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Impalement
Impalement
from Wikipedia
Engraving by Justus Lipsius of a vertical impalement

Impalement, as a method of torture and execution, is the penetration of a human by an object such as a stake, pole, spear, or hook, often by the complete or partial perforation of the torso. It was particularly used in response to "crimes against the state" and is regarded across a number of cultures as a very harsh form of capital punishment and recorded in myth and art. Impalement was also used during times of war to suppress rebellions, punish traitors or collaborators, and punish breaches of military discipline.

Offences where impalement was occasionally employed included contempt for the state's responsibility for safe roads and trade routes by committing highway robbery or grave robbery, violating state policies or monopolies, or subverting standards for trade. Offenders have also been impaled for a variety of cultural, sexual, and religious reasons.

References to impalement in Babylonia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire are found as early as the 18th century BC.

Methods

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Longitudinal impalement

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Impaling an individual along the body length has been documented in several cases, and the merchant Jean de Thevenot provides an eyewitness account of this from 17th-century Egypt, in the case of a man condemned to death for the use of false weights:[1]

They lay the malefactor upon his belly, with his hands tied behind his back, then they slit up his fundament with a razor, and throw into it a handful of paste that they have in readiness, which immediately stops the blood. After that, they thrust up into his body a very long stake as big as a man's arm, sharp at the point and tapered, which they grease a little before; when they have driven it in with a mallet, till it come out at his breast, or at his head or shoulders, they lift him up, and plant this stake very straight in the ground, upon which they leave him so exposed for a day. One day I saw a man upon the pole, who was sentenced to continue so for three hours alive and that he might not die too soon, the stake was not thrust up far enough to come out at any part of his body, and they also put a stay or rest upon the pale, to hinder the weight of his body from making him sink down upon it, or the point of it from piercing him through, which would have presently killed him: In this manner he was left for some hours, (during which time he spoke) and turning from one side to another, prayed those that passed by to kill him, making a thousand wry mouths and faces, because of the pain he suffered when he stirred himself, but after dinner, the Basha sent one to dispatch him; which was easily done, by making the point of the stake come out at his breast, and then he was left till next morning, when he was taken down, because he stunk horridly.

Survival time

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Mural on the ceiling of Avudaiyarkoil at Pudukottai District, Tamil Nadu, India showing the impalement scene.

The length of time which one managed to survive upon the stake is reported as quite varied, from a few seconds or minutes[2] to a few hours[3] or even a few days.[4] The Dutch overlords at Batavia seem to have been particularly proficient in prolonging the lifetime of the impaled, one witnessing a man surviving six days on the stake,[5] another hearing from local surgeons that some could survive eight days or more.[6] A critical determinant for survival length seems to be precisely how the stake was inserted: If it went into the "interior" parts, vital organs could easily be damaged, leading to a swift death. However, by letting the stake follow the spine, the impalement procedure would not damage the vital organs, and the person could survive for several days.[7]

Weather and seasons also affected duration of life after impalement. One example given of weather affecting death is noted by Stavorinus. A man was impaled following the spine. A light shower fell the next day. He died half an hour later. Stavorinus also mentions there having been instances of impalement during the dry season, in which people have survived for eight days or more without food or drink. A guard would be stationed near the site of execution to prevent food or drink to be given. A surgeon also explained to Stavorinus, how rain and other wet weather caused a quicker death. Water enters the wound caused by impalement. The wound then "mortifies" and causes gangrene to attack more "noble parts," causing "death almost immediately."[6]

Transversal impalement

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Alternatively, the impalement could be transversely performed, as in the frontal-to-dorsal direction, that is, from front (through abdomen,[8] chest[9] or directly through the heart[10]) to back or vice versa.[11]

In the Holy Roman Empire (and elsewhere in Central/Eastern Europe), women who killed their newborn babies were placed in open graves, and stakes were hammered into their hearts, particularly if their cases contained any implications of witchcraft. A detailed description of an execution that was carried out in this manner comes from 17th-century Kassa, Hungary (now Košice, eastern Slovakia). The case of a woman who was to be executed for infanticide involved an executioner and two assistants. First, a grave some one-and-a-half ell deep was dug. The woman was then placed within it, her hands and feet were secured by driving nails through them. The executioner placed a small thorn bush upon her face. He then placed, and held vertically, a wooden stave on her heart in order to mark its location, while his assistants piled earth on the woman, keeping her head free of earth at the behest of the clerics, because to do otherwise would have quickened the death process. Once the earth had been piled upon her, the executioner used a pair of tongs to grab a rod made of iron, which had been made red hot. He positioned the glowing iron rod beside the wooden stave, and as one of his assistants hammered the rod in, the other assistant emptied a trough of earth upon the woman's head. It is said that a scream was heard, and the earth moved upwards for a moment, before it was all over.[12]

Variations

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Gaunching

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Original in-image text from 1741 edition of Tournefort: "The Gaunche, a sort of punishment in use among the Turks."

Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, travelling on botanical research in the Levant 1700–1702, observed both ordinary longitudinal impalement, but also a method called "gaunching", in which the condemned is hoisted up by means of a rope over a row of sharp metal hooks. He is then released, and depending on how the hooks enter his body, he may survive in impaled condition for a few days.[13] Forty years earlier than de Tournefort, de Thévenot described much the same process, adding that it was seldom used because it was regarded as too cruel.[14] Some 80 years prior to de Thevenot, in 1579, Hans Jacob Breuning von Buchenbach[15] witnessed a variant of the gaunching ritual. A large iron hook was fixed on the horizontal cross-bar of the gallows and the individual was forced upon this hook, piercing him from the abdomen through his back, so that he hung from it, hands, feet and head downward. On top of the cross bar, the executioner situated himself and performed various torture on the impaled man below him.[16]

Hooks in the city wall

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While gaunching as de Tournefort describes involves the erection of a scaffold, it seems that in the city of Algiers, hooks were embedded in the city walls, and on occasion, people were thrown upon them from the battlements.

Thomas Shaw,[17] who was chaplain for the Levant Company stationed at Algiers during the 1720s, describes the various forms of executions practised as follows:[18]

... but the Moors and Arabs are either impaled for the same crime, or else they are hung up by the neck, over the battlements of the city walls, or else they are thrown upon the chingan or hooks that are fixed all over the walls below, where sometimes they break from one hook to another, and hang in the most exquisite torments, thirty or forty hours.

According to one source, these hooks in the wall as an execution method were introduced with the construction of the new city gate in 1573. Before that time, gaunching as described by de Tournefort was in use.[19] As for the actual frequency of throwing persons on hooks in Algiers, Capt. Henry Boyde notes[20] that in his own 20 years of captivity there, he knew of only one case where a Christian slave who had murdered his master had met that fate, and "not above" two or three Moors besides.[21] Taken captive in 1596, the barber-surgeon William Davies relates something of the heights involved when thrown upon hooks (although it is somewhat unclear if this relates specifically to the city of Algiers, or elsewhere in the Barbary States): "Their ganshing is after this manner: he sitteth upon a wall, being five fathoms [30 feet, or about 9m] high, within two fathoms [12 feet or about 3.6m] of the top of the wall; right under the place where he sits, is a strong iron hook fastened, being very sharp; then he is thrust off the wall upon this hook, with some part of his body, and there he hangeth, sometimes two or three days, before he dieth." Davies adds that "these deaths are very seldom", but that he had personally witnessed it.[22]

Hanged by the ribs

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"A Negro Hung Alive by the Ribs to a Gallows," by William Blake. Originally published in Stedman's Narrative.

