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Darius the Great
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Darius I (Old Persian: 𐎭𐎠𐎼𐎹𐎺𐎢𐏁 Dārayavaʰuš; c. 550 – 486 BCE), commonly known as Darius the Great, was the third King of Kings of the Achaemenid Empire, reigning from 522 BCE until his death in 486 BCE. He ruled the empire at its territorial peak, when it included much of West Asia, parts of the Balkans (Thrace–Macedonia and Paeonia) and the Caucasus, most of the Black Sea's coastal regions, Central Asia, the Indus Valley in the far east, and portions of North Africa and Northeast Africa including Egypt (Mudrâya), eastern Libya, and coastal Sudan.[1][2][3]
Key Information
Darius ascended the throne after overthrowing the Achaemenid monarch Bardiya (or Smerdis), who he claimed was in fact an imposter named Gaumata. The new king met with rebellions throughout the empire but quelled each of them; a major event of Darius's career described in Greek historiography was his punitive expedition against Athens and Eretria for their participation in the Ionian Revolt.
Darius organized the empire by dividing it into administrative provinces, each governed by a satrap. He organized Achaemenid coinage as a new uniform monetary system, and he made Aramaic a co-official language of the empire alongside Persian. He also put the empire in better standing by improving roads and introducing standard weights and measures. Through these changes, the Achaemenid Empire became centralized and unified.[4] Darius undertook other construction projects throughout his realm, primarily focusing on Susa, Pasargadae, Persepolis, Babylon, and Egypt. He had an inscription carved upon a cliff-face of Mount Behistun to record his conquests, which would later become important evidence of the Old Persian language.
Etymology
[edit]
Dārīus and Dārēus are the Latin forms of the Greek Dareîos (Δαρεῖος), itself from Old Persian Dārayauš (𐎭𐎠𐎼𐎹𐎢𐏁, d-a-r-y-uš; which is a shortened form of Dārayavaʰuš (𐎭𐎠𐎼𐎹𐎺𐎢𐏁, d-a-r-y-v-u-š). The longer Persian form is reflected in the Elamite Da-ri-(y)a-ma-u-iš, Babylonian Da-(a-)ri-ia-(a-)muš, and Aramaic drywhwš (𐡃𐡓𐡉𐡅𐡄𐡅𐡔) forms, and possibly in the longer Greek form, Dareiaîos (Δαρειαῖος). The name in nominative form means "he who holds firm the good(ness)", which can be seen by the first part dāraya, meaning "holder", and the adverb vau, meaning "goodness".[5]
Primary sources
[edit]At some time between his coronation and his death, Darius left a tri-lingual monumental relief on Mount Behistun, which was written in Elamite, Old Persian and Babylonian. The inscription begins with a brief autobiography including his ancestry and lineage. To aid the presentation of his ancestry, Darius wrote down the sequence of events that occurred after the death of Cyrus the Great.[6][7] Darius mentions several times that he is the rightful king by the grace of the supreme deity Ahura Mazda. In addition, further texts and monuments from Persepolis have been found, as well as a clay tablet containing an Old Persian cuneiform of Darius from Gherla, Romania (Harmatta) and a letter from Darius to Gadates, preserved in a Greek text of the Roman period.[8][9][10][11] In the foundation tablets of Apadana Palace, Darius described in Old Persian cuneiform the extent of his Empire in broad geographical terms:[12][13]
Darius the great king, king of kings, king of countries, son of Hystaspes, an Achaemenid. King Darius says: This is the kingdom which I hold, from the Sacae who are beyond Sogdia to Kush, and from Sind (Old Persian: 𐏃𐎡𐎭𐎢𐎺, "Hidauv", locative of "Hiduš", i.e. "Indus valley") to Lydia (Old Persian: "Spardâ") – [this is] what Ahuramazda, the greatest of gods, bestowed upon me. May Ahuramazda protect me and my royal house!
— DPh inscription of Darius I in the foundations of the Apadana Palace
Herodotus, a Greek historian and author of The Histories, provided an account of many Persian kings and the Greco-Persian Wars. He wrote extensively on Darius, spanning half of Book 3 along with Books 4, 5 and 6. It begins with the removal of the alleged usurper Gaumata and continues to the end of Darius's reign.[8]
Early life
[edit]Darius was the eldest of five sons to Hystaspes.[8] The identity of his mother is uncertain. According to the modern historian Alireza Shapour Shahbazi (1994), Darius's mother was thought to have been a woman named Rhodogune.[8] However, according to Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones (2013), recently uncovered texts in Persepolis indicate that his mother was Irdabama, an affluent landowner descended from a family of local Elamite rulers.[15] Richard Stoneman likewise refers to Irdabama as the mother of Darius.[16] The Behistun Inscription of Darius states that his father was satrap of Bactria in 522 BCE.[a] According to Herodotus (III.139), Darius, prior to seizing power and "of no consequence at the time", had served as a spearman (doryphoros) in the Egyptian campaign (528–525 BCE) of Cambyses II, then the Persian Great King;[19] this is often interpreted to mean he was the king's personal spear-carrier, an important role. Hystaspes was an officer in Cyrus's army and a noble of his court.[20]
Before Cyrus and his army crossed the river Araxes to battle with the Armenians, he installed his son Cambyses II as king in case he should not return from battle.[21] However, once Cyrus had crossed the Aras River, he had a vision in which Darius had wings atop his shoulders and stood upon the confines of Europe and Asia (the known world). When Cyrus awoke from the dream, he inferred it as a great danger to the future security of the empire, as it meant that Darius would one day rule the whole world. However, his son Cambyses was the heir to the throne, not Darius, causing Cyrus to wonder if Darius was forming treasonable and ambitious designs. This led Cyrus to order Hystaspes to go back to Persis and watch over his son strictly, until Cyrus himself returned.[22]
Accession
[edit]
There are different accounts of the rise of Darius to the throne from both Darius himself and Greek historians. The oldest records report a convoluted sequence of events in which Cambyses II lost his mind, had his brother Bardiya murdered, and died from an infected leg wound. After this, Darius and a group of six nobles travelled to Sikayauvati to kill an usurper, Gaumata, who had taken the throne by pretending to be Bardiya during the true king's absence.[23]
Darius's account, written at the Behistun Inscription, states that Cambyses II killed his own brother Bardiya, but that this murder was not known among the Iranian people. A would-be usurper named Gaumata came and lied to the people, stating that he was Bardiya.[24] The Iranians had grown rebellious against Cambyses's rule and, on 11 March 522 BCE, a revolt against Cambyses broke out in his absence. On 1 July, the Iranian people chose to be under the leadership of Gaumata, as "Bardiya". No member of the Achaemenid family would rise against Gaumata for the safety of their own life. Darius, who had served Cambyses as his lance-bearer until the deposed ruler's death, prayed for aid and, in September 522 BCE, along with Otanes, Intaphrenes, Gobryas, Hydarnes, Megabyzus and Aspathines, killed Gaumata in the fortress of Sikayauvati.[24]
