety of losses that disrupt significant attachments, relationships, or aspects of life, extending well beyond the of a loved one. The primary types include bereavement, which refers to the grief experienced following the of a significant person, such as a member or close friend, and is the most extensively studied form in psychological literature. occurs when individuals begin mourning an impending loss, often in cases of , involving emotional preparation for the while the person is still alive. , a concept introduced by Pauline Boss in the late , describes grief from unclear or unresolved losses, such as the disappearance of a loved one or psychological absence due to conditions like , where closure is absent and the status of the relationship remains uncertain. Non-death losses also trigger profound grief, encompassing disruptions like divorce, job termination, or the death of a pet, which can evoke similar emotional distress as bereavement by severing important bonds or roles. For instance, cumulative grief emerges from multiple simultaneous or sequential losses, as seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, where individuals faced not only deaths but also social isolation, financial instability, and health fears compounding the emotional burden. Secondary losses further intensify this, such as the erosion of personal identity following retirement, where the end of a career leads to feelings of purposelessness and diminished self-worth. In the 2020s, research has expanded to recognize emerging forms of loss, including digital grief from the deletion or management of a deceased person's presence, such as accounts, which prolongs through persistent digital reminders or the need to erase virtual legacies. Similarly, has gained attention as a response to , encompassing sorrow over the loss of , landscapes, or future stability due to , validated in recent studies as a legitimate emotional reaction to planetary-scale deprivations. Although the majority of grief research and clinical cases historically focus on death-related bereavement, non-death losses have seen increasing acknowledgment in literature since the 2010s, highlighting their prevalence in everyday experiences and the need for broader therapeutic approaches.

Psychological Models of Grieving

Kübler-Ross Five Stages Model

The Kübler-Ross model, also known as the five stages of grief, was developed by Swiss-American Elisabeth Kübler-Ross and first outlined in her 1969 book On Death and Dying. Originally derived from interviews with terminally ill patients, the model described emotional responses to the anticipation of , positing a sequence of psychological reactions that individuals might experience when confronting their own mortality. Although Kübler-Ross later extended its application to those experiencing various forms of loss, including bereavement, the framework was not initially designed for grievers but for the dying themselves. The model delineates five stages: , characterized by avoidance or disbelief in the reality of the loss as a protective mechanism; anger, involving outward or directed at oneself, others, or circumstances; , marked by attempts to negotiate or seek control over the situation, often through "what if" scenarios; depression, encompassing deep immersion in sadness and withdrawal; and , representing an adjustment to the loss and acknowledgment of its permanence. Kübler-Ross emphasized that these stages are not strictly linear or universal, with individuals potentially skipping stages, revisiting them, or experiencing them out of order, reflecting the non-linear nature of emotional processing. Despite its prominence, the model has faced significant criticisms for lacking empirical validation in bereavement contexts and oversimplifying the grief process. Research spanning decades has demonstrated that most bereaved individuals do not progress through discrete stages, and not everyone experiences elements like anger or bargaining, leading to potential misapplication that pathologizes diverse grieving patterns. Post-2000s scholarship, including guidelines from professional bodies, has shifted toward viewing grief as highly individualized, advising against rigid adherence to stage-based frameworks in clinical practice to avoid implying that grievers are "stuck" if they deviate from the sequence. The model's influence remains profound, permeating , literature, and even non-psychological fields like business , where it has shaped understandings of loss worldwide. However, contemporary in the 2020s continues to underscore its limitations, promoting instead flexible, evidence-based approaches that honor the variability of human responses to loss.

Bonanno's Four Trajectories of Grief

George A. Bonanno introduced a model of grief trajectories in 2004, drawing on longitudinal research to illustrate diverse patterns of bereavement adjustment over time. This framework, derived from studies tracking individuals from pre-loss periods through several years post-loss, challenges traditional assumptions by demonstrating that most bereaved people exhibit resilience or recovery without requiring clinical intervention. The model uses growth mixture modeling to identify distinct subgroups based on symptom levels of depression and grief, emphasizing variability rather than a uniform progression. The four primary trajectories are resilience, recovery, chronic grief, and delayed grief. Resilience, the most common path, involves minimal initial distress and a stable return to pre-loss functioning, affecting 45-60% of cases. Recovery features moderate to high initial symptoms that gradually decline to normal levels over 12-24 months, comprising about 30% of individuals. Chronic grief entails persistently elevated distress from the outset, persisting without significant abatement and impacting 10-15% of bereaved people. Delayed grief shows low early symptoms followed by a sudden increase in distress around 6-18 months post-loss, observed in approximately 5-10% of cases. Key evidence for these trajectories comes from the 2002 analysis of the Changing Lives of Older Couples (CLOC) study, a prospective cohort of 1,532 older adults that followed 354 spousal bereavement cases from pre-loss to 18 months post-loss using latent growth curve modeling. This study confirmed the prevalence of resilience and identified predictors such as prior traumatic experiences, which elevate the risk for chronic or delayed paths by disrupting coping resources. In the 2020s, Bonanno's model has been extended to non-death losses, including romantic breakups, job displacement, and pandemic-related disruptions, with longitudinal data reaffirming resilience as the predominant outcome rather than an exception. Unlike earlier stage-based models that predict sequential emotional phases for all, Bonanno's approach underscores empirical heterogeneity in long-term .

Emotional and Behavioral Reactions

Common Emotional Responses

Grief commonly elicits a range of intense emotional responses, with sadness manifesting as deep sorrow and emotional pain over the irreplaceable loss. Yearning, characterized by an intense longing for reunion with the deceased or lost object, is often described as a hallmark emotion that underscores the attachment bond severed by the loss. Guilt frequently arises, involving self-blame for perceived failures, such as not preventing the death or surviving when the loved one did not. Anger is also common, often directed toward the deceased, oneself, others, or even abstract concepts like fate. Anxiety may emerge, including worries about one's health, future security, or vulnerability to further loss. Initial shock or numbness serves as an emotional dissociation, providing temporary protection from overwhelming distress in the immediate aftermath of bereavement. The intensity of these emotions varies, often occurring in sudden, acute "pangs of grief" that resemble waves of overwhelming or yearning, contrasting with a more persistent, chronic ache of sorrow. These pangs can disrupt daily functioning abruptly, while the underlying ache may persist at a lower but steady level. In typical bereavement, acute emotional responses peak and begin to subside within 6 to 12 months, though elements like yearning may linger longer for some individuals before full adaptation occurs. Cognitive aspects accompany these emotions, including rumination, where individuals repeatedly replay events surrounding the loss or its consequences, perpetuating distress. Idealization of the deceased is common, with grievers focusing on positive memories and overlooking flaws, which can intensify emotional bonds and hinder detachment. Emotional dysregulation often emerges, leading to heightened irritability or mood swings as the brain struggles to process the loss. Individual differences influence these responses, with studies indicate that women tend to report more intense yearning compared to men early in bereavement, potentially due to patterns in . Cultural factors may also shape , such as leading to suppression of certain emotions in some societies, though variability persists across demographics. These emotional experiences may occasionally manifest in behavioral outlets, such as seeking to process feelings.