A slightly variant way of executing people by means of impalement was to force an iron meat hook beneath a person's ribs and hang him up to die slowly. This technique was in 18th-century Ottoman-controlled Bosnia called the cengela,[23] but the practice is also attested in 1770s Dutch Suriname as a punishment meted out to rebellious slaves.[24]

Bamboo Torture

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A recurring horror story on many websites and popular media outlets is that Japanese soldiers during World War II inflicted bamboo torture upon prisoners of war.[25] The victim was supposedly tied securely in place above a young bamboo shoot. Over several days, the sharp, fast growing shoot would first puncture, then completely penetrate the victim's body, eventually emerging through the other side. However, no conclusive evidence exists that this form of impalement ever actually happened.[26]

History

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Antiquity

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Mesopotamia and the ancient Near East

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The earliest known use of impalement as a form of execution occurred in civilizations of the ancient Near East. The Code of Hammurabi, promulgated about 1772 BC[27] by the Babylonian king Hammurabi specifies impaling for a woman who killed her husband for the sake of another man.[28] In the late Isin/Larsa period, from about the same time, it seems that, in some city states, mere adultery on the wife's part (without murder of her husband mentioned) could be punished by impalement.[29] From the royal archives of the city of Mari, most of it also roughly contemporary to Hammurabi, it is known that soldiers taken captive in war were on occasion impaled.[30] Roughly contemporary with Babylonia under Hammurabi, king Siwe-Palar-huhpak of Elam made official edicts in which he threatened the allies of his enemies with impalement, among other terrible fates.[31] For acts of perceived great sacrilege, some individuals, in diverse cultures, have been impaled for their effrontery. For example, roughly 1200 BC, merchants of Ugarit express deep concern to each other that a fellow citizen is to be impaled in the Phoenician town Sidon, due to some "great sin" committed against the patron deity of Sidon.[32]

Pharaonic Egypt

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During Dynasty 19, Merneptah had Libu prisoners of war impaled ("caused to be set upon a stake") to the south of Memphis, following an attempted invasion of Egypt during his Regnal Year 5.[33] The relevant determinative for ḫt ("stake") depicts an individual transfixed through the abdomen.[34] Other Egyptian kings employing impalements include Sobekhotep II, Akhenaten, Seti, and Ramesses IX.[34]

Neo-Assyrian Empire

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Impalement of Judeans in a Neo-Assyrian relief
Palace at Kalhu (Nimrud) of Assyrian King Tiglath-Pileser III (720-741 BC): impalement during assault on a town

Evidence by carvings and statues is found as well from the Neo-Assyrian empire (c. 934–609 BC). The image of the impaled Judeans is a detail from the public commemoration of the Assyrian victory in 701 BC after the siege of Lachish,[35] under King Sennacherib (r. 705–681 BC), who proceeded similarly against the inhabitants of Ekron during the same campaign.[36] From Sennacherib's father Sargon II's time (r. 722–705 BC), a relief from his palace at Khorsabad shows the impalement of 14 enemies during an attack on the city of Pazashi.[37] A peculiarity[38] about the "Neo-Assyrian" way of impaling was that the stake was "driven into the body immediately under the ribs",[39] rather than along the full body length. For the Neo-Assyrians, mass executions seem to have been not only designed to instill terror and to enforce obedience, but also, it can seem, as proofs of their might that they took pride in. Neo-Assyrian King Ashurnasirpal II (r. 883–859 BC) was evidently proud enough of his bloody work that he committed it to monument and eternal memory as follows:[40]

I cut off their hands, I burned them with fire, a pile of the living men and of heads over against the city gate I set up, men I impaled on stakes, the city I destroyed and devastated, I turned it into mounds and ruin heaps, the young men and the maidens in the fire I burned

Paul Kern,[41] in his (1999) Ancient Siege Warfare, provides some statistics on how different Neo-Assyrian kings from the times of Ashurnasirpal II commemorated their punishments of rebels.[42]

Although impalement of rebels and enemies is particularly well-attested from Neo-Assyrian times, the 14th-century BC Mitanni king Shattiwaza charges his predecessor, the usurper Shuttarna III for having delivered unto the (Middle) Assyrians[43] several nobles, who had them promptly impaled.[44] Some scholars have said, though, that it is only with King Ashur-bel-kala (r. 1074–1056) that there is solid evidence that punishments like flaying and impaling came into use.[45] From the Middle Assyrian period, there is evidence about impalement as a form of punishment relative to other types of perceived crimes as well. The law code discovered and deciphered by Otto Schroeder[46] contains in its paragraph 51 the following injunction against abortion:[47]

If a woman with her consent brings on a miscarriage, they seize her, and determine her guilt. On a stake they impale her, and do not bury her; and if through the miscarriage she dies, they likewise impale her and do not bury her.

Achaemenid Persia

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Punishments of captured rebels against Achaemenid dynasty is recorded in the Behistun Inscription by King Darius I which contains mutilation and impaling the captives; leaders of the rebellions from different colonies of ancient Persia are shown in chains from neck to legs, Gaumāta lies under the boot of Darius

The Greek historian Herodotus recounts that, when Darius I, king of Persia, conquered Babylon, he impaled 3000 Babylonians.[48] In the Behistun Inscription, Darius himself boasts of having impaled his enemies.[49] Darius speaks proudly of the ruthlessness with which these revolts were put down. In Babylon Nidintu-Bel was impaled along with 49 of his companions:

Behistun Inscription: Then in Babylon I impaled that Nidintu-Bel and the nobles who were with him, I executed forty-nine, this is what I did in Babylon[50]

Image of Phraortes on Behistun Inscription in chains, the cuneiform reads "This is Phraortes, He lied saying I am Khshathrita of the dynasty of Cyaxares, I am king in Media"

In 522 BC Phraortes proclaimed that he was a descendant of the Median king Cyaxares and took the throne, he seized Ecbatana, the capital of Media and rebelled against the Achaemenid yoke, this revolt was suppressed by Darius king of Persia and Phraortes was captured and impaled:

Behistun Inscription: Darius the King says: Thereafter this Phraortes with a few horsemen fled, a district named Raga, in Media along there he went off, Thereafter I sent an army in pursuit Phraortes, seized, was led to me. I cut off his nose and ears and tongue, and put out one eye he was kept bound at my palace entrance, all the people saw him. Afterward I impaled him at Ecbatana and the men who were his foremost followers, those at Ecbatana within the fortress I (flayed and) hung out (their hides, stuffed with straw).[51]

Biblical evidence

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A Bible passage in the Book of Esther concerning the fate of the 5th-century BC Persian minister Haman and his ten sons has been treated differently by different translators, leading to an ambiguity as to whether they were impaled or hanged. The passage explains that Haman conspired to have all the Jews in the empire killed but his plan was thwarted, and he was given the punishment he had thought to mete out to Mordecai. The English Standard Version of Esther 5:14 describes this as hanging,[52] whereas The New International Reader's version opts for impalement.[53] The Assyriologist Paul Haupt opts for impalement in his 1908 essay "Critical notes on Esther",[54] while Benjamin Shaw has an extended discussion of the topic on the website ligonier.org from 2012.[55]

Other passages in the Bible may allude to the practice of impalement, such as II Samuel 21:9 concerning the fate of the sons of Saul, where some English translations use the verb "impale", but others use "hang".[56]

Although we lack conclusive evidence either way for whether Hebrew law allowed for impalement, or for hanging (whether as a mode of execution or for display of the corpse), the Neo-Assyrian method of impalement as seen in carvings could, perhaps, equally easily be seen as a form of hanging upon a pole, rather than focusing upon the stake's actual penetration of the body.

Rome

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From John Granger Cook, 2014: "Stipes is Seneca's term for the object used for impalement. This narrative and his Ep. 14.5 are the only two textually explicit references to impalement in Latin texts:"

I see crosses there, not just of one kind but made differently by different [fabricators]; some individuals suspended their victims with heads inverted toward the ground; some drove a stake (stipes) through their excretory organs/genitals; others stretched out their [victims'] arms on a patibulum [cross bar]; I see racks, I see lashes ...