Herodotus provides a dubious account of Darius's ascension: Several days after Gaumata had been assassinated, Darius and the other six nobles discussed the fate of the empire. At first, the seven discussed the form of government: A democratic republic (Isonomia) was strongly pushed by Otanes, an oligarchy was pushed by Megabyzus, while Darius pushed for a monarchy. After stating that a republic would lead to corruption and internal fighting, while a monarchy would be led with a single-mindedness not possible in other governments, Darius was able to convince the other nobles.[28]
To decide who would become the monarch, six of them decided on a test, with Otanes abstaining, as he had no interest in being king. They were to gather outside the palace, mounted on their horses at sunrise, and the man whose horse neighed first in recognition of the rising sun would become king. According to Herodotus, Darius had a slave, Oebares, who rubbed his hand over the genitals of a mare that Darius's horse favoured. When the six gathered, Oebares placed his hands beside the nostrils of Darius's horse, who became excited at the scent and neighed. This was followed by lightning and thunder, leading the others to dismount and kneel before Darius in recognition of his apparent divine providence.[29] In this account, Darius himself claimed that he achieved the throne not through fraud, but cunning, even erecting a statue of himself mounted on his neighing horse with the inscription: "Darius, son of Hystaspes, obtained the sovereignty of Persia by the sagacity of his horse and the ingenious contrivance of Oebares, his groom."[30]
According to the accounts of Greek historians, Cambyses II had left Patizeithes in charge of the kingdom when he headed for Egypt. He later sent Prexaspes to murder Bardiya. After the killing, Patizeithes put his brother Gaumata, a Magian who resembled Bardiya, on the throne and declared him the Great King. Otanes discovered that Gaumata was an impostor, and along with six other Iranian nobles, including Darius, created a plan to oust the pseudo-Bardiya. After killing the impostor along with his brother Patizeithes and other Magians, Darius was crowned king the following morning.[8]
The details regarding Darius's rise to power is generally acknowledged as forgery and was in reality used as a concealment of his overthrow and murder of Cyrus's rightful successor, Bardiya.[31][32][33] To legitimize his rule, Darius had a common origin fabricated between himself and Cyrus by designating Achaemenes as the eponymous founder of their dynasty.[31] In reality, Darius was not from the same house as Cyrus and his forebears, the rulers of Anshan.[31][34]
Early reign
[edit]Early revolts
[edit]
Following his coronation at Pasargadae, Darius moved to Ecbatana. He soon learned that support for Bardiya was strong, and revolts in Elam and Babylonia had broken out.[35] Darius ended the Elamite revolt when the revolutionary leader Aschina was captured and executed in Susa. After three months the revolt in Babylonia had ended. While in Babylonia, Darius learned a revolution had broken out in Bactria, a satrapy which had always been in favour of Darius, and had initially sent an army of soldiers to quell revolts. Following this, revolts broke out in Persis, the homeland of the Persians and Darius and then in Elam and Babylonia, followed by in Media, Parthia, Assyria, and Egypt.[36]
By 522 BCE, there were revolts against Darius in most parts of the Achaemenid Empire leaving the empire in turmoil. Even though Darius did not seem to have the support of the populace, Darius had a loyal army, led by close confidants and nobles (including the six nobles who had helped him remove Gaumata). With their support, Darius was able to suppress and quell all revolts within a year. In Darius's words, he had killed a total of nine "lying kings" through the quelling of revolutions.[37] Darius left a detailed account of these revolts in the Behistun Inscription.[37]
Elimination of Intaphernes
[edit]One of the significant events of Darius's early reign was the slaying of Intaphernes, one of the seven noblemen who had deposed the previous ruler and installed Darius as the new monarch.[38] The seven had made an agreement that they could all visit the new king whenever they pleased, except when he was with a woman.[38] One evening, Intaphernes went to the palace to meet Darius, but was stopped by two officers who stated that Darius was with a woman.[38] Becoming enraged and insulted, Intaphernes drew his sword and cut off the ears and noses of the two officers.[38] While leaving the palace, he took the bridle from his horse, and tied the two officers together.[39]
The officers went to the king and showed him what Intaphernes had done to them. Darius began to fear for his own safety; he thought that all seven noblemen had banded together to rebel against him and that the attack against his officers was the first sign of revolt. He sent a messenger to each of the noblemen, asking them if they approved of Intaphernes's actions. They denied and disavowed any connection with Intaphernes's actions, stating that they stood by their decision to appoint Darius as King of Kings. Darius's choice to ask the noblemen indicates that he was not yet completely sure of his authority.[38]
Taking precautions against further resistance, Darius sent soldiers to seize Intaphernes, along with his son, family members, relatives and any friends who were capable of arming themselves. Darius believed that Intaphernes was planning a rebellion, but when he was brought to the court, there was no proof of any such plan. Nonetheless, Darius killed Intaphernes's entire family, excluding his wife's brother and son. She was asked to choose between her brother and son. She chose her brother to live. Her reasoning for doing so was that she could have another husband and another son, but she would always have but one brother. Darius was impressed by her response and spared both her brother's and her son's life.[40]
Military campaigns
[edit]Egyptian campaign
[edit]After securing his authority over the empire, Darius embarked on a campaign to Egypt where he defeated the rebel forces and secured the lands that Cambyses had conquered while incorporating a large portion of Egypt into the Achaemenid Empire.[43] According to the Bisitun inscription, the Egyptian rebellion began while Darius was in Babylon dealing with the rebellion there. It has been suggested that the inclusion of Egypt among the list of rebelling provinces in this inscription was a scribal error, and various dates are possible for an actual rebellion. Likewise, the identity of the rebel leader is not known, but it has been suggested to be Petubastis III.[44]
Through another series of campaigns, Darius I would eventually reign over the territorial apex of the empire, when it stretched from parts of the Balkans (Thrace-Macedonia, Bulgaria-Paeonia) in the west, to the Indus Valley in the east.[45]
Invasion of the Indus Valley
[edit]