Behavioral Manifestations

Grief often manifests in observable behavioral changes that reflect the individual's attempt to process loss, ranging from immediate withdrawal to longer-term adaptations. These behaviors can serve as mechanisms, helping to regulate overwhelming , though some may become maladaptive and prolong distress. Common initial responses include and avoidance of triggers associated with the deceased, such as places or activities shared with them. For instance, bereaved individuals frequently withdraw from social interactions, leading to reduced participation in community or family events, which can exacerbate feelings of . Searching behaviors represent another key manifestation, where the bereaved actively seek signs of the deceased's presence as a way to maintain connection. This may involve sensory or quasi-sensory experiences, such as hearing the voice of the lost loved one or feeling their touch, often described as bereavement hallucinations that occur in up to 30-60% of grievers. Sensed presence experiences—a feeling of the deceased's presence without specific sensory input—are also very common, with 30-60% of widowed individuals reporting them post-bereavement, 47-82% of bereaved people having at least one such experience overall, and one study finding 39% of widows/widowers felt an ongoing presence of their spouse. These experiences are typically benign and adaptive, providing temporary comfort, though they can intensify yearning. Accompanying physical expressions like and sighing also act as release mechanisms; facilitates emotional by reducing like , while sighs help reset the during acute distress. Maladaptive behaviors, such as spikes in substance use or risk-taking, can emerge as attempts to numb pain but often lead to further complications. Following bereavement, individuals face an elevated risk of alcohol and misuse, with studies showing higher incidence rates among the bereaved compared to non-bereaved peers—for example, approximately 2.4 times higher incidence of alcohol and or dependence in parentally bereaved . Risk-taking actions, like or impulsive decisions, may stem from and contribute to heightened vulnerability. In contrast, adaptive coping includes structured activities like journaling, which allows expression of complex feelings and promotes , and rituals such as lighting candles or creating memorials, which provide a sense of control and closure. Over time, grief can prompt enduring shifts in daily routines and vigilance levels, particularly in cases of profound loss like the of a . Parents may develop , becoming overly protective of surviving family members due to fears of further , which alters and family dynamics. In the digital age, 2020s research highlights emerging behaviors such as repeated visits to the deceased's profiles, often termed "digital mourning," where users interact with frozen accounts to sustain bonds, though this can hinder detachment if prolonged. These long-term changes underscore grief's potential to reshape interpersonal and habitual patterns, influenced by the nature of the .

Physiological and Neurological Mechanisms

Physiological Changes

Grief is closely linked to stress, as bereavement acts as a major stressor that triggers the body's stress response, including activation of the sympathetic nervous system and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, leading to the release of hormones such as catecholamines (e.g., norepinephrine and epinephrine) and cortisol. This stress activation produces physiological changes that overlap with those of chronic stress, manifesting in shared symptoms including insomnia, difficulty concentrating, muscle aches and pains, fatigue, anxiety, weakened immunity, and increased inflammation, as well as heightened risk for conditions such as takotsubo cardiomyopathy (broken heart syndrome). Grief elicits significant physiological responses through the activation of the body's stress systems, primarily involving surges in hormones such as and catecholamines. During acute bereavement, mean levels are elevated, often accompanied by flattened diurnal slopes, as documented in multiple neuroendocrine studies of grieving individuals. Similarly, 24-hour urinary excretion of norepinephrine and epinephrine increases above normal levels in the immediate aftermath of loss, reflecting heightened activity. These hormonal elevations contribute to immune suppression; for instance, bereaved individuals exhibit reduced activity correlated with higher plasma concentrations. Consequently, this heightens vulnerability to infections, with epidemiological data showing bereaved adults face up to a 62% increased risk of acquiring certain viral infections, such as HPV, in the year following loss. Cardiovascular changes are another prominent physiological manifestation of grief, driven by these stress responses. Bereavement acutely raises and , placing surviving spouses at elevated risk for cardiac events, particularly in the weeks immediately after the loss. In severe cases, intense emotional distress can precipitate , or syndrome, characterized by temporary weakening of the heart muscle mimicking a heart attack. Clinical reports and reviews from the have established a direct association between a loved one's and the onset of this condition, with emotional triggers like grief identified as key precipitants. These autonomic shifts underscore grief's potential to disrupt normal cardiac function on both short- and medium-term scales. Disruptions to sleep and appetite further illustrate grief's toll on bodily . and other sleep disturbances are highly prevalent among the bereaved, with systematic reviews confirming rates of clinical around 22%—notably higher than in non-bereaved populations—and strong correlations with grief intensity. alterations commonly result in either significant due to reduced intake or, less frequently, from emotional , supported by longitudinal evidence linking bereavement to nutritional deficits and involuntary body mass changes. Accompanying gastrointestinal symptoms, such as and upset , arise from stress-induced autonomic dysregulation affecting digestive , exacerbating these eating pattern shifts during the grieving process. On the immune front, grief promotes inflammatory responses that can persist beyond the acute phase. Bereaved individuals often display elevated , including maladaptive immune cell and higher circulating levels of pro-inflammatory cytokines like IL-6, though (CRP) elevations are inconsistent across studies. These changes, mediated by neuroendocrine pathways, contribute to overall physiological strain and heightened susceptibility to illness in the months following loss.