Video istic cruces ne unius quidem generis sed aliter ab aliis fabricatas; capite quidam conuersos in terram suspendere, alii per obscena stipitem egerunt, alii brachia patibulo explicuerunt; video fidiculas, video uerbera ... [57]

Europe

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Transversal impalement

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Within the Holy Roman Empire, in article 131 of the 1532 Constitutio Criminalis Carolina, the following punishment was stated for women found guilty of infanticide. Generally, they should be drowned, but the law code allowed for, in particularly severe cases, that the old punishment could be implemented. That is, the woman would be buried alive, and then a stake would be driven through her heart.[58] Similarly, burial alive, combined with transversal impalement is attested as an early execution method for people found guilty of adultery. The 1348 statutes of Zwickau allowed punishment of an adulterous couple in the following way: They were to be placed on top of each other in a grave, with a layer of thorns between them. Then, a single stake was to be hammered through them.[59] A similar punishment by impalement for a proven male adulterer is mentioned in a 13th-century ordinance for Moravian mining city Jihlava (then and German Iglau),[60] whereas in a 1340 Vienna statute, the husband of a woman caught in flagrante in adultery could, if he wished to, demand that his wife and her lover be impaled, or alternatively demand a monetary restitution.[61] Occasionally, women found guilty of witchcraft have been condemned to be impaled. In 1587 Kiel, 101-year-old Sunde Bohlen was, on being condemned as a witch, buried alive, and afterwards had a stake driven through her heart.[62]

Rapists of virgins and children are also attested to have been buried alive, with a stake driven through them. In one such judicial tradition, the rapist was to be placed in an open grave, and the rape victim was ordered to make the three first strokes on the stake herself; the executioners then finishing the impalement procedure.[63] Serving as an example of the fate of a child molester, in August 1465 in Zurich, Switzerland, Ulrich Moser was condemned to be impaled, for having sexually violated six girls between the ages four and nine. His clothes were taken off, and he was placed on his back. His arms and legs were stretched out, each secured to a pole. Then a stake was driven through his navel down into the ground. Thereafter, people left him to die.[64]

Longitudinal impalement

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Cases of longitudinal impalement typically occur in the context of war or as a punishment for robbery, the latter being attested to as the practice in Central and Eastern Europe. During the Defenestration of Prague in 1419, the Hussites impaled councilors to the king on pikes.[65]

Individuals accused of collaborating with the enemy have, on occasion, been impaled. In 1632 during the Thirty Years' War, the German officer Fuchs was impaled on suspicion of defecting to the Swedes,[66] a Swedish corporal was likewise impaled for trying to defect to the Germans.[67] The Swedes continued this practise during the Scanian War (1675-1679), especially in the case of deserters and those perceived as traitors. In 1654, under the Ottoman siege of the Venetian garrison at Crete, several peasants were impaled for supplying provisions to the besieged.[68] Likewise in 1685, some Christians were impaled by the Hungarians for having provided supplies to the Turks.[69]

In 1677, a particularly brutal German General Kops leading the forces of Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I who wanted to keep Hungary dominated by the Germans, rather than allow it to become dominated by the Turks, began impaling and quartering his Hungarian subjects/opponents. An opposing general on the Hungarian side, Wesselényi [hu], responded in kind, by flaying alive Imperial troops, and fixing sharp iron hooks in fortress walls, upon which he threw captured Germans to be impaled. Finally, Emperor Leopold I had enough of the mutual bloodshed, and banished Kops in order to establish a needed cessation of hostilities.[70] After the Treaty of The Hague (1720), Sicily fell under Habsburg rule, but the locals deeply resented the German overlords. One parish priest (who exhorted his parishioners to kill the Germans) is said to have broken into joy when a German soldier arrived at his village, exclaiming that a whole eight days had gone by since he had last killed a German, and shot the soldier off his horse. The priest was later impaled.[71] In the short-lived 1784 Horea Revolt against the Austrians and Hungarians, the rebels gained hold of two officers, whom they promptly impaled. On their side, the imperial troops got hold of Horea's 13-year-old son, and impaled him. That seems to have merely inflamed the rebel leader's determination, although the revolt was quashed shortly afterwards.[72] After the revolt was crushed by early 1785, some 150 rebels are said to have been impaled.[73]

From 1748 onwards, German regiments organized manhunts on "robbers" in Hungary/Croatia, impaling those who were caught.[74]

Heinous murderers

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Occasionally, individual murderers were perceived to have been so heinous that standard punishments like beheading or being broken on the wheel were regarded as incommensurate with their crimes, and extended rituals of execution that might include impalement were devised. An example is that of Pavel Vašanský (Paul Waschansky in German transcript), who was executed on 1 March 1570 in Ivančice in present-day Czech Republic, on account of 124 confessed murders (he was a roaming highwayman). He underwent a particularly gruelling execution procedure: first, his limbs were cut off and his nipples were ripped off with glowing pincers; he was then flayed, impaled and finally roasted alive. A pamphlet that purports to give Wasansky's verbatim confession, does not record how he was apprehended, nor what means of torture was used to extract his confessions.[75]

Other such accounts of "heinous murderers" in which impalement is a prominent element include cases in 1504 and 1519,[76] the murderer nicknamed Puschpeter executed in 1575 for killing thirty people, including six pregnant women whose unborn children he ate in the hope of thereby acquiring invisibility,[77] the head of the Pappenheimer family in 1600,[78] and an unnamed murderer executed in Breslau in 1615, who under torture had confessed to 96 acts of murder by arson.[79]

Vlad the Impaler

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Woodblock print of Vlad III "Dracula" attending a mass impalement

During the 15th century, Vlad III ("Dracula"), Prince of Wallachia, is credited as the first notable figure to prefer this method of execution during the late medieval period,[80] and became so notorious for its liberal employment that among his several nicknames he was known as "Vlad the Impaler".[81] After being orphaned, betrayed, forced into exile and pursued by his enemies, he retook control of Wallachia in 1456. He dealt harshly with his enemies, especially those who had betrayed his family in the past, or had profited from the misfortunes of Wallachia. Though a variety of methods were employed, he has been most associated with his use of impalement. The liberal use of capital punishment was eventually extended to Saxon settlers, members of a rival clan,[82] and criminals in his domain, whether they were members of the boyar nobility or peasants, and eventually to any among his subjects that displeased him. Following the multiple campaigns against the invading Ottoman Turks, Vlad would never show mercy to his prisoners of war. After The Night Attack of Vlad Țepeș in mid-June 1462 failed to assassinate the Ottoman sultan, the road to Târgoviște, the capital of Vlad's principality of Wallachia, eventually became inundated in a "forest" of 20,000 impaled and decaying corpses, and it is reported that Mehmet II's invading army of Turks turned back to Constantinople in 1462 after encountering thousands of impaled corpses along the Danube River.[82] Woodblock prints from the era portray his victims impaled from either the frontal or the dorsal or the rectal impalement method which consisted of a wood or metal pole being inserted through the body either front to back, or vertically, through the rectum or vagina.[83] The exit wound could be near the victim's neck, shoulders or mouth.[84]

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

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The impalement was practiced on the south-eastern borders of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The punishment was applied to peasants who rebelled against their lords, but also to the nobility. Ukraine was the scene of many Cossack uprisings (for example that of Severyn Nalyvaiko) crushed by the Poles. They most often expressed discontent of a social nature (cf. social revolt of the "Haïdamaks") such as the subjugation of the free Ukrainian peasants to the Polish lords who had carved out large estates for themselves. The most important uprising was that of Bohdan Chmielnicki-Khmelnitsky. The hatred of the Poles and the Jews was at the origin of the pogroms perpetrated during crossings of Cossack armies. The echoes of this disaster reached, through Jewish traders, Western Europe and are still present in Hasidic songs. We know the story of the small army of the great lord of Volhynia, "kniaz" (Prince) Jeremi Wiśniowiecki who, penetrating from the north, momentarily repelled the armies of Bohdan Khmelnytsky and enabled the numerous Jews to be saved. The prince, a poor strategist, as Paweł Jasienica writes, following the opinion of his contemporaries, made himself known for his cruelty towards the rebellious peasants, taken prisoner (beheadings, hangings and impalements in the squares of towns and villages) but it was only the answer to the exactions committed on the noble prisoners by the Cossack chief Maksym Kryvonis (Nez Crooked). Aleksander Kostka-Napierski, the leader of the peasant uprising in Podhale, was impaled on a stake in 1651.