In 516 BCE, Darius embarked on a campaign to Central Asia, Aria and Bactria and then marched into Afghanistan to Taxila in modern-day Pakistan. Darius spent the winter of 516–515 BCE in Gandhara, preparing to conquer the Indus Valley. Darius conquered the lands surrounding the Indus River in 515 BCE. Darius I controlled the Indus Valley from Gandhara to modern Karachi and appointed the Greek Scylax of Caryanda to explore the Indian Ocean from the mouth of the Indus to Suez.[46]
Babylonian revolt
[edit]After Bardiya was murdered, widespread revolts occurred throughout the empire, especially on the eastern side. Darius asserted his position as king by force, taking his armies throughout the empire, suppressing each revolt individually. The most notable of all these revolts was the Babylonian revolt which was led by Nebuchadnezzar III. This revolt occurred when Otanes withdrew much of the army from Babylon to aid Darius in suppressing other revolts. Darius felt that the Babylonian people had taken advantage of him and deceived him, which resulted in Darius gathering a large army and marching to Babylon. At Babylon, Darius was met with closed gates and a series of defences to keep him and his armies out.[47]
Darius encountered mockery and taunting from the rebels, including the famous saying "Oh yes, you will capture our city, when mules shall have foals." For a year and a half, Darius and his armies were unable to retake the city, though he attempted many tricks and strategies—even copying that which Cyrus the Great had employed when he captured Babylon. However, the situation changed in Darius's favour when, according to the story, a mule owned by Zopyrus, a high-ranking soldier, foaled. Following this, a plan was hatched for Zopyrus to pretend to be a deserter, enter the Babylonian camp, and gain the trust of the Babylonians. The plan was successful and Darius's army eventually surrounded the city and overcame the rebels.[48]
During this revolt, Scythian nomads took advantage of the disorder and chaos and invaded Persia. Darius first finished defeating the rebels in Elam, Assyria, and Babylon and then attacked the Scythian invaders. He pursued the invaders, who led him to a marsh; there he found no known enemies but an enigmatic Scythian tribe.[49]
European Scythian campaign
[edit]
The Scythians were a group of north Iranian nomadic tribes, speaking an Eastern Iranian language (Scythian languages) who had invaded Media, killed Cyrus in battle, revolted against Darius and threatened to disrupt trade between Central Asia and the shores of the Black Sea as they lived between the Danube River, River Don and the Black Sea.[8][50]
Darius crossed the Black Sea at the Bosphorus Straits using a bridge of boats. Darius conquered large portions of Eastern Europe, even crossing the Danube to wage war on the Scythians. Darius invaded European Scythia in 513 BCE,[51] where the Scythians evaded Darius's army, using feints and retreating eastwards while laying waste to the countryside, by blocking wells, intercepting convoys, destroying pastures and continuous skirmishes against Darius's army.[52] Seeking to fight with the Scythians, Darius's army chased the Scythian army deep into Scythian lands, where there were no cities to conquer and no supplies to forage. In frustration Darius sent a letter to the Scythian ruler Idanthyrsus to fight or surrender. The ruler replied that he would not stand and fight with Darius until they found the graves of their fathers and tried to destroy them. Until then, they would continue their strategy as they had no cities or cultivated lands to lose.[53]
Despite the evading tactics of the Scythians, Darius's campaign was so far relatively successful.[54] As presented by Herodotus, the tactics used by the Scythians resulted in the loss of their best lands and of damage to their loyal allies.[54] This gave Darius the initiative.[54] As he moved eastwards in the cultivated lands of the Scythians in Eastern Europe proper, he remained resupplied by his fleet and lived to an extent off the land.[54] While moving eastwards in the European Scythian lands, he captured the large fortified city of the Budini, one of the allies of the Scythians, and burnt it.[54]
Darius eventually ordered a halt at the banks of Oarus, where he built "eight great forts, some eight miles [13 km] distant from each other", no doubt as a frontier defence.[54] In his Histories, Herodotus states that the ruins of the forts were still standing in his day.[55] After chasing the Scythians for a month, Darius's army was suffering losses due to fatigue, privation and sickness. Concerned about losing more of his troops, Darius halted the march at the banks of the Volga River and headed towards Thrace.[56] He had conquered enough Scythian territory to force the Scythians to respect the Persian forces.[8][57]
Persian invasion of Greece
[edit]
Darius's European expedition was a major event in his reign, which began with the invasion of Thrace. Darius also conquered many cities of the northern Aegean, Paeonia, while Macedonia submitted voluntarily, after the demand of earth and water, becoming a vassal kingdom.[58] He then left Megabyzus to conquer Thrace, returning to Sardis to spend the winter. The Greeks living in Asia Minor and some of the Greek islands had submitted to Persian rule already by 510 BCE. Nonetheless, there were certain Greeks who were pro-Persian, although these were largely based in Athens. To improve Greek-Persian relations, Darius opened his court and treasuries to those Greeks who wanted to serve him. These Greeks served as soldiers, artisans, statesmen and mariners for Darius.[59] However, the increasing concerns among the Greeks over the strength of Darius's kingdom along with the constant interference by the Greeks in Ionia and Lydia were stepping stones towards the conflict that was yet to come between Persia and certain of the leading Greek city states.[60]
When Aristagoras organized the Ionian Revolt, Eretria and Athens supported him by sending ships and troops to Ionia and by burning Sardis. Persian military and naval operations to quell the revolt ended in the Persian reoccupation of Ionian and Greek islands, as well as the re-subjugation of Thrace and the conquering of Macedonia in 492 BCE under Mardonius.[61] Macedon had been a vassal kingdom of the Persians since the late 6th century BCE, but retained autonomy. Mardonius's 492 campaign made it a fully subordinate part of the Persian kingdom.[58] These military actions, coming as a direct response to the revolt in Ionia, were the beginning of the first Persian invasion of mainland Greece. At the same time, anti-Persian parties gained more power in Athens, and pro-Persian aristocrats were exiled from Athens and Sparta.[62]
Darius responded by sending troops led by his son-in-law across the Hellespont. However, a violent storm and harassment by the Thracians forced the troops to return to Persia. Seeking revenge on Athens and Eretria, Darius assembled another army of 20,000 men under his Admiral, Datis, and his nephew Artaphernes, who met success when they captured Eretria and advanced to Marathon. In 490 BCE, at the Battle of Marathon, the Persian army was defeated by a heavily armed Athenian army, with 9,000 men who were supported by 600 Plataeans and 10,000 lightly armed soldiers led by Miltiades. The defeat at Marathon marked the end of the first Persian invasion of Greece. Darius began preparations for a second force which he would command, instead of his generals; however, before the preparations were complete, Darius died, thus leaving the task to his son Xerxes.[8]