Brain and Neurological Processes

Grief engages specific brain regions implicated in emotional processing, pain, and cognitive regulation. The (ACC) plays a central role in the subjective experience of emotional pain and yearning associated with loss, showing increased activation in response to reminders of the deceased. The , involved in processing fear and intense emotional responses, exhibits heightened activity during grief, contributing to the overwhelming affective intensity of bereavement. Meanwhile, the (PFC), particularly the dorsolateral and ventromedial areas, demonstrates disrupted function, leading to deficits in cognitive control, emotion regulation, and as individuals struggle to integrate the loss. Neurotransmitter systems are also dysregulated in grief, mirroring aspects of mood disorders. (fMRI) studies reveal hyperactivation in reward-related brain areas, such as the , when grievers recall the lost attachment figure, underscoring the motivational pull of these memories. This pattern resembles addiction-like processes, where grief triggers withdrawal akin to cessation of substance use. Research by Mary-Frances O'Connor in the , utilizing including fMRI and extending to PET scans in related work, demonstrated that enduring grief activates the brain's reward circuitry, evoking cravings for the deceased similar to those in . Over time, neural plasticity facilitates recovery from grief through rewiring of affected circuits.

Evolutionary and Adaptive Functions

Evolutionary Hypotheses

One prominent evolutionary hypothesis frames grief as an adaptive response rooted in , where the intense emotional pain signals the rupture of a critical social bond, motivating behaviors to restore proximity or form new attachments for survival. , in his seminal work, argued that such separation distress evolved to prevent isolation in ancestral environments, where maintaining close ties with caregivers or kin was essential for protection and resource sharing; this "protest" phase of grief promotes social reconnection by eliciting support from the group. A complementary hypothesis views grief as an alarm mechanism that heightens vigilance and protective behaviors to avert future losses from similar causes. The distress and hyperarousal associated with bereavement are thought to deter risky actions, such as venturing into dangerous territories that led to the death, thereby enhancing the survivor's fitness in threat-prone environments. This perspective, drawing on signal-detection theory, posits that grief's cognitive symptoms—like rumination and anxiety—serve to scan for and mitigate environmental hazards post-loss, with empirical support from studies showing elevated threat detection in the bereaved. From a standpoint, grief facilitates by channeling prolonged emotional investment toward surviving relatives, thereby aiding the propagation of shared genes. Intensity of grief correlates with genetic relatedness, as evidenced by monozygotic twins reporting higher and more persistent grief than dizygotic twins following a co-twin's , suggesting an evolved mechanism to redirect care and resources to closer kin. observations bolster this, with mothers in like chimpanzees exhibiting extended grief-like responses—such as carrying deceased infants for days—potentially preserving bonds with other and members to support group cohesion and gene transmission. Critiques of these hypotheses highlight their limited universality, with research revealing muted grief expressions in societies emphasizing collective resilience over individual attachment, challenging the assumption of invariant evolutionary wiring. In the , ongoing debates question the adaptiveness of intense grief in contemporary settings, where and medical advances reduce immediate survival threats, potentially rendering prolonged vigilance maladaptive and linked to health detriments like immune suppression rather than protective benefits.

Adaptive Role of Grief

Grief serves adaptive functions by fostering social cohesion through communal rituals that reinforce interpersonal bonds and mitigate feelings of isolation among the bereaved. These rituals, such as funerals and practices, provide structured opportunities for expression of loss, which helps participants reaffirm shared values and support networks, ultimately enhancing group solidarity. For instance, in programs like the Garden of Innocence, where volunteers participate in burials for unclaimed infants, attendees report reduced personal isolation as the rituals allow processing of unresolved grief in a communal setting, transforming individual pain into healing. Cross-species observations further illustrate this bonding mechanism; elephants display investigative and protective behaviors toward deceased kin, such as touching bones and heightened social interactions at carcass sites, which may update social dynamics in their fission-fusion societies and strengthen herd ties. Beyond social dimensions, grief facilitates cognitive processing by enabling the integration of loss into one's mental framework, with yearning playing a key role in and extracting lessons from the experience. Yearning, characterized by intense longing for the deceased, prompts repeated mental of memories, which supports neuroplastic changes and the reconfiguration of future-oriented thinking, akin to a learning process that adapts expectations to . This learning process aligns with a computational reinforcement learning model of grief, which proposes that grief functions adaptively through memory replay to unlearn outdated reward associations linked to the lost entity, thereby enabling the discovery of alternative sources of reward and maximizing future well-being. This cognitive reorientation helps bereaved individuals revise beliefs and plans disrupted by , promoting long-term psychological adjustment without requiring complete detachment from the deceased. Emotions like and guilt within grief can motivate behavioral shifts that enhance and prevent future vulnerabilities. Anger often arises from perceived injustices in the loss, propelling individuals to reassess relationships or environments, while guilt—stemming from self-blame—drives reparative actions, such as improving personal habits to honor the deceased or avoid similar regrets. For example, spousal caregivers who experienced strained relationships show significant reductions in health risk behaviors, like or poor diet, in the year following their partner's , reflecting adaptive recalibration toward healthier lifestyles. These motivational effects align with dynamic models of guilt, where it fosters constructive changes in and self-regulation. Finally, moderate experiences of grief contribute to building resilience by cultivating enhanced coping capacities and personal growth over time. Longitudinal indicates that individuals navigating typical grief trajectories often report strengthened inner resources, with up to 70% of trauma survivors, including the bereaved, experiencing such as greater appreciation for life and improved interpersonal relations within years of the loss. This growth is particularly evident in moderate grief levels, which correlate with higher scores compared to minimal or overwhelming intensities, underscoring grief's role in fostering adaptive psychological fortitude.