Colonel and ataman Sukharuka, a Cossack envoy in the novel and film With Fire and Sword, and Donets, a Cossack colonel, Horpyna's brother, were sentenced to this penalty. This also happened to the Cossack bandurist Taras Weresaj, the hero of Jacek Komuda's novel Bohun.

One of the most famous Polish films where the execution of this punishment can be seen is the film Pan Wołodyjowski (and the TV series Przygody pana Michała, Mr Michael's adventures), whose script was based on the Trilogy by Henryk Sienkiewicz. Azja Tuhaj-bejowicz was subjected to this punishment for betraying the Commonwealth in Pan Wołodyjowski. The method of execution in Mr. Wołodyjowski was different from the description of Jędrzej Kitowicz; the convict was strung on his back, not on his stomach (as in Jędrzej Kitowicz).

Ottoman Empire

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Longitudinal impalement is an execution method often attested within the Ottoman Empire, for a variety of offenses, it was done mostly as a warning to others or to terrify.[85]

Siege of Constantinople

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The Ottoman Empire used impalement during, and before, the last siege of Constantinople in 1453.[80] During the buildup phase to the great siege the year before, in 1452, the sultan declared that all ships sailing up or down through the Bosphorus had to anchor at his fortress there, for inspection. One Venetian captain, Antonio Rizzo, sought to defy the ban, but his ship was hit by a cannonball. He and his crew were picked up from the waters, the crew members to be beheaded (or sawn asunder according to Niccolò Barbaro[86]), whereas Rizzo was impaled.[87] In the early days of the siege in May 1453, contingents of the Ottoman army made mop-up operations at minor fortifications like Therapia and Studium. The surrendered soldiers, some 40 individuals from each place, were impaled.[88]

Civil crimes

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Within the Ottoman Empire, some civil crimes (rather than rebel activity/treasonous behavior), such as highway robbery, might be punished by impalement. For some periods at least, executions for civil crimes were claimed to have been rather rare in the Ottoman Empire. Aubry de La Motraye lived in the realm for 14 years from 1699 to 1713 and claimed that he had not heard of twenty thieves in Constantinople during that time. As for highway robbers, who surely had been impaled, Aubry heard of only 6 such cases during his residence there.[89] Staying at Aleppo from 1740 to 1754, Alexander Russell notes that in the 20 years gone by, there were no more than "half a dozen" public executions there.[90] Jean de Thévenot, traveling in the Ottoman Empire and its territories like Egypt in the late 1650s, emphasizes the regional variations in impalement frequency. Of Constantinople and Turkey, de Thévenot writes that impalement was "not much practised" and "very rarely put in practice." An exception he highlighted was the situation of Christians in Constantinople. If a Christian spoke or acted out against the "Law of Mahomet", or consorted with a Turkish woman, or broke into a mosque, then he might face impalement unless he converted to Islam. In contrast, de Thévenot says that in Egypt impalement was a "very ordinary punishment" against the Arabs there, whereas Turks in Egypt were strangled in prison instead of being publicly executed like the natives.[91] Thus, the actual frequency of impalement within the Ottoman Empire varied greatly, not only from time to time, but also from place to place, and between different population groups in the empire.

Highway robbers were still impaled into the 1830s, but one source says the practice was rare by then.[92] Travelling to Smyrna and Constantinople in 1843, Stephen Massett[93] was told by a man who witnessed the event that "just a few years ago", a dozen or so robbers were impaled at Adrianople. All of them, however, had been strangled prior to impalement.[94] Writing around 1850, the archaeologist Austen Henry Layard mentions that the latest case he was acquainted with happened "about ten years ago" in Baghdad, on four rebel Arab sheikhs.[95]

Impalement of pirates, rather than highway robbers, is also occasionally recorded. In October 1767 Hassan Bey, who had preyed on Turkish ships in the Euxine Sea for a number of years, was captured and impaled, even though he had offered 500,000 ducats for his pardon.[96]

Klephts and rebels in Greece

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During the Ottoman rule of Greece, impalement became an important tool of psychological warfare, intended to inflict terror into the peasant population. By the 18th century, Greek bandits turned guerrilla insurgents (known as klephts) became an increasing annoyance to the Ottoman government. Captured klephts were often impaled, as were peasants that harbored or aided them. Victims were publicly impaled and placed at highly visible points, and had the intended effect on many villages who not only refused to help the klephts, but would even turn them in to the authorities.[97] The Ottomans engaged in active campaigns to capture these insurgents in 1805 and 1806, and were able to enlist Greek villagers, eager to avoid the stake, in the hunt for their outlaw countrymen.[98]

Impalement was, on occasion, aggravated with being set over a fire, the impaling stake acting as a spit, so that the impaled victim might be roasted alive.[99] Among other severities, Ali Pasha, an Albanian-born Ottoman noble who ruled Ioannina, had rebels, criminals, and even the descendants of those who had wronged him or his family in the past, impaled and roasted alive. Thomas Smart Hughes, visiting Greece and Albania in 1812–13, says the following about his stay in Ioannina:[100]

Here criminals have been roasted alive over a slow fire, impaled, and skinned alive; others have had their extremities chopped off, and some have been left to perish with the skin of the face stripped over their necks. At first I doubted the truth of these assertions, but they were abundantly confirmed to me by persons of undoubted veracity. Some of the most respectable inhabitants of loannina assured me that they had sometimes conversed with these wretched victims on the very stake, being prevented from yielding to their torturing requests for water by fear of a similar fate themselves. Our own resident, as he was once going into the serai of Litaritza, saw a Greek priest, the leader of a gang of robbers, nailed alive to the outer wall of the palace, in sight of the whole city.

During the Greek War of Independence (1821–1832), Greek revolutionaries and civilians were tortured and executed by impalement. A German witness of the Constantinople massacre (April 1821) narrates the impalement of about 65 Greeks by a Turkish mob.[101] In April 1821, thirty Greeks from the Ionian island of Zante (Zakynthos) had been impaled in Patras. This was recorded in the diary of the French consul Hughes Pouqueville and published by his brother François Pouqueville.[102] Athanasios Diakos, a klepht and later a rebel military commander, was captured after the Battle of Alamana (1821), near Thermopylae, and after refusing to convert to Islam and join the Ottoman army, he was impaled.[103] Diakos became a martyr for a Greek independence and was later honored as a national hero.[104][105] Non-combatant Greeks (elders, monks, women etc.) were impaled around Athens during the first year of the revolution (1821).[106]

Rebels elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire

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Impaling perceived rebels was an attested practice in other parts of the empire as well, such as the 1809 quelling of a Bosnian revolt,[107] and during the Serbian Revolution (1804–1835) against the Ottoman Empire, about 200 Serbs were impaled in Belgrade in 1814.[108] Historian James J. Reid,[109] in his Crisis of the Ottoman Empire: Prelude to Collapse 1839–1878, notes several instances of later use, in particular in times of crises, ordered by military commanders (if not, that is, directly ordered by the supreme authority possessed by the sultan). He notes late instances of impalement during rebellions (rather than cases of robbery) like the Bosnian revolt of 1852, during the Cretan insurrection of 1866–69, and during the insurrections in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1876–77.[110] In the Nobel Prize-winning novel The Bridge on the Drina, by Ivo Andrić, in the third chapter is described impalement of a Bosnian Serb, who was trying to sabotage the bridge's construction.

Armenian and Assyrian Genocide

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Aurora Mardiganian, a survivor of the Armenian genocide of 1915–1923, discussing the scene of crucifixion in the biographical film of her life, stated that the actual killings were by impalement.[111]

"The Turks didn't make their crosses like that. The Turks made little pointed crosses. They took the clothes off the girls. They made them bend down, and after raping them, they made them sit on the pointed wood, through the vagina. That's the way they killed - the Turks. Americans have made (the film) a more civilized way. They can't show such terrible things."