Family
[edit]Darius was the son of Hystaspes and the grandson of Arsames.[63] Darius married Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, with whom he had four sons: Xerxes, Achaemenes, Masistes and Hystaspes. He also married Artystone, another daughter of Cyrus, with whom he had two known sons, Arsames and Gobryas. Darius married Parmys, the daughter of Bardiya, with whom he had a son, Ariomardus. Furthermore, Darius married his niece Phratagune, with whom he had two sons, Abrokomas and Hyperantes. He also married another woman of the nobility, Phaidyme, the daughter of Otanes. It is unknown if he had any children with her. Before these royal marriages, Darius had married an unknown daughter of his good friend and lance carrier Gobryas from an early marriage, with whom he had three sons, Artobazanes, Ariabignes and Arsamenes.[64] Any daughters he had with her are not known. Although Artobazanes was Darius's first-born, Xerxes became heir and the next king through the influence of Atossa; she had great authority in the kingdom as Darius loved her the most of all his wives.[65]
Death and succession
[edit]
After becoming aware of the Persian defeat at the Battle of Marathon, Darius began planning another expedition against the Greek city-states; this time, he, not Datis, would command the imperial armies.[8] Darius had spent three years preparing men and ships for war when a revolt broke out in Egypt. This revolt in Egypt worsened his failing health and prevented the possibility of his leading another army.[8] Soon afterwards, Darius died, after thirty days of suffering through an unidentified illness, partially due to his part in crushing the revolt, at about sixty-four years old.[66] In October 486 BCE, his body was embalmed and entombed in the rock-cut tomb at Naqsh-e Rostam, which he had been preparing.[8] An inscription on his tomb introduces him as "Great King, King of Kings, King of countries containing all kinds of men, King in this great earth far and wide, son of Hystaspes, an Achaemenian, a Persian, son of a Persian, an Aryan, having Aryan lineage."[8] A relief under his tomb portraying equestrian combat was later carved during the reign of the Sasanian King of Kings, Bahram II (r. 274–293 CE).[67]
Xerxes, the eldest son of Darius and Atossa, succeeded to the throne as Xerxes I; before his accession, he had contested the succession with his elder half-brother Artobarzanes, Darius's eldest son, who was born to his first wife before Darius rose to power.[68] With Xerxes's accession, the empire was again ruled by a member of the house of Cyrus.[8]
Government
[edit]Organization
[edit]
Early in his reign, Darius wanted to reorganize the structure of the empire and reform the system of taxation he inherited from Cyrus and Cambyses. To do this, Darius created twenty provinces called satrapies (or archi) which were each assigned to a satrap (archon) and specified fixed tributes that the satrapies were required to pay.[8] A complete list is preserved in the catalogue of Herodotus, beginning with Ionia and listing the other satrapies from west to east excluding Persis, which was the land of the Persians and the only province which was not a conquered land.[8] Tributes were paid in both silver and gold talents. Tributes in silver from each satrap were measured with the Babylonian talent.[8] Those paid in gold were measured with the Euboic talent.[8] The total tribute from the satraps came to an amount less than 15,000 silver talents.[8]
The majority of the satraps were of Persian origin and were members of the royal house or the six great noble families.[8] These satraps were personally picked by Darius to monitor these provinces. Each of the provinces was divided into sub-provinces, each having its own governor, who was chosen either by the royal court or by the satrap.[8] To assess tributes, a commission evaluated the expenses and revenues of each satrap.[8] To ensure that one person did not gain too much power, each satrap had a secretary, who observed the affairs of the state and communicated with Darius; a treasurer, who safeguarded provincial revenues; and a garrison commander, who was responsible for the troops.[8] Additionally, royal inspectors, who were the "eyes and ears" of Darius, completed further checks on each satrap.[8]
The imperial administration was coordinated by the chancery with headquarters at Persepolis, Susa, and Babylon with Bactria, Ecbatana, Sardis, Dascylium and Memphis having branches.[8] Darius kept Aramaic as the common language, which soon spread throughout the empire.[8] However, Darius gathered a group of scholars to create a separate language system only used for Persis and the Persians, which was called Aryan script and was only used for official inscriptions.[8] Before this, the accomplishments of the king were addressed in Persian solely through narration and hymns and through the "masters of memory".[72] Indeed, oral history continued to play an important role throughout the history of Iran.[72]
Economy
[edit]
Darius introduced a new universal currency, the daric, sometime before 500 BCE.[8] Darius used the coinage system as a transnational currency to regulate trade and commerce throughout his empire. The Daric was also recognized beyond the borders of the empire, in places such as Celtic Central Europe and Eastern Europe. There were two types of darics, a gold daric and a silver daric. Only the king could mint gold darics. Important generals and satraps minted silver darics, the latter usually to recruit Greek mercenaries in Anatolia. The daric was a major boost to international trade. Trade goods such as textiles, carpets, tools and metal objects began to travel throughout Asia, Europe and Africa.[73]
The daric also improved government revenues as the introduction of the daric made it easier to collect new taxes on land, livestock and marketplaces. This led to the registration of land which was measured and then taxed. The increased government revenues helped maintain and improve existing infrastructure and helped fund irrigation projects in dry lands. This new tax system also led to the formation of state banking and the creation of banking firms. One of the most famous banking firms was Murashu Sons, based in the Babylonian city of Nippur.[74] These banking firms provided loans and credit to clients.[75]
In an effort to further improve trade, Darius built canals, underground waterways and a powerful navy.[8] According to Herodotus, qanat irrigation technology was introduced to Egypt, which is supported by the historian Albert T. Olmstead.[76] He further improved and expanded the network of roads and way stations throughout the empire, so that there was a system of travel authorization for the King, satraps and other high officials, which entitled the traveller to draw provisions at daily stopping places.[77][8]
Religion
[edit]"By the grace of Ahuramazda am I king; Ahuramazda has granted me the kingdom."