Risks and Complications

Physical Health Risks

Unresolved grief has been associated with a substantially elevated risk of mortality, particularly in the immediate aftermath of bereavement. The "" describes this phenomenon, where surviving spouses experience an increased all-cause mortality risk of 30-90% in the first six months following the of a partner, with the highest elevation—up to 66%—occurring within the first three months. This excess risk persists but diminishes over time, remaining around 15% after the initial period. Additionally, bereavement is linked to heightened risk, with suicide-bereaved spouses facing 6-8 times the likelihood of death by suicide compared to the general population. Grief can exacerbate existing chronic conditions, contributing to worsened outcomes in cardiovascular and metabolic . For individuals with heart disease, bereavement is associated with a 5-20% increased of mortality from , driven by stress-induced physiological changes such as elevated and that strain the cardiovascular system. Similarly, studies from the 2020s indicate that grief-related stress can heighten and exacerbate , with prenatal bereavement in mothers linked to a 1.3-fold increase in offspring for later in life. Emerging research also connects unresolved grief to autoimmune flares, as from loss disrupts immune regulation, leading to increased and symptom worsening in conditions like . Grief acts as a major stressor that activates the body's stress response, triggering the release of catecholamines (such as adrenaline and noradrenaline) and heightened sympathetic nervous system activity. This leads to hemodynamic changes, including increased heart rate, blood pressure, vasoconstriction, and release of proinflammatory cytokines, which can promote acute cardiovascular events. A specific risk is Takotsubo cardiomyopathy (broken heart syndrome), a temporary weakening of the left ventricle often triggered by intense emotional loss such as the death of a loved one, predominantly affecting postmenopausal women and typically resolving within a month. Shared symptoms between grief and the stress response include insomnia, fatigue, difficulty concentrating, physical aches, anxiety, weakened immunity, and increased inflammation, which can compound the physical toll of bereavement. Lifestyle disruptions following loss further compound physical health risks, often resulting in sedentary and altered that promote and metabolic decline. Bereaved individuals commonly report reduced and irregular eating patterns, leading to an average BMI increase of about 0.45 units and noticeable in the months post-loss, which heightens obesity-related complications. These changes stem from precursors like disrupted and regulation, which impair daily routines and . Among vulnerable groups, the elderly face amplified risks, with bereavement associated with a 20-30% higher incidence of due to compounded vascular stress and frailty. Systematic reviews confirm this elevated risk post-loss ranges from 9-140%, particularly pronounced in older adults with preexisting conditions.

Complicated and Prolonged Grief

Complicated and prolonged grief, also known as (PGD), represents a clinically significant deviation from adaptive bereavement, characterized by persistent and impairing emotional, cognitive, and behavioral responses to loss that endure beyond the expected timeframe. In the , 11th Revision (), published by the in 2019, PGD is defined as a disturbance that arises following the of a close relationship, marked by intense symptoms of yearning or preoccupation with the deceased that persist for an atypically long period, at least six months after the loss. Core symptoms include persistent longing for the deceased, emotional pain related to the loss, and difficulties in accepting the , often accompanied by identity disruption—such as feeling that part of oneself has died—and avoidance of reminders of the deceased. These symptoms must cause significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning, distinguishing PGD as a discrete condition rather than a normal grief variant. The prevalence of PGD among bereaved individuals is estimated at 7-10%, though rates can vary based on the nature of the loss and population studied. Key risk factors include the sudden or violent nature of the , a dependent or ambivalent relationship with the deceased, and pre-existing conditions such as depression. For instance, losses involving unexpected circumstances, like accidents or suicides, elevate the likelihood of chronic grief responses compared to anticipated deaths. Individuals with a history of depression are particularly vulnerable, as prior mood dysregulation may exacerbate grief-specific rumination and . The bidirectional relationship between grief and stress means that while grief triggers a significant stress response, prolonged stress can complicate the grieving process and potentially contribute to the development of prolonged or complicated grief disorder by hindering emotional adaptation and integration of the loss. PGD is differentiated from and (PTSD) by its specificity to the loss context; symptoms are predominantly tied to reminders of the deceased, such as intense yearning triggered by personal mementos, rather than generalized or pervasive low mood seen in depression. Unlike PTSD, which emphasizes fear-based re-experiencing and often linked to trauma exposure, PGD focuses on separation distress and emotional longing without requiring a criterion A trauma event, though overlap can occur in cases of violent loss. This grief-specific profile underscores PGD's unique trajectory, where emotional pain remains anchored to the absent loved one, facilitating targeted interventions. Recent developments in diagnostic frameworks have advanced recognition of PGD. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-5-TR), released by the American Psychiatric Association in 2022, elevated prolonged grief disorder from a condition for further study in DSM-5 to a full diagnostic entity, requiring symptoms to persist for at least 12 months in adults (six months in children). This inclusion aligns closely with ICD-11 criteria but emphasizes additional features like marked disbelief about the death and intense emotional pain. Therapeutic approaches, such as complicated grief therapy (CGT), a targeted intervention combining elements of cognitive-behavioral therapy and interpersonal therapy, have demonstrated efficacy, with approximately 70% of participants achieving remission of PGD symptoms. Prolonged PGD is also associated with elevated risks to physical health, including increased cardiovascular strain and immune dysregulation from chronic stress. A 2025 Danish cohort study found that bereaved individuals with persistent high-intensity grief symptoms have nearly twice the mortality risk (hazard ratio 1.88) over the subsequent 10 years, alongside higher use of general practitioner services, mental health care, and psychotropic medications such as antidepressants and anxiolytics.

Disenfranchised Grief

Disenfranchised grief refers to the emotional suffering experienced when a loss cannot be openly acknowledged, socially sanctioned, or publicly mourned, often resulting in hidden sorrow and lack of support. The concept was coined by grief researcher J. Doka in 1989, who highlighted how certain losses fall outside societal norms of validation, leading to intensified isolation for the griever. Common examples include grief over , which carries stigma; , often viewed as a private or taboo matter; and the death of a , dismissed as less significant than human loss. Disenfranchised grief can occur in three primary ways: through self-disenfranchisement, where the individual internally denies or minimizes their own right to grieve due to personal guilt or ; others-disenfranchisement, imposed by or lack of recognition from family and community; and circumstance-disenfranchisement, arising from the nature of the loss or relationship, such as non-traditional partnerships that does not acknowledge. These forms compound the griever's burden by depriving them of communal rituals and that facilitate healing. The impacts of include heightened isolation, as grievers lack outlets to express their pain, and delayed emotional recovery due to the absence of validation. indicates that individuals experiencing this type of grief face an elevated risk of depression and other challenges compared to those with acknowledged losses. In contemporary contexts, emerging from the 2020s identifies in grief over climate-related losses, such as , where societal focus on immediate crises often marginalizes . Similarly, the loss of AI companions—virtual entities providing emotional support—elicits unrecognized grief when they are discontinued or deleted, as these bonds are not yet socially validated. For LGBTQ+ individuals, losses like the of a same-sex partner may be disenfranchised due to non-recognition of the relationship, exacerbating isolation and complicating .