A Russian clergyman who visited ravaged Christian villages in northwestern Persia claimed that he found the remains of several impaled people. He wrote: "The bodies were so firmly fixed, in some instances, that the stakes could not be withdrawn; it was necessary to saw them off and bury the victims as they were."[112]

References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Impalement is a method of execution and characterized by the penetration of the with a sharpened stake or pole, usually inserted through the , , or between the legs and advanced longitudinally toward the upper torso or head, leading to prolonged death from organ perforation, massive , and eventual or shock. Employed since at least the BCE in the Assyrian , it functioned primarily as a public spectacle to deter rebellion and crime through visible agony, with rulers such as Assurnasirpal II and documenting its use in royal inscriptions and palace reliefs depicting live impalements during sieges like that of Lachish in 701 BCE. The technique persisted across ancient Near Eastern empires, including the Achaemenid Persians, and reemerged in medieval under Vlad III Dracula, voivode of , whose mass impalements—such as the reported forest of 20,000 stakes erected against Ottoman forces in 1462—served both punitive and purposes, though contemporary accounts from rival powers like exhibit propagandistic exaggeration. Its defining characteristics include the victim's suspension on a vertical stake for hours or days, amplifying and terror, as evidenced by archaeological reliefs and texts that prioritize high-visibility deterrence over swift lethality.

Methods

Longitudinal Impalement

Longitudinal impalement entailed the insertion of a wooden or metal stake, typically 2 to 3 meters in length and pointed at one end, into the victim's , , or sometimes , followed by forcible propulsion along the body's vertical axis to emerge from the shoulder, neck, or , enabling the corpse to be displayed upright. The stake was often greased or smoothed to minimize immediate rupture of major organs, prolonging consciousness and suffering, with victims sometimes surviving for hours or days before succumbing to , hemorrhage, or organ failure. This orientation distinguished it from transversal methods, emphasizing vertical penetration for public visibility and terror. In ancient (circa 9th-7th centuries BCE), longitudinal impalement functioned as a high-visibility deterrent during military campaigns, with reliefs from Tiglath-Pileser III's palace at (745-727 BCE) depicting enemies skewered upright on stakes amid besieged towns to demoralize foes. Persian Achaemenid sources, including Darius I's (circa 520 BCE), describe impaling rebel leaders like vertically on stakes as punishment for treason, a practice codified in royal decrees to enforce loyalty across the empire. During the 15th century, Vlad III Drăculea of employed the method extensively against Ottoman invaders and internal foes, reportedly impaling up to 20,000 Turkish captives on stakes outside in February 1462 to deter Mehmed II's army, with stakes arranged in a vast field for maximum psychological impact. Ottoman forces reciprocated and perpetuated the practice into the 18th-19th centuries for punishing tax evaders, deserters, and rebels, often executing condemned individuals by hoisting them onto pre-positioned stakes via ropes or horses to drive penetration. ![Assyrian relief showing impaled enemies]float-right Executioners varied techniques by culture: Assyrians and sometimes bound victims prone on slabs before incising the anus for stake entry, while Vlad's accounts detail blunted stakes hammered upward to crush viscera gradually, avoiding swift lethality. In Ottoman usage, stakes entered rectally with the victim seated or suspended, gravity aiding ascent through the and , often sparing the heart and lungs initially for extended display. Such methods prioritized spectacle over rapidity, with stakes sharpened only at the tip to thread between and vertebrae.

Transversal Impalement

Transversal impalement consists of driving a sharpened stake, pole, or horizontally through the victim's body, perpendicular to the , most commonly entering the chest or and exiting the opposite side. This orientation contrasts with longitudinal impalement by directly targeting thoracic or abdominal cavities, perforating vital structures such as the heart, lungs, aorta, or major vessels, which typically induces , , or within minutes. Historical references indicate its use in the Achaemenid Persian (c. 550–330 BCE) as a variant of reserved for scenarios warranting expedited death, viewed as comparatively humane relative to drawn-out alternatives like prolonged suspension on a stake. Secondary accounts describe it ensuring fatality through immediate organ rupture rather than slow or , though primary archaeological or textual corroboration remains sparse. In certain documented practices, transversal impalement was integrated with immurement; for instance, medieval European statutes from 1348 in Venice prescribed partial burial of convicted adulterers (often women) up to the waist, followed by transverse piercing to hasten demise while amplifying public deterrence. This combination amplified psychological terror by prolonging exposure prior to the fatal thrust, with the horizontal trajectory minimizing survival odds beyond initial impalement. Forensic analyses of impalement lesions, including those from 19th-century contexts, reveal that transverse penetration causes extensive vascular and pulmonary trauma, with ensuing from acute blood loss (often 1–2 liters within the first hour) or asphyxiation, barring immediate surgical intervention unavailable in execution settings. Survival beyond brief intervals is rare without modern , underscoring its efficiency as a lethal mechanism compared to vertical variants reliant on secondary complications.

Variations

Impalement methods exhibited variations in stake entry points, insertion techniques, and post-execution display across historical contexts, adapting to purposes such as prolonged or rapid mass execution. In the Assyrian Empire (circa 9th-7th centuries BCE), longitudinal impalement typically involved driving a sharpened stake between the victim's legs upward through the body, facilitating extended suffering prior to death; corpses were subsequently affixed to poles or T-shaped gibbets for public display, often slumping over the apparatus to maximize visibility and deterrence during sieges or legal punishments. In 15th-century under III (r. 1456-1462 CE), precise impalement for individual or select executions entailed inserting a sharp stake through the anus, guiding it along the spine to exit the back of the head, a deliberate requiring 8-9 assistants using ropes and pressure to avoid premature fatality and ensure agony; the stake was then erected vertically. For large-scale deterrence, such as the 1462 impalement of approximately 20,000 Ottoman captives near , stakes were hastily thrust through the abdomen, resulting in disordered hanging postures across expansive fields. Rectal impalement emerged as a prevalent technique in the medieval , emphasizing penetration from the anus upward, often prolonging death through internal organ damage without immediate lethality; this method paralleled Wallachian practices but was integrated into broader judicial and military reprisals. These adaptations reflect contextual priorities: Assyrian emphasis on visual terror in warfare, versus the selective precision or expedient brutality in later European-Ottoman conflicts.

Physiological Effects

Mechanisms of Injury

Impalement injuries primarily result from the mechanical penetration of a rigid, elongated object—such as a stake, pole, or —into the body, causing direct tissue disruption along its trajectory. The transferred from the object shears, lacerates, and compresses anatomical structures, with damage severity determined by factors including the object's diameter, sharpness, velocity of insertion, entry site, and victim positioning. In longitudinal impalement, typically entering via the or buttocks, the path ascends through the , , diaphragm, and , perforating bowel, major vessels (e.g., iliac arteries, , vena cava), solid organs (liver, , kidneys), and potentially the or heart. Transversal impalement, often across the or limbs, may transfix the body laterally, damaging symmetric structures like lungs or extremities with less vertical organ traversal but comparable vascular and skeletal trauma. Vascular injuries constitute a core mechanism, as the object's passage lacerates arteries and veins, leading to rapid hemorrhage; for instance, abdominal impalements frequently sever mesenteric or portal vessels, while thoracic entries can puncture pulmonary or , inducing within minutes. Organ perforation follows, with hollow viscera (intestines, bladder) rupture releasing contents into sterile cavities, initiating chemical and bacterial contamination that progresses to ; solid organ lacerations (e.g., liver) exacerbate bleeding and . Skeletal involvement, such as pelvic fractures or rib disruptions, compounds damage by fragmenting that acts as secondary projectiles internally. Neurological and respiratory mechanisms arise in axial impalements, where transection causes immediate or quadriplegia via compressive or transeverse , and thoracic penetration induces pneumo- or by puncturing pleura and lung parenchyma, impairing ventilation. Secondary effects include from the object's retained mass, promoting in enclosed spaces like the thigh or abdomen, and embolization of debris or thrombi from vascular tears. Contamination by soil, feces, or on the impaling object heightens risk, with forensic reviews noting polymicrobial invasion in over 70% of surviving cases analyzed from 2002–2017. These mechanisms interact causally: initial hemorrhage drives circulatory , while sustains inflammatory cascades, often culminating in multi-organ failure absent surgical intervention.