— Darius, on the Behistun Inscription[78]
While there is no general consensus in scholarship whether Darius and his predecessors had been influenced by Zoroastrianism,[79] it is well established that Darius was a firm believer in Ahura Mazda, whom he saw as the supreme deity.[79][80] However, Ahura Mazda was also worshipped by adherents of the (Indo-)Iranian religious tradition.[79][81] As can be seen at the Behistun Inscription, Darius believed that Ahura Mazda had appointed him to rule the Achaemenid Empire.[8]
Darius had dualistic philosophical convictions and believed that each rebellion in his kingdom was the work of druj, the enemy of Asha. Darius believed that because he lived righteously by Asha, Ahura Mazda supported him.[82] In many cuneiform inscriptions denoting his achievements, he presents himself as a devout believer, perhaps even convinced that he had a divine right to rule over the world.[83] In one inscription he writes "Ahura Mazda is mine, I am Ahura Mazda's".[84]
In the lands that were conquered by his empire, Darius followed the same Achaemenid tolerance that Cyrus had shown and later Achaemenid kings would show.[8] He supported faiths and religions that were "alien" as long as the adherents were "submissive and peaceable", sometimes giving them grants from his treasury for their purposes.[8][85] He had funded the restoration of the Israelite temple which had originally been decreed by Cyrus, was supportive towards Greek cults which can be seen in his letter to Gadatas, and supported Elamite priests. He had also observed Egyptian religious rites related to kingship and had built the temple for the Egyptian god, Amun.[8]
Building projects
[edit]

Early on, Darius and his advisors had the idea to establish new royal mansions at Susa and Persepolis because he was eager to demonstrate his newfound power and leave a lasting legacy. Since Cyrus's conquest, Susa's urban layout had remained unchanged, maintaining the layout from the Elamite era. Only during Darius's rule does the archaeological evidence at Susa start showing any signs of an Achaemenid layout.[86]
During Darius's Greek expedition, he had begun construction projects in Susa, Egypt and Persepolis. The Darius Canal that connected the Nile to the Red Sea was constructed by him. It ran from present-day Zagazig in the eastern Nile Delta through Wadi Tumilat, Lake Timsah, and Great Bitter Lake, which are both close to present-day Suez. To open this canal, he travelled to Egypt in 497 BCE, where the inauguration was carried out with great fanfare and celebration. Darius also built a canal to connect the Red Sea and Mediterranean.[8][87] On this visit to Egypt he erected monuments and executed Aryandes on the charge of treason. When Darius returned to Persis, he found that the codification of Egyptian law had been finished.[8] Darius improved the Royal Road, turning it into a smooth communication network with lodging services located at regular intervals.[88][89]
In Egypt, Darius built many temples and restored those that had previously been destroyed. Even though Darius was a believer of Ahura Mazda, he built temples dedicated to the Gods of the Ancient Egyptian religion. Several temples found were dedicated to Ptah and Nekhbet. Darius also created several roads and routes in Egypt. The monuments that Darius built were often inscribed in the official languages of the Persian Empire, Old Persian, Elamite and Babylonian and Egyptian hieroglyphs. To construct these monuments, Darius employed a large number of workers and artisans of diverse nationalities. Several of these workers were deportees who had been employed specifically for these projects. These deportees enhanced the empire's economy and improved inter-cultural relations.[8] At the time of Darius's death construction projects were still under way. Xerxes completed these works and in some cases expanded his father's projects by erecting new buildings of his own.[90]
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Egyptian statue of Darius I, as Pharaoh of the Twenty-seventh Dynasty of Egypt;[91] 522–486 BCE; greywacke; height: 2.46 m;[66] National Museum of Iran (Teheran)
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Darius as Pharaoh of Egypt at the Temple of Hibis
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Relief showing Darius I offering lettuces to the Egyptian deity Amun-Ra Kamutef, Temple of Hibis
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ According to Herodotus, Hystaspes was the satrap of Persis, although the French Iranologist Pierre Briant states that this is an error.[17] Richard Stoneman likewise considers Herodotus's account to be incorrect.[18]
References
[edit]- ^ "DĀḠESTĀN". Retrieved 29 December 2014.
- ^ Suny, Ronald Grigor (1994). The Making of the Georgian Nation. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-20915-3. Retrieved 29 December 2014.
- ^ Durant 1954, p. 355.
- ^ Pollard, Elizabeth (2015). Worlds Together, Worlds Apart concise edition vol.1. New York: W. W. Norton. p. 132. ISBN 978-0-393-25093-0.
- ^ Schmitt 1994, p. 40.
- ^ Duncker 1882, p. 192.
- ^ Egerton 1994, p. 6.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj Shahbazi 1994, pp. 41–50.
- ^ Kuhrt 2013, p. 197.
- ^ Frye 1984, p. 103.
- ^ Schmitt 1994, p. 53.
- ^ Zournatzi, Antigoni (2003). "The Apadana Coin Hoards, Darius I, and the West". American Journal of Numismatics. 15: 1–28. JSTOR 43580364.
- ^ Persepolis : discovery and afterlife of a world wonder. 2012. pp. 171–181.
- ^ "Behistun, minor inscriptions – Livius". livius.org.