Specific Bereavement Contexts

Death of Close Family Members

The death of a often triggers profound identity loss, as the bereaved individual grapples with the disruption of shared roles, routines, and self-narratives that defined their partnership. This loss can intensify feelings of , which typically peak between 6 and 18 months post-bereavement, when initial support from others diminishes and the reality of sets in. Approximately 7-10% of widowed individuals may experience persisting beyond the first year, including elevated symptoms of depression and functional impairment that hinder daily adaptation. For adults experiencing the of a , grief frequently unearths unresolved childhood issues, such as lingering attachment insecurities or unprocessed family dynamics, which resurface and complicate . The loss challenges the adult's sense of self-identity and continuity, prompting a reevaluation of personal history and life goals amid midlife transitions. In contrast, the of a evokes "," where the bereaved questions why they survived while their sibling did not, often intertwined with regrets over past interactions or perceived failures to prevent the loss. This guilt can perpetuate emotional isolation and recurrent grief episodes throughout adulthood. The death of a represents one of the most intense forms of bereavement, shattering parents' fundamental assumptions about the world's safety and their role as protectors, leading to a profound of powerlessness and existential distress. Parents face an elevated risk of (PTSD), with studies indicating around 31% experiencing PTSD symptoms overall, and higher rates in cases of sudden or violent losses, often comorbid with prolonged grief. This intensity stems from the violation of deeply held beliefs in invulnerability and future continuity, requiring extensive reconstruction of meaning to mitigate ongoing trauma. Gender differences further shape these experiences, with men more likely to internalize grief through isolation or action-oriented coping, suppressing verbal expression and seeking less compared to women, who tend to externalize emotions through discussion. These patterns underscore the need for tailored interventions that address both the universal pain of family loss and individualized responses.

Losses in Childhood and Adolescence

Children experiencing grief often exhibit unique cognitive and emotional responses shaped by their developmental stage. Young children, particularly those under age 7, frequently engage in magical thinking, believing that their thoughts, wishes, or actions can influence or reverse , such as imagining the deceased will return or attributing the loss to a cause. This can lead to intense feelings of guilt, where the child may internalize blame, thinking phrases like "I caused it" due to their egocentric and limited understanding of . For instance, a child might believe a minor misdeed, such as arguing with the deceased, directly resulted in the . Play serves as a primary mechanism for bereaved children, allowing them to process complex emotions indirectly through symbolic reenactment or imaginative scenarios without verbal expression. In settings, children may recreate loss events with toys to gain a of control and mastery over the trauma, reducing immediate distress. Without such outlets, unaddressed grief in childhood elevates long-term risks for issues, including anxiety disorders, with bereaved youth showing approximately 13% higher risk (HR 1.13) of anxiety disorders compared to non-bereaved peers. In , grief intersects with , often disrupting the exploration of and as teens grapple with the permanence of loss. Adolescents may engage in peer comparisons, feeling isolated if their grief responses differ from friends, which exacerbates emotional withdrawal or risky behaviors. platforms amplify these challenges in the , where exposure to idealized memorials or related to loss can intensify identity confusion and prolong mourning, as evidenced by studies linking heavy use to heightened grief-related distress among teens. When a dies, parental grief often involves profound guilt over perceived failures in , such as not preventing an , which can ripple into dynamics and affect surviving siblings' bereavement. For siblings, this loss may leave unresolved feelings of or unfinished relational bonds, contributing to their own sense of abandonment or heightened anxiety. Age-appropriate interventions are essential for mitigating trauma in grieving , with programs developed since 2015 demonstrating reduced symptoms of prolonged grief and posttraumatic stress through cognitive-behavioral techniques and involvement. For example, evidence-based play and narrative therapies have shown significant decreases in anxiety and maladaptive grief reactions among children, promoting resilience when implemented early.

Non-Death and Ambiguous Losses

Non-death losses encompass a range of experiences that trigger grief without involving the of a loved one, such as the end of significant relationships or profound changes in life circumstances. These losses often lack the societal rituals and recognition afforded to bereavement, complicating the grieving process. Ambiguous losses, a specific subset, arise from uncertainty about the presence or absence of a loved one, making resolution elusive and intensifying emotional distress. The concept of was introduced by family therapist Pauline Boss in her 1999 book Ambiguous Loss: Learning to Live with Unresolved Grief, where she describes it as a loss that defies clear definition due to its unclear or incomplete nature. Boss identifies two primary types: the first involves a person who is physically absent but psychologically present, such as in cases of , missing persons, or prolonged migration without contact; the second features a person who is physically present but psychologically absent, exemplified by or severe mental illness where the individual's former identity is lost. These types create a that freezes mourners in , unable to fully mourn or move forward. Common non-death losses include , which ruptures intimate bonds and evokes grief over the shared history and future plans; migration, leading to cultural uprooting and the loss of connections; and acquiring a , which often involves mourning the loss of one's former able-bodied self and associated . In , individuals may experience multiple secondary losses, such as changes in family structure and , mirroring bereavement in intensity. Migration-induced grief, termed "migratory grief," involves sorrow over severed ties to community and identity, affecting both migrants and those left behind. Similarly, can precipitate "chronic sorrow," a recurring grief tied to the ongoing contrast between past and present capabilities. These losses present unique challenges, primarily the absence of closure and prolonged ambiguity, which hinder traditional grieving stages like acceptance. Without definitive endpoints, such as a funeral or legal finality, mourners often oscillate between hope and despair, leading to chronic stress and emotional paralysis. In the 2020s, the COVID-19 pandemic amplified ambiguous grief, particularly around unresolved deaths where families faced restricted access to dying loved ones, missing bodies, or curtailed rituals; studies during the pandemic found elevated rates of prolonged grief symptoms, with some reporting around 10% meeting criteria for prolonged grief disorder, often compounded by ambiguity. Outcomes of non-death and ambiguous losses include a heightened risk of disenfranchisement, where the grief is invalidated by due to its non-fatal nature, exacerbating isolation and issues like depression. Coping strategies, as outlined by Boss, emphasize a "both/and" mindset—embracing dual realities, such as "the person is gone and not gone"—to tolerate rather than seeking impossible closure, fostering resilience through and community support.