Causes of Death and Survival Factors

Primary causes of death in impalement injuries include from severe hemorrhage, resulting from lacerations to major blood vessels or vascular-rich organs such as the liver, , or pelvic vasculature. Direct penetration of the heart, lungs, or major arteries can lead to rapid , , or tension pneumothorax/, compromising cardiopulmonary function within minutes. Cranial or thoracic impalements often cause immediate neurological devastation or due to brainstem or airway disruption. Delayed mortality, particularly in low-velocity or intentional longitudinal impalements (e.g., historical executions via rectal or perineal entry), frequently stems from and following bowel , with fecal contamination leading to systemic infection over hours to days. Multi-organ failure ensues from ongoing hypoperfusion, compounded by and immobility in prolonged cases. In forensic analyses of accidental impalements, such as falls onto or spikes, combined blunt and penetrating trauma exacerbates outcomes, with hemorrhagic shock predominant in over 80% of fatal vehicle-related cases. Survival hinges on the impalement's trajectory sparing critical structures like the aorta, vena cava, heart, and brainstem, as deviations by mere centimeters can avert catastrophic bleeding. Prehospital management is pivotal: retaining the impaling object in situ prevents dislodging clots and further hemorrhage, while rapid extrication and transport to a Level I trauma center enable imaging and controlled operative removal. Effective resuscitation with blood products, addressing associated injuries (e.g., fractures or hypoxia), and early surgical intervention yield survival rates approaching 50-70% for thoracic or abdominal cases reaching hospital alive, though overall prehospital mortality exceeds 90%. Factors like object diameter (narrower stakes cause less initial disruption) and absence of contamination further mitigate risks of secondary infection.

Associated Suffering

Impalement inflicted immediate and profound physical agony through the mechanical disruption of tissues, nerves, and viscera, as the sharpened stake lacerated skin, muscles, , and abdominal organs upon forced entry, typically via the or . This penetration triggered intense nociceptive and visceral pain signals, compounded by from internal hemorrhage and secondary inflammatory responses, often without rapid loss of if major vascular structures like the were spared. In execution contexts, such as Ottoman or Wallachian practices, the stake was designed—through lubrication and positioning—to traverse the body longitudinally while avoiding instantaneous lethality to the heart or , thereby maximizing torment rather than swift demise. The prolonged phase of suffering, lasting from several hours to up to three days in documented cases, arose from cascading physiological failures including due to fecal contamination of the , from bowel , and progressive organ ischemia, all while the victim remained impaled upright, unable to alleviate pressure or obtain relief. , exposure to elements, and secondary complications like respiratory compromise from diaphragmatic irritation exacerbated the ordeal, with victims exhibiting convulsions, labored breathing, and vocalizations of distress until or multi-organ failure ensued. Historical forensic analyses of impalement residues, such as those from early 19th-century Egyptian contexts under Ottoman influence, reveal skeletal evidence of such extended trauma, including vertebral fractures and periosteal reactions indicative of sustained agony prior to . Psychological dimensions amplified the torment, as victims endured anticipatory terror during preparation—often involving binding and gradual lowering onto the stake—and subsequent humiliation from public display, where bodily functions failed uncontrollably amid crowds. Accounts from 15th-century chroniclers of III's campaigns describe forests of impaled figures writhing visibly, their cries audible over distances, underscoring the method's intent to instill dread through observable, drawn-out despair rather than mere physical cessation. This combination of unremitting and mental rendered impalement distinct among execution methods for its deliberate prolongation of and sensation.

Purposes and Impacts

Rationale for Use

![Assyrian relief showing impaled enemies]float-right Impalement served as a method of execution valued for its capacity to deliver prolonged, visible agony, functioning as a tool for deterrence through public spectacle and psychological . Rulers exploited the slow process, often leaving bodies displayed on stakes in prominent locations, to amplify among subjects and enemies alike, thereby reinforcing and suppressing potential revolts. This rationale stemmed from the causal link between observable and behavioral compliance, as the method's horror reduced the likelihood of defiance without requiring constant presence. In the Assyrian Empire during the Neo-Assyrian period (circa 911–609 BC), impalement targeted rebels and defeated foes to enforce submission and demoralize opposition. Kings like positioned impaled leaders outside city gates during sieges, such as Damascus in 733 BC, to compel capitulation by exploiting the victims' visible torment. Royal inscriptions and reliefs, including those from Assurnasirpal II's campaigns, record its use against cities like in 866 BC, where the display aimed to deter further resistance through terror. These practices, selective rather than indiscriminate, underscored impalement's role in state and control over vast territories. Vlad III Dracula of (r. 1456–1462, 1476) adopted impalement for political consolidation and military defense against Ottoman expansion. Upon regaining power in 1456, he impaled approximately 20,000 perceived traitors, including nobles and their families, to eliminate internal threats and signal unyielding rule. In 1462, mass impalements created a "forest" of stakes along invasion routes, shocking Sultan Mehmed II's army into retreat and deterring further assaults. This tactic, influenced by Ottoman precedents but adapted for , prioritized psychological disruption over direct combat, enabling a smaller force to maintain sovereignty. Across contexts, impalement's rationale emphasized efficiency in low-resource environments, as stakes were abundant and the method required minimal executioners while maximizing long-term impact through cadaver displays. Historical accounts indicate its application to "crimes against the state," such as , where retribution aligned with principles, though exaggerated chronicles necessitate caution in quantifying scale. Empirical patterns from inscriptions reveal consistent use for high-stakes offenses, affirming its perceived efficacy in causal chains of fear leading to obedience.

Deterrent and Psychological Effects

Impalement served as a deliberate instrument of psychological terror in the Assyrian Empire, where rulers employed it to amplify the visibility and spectacle of executions, thereby deterring potential rebels and subjugating conquered populations through fear. Kings such as Assurnasirpal II (r. 883–859 BCE) ordered the impalement of live troops during sieges, as at in 866 BCE, to break enemy resolve by showcasing prolonged agony in public view at city gates or towers. Similarly, (r. 859–824 BCE) impaled captives post-conquest, such as three men at Sugunia in 859 BCE, with corpses often left displayed on stakes to reinforce imperial dominance and prevent uprisings. These acts, corroborated by royal inscriptions and palace reliefs like those from the depicting mutilated and impaled figures, prioritized the horror of a slow —victims lingering for hours or days—to demoralize onlookers and signal unyielding retribution. In fifteenth-century Wallachia, Vlad III Dracula (r. 1456–1462, 1476) weaponized impalement similarly against Ottoman incursions, culminating in the 1462 display of approximately 20,000 impaled corpses—accumulated from prior raids—outside Târgoviște to confront Sultan Mehmed II's advancing army of over 100,000. Contemporary accounts, including those from Ottoman chroniclers, describe the sultan halting his campaign upon witnessing the "forest of the impaled," whose rotting, stake-pierced bodies evoked such revulsion that it shattered troop morale and prompted a retreat, preserving Wallachian autonomy temporarily. This tactic exploited the visceral dread of impalement's mechanics—entry via the anus or vagina to prolong suffering without immediate lethality—to project overwhelming ferocity disproportionate to Vlad's limited forces. The later adapted impalement for psychological suppression of revolts, particularly against Greek klephts and peasants during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, positioning stakes at prominent sites to broadcast terror and enforce compliance without widespread combat. Across these contexts, the method's deterrent potency stemmed from its public, multisensory horror: the audible groans of dying victims, the stench of decay, and the grotesque postures of suspended bodies, all designed to imprint helplessness and obedience on witnesses, though long-term varied with cultural desensitization or retaliatory resolve.