- ^ Llewellyn-Jones 2013, p. 112.
- ^ Stoneman 2015, p. 189.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 467.
- ^ Stoneman 2015, p. 20.
- ^ Cook 1985, p. 217.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 14.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 14–15.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 15–16.
- ^ Abbott 1850, pp. 54–83.
- ^ a b Boardman 1988, p. 54.
- ^ "cylinder seal | British Museum". The British Museum.
- ^ "Darius' seal, photo – Livius". livius.org.
- ^ "The Darius Seal". British Museum.
- ^ Abbott 1850, pp. 83–92.
- ^ Poolos 2008, p. 17.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 98.
- ^ a b c Llewellyn-Jones 2017, p. 70.
- ^ Van De Mieroop 2003.
- ^ Allen, Lindsay (2005), The Persian Empire, London: The British Museum press, p. 42.
- ^ Waters 1996, pp. 11, 18.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 115.
- ^ Briant 2002, pp. 115–116.
- ^ a b Briant 2002, p. 116.
- ^ a b c d e Briant 2002, p. 131.
- ^ Abbott 1850, p. 99–100.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 99–102.
- ^ Goodnick Westenholz, Joan (2002). "A Stone Jar with Inscriptions of Darius I in Four Languages" (PDF). ARTA: 2. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 April 2018.
- ^ Qahéri, Sépideh (2020). "Alabastres royaux d'époque achéménide". L’Antiquité à la BnF (in French). doi:10.58079/b8of.
- ^ Del Testa 2001, p. 47.
- ^ Wijnsma, U.Z. (2023). Resistance against the Achaemenid Empire: the Egyptian Rebellions of 521 and 487/86 BC (Doctoral thesis). Universiteit Leiden. pp. 105–157. hdl:1887/3563357. Retrieved 9 January 2025.
- ^ Frahm, Eckart (2023). Assyria: The Rise and Fall of the World's First Empire. New York: Basic Books, Hachette Book Group, Inc. p. 378. ISBN 978-1-5416-7440-0.
- ^ Bauer 2007, p. 512.
- ^ Abbott 2009, p. 129.
- ^ Sélincourt 2002, pp. 234–235.
- ^ Siliotti 2006, pp. 286–287.
- ^ Woolf et al. 2004, p. 686.
- ^ Miroslav Ivanov Vasilev. "The Policy of Darius and Xerxes towards Thrace and Macedonia" ISBN 90-04-28215-7 p. 70
- ^ Ross & Wells 2004, p. 291.
- ^ Beckwith 2009, pp. 68–69.
- ^ a b c d e f Boardman 1982, pp. 239–243.
- ^ Herodotus 2015, pp. 352.
- ^ Chaliand 2004, p. 16.
- ^ Grousset 1970, pp. 9–10.
- ^ a b Joseph Roisman, Ian Worthington. "A companion to Ancient Macedonia" John Wiley & Sons, 2011. ISBN 1-4443-5163-X pp. 135–138, 343
- ^ Holland 2007, pp. 149–154.
- ^ Holland 2007, pp. 154–161.
- ^ Joseph Roisman; Ian Worthington (2011). A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 135–138. ISBN 978-1-4443-5163-7.
- ^ Holland 2007, p. 159.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 16.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 113.
- ^ Schmitt, Rudiger (1987). "Atossa". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. III, Fasc. 1. pp. 13–14.
- ^ a b livius.org (2017). Darius the Great: Death. Thames & Hudson. p. 280. ISBN 978-0-500-20428-3.
- ^ Shahbazi 1988, pp. 514–522.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 136.
- ^ Herodotus Book III, 89–95
- ^ Archibald, Zosia; Davies, John K.; Gabrielsen, Vincent (2011). The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC. Oxford University Press. p. 404. ISBN 978-0-19-958792-6.
- ^ "India Relations: Achaemenid Period – Encyclopaedia Iranica". iranicaonline.org.
- ^ a b Briant 2002, pp. 126–127.
- ^ Durant 1954, pp. 357–358.
- ^ Farrokh 2007, p. 65.
- ^ Farrokh 2007, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Olmstead, A. T. (1948). History of the Persian Empire (PDF). The University of Chicago Press. p. 224. ISBN 0-226-62777-2. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 October 2025.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Konecky 2008, p. 86.
- ^ Garthwaite 2005, p. 44.
- ^ a b c Malandra 2005.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 126.
- ^ Boyce 1984, pp. 684–687.
- ^ Boyce 1979, p. 55.
- ^ Boyce 1979, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Daryaee 2012, p. 136.
- ^ Boyce 1979, p. 56.
- ^ Briant 2002, p. 165.
- ^ Spielvogel 2009, p. 49.
- ^ Durant 1954, p. 358.
- ^ Henkelman & Jacobs 2021, p. 720.
- ^ Boardman 1988, p. 76.
- ^ Razmjou, Shahrokh (1954). Ars orientalis; the arts of Islam and the East. Freer Gallery of Art. pp. 81–101.
Bibliography
[edit]- Abbott, Jacob (2009), History of Darius the Great: Makers of History, Cosimo, Inc., ISBN 978-1-60520-835-0
- Abbott, Jacob (1850). History of Darius the Great. New York: Harper & Bros. OCLC 3079068.
- Bauer, Susan Wise (2007). The History of the Ancient World: From the Earliest Accounts to the Fall of Rome. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. ISBN 978-0-393-05974-8.
- Beckwith, Christopher (2009), Empires of the Silk Road: a history of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the present (illustrated ed.), Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-13589-2
- Boardman, John (1988), The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. IV (2nd ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-22804-6
- Boardman, John, ed. (1982). The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 10: Persia, Greece, and the Western Mediterranean. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 239–243. ISBN 978-0-521-22804-6.
- Boyce, Mary (1979). Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. Psychology Press. pp. 1–252. ISBN 978-0-415-23902-8.
- Boyce, M. (1984). "Ahura Mazdā". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. I, Fasc. 7. pp. 684–687.
- Briant, Pierre (2002). From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire. Eisenbrauns. pp. 1–1196. ISBN 978-1-57506-120-7.