Support and Intervention Strategies

Professional Therapeutic Approaches

Professional therapeutic approaches to grief encompass evidence-based interventions aimed at alleviating distress, processing loss, and restoring adaptive functioning, particularly in cases of complicated or prolonged grief. These therapies are typically delivered by trained clinicians and draw from established psychological frameworks to address emotional, cognitive, and behavioral aspects of bereavement. Interventions are tailored to individual needs, with a focus on preventing chronic impairment while respecting the natural course of grief. Recent systematic reviews and meta-analyses (as of 2025) continue to confirm the efficacy of targeted psychotherapies like CGT and CBT for , with emerging evidence for third-wave approaches such as mindfulness-based therapies. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) adapted for grief targets maladaptive patterns such as rumination on the loss and avoidance of grief-related reminders through techniques like and gradual exposure. Grief-focused CBT has demonstrated efficacy in reducing prolonged grief symptoms, with studies showing significant improvements in symptom severity and overall functioning compared to control conditions. Response rates for CBT in treating complicated grief range from 50% to 70%, depending on treatment duration and patient characteristics, highlighting its role as a first-line intervention. Complicated Grief Therapy (CGT), developed by M. Katherine Shear in 2005, is a targeted 16-session protocol that integrates elements of CBT, interpersonal , and attachment-based strategies to help individuals accept the reality of the loss, process emotional pain, and rebuild daily functioning. The model emphasizes dual processing of loss-oriented (e.g., revisiting memories) and restoration-oriented (e.g., goal-setting) tasks to resolve persistent grief. Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) conducted after 2010 have confirmed CGT's superiority over standard treatments like , with approximately 70% of participants achieving clinically significant symptom reduction. Other modalities address specific overlaps in grief presentations. (EMDR) is effective for cases involving trauma-grief intersections, such as sudden or violent losses, by processing distressing memories through bilateral stimulation to reduce intrusive symptoms and emotional distress. Psychodynamic explores underlying attachment issues and unresolved conflicts related to the deceased, fostering insight into how early relational patterns influence current grief responses. , particularly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) like , is used adjunctively for comorbid depression in bereavement, improving mood and anxiety symptoms alongside grief-focused , though it has limited direct impact on core grief intensity. Access to these therapies has expanded through teletherapy, which surged post-2020 amid the , enabling remote delivery and improving continuity of care for bereaved individuals regardless of location. Professional guidelines recommend initiating grief therapy judiciously, typically not immediately after the loss to allow natural , with interventions starting around one week post-funeral or when symptoms persist beyond expected timelines.

Community and Self-Support Mechanisms

Community and self-support mechanisms provide accessible avenues for individuals experiencing grief to connect with others, share experiences, and develop personal coping strategies outside of formal clinical settings. These approaches emphasize peer interaction and individual practices that foster emotional processing and social reconnection. Grief following sudden unexpected death is frequently more intense owing to the abrupt nature of the loss, which precludes anticipation and preparation, often resulting in pronounced shock, persistent disbelief, and intensified feelings of guilt, anger, or regret. In such circumstances, particularly helpful coping strategies include acknowledging and expressing one's emotions, endeavoring to maintain daily routines to provide structure and normalcy, actively seeking social support from family and friends, participating in bereavement support groups, and pursuing professional therapy should the grief prove prolonged or significantly impair daily functioning. Relevant support resources encompass individual counseling, peer-led support groups, and specialized bereavement helplines. Support groups, such as The Compassionate Friends, offer targeted assistance for bereaved parents, grandparents, and siblings following the of a child of any age. Established as a , it facilitates in-person and virtual meetings where participants exchange stories, which helps normalize grief responses and reduces feelings of isolation. Research indicates that participation in bereavement support groups can significantly alleviate grief intensity, anxiety, and depression, with meta-analyses showing small effect sizes for these outcomes in group settings. Shared narratives in these groups promote a of validation, as members recognize common emotional trajectories, thereby diminishing the perception of abnormality in one's mourning process. Grief is closely linked to stress, as bereavement acts as a major stressor that triggers the body's stress response, including the release of catecholamines and sympathetic nervous system activation. Prolonged stress can complicate grief into prolonged or complicated grief disorder. Shared symptoms include insomnia, difficulty concentrating, physical aches, fatigue, anxiety, weakened immunity, and inflammation, with severe cases potentially leading to conditions such as Takotsubo cardiomyopathy (broken heart syndrome). Effective management of this stress component through healthy coping strategies is essential for supporting adaptive grieving and preventing complications. Self-help strategies enable individuals to manage grief independently through reflective and expressive activities. Journaling, for instance, allows for the documentation of emotions and memories, aiding in the organization of complex feelings and promoting gradual emotional release. Physical exercise, such as walking or , supports grief coping by enhancing mood regulation and reducing stress through endorphin release, as evidenced in broader studies on bereavement . Art therapy practices, including drawing or painting, provide a nonverbal outlet for processing loss, with research demonstrating their role in mitigating emotional distress and facilitating . In addition, deep breathing exercises and mindfulness practices can help activate the relaxation response, alleviating symptoms such as anxiety and insomnia. Spending time in nature promotes emotional healing and reduces physiological stress. Creative expression through writing and other mediums further aids in processing complex emotions. Avoiding destructive habits, such as substance misuse or excessive alcohol consumption, is crucial, as these can exacerbate grief and increase the risk of complications. Digital tools like the Grief Works app, launched in the early , integrate these elements via guided journaling prompts, exercises, and interactive sessions tailored to bereavement stages. University students commonly experience grief arising from both death-related and non-death losses, such as the dissolution of romantic relationships or other significant life transitions, which can disrupt academic performance, concentration, and overall functioning. Empirical research indicates that grief responses to non-death losses can resemble those associated with bereavement, potentially leading to emotional and cognitive challenges. Practical strategies for university students include recognizing the stages of grief, accessing university counseling services or campus-based support groups, practicing self-care through adequate rest, exercise, and nutrition, communicating with instructors to request academic accommodations such as assignment extensions, and framing grief as a potential catalyst for positive personal changes, including increased resilience and empathy. Many individuals also draw on inspirational quotes to foster hope, resilience, personal growth, and transformation in the aftermath of grief. Commonly shared quotes in self-help and support contexts include:
  • "The wound is the place where the Light enters you." — Rumi (Emphasizes growth and enlightenment through pain.)
  • "Turn your wounds into wisdom." — Oprah Winfrey (Encourages learning and personal growth from emotional pain.)
  • "Out of suffering have emerged the strongest souls; the most massive characters are seared with scars." — Kahlil Gibran (Highlights resilience and strength built from grief.)
  • "Sometimes good things fall apart so better things can fall together." — Marilyn Monroe (Offers hope for positive outcomes after heartbreak.)
  • "Pain is inevitable. Suffering is optional." — Haruki Murakami (Suggests that mindset can aid recovery from sadness.)
  • "Healing is an art. It takes time, it takes practice. It takes love." — Unknown (often shared in healing contexts) (Reminds that recovery is a gradual, self-compassionate process.)
Community rituals further bolster support by creating collective spaces for remembrance and connection. Memorial events, such as annual gatherings or candlelight vigils organized by local groups, reinforce communal bonds and honor the deceased, contributing to a sense of continuity. forums, exemplified by platforms like Reddit's r/GriefSupport, extend this accessibility, allowing anonymous sharing that builds supportive networks across geographic barriers. Studies on internet-based grief interventions confirm their efficacy in reducing isolation and enhancing , with participants reporting improved through peer validation. While beneficial, these mechanisms have limitations, particularly for severe or prolonged grief cases. from the highlights that support groups are most effective for mild to moderate bereavement, potentially exacerbating distress in complicated grief due to unhelpful or insufficient facilitation. In such instances, groups may refer participants to for escalated care.