Effectiveness in Historical Contexts

Impalement served as an effective instrument of deterrence in ancient Assyrian warfare and , leveraging its visibility to instill widespread fear and compel submission. Assyrian kings, such as in the 9th century BCE, employed mass impalements during s to target prominent enemies, displaying their prolonged suffering to demoralize defenders and deter resistance from surrounding populations. This tactic contributed to the Assyrians' dominance over the for approximately five centuries, as the public spectacle of impaled bodies lining city walls reinforced obedience and suppressed rebellions without necessitating constant military presence. In the , impalement functioned not only as but as a strategic tool for imperial control, with reliefs and inscriptions documenting its use to prove loyalty to the god and guarantee . The method's efficacy stemmed from its psychological impact, transforming executions into enduring warnings that amplified terror through the victims' visible agony, often lasting hours, thereby reducing the incidence of and breaches of discipline in conquered territories. Historical analyses indicate these terror strategies were "super effective" in facilitating empire-building by prompting voluntary surrenders and minimizing prolonged conflicts. During the 15th century in , III utilized collective impalements to counter Ottoman incursions, erecting forests of stakes with tens of thousands of victims to psychologically overwhelm invaders. This approach temporarily halted Ottoman advances, as contemporary accounts describe the sight compelling retreats due to the sheer scale of horror, preserving Wallachian autonomy amid superior enemy forces. However, while effective for short-term deterrence, such extreme measures provoked internal and external backlash, contributing to 's eventual overthrow, suggesting limitations in sustaining long-term political stability. In the , impalement targeted rebels and military offenders, aiming to enforce discipline through exemplary terror, though its broader efficacy in preventing widespread uprisings remains debated due to recurring provincial revolts. Across contexts, impalement's historical effectiveness hinged on low-information, high-fear environments where public visibility outweighed , fostering compliance via primal aversion to prolonged, visible death rather than .

Historical Uses

Ancient Near East and Egypt

In the (c. 911–609 BCE), impalement served as a selective form of reserved for rebels, traitors, and high-value captives to maximize psychological deterrence through public visibility. Royal inscriptions and palace reliefs document its use, such as the impalement of thousands reported by (r. 883–859 BCE) during campaigns, where victims were displayed on stakes along city walls or parade routes to instill fear in subjugated populations. Reliefs from Sennacherib's palace at illustrate Assyrian soldiers erecting stakes with impaled naked men from the 701 BCE , emphasizing the method's role in ritualized terror tactics. The practice persisted into the Achaemenid Persian Empire (c. 550–330 BCE), where impalement targeted political usurpers and conspirators as detailed in primary royal records. Darius I (r. 522–486 BCE) recounts in the impaling groups of rebels, including 46 men in after suppressing a revolt led by a false Nebuchadnezzar, and others such as Vahyazdata and his followers in Persia, with bodies left unburied to underscore divine justice and imperial authority. This method aligned with broader Achaemenid punitive strategies, combining mutilation and exposure to reinforce loyalty amid frequent succession challenges. Historical evidence for impalement in ancient Egypt is sparse and primarily indirect, with judicial executions more commonly involving decapitation, impalement by animals, or drowning rather than staking for prolonged display. While some New Kingdom (c. 1550–1070 BCE) texts and Herodotus' accounts suggest mutilation preceding exposure of enemies, systematic use as state punishment lacks corroboration from Egyptian royal inscriptions or tomb art, unlike Mesopotamian precedents.

Classical Antiquity

Impalement was not among the standard methods of in , where executions typically involved hemlock poisoning for citizens, precipitous execution from the rock, or for certain offenses, as evidenced by legal practices in during the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. No primary Greek sources, such as those from or , document its routine use by Greek poleis, though Greek historians like described impalement extensively among and —peoples interacting with the Hellenic world—suggesting awareness of the practice without widespread adoption in core Greek society. In the and Empire, impalement occurred as an execution method, albeit infrequently compared to , , or , which were preferred for public deterrence and spectacle. Roman adoption of impalement is attributed to Phoenician influences, with the practice persisting until its abolition under Emperor Constantine around 337 CE. Specific instances remain sparsely documented in primary sources, but it featured in provincial contexts; for example, during Boudica's revolt in (60–61 CE), Britons captured noble Roman women, tortured them, and impaled them lengthwise on sharp skewers through their bodies, as recounted by in his Roman History. This barbaric application by subject peoples highlights impalement's role in peripheral Roman territories, potentially reflecting Eastern or indigenous traditions rather than metropolitan Roman policy. Archaeological and textual evidence underscores its distinction from Roman , which emphasized suspension and prolonged agony via nails or ropes, whereas impalement focused on penetration for swift, humiliating death.

Medieval and Early Modern Europe

In , impalement emerged as an execution method during the late medieval period, primarily in principalities bordering the , where it served to punish , banditry, and military captives while instilling terror. III of (r. 1456–1462, with brief later reigns until 1476), known as Țepeș ("the Impaler"), adopted the practice after exposure to Ottoman customs during his youth as a hostage in , employing it systematically against internal rivals and external threats. German pamphlets from 1462–1463 and Slavic chronicles document Vlad's orchestration of mass impalements, such as the 1459 execution of disloyal boyars and their families—estimated at several hundred—by staking them en masse to consolidate power after reclaiming the throne. The technique involved inserting a fire-hardened or stake, typically 3–5 meters long and oiled for smoother penetration, through the victim's or , guiding it alongside the spine to emerge near the shoulder or mouth, avoiding vital organs to prolong agony—often hours or days—before death from , shock, or . Victims were bound and lowered slowly onto the upright stake using ropes or horse teams to control descent, after which the pole was raised and planted in the ground, forming visible "forests" of corpses as psychological barriers. In one reported incident during the 1462 Ottoman campaign, allegedly impaled around 20,000 Turkish prisoners over three days near to repel , though contemporary accounts from both Christian and Muslim sources likely inflated figures for propagandistic effect, with archaeological and documentary evidence supporting smaller-scale but repeated applications totaling thousands across his reigns. Neighboring rulers emulated the method amid frontier warfare; in Moldavia, III ("the Great," r. 1457–1504) impaled approximately 2,300 Ottoman captives following victories like in 1475, displaying them to demoralize invaders. Transylvanian Saxon communities, under customary German law, prescribed impalement for heinous offenses such as or by the , reflecting Byzantine-Slavic influences transmitted through Orthodox networks rather than Western Latin traditions. These practices persisted sporadically into the early modern era (c. 1500–1800) in Habsburg-Ottoman borderlands, including isolated cases during Hungarian campaigns against Turkish incursions, but declined as centralized legal codes favoring beheading or supplanted ad hoc terror tactics; by the , impalement was largely confined to Ottoman vassal states, with European chronicles portraying it as an "eastern barbarity" unfit for . Western and Northern Europe showed negligible adoption, with no substantial records of systematic impalement; medieval legal texts like the Assizes of or English assize courts emphasized judicial ordeals, quartering, or gibbeting instead, underscoring regional divergences shaped by Roman-inherited versus steppe-derived punitive spectacles. Historical narratives, often sourced from biased Saxon merchants hostile to Vlad's raids or Ottoman annalists exaggerating defeats, must be cross-verified against neutral diplomatic reports, revealing impalement's role less as routine justice than as wartime expediency in unstable polities facing existential threats.

Ottoman Empire

Impalement served as a method of execution and terror in the , particularly during military campaigns and the suppression of rebellions, with documented use from the mid-15th century onward. Under Sultan Mehmed II, it was applied to captured enemies to demoralize opponents and enforce submission, often involving stakes driven through the to prolong agony by avoiding immediate vital organ damage. This practice drew on earlier Near Eastern traditions but was adapted for Ottoman warfare, where collective impalements amplified psychological impact on besieged populations and armies. Specific instances during the conquest of in 1453 illustrate its tactical role: on 11 , 76 Byzantine soldiers captured at Therapia and Stoudios forts were impaled, as recorded by the Ottoman historian Michael Kritovoulos. Later that month, on 28 , 40 members from a sunken met the same fate. In 1452, Venetian captain was impaled at Dimotika following the sinking of his ship, per accounts in Franz Babinger's biography of . Further examples include the 1454 impalement of Serbian commander Nikola Skobaljić after his defeat on 16 November, and the execution of prisoners defending against Albanian leader in 1455. The method persisted into later periods, notably during reprisals in the Greek War of Independence around 1821, where Ottoman forces impaled victims in amid massacres, as eyewitnesses like Siegman reported up to hundreds affected. Such acts targeted rebels and non-Muslims, reinforcing imperial control through visible spectacles of suffering, though primary Ottoman sources often understate them compared to European chronicles, reflecting potential biases in victors' records versus those of subjugated groups.