- Chaliand, Gérard (2004), Nomadic empires: from Mongolia to the Danube (illustrated, annotated ed.), Transaction Publishers, ISBN 978-0-7658-0204-0
- Cook, J. M. (1985), "The Rise of the Achaemenids and Establishment of their Empire", The Median and Achaemenian Periods, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 2, London: Cambridge University Press
- Daryaee, Touraj (2012). The Oxford handbook of Iranian history. Oxford handbooks. Oxford New York: Oxford university press. ISBN 978-0-19-973215-9.
- Del Testa, David (2001), Government leaders, military rulers, and political activists (illustrated ed.), Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 978-1-57356-153-2
- Duncker, Max (1882), Evelyn Abbott (ed.), The history of antiquity (Volume 6 ed.), R. Bentley & son
- Durant, Will (1954). Our Oriental Heritage being a history of civilization in Egypt and the Near East to the death of Alexander, and in India, China and Japan from the beginnings to our own day. The Story of Civilization (Volume 1 ed.). New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-54800-1.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Egerton, George (1994), Political memoir: essays on the politics of memory, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-7146-3471-5
- Frye, Richard Nelson (1984). The History of Ancient Iran. C.H.Beck. pp. 1–411. ISBN 978-3-406-09397-5.
- Garthwaite, Gene R. (2005). The Persians. Peoples of Asia Ser. Newark: John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. ISBN 978-1-4051-4400-1.
- Farrokh, Kaveh (2007), Shadows in the desert: ancient Persia at war, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 978-1-84603-108-3[permanent dead link]
- Grousset, René (1970). The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia. Rutgers University Press. pp. 1–687. ISBN 978-0-8135-1304-1.
- Henkelman, Wouter F.M.; Jacobs, Bruno (2021). "Roads and Communication". In Jacobs, Bruno; Rollinger, Robert (eds.). A Companion to the Achaemenid Persian Empire, 2 Volume Set. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-119-17428-8.
- Herodotus, ed. (2015). The Histories. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 352. ISBN 978-0-375-71271-5.
- Holland, Tom (2007). Persian Fire: The First World Empire and the Battle for the West. Anchor Books, a division of Random House, Inc. ISBN 978-0-307-27948-4.
- Konecky, Sean (2008), Gidley, Chuck (ed.), The Chronicle of World History, Old Saybrook, CT: Grange Books, ISBN 978-1-56852-680-5
- Kuhrt, A. (2013). The Persian Empire: A Corpus of Sources from the Achaemenid Period. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-01694-3.
- Llewellyn-Jones, Lloyd (2013). King and Court in Ancient Persia 559 to 331 BCE. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 1–272. ISBN 978-0-7486-7711-5.
- Llewellyn-Jones, Lloyd (2017). "The Achaemenid Empire". In Daryaee, Touraj (ed.). King of the Seven Climes: A History of the Ancient Iranian World (3000 BCE – 651 CE). UCI Jordan Center for Persian Studies. pp. 1–236. ISBN 978-0-692-86440-1.
- Malandra, William W. (2005). "Zoroastrianism i. Historical review up to the Arab conquest". Encyclopaedia Iranica.
- Poolos, J (2008), Darius the Great (illustrated ed.), Infobase Publishing, ISBN 978-0-7910-9633-8
- Ross, William; Wells, H. G. (2004), The Outline of History: Volume 1 (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading): Prehistory to the Roman Republic (illustrated ed.), Barnes & Noble Publishing, ISBN 978-0-7607-5866-3, retrieved 28 July 2011
- Schmitt, Rudiger (1994). "Darius I. The Name". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VII, Fasc. 1. p. 40.
- Sélincourt, Aubrey (2002), The Histories, London: Penguin Classics, ISBN 978-0-14-044908-2
- Shahbazi, A. Shapur (1988). "Bahrām II". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. III, Fasc. 5. pp. 514–522.
- Shahbazi, Shapur (1994), "Darius I the Great", Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. 7, New York: Columbia University, pp. 41–50
- Siliotti, Alberto (2006), Hidden Treasures of Antiquity, Vercelli, Italy: VMB Publishers, ISBN 978-88-540-0497-9
- Spielvogel, Jackson (2009), Western Civilization: Seventh edition, Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth, ISBN 978-0-495-50285-2
- Stoneman, Richard (2015). Xerxes: A Persian Life. Yale University Press. pp. 1–288. ISBN 978-1-57506-120-7.
- Van De Mieroop, Marc (2003), A History of the Ancient Near East: Ca. 3000–323 BC, "Blackwell History of the Ancient World" series, Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-22552-2
- Waters, Matt (1996). "Darius and the Achaemenid Line". The Ancient History Bulletin. 10 (1). London: 11–18.
- Woolf, Alex; Maddocks, Steven; Balkwill, Richard; McCarthy, Thomas (2004), Exploring Ancient Civilizations (illustrated ed.), Marshall Cavendish, ISBN 978-0-7614-7456-2
Further reading
[edit]- Burn, A.R. (1984). Persia and the Greeks : the defence of the West, c. 546–478 B.C (2nd ed.). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-1235-4.
- Ghirshman, Roman (1964). The Arts of Ancient Iran from Its Origins to the Time of Alexander the Great. New York: Golden Press.
- Hyland, John O. (2014). "The Casualty Figures in Darius' Bisitun Inscription". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History. 1 (2): 173–199. doi:10.1515/janeh-2013-0001. S2CID 180763595.
- Klotz, David (2015). "Darius I and the Sabaeans: Ancient Partners in Red Sea Navigation". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 74 (2): 267–280. doi:10.1086/682344. S2CID 163013181.
- Olmstead, Albert T. (1948). History of the Persian Empire, Achaemenid Period. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Vogelsang, W.J. (1992). The rise and organisation of the Achaemenid Empire : the eastern Iranian evidence. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-09682-0.
- Warner, Arthur G. (1905). The Shahnama of Firdausi. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co.
- Waters, Matt (2014). Ancient Persia: A Concise History of the Achaemenid Empire, 550–330 BCE. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–272. ISBN 978-1-107-65272-9.
- Wiesehöfer, Josef (1996). Ancient Persia : from 550 BC to 650 AD. Azizeh Azodi, trans. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-85043-999-8.