Supporting a Grieving Loved One

In addition to structured community and self-support mechanisms, informal support from partners, family members, and close friends plays a vital role in helping individuals navigate grief. This is particularly relevant when grief resurfaces unexpectedly, such as when a partner suddenly experiences intense missing of deceased parents. Effective support centers on empathetic engagement: actively listening without interrupting or judging, validating the individual's feelings (e.g., acknowledging "It's okay to feel this way"), offering physical comfort such as hugs if welcomed, and simply being present. Supporters should avoid minimizing the grief, comparing it to other experiences, or pressuring the person to "move on." Instead, permit free expression of emotions and, when appropriate, share positive memories of the deceased together. Patience is essential, as grief often occurs in unpredictable waves, with sudden resurgences of longing or sorrow. Particularly in cases of the sudden death of a partner due to an accident, where grief is often compounded by trauma, shock, guilt, anger, or numbness, the following specific supportive actions are recommended:
  • Reach out immediately and consistently: Express sympathy, offer your presence, and check in regularly, including on anniversaries or difficult dates.
  • Listen empathetically: Allow them to talk about their partner, share memories, and express emotions like shock, anger, guilt, or numbness without judgment or trying to "fix" it.
  • Provide practical support: Offer help with meals, chores, errands, childcare, or other daily tasks to ease burdens.
  • Be patient and present: Accept their grief process, sit with uncomfortable emotions, and avoid clichés (e.g., "time heals all" or "they're in a better place").
  • Encourage professional help if needed: Suggest grief counseling, support groups, or therapy if grief feels overwhelming or prolonged.
These approaches foster emotional validation, reduce isolation, and support adaptive processing within personal relationships.

Cultural and Societal Dimensions

Cross-Cultural Variations in Grieving

Cross-cultural variations in grieving reflect profound differences in how societies conceptualize loss, influenced by historical, religious, and social frameworks that shape emotional expression, communal involvement, and ritual practices. In collectivist societies, such as those in , grief is often processed through communal endurance and harmony, contrasting with individualist that prioritize personal verbalization and emotional release. These distinctions highlight the need for culturally attuned support, as mismatched interventions can exacerbate distress. In collectivist cultures prevalent in Asia, grieving emphasizes group solidarity and restraint to maintain social harmony, often drawing on philosophical concepts rooted in Buddhist teachings, which encourage bereaved individuals to endure loss quietly for the collective good. For instance, Japanese mourning rituals focus on ancestral respect and continuity rather than overt displays of sorrow, with practices like matsuri (festivals) integrating grief into ongoing . In contrast, individualist cultures in and stress individual processing, such as talk or journaling, where verbal expression of pain is seen as essential for , supported by psychological models like Kübler-Ross's stages of grief adapted for personal narratives. These approaches underscore how cultural orientation affects not only the intensity of grief but also its , with collectivist settings providing broader support networks that buffer isolation. Rituals further illustrate these variations, serving as structured outlets for grief that reinforce cultural values. In , Día de los Muertos transforms into a communal celebration of life and death, where families build altars (ofrendas) with marigolds, food, and photos to welcome deceased spirits, fostering ongoing connection rather than final separation and easing grief through joyful remembrance. Victorian-era practices in Britain and the , conversely, enforced prolonged and strict mourning attire—such as black crepe veils for up to two years for widows—symbolizing deep emotional withdrawal and as markers of respect. Among many African cultures, ancestral veneration rituals, like libations and communal wakes in West African traditions, honor the deceased as spiritual guides, integrating grief into a continuum of life where the dead influence the living, promoting collective healing through storytelling and offerings. These rituals not only express sorrow but also rebuild social bonds, varying from celebratory to austere based on cultural cosmology. Norms around grief duration also differ markedly, with Mediterranean cultures exhibiting "hot" expressive styles—intense, public lamentations that resolve relatively quickly through gatherings—compared to the restrained, prolonged in Northern European societies, where a one-year period in places like allows structured privacy before reintegration. In Southern European contexts, such as and , Catholic influences and strong ties encourage vocal outpourings during funerals, viewing suppression as unnatural, whereas Nordic restraint aligns with Protestant values of , potentially extending internal processing. These temporal norms influence perceived "normal" grief, with expressive cultures normalizing shorter but vivid episodes, while restrained ones risk pathologizing unexpressed . Globalization in the 2020s has begun blending these traditions, as migration and expose individuals to hybrid practices, such as virtual Día de los Muertos altars shared across continents or Asian communities incorporating Western into ancestral rites, potentially enriching resilience but also creating identity conflicts in grief expression. As of 2025, digital tools like AI-supported platforms are increasingly facilitating support. Despite these insights, significant research gaps persist, particularly in understudied non-Western contexts where grief studies remain dominated by Western models, limiting global applicability; recent studies emphasize the urgency of training to address these disparities in bereavement care.