Other Regions and Instances

![Mural depicting the impalement of Jains at Avudaiyarkoil temple][float-right] In medieval , impalement was employed as an extreme form of , particularly in and , often for violations of norms or social taboos such as inter-caste relations. Historical texts indicate its use against subaltern groups, with victims sometimes commemorated as hero stones in local traditions. Practices persisted into the before declining under British colonial influence. A prominent instance, though rooted in hagiographic literature rather than empirical verification, is the alleged impalement of 8,000 Jains in during the CE under a Pandya king, as recounted in the 12th-century Periya Puranam by Sekkizhar. This Shaivite text, composed to glorify , depicts the mass execution following a debate with the saint or , symbolized in murals at temple. Scholars debate its historicity, viewing it potentially as allegory for ideological triumph rather than literal event, given the biased devotional source and lack of contemporary corroboration. In , impalement served as a favored execution method under Shaka Zulu (r. 1816–1828), who ruled the through terror, employing sharpened poles inserted rectally to punish enemies and enforce loyalty. Frequent public executions via this means underscored the regime's brutality, as documented in historical analyses of Zulu military and political practices. No widespread archaeological evidence confirms the scale, but eyewitness European accounts and oral traditions support its use in consolidating power amid wars.

Debates and Evidence

Accuracy of Historical Accounts

Historical accounts of impalement derive largely from royal inscriptions, , chronicles, and , which frequently incorporate propagandistic elements to exaggerate scale or brutality for deterrence, glorification, or vilification. In the , Assyrian kings' , such as those of , describe impaling enemies and rebels as a visible to instill , with details corroborated by palace reliefs but potentially inflated in victim counts to emphasize royal might. These self-reported prioritize ideological impact over precise enumeration, reflecting a causal intent to project unassailable power rather than objective tallying. For Vlad III of Wallachia, early accounts in Slavic manuscripts like the 1490 Tales of Dracula Voivode and German incunabula from the 1460s onward detail mass impalements, including claims of 20,000 Ottoman captives staked in 1462, but these sources stem from political adversaries—Saxon merchants and Hungarian allies resentful of Vlad's policies—leading to for and commercial appeal. Diplomatic letters to figures like confirm specific instances, such as the 1459 impalement of disloyal boyars numbering in the hundreds rather than thousands, indicating the practice occurred but at moderated scales absent bias-driven hyperbole. Romanian chronicles, conversely, portray Vlad as a just enforcer against corruption, underscoring source-dependent narratives. Ottoman records and European envoys' reports affirm impalement as a codified predating Vlad's campaigns, with examples from the onward documented in administrative fatwas and eyewitness testimonies, exhibiting greater consistency due to bureaucratic traditions yet still subject to wartime embellishments in adversary accounts. Cross-verification across hostile and neutral sources supports the method's authenticity, though quantitative precision remains elusive without forensic or archaeological adjuncts, highlighting pre-modern historiography's reliance on rhetorical amplification over empirical exactitude.

Archaeological and Forensic Corroboration

![Assyrian relief of impaled enemies](./assets/Assyrian_relief_of_attack_on_an_enemy_town_during_the_reign_of_Tiglath-Pileser_III_720-741_BCE_from_his_palace_at_Kalhu_NimrudNimrud
Archaeological evidence for impalement primarily emerges from durable artifacts such as stone reliefs and inscriptions in the , where direct skeletal remains are rare due to the decomposition of wooden stakes and the exposure of bodies for deterrent purposes. In the Assyrian Empire, palace reliefs from sites like and , dating to the 9th-7th centuries BCE, vividly depict enemies impaled on stakes after military campaigns, often hoisted high on city walls or in public squares to maximize visibility. These carvings, excavated from royal palaces, align with contemporary inscriptions recording impalement as a standard penalty for rebellion or defeat, emphasizing its role in . For example, annals from (883-859 BCE) describe and impaling captives, corroborated by reliefs showing skewered corpses in ritualistic displays.
In , temple reliefs from the New Kingdom, particularly those at and Thebes under pharaohs like (r. 1213-1203 BCE), illustrate impalement of Asiatic enemies on stakes, serving as propagandistic monuments to royal victories. The explicitly references impalement in punitive contexts, with carvings showing bound figures pierced through the body and elevated, consistent with textual descriptions of execution for crimes against the state during the Ramesside period (19th Dynasty, ca. 1292-1189 BCE). Such evidence, while artistic, provides material corroboration of literary accounts, as the consistency across multiple media suggests standardized practices rather than mere symbolism. Physical skeletal evidence remains exceptional owing to taphonomic challenges, but has identified impalement-specific trauma in isolated cases. The skeleton of Soleyman el-Halaby, a 24-year-old executed by impalement in in June 1800, underwent detailed examination revealing penetration wounds through the pelvic region, vertebral fractures, and perimortem lesions indicative of prolonged suspension and associated , marking the first such diagnosis on human remains. This analysis confirms historical descriptions of stakes entering via the or to avoid immediate lethality, allowing hours or days of agony, as the patterns match biomechanical expectations from stake dimensions reported in Ottoman-era accounts. Modern forensic evaluations of accidental and impalements further validate ancient methods' feasibility and effects. Studies from 2002-2016 document cases where victims survived initial penetration only to succumb to hemorrhage or , with entry points mirroring historical executions—often lower body to prolong suffering—demonstrating how stakes could traverse the without instantly severing vitals. In medieval , excavations at execution sites have uncovered stakes with affixed skulls or partial remains, supporting texts on head impalement for deterrence, though full-body preservation is absent. These findings collectively affirm impalement's historical prevalence through convergent archaeological, epigraphic, and osteological data, underscoring its deliberate design for visible, protracted death.

Modern Interpretations

Contemporary has advanced the understanding of impalement's physiological impacts through skeletal analyses of verified historical cases. Examination of the remains of Soleyman el-Halaby, impaled in on June 13, 1800, following the assassination of French General , identified a indicative of rectal penetration, accompanied by severe burns to the right hand from antecedent ; the victim survived roughly four hours before , likely accelerated by or secondary intervention. These perimortem lesions confirm impalement's capacity for extended suffering via internal trauma, hemorrhage, and secondary , rather than instantaneous lethality, enabling retrospective diagnosis in archaeological contexts. Historians view impalement primarily as a deterrent mechanism emphasizing public spectacle and psychological terror, particularly in ancient Near Eastern empires. In Assyrian legal and military practice from the 9th to 7th centuries BCE, selective application—such as impaling five rebels at Pitura in 879 BCE or enemies post-surrender at Suru in 882 BCE—targeted high-profile offenders to compel capitulation and deter disobedience among subjects and foes alike, with textual distinguishing live execution (prolonged upright skewering) from postmortem display on gibbets. Scholar Karen Radner contends this visibility amplified its exemplary role, countering modern misconceptions of routine mass impalement as propagandistic exaggeration, while archaeological reliefs from sites like Lachish corroborate its targeted deployment for imperial control. Forensic reviews of contemporary impalement incidents, predominantly accidental, offer mechanistic parallels to historical executions, highlighting variable trajectories and outcomes. A 2018 study of 10 fatalities in from 2002 to 2016—nine males averaging 38.5 years old, involving vehicle crashes into poles or falls onto fences—documented torso or cranial penetrations causing , organ rupture, or , with some cases featuring diagnostic challenges in anogenital regions akin to inflicted trauma; such patterns suggest historical victims often endured hours of distress, reinforcing interpretations of impalement as a deliberate instrument of rather than efficient dispatch. These analyses underscore debates on source reliability, prioritizing records and osteological evidence over potentially hyperbolic chronicles.

References

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