Societal Influences on Grief Expression

In modern societies, policies significantly shape how individuals experience and process grief, particularly through bereavement leave provisions that allow time for and logistical arrangements following a . In the United States, the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) does not explicitly cover bereavement, offering instead up to 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave for qualifying family and medical reasons, though many employers voluntarily provide 3 to 5 paid days for the death of an member. In contrast, European Union countries exhibit greater variation and often more generous entitlements; for instance, mandates 5 paid days for close relatives, provides 2 paid days, and extended its policy to 10 paid days in 2021 for specific losses like a child or partner. These disparities influence recovery, as studies indicate that shorter or unpaid leave correlates with heightened stress, prolonged grief symptoms, and reduced outcomes, including increased risks of depression and anxiety, while adequate time off supports emotional reintegration and productivity. The digital age has transformed grief expression through platforms, enabling both communal support and potential exploitation. Platforms like allow for the memorialization of deceased users' profiles, converting them into dedicated spaces for sharing memories and condolences, which over 30 million accounts have utilized since the feature's inception in 2009. This facilitates ongoing connection but also raises concerns about "grief porn"—the voyeuristic consumption of tragic narratives for emotional gratification or clicks—evident in analyses of viral content around high-profile deaths, where media and social algorithms amplify sensationalized loss stories, potentially retraumatizing the bereaved and commodifying private sorrow. from this decade highlights how such dynamics can distort authentic , with young adults reporting mixed experiences: empowerment through shared posts alongside feelings of exposure and judgment. Efforts to reduce stigma around public grief expression have gained momentum in the and , exemplified by initiatives like the hashtag, inspired by Marisa Renee Lee's 2022 of the same name, which reframes grief as an enduring form of rather than a temporary affliction to overcome. This movement, amplified on , encourages open sharing of grief narratives to normalize emotional vulnerability, countering historical taboos that silenced mourners, particularly in or public spheres. Participants report decreased isolation and greater societal acceptance, though challenges persist in balancing personal authenticity with online performative expectations. Policy frameworks reveal significant gaps in addressing non-death grief, such as job loss or relationship dissolution, which often lack formal leave protections despite comparable emotional tolls. In the U.S., bereavement policies under FMLA and state laws focus almost exclusively on death-related absences, leaving non-death losses—like or ambiguous endings—unrecognized, which exacerbates and contributes to unaddressed declines. The COVID-19 pandemic intensified these issues by necessitating virtual funerals, with studies showing that while approximately 48% of bereaved individuals attended virtual funerals, many experienced altered norms around closure, including heightened isolation from physical rituals and prolonged adjustment periods due to restricted gatherings. These shifts prompted calls for expanded policies to encompass diverse loss types, highlighting how societal structures can either hinder or foster resilient grieving.

Grief in Diverse Populations

In Individuals with Neurodevelopmental Disorders

Individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders, such as autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), often experience grief in ways that diverge from neurotypical patterns due to differences in emotional processing, sensory sensitivities, and cognitive styles. These variations can lead to delayed recognition of loss, challenges in abstract conceptualization of , and intensified physical or behavioral responses, making traditional grief support less effective without adaptations. In ASD, literal interpretations of language can hinder processing abstract concepts of loss, such as euphemisms for like "passed away," which may confuse individuals and delay emotional comprehension. Sensory overload frequently exacerbates grief during rituals, including funerals, where crowds, physical contact, and emotional displays overwhelm , potentially leading to shutdowns or meltdowns rather than overt sadness. Despite difficulties in social —such as navigating group expressions of grief—individuals with ASD often form intense attachments, resulting in prolonged yearning and rumination over the lost relationship, which can extend the grieving period. Studies from the indicate that approximately 40% of individuals with ASD experience clinically significant anxiety disorders, a rate that may intensify during bereavement due to disrupted routines and heightened uncertainty. For those with ADHD, grief reactions may manifest impulsively, with sudden outbursts of or avoidance behaviors stemming from challenges in emotional . Executive function deficits strain efforts, complicating tasks like maintaining daily routines or reflecting on the loss, often leading to prolonged disorganization and during . Individuals with ADHD may benefit from structured routines as a mechanism, channeling into predictable activities to stabilize mood swings associated with grief. Support adaptations for grief in these populations emphasize neurodiversity-affirming approaches, incorporating visual aids like or photo albums to concretize explanations of and rituals, reducing and anxiety. Simplified therapies, such as play-based interventions or structured sessions, accommodate sensory needs and executive challenges, promoting expression through nonverbal means. Emerging from the 2020s highlights the efficacy of these tailored strategies in fostering resilience, with systematic reviews underscoring the need for individualized care to mitigate isolation and support long-term emotional adjustment.

In Non-Human Animals

Observations of grief-like behaviors in non-human animals, particularly among social mammals and birds, include separation distress manifested through vocalizations and prolonged proximity to the deceased, altered such as seeking comfort from group members or withdrawal from interactions, and physiological changes like elevated levels indicating stress responses. These indicators suggest emotional processing akin to grief, though they vary by species and context, often observed in response to the loss of kin or close companions. In mammals, exhibit mourning behaviors such as gently touching and investigating the bones of deceased relatives, as well as mothers carrying dead calves for days or weeks, sometimes covering them with vegetation. Chimpanzees demonstrate responses to by grooming or inspecting the body of a deceased group member, followed by avoidance of the death site for extended periods, reflecting a recognition of mortality. Similarly, dolphins show attachment behaviors toward dead calves or companions, including prolonged carrying and, in some cases, necrophilic interactions, often involving males showing sexual interest in the deceased. Among birds, corvids like American gather in groups around a dead conspecific, engaging in prolonged alarm calling and that can last 15-20 minutes, potentially serving to assess danger while displaying social concern. Swans, known for lifelong pair bonds, exhibit grief upon a mate's through withdrawal, reduced feeding, and extended searching calls over their territory, sometimes leading to prolonged before potential re-pairing. The interpretation of these behaviors sparks debate over , where attributing human-like emotions risks overprojection, yet 2020s studies on cetaceans and highlight cognitive parallels in attachment and loss processing without equating them to human grief. Such observations inform evolutionary hypotheses on grief as an adaptive mechanism for maintaining social bonds in group-living species.

References

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