- Wilber, Donald N. (1989). Persepolis : the archaeology of Parsa, seat of the Persian kings (Rev. ed.). Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press. ISBN 978-0-87850-062-8.
External links
[edit]
Darius the Great
View on GrokipediaSources and Historiography
Primary Persian Sources
The primary Persian sources for Darius I's reign consist of royal inscriptions carved in Old Persian cuneiform, often accompanied by reliefs, which provide first-person accounts of his accession, suppressions of revolts, and ideological principles. These texts, produced under Darius' direct patronage around 520–518 BCE, emphasize divine endorsement by Ahuramazda and the king's role in restoring cosmic order. While inherently propagandistic to affirm legitimacy, they offer empirical details such as specific dates, battle counts, and provincial names that form a foundational chronology for the early Achaemenid period.[8] The Behistun Inscription, the most extensive of these, is a trilingual monument (Old Persian, Elamite, Akkadian) etched on a cliff face near modern Kermanshah, Iran, spanning over 500 lines in Old Persian. Commissioned circa 520 BCE, it narrates Darius' rise: after Cambyses II's death in 522 BCE, the magus Gaumata impersonated Bardiya (Smerdis), seizing the throne; Darius, with six nobles, assassinated Gaumata on 29 September 522 BCE at Sikayahuvati fortress. The text details subsequent revolts by nine self-proclaimed kings in provinces like Elam, Media, Babylonia, and Persia, claiming Darius fought 19 battles in one year, securing victory by his second regnal year (521–520 BCE). It asserts a genealogical link to Achaemenes as the ninth in descent, portraying rebels as followers of "the Lie" (druj) opposed by Darius' truth (arta).[9] Other inscriptions, such as the DNa at Naqsh-e Rostam near Persepolis, reinforce these themes on Darius' tomb facade. This text, dated to circa 518 BCE, declares: "Ahuramazda, when he saw this earth in commotion, thereafter bestowed it upon me, made me king; I am king. By the favor of Ahuramazda I put it down in its place." It extols Darius' establishment of good laws, defeat of daevas (false deities), and construction of fortresses, framing his rule as a divine mandate against chaos. Similar shorter inscriptions at Persepolis (e.g., DPe) and Pasargadae list tribute-bearing subjects and building projects, underscoring imperial unity under arta.[8] These sources exhibit internal consistency in chronology and terminology, with recurring motifs of Ahuramazda's election of Darius and binary opposition of truth versus lie lending ideological coherence. However, their reliability is tempered by self-interest: omissions of Darius' collateral kinship to predecessors (as a distant Achaemenid branch) and uniform depiction of opponents as impostors suggest selective narrative to justify usurpation, though the specificity of events and lack of contradiction among inscriptions provide verifiable anchors absent in more biased foreign accounts.[8]Greek and Non-Persian Accounts
Herodotus, the primary Greek historian, provides a detailed narrative of Darius' accession in Book 3 of his Histories, portraying it as a conspiracy among seven Persian nobles against the magus Gaumata, who had usurped the throne by impersonating Bardiya, the brother of Cambyses II. According to Herodotus, Otanes, after confirming the imposture via his daughter Phaidyme, consulted Aspathines and Gobryas, then added three more nobles, with Darius son of Hystaspes joining to form seven Persian nobles; fearing exposure, they immediately stormed the palace in Sikayauvati (Media), overcame guards and eunuchs with swords, entered Gaumata's chamber, and killed him and his brother Patizeithes themselves on September 29, 522 BCE. The nobles had debated forms of government—democracy advocated by Otanes, oligarchy by Megabyzos, and monarchy by Darius—emphasizing intrigue and royal selection, with Darius then ascending via a test involving a horse's neigh. This account contrasts with Persian royal inscriptions by inserting a philosophical debate reflective of Greek political ideals, likely influenced by the Greco-Persian Wars and Herodotus' post-Marathon perspective, which often depicts Persian rulers as embodying Eastern despotism.[10] Herodotus further describes Darius' campaigns, including the Scythian expedition around 513 BCE in Book 4, where Darius crossed the Danube via a bridge built by Ionians but faced evasive Scythian tactics, leading to a hasty retreat amid logistical failures and advice from a Scythian envoy to withdraw; this portrayal underscores Persian overextension and humiliation, serving to foreshadow Greek resilience against invasion. In Books 5-6, he recounts the Ionian Revolt (499-493 BCE) and the subsequent punitive expedition culminating in the Battle of Marathon in 490 BCE, where Darius' forces under Datis and Artaphernes were repelled by Athenians, attributing the defeat to divine favor and Greek hoplite superiority while exaggerating Persian numbers to heighten dramatic tension. These narratives, while containing verifiable elements like the timing of Marathon, exhibit biases typical of Greek historiography, which vilified Persian "barbarian" autocracy amid ongoing conflicts, often prioritizing ethnographic moralizing over precise chronology.[11] Ctesias of Cnidus, in his Persica, offers an alternative, more sensational account preserved in fragments, claiming Cambyses secretly killed Bardiya years earlier, with the magus Bagapates later impersonating him; Darius, depicted as cunning rather than noble-born, participates in the coup through deception involving eunuchs and court factions, diverging significantly from Herodotus by emphasizing internal Persian decadence and royal paranoia. Though Ctesias, as a physician at the Achaemenid court, claimed insider knowledge, his work is deemed less reliable due to inconsistencies, embellishments, and reliance on oral traditions, often amplifying intrigues like the Scythian campaign's failures to critique monarchical excess.[12][13] Non-Persian accounts from Babylonian sources, such as chronicles, corroborate specific revolts suppressed by Darius, including the Nidintu-Bel uprising in Babylon during December 522 BCE, where the pretender, styling himself Nebuchadnezzar III, seized the city before Darius' forces recaptured it, killing the rebel and restoring order; this independent Mesopotamian record verifies the rapid succession of regional challenges following Gaumata's fall, attributing their cause to power vacuums and local elites exploiting Achaemenid instability, without the propagandistic framing of Greek or Persian texts.[14][15]Archaeological Evidence and Modern Scholarship
The Persepolis Fortification Archive, discovered in the 1930s, comprises over 30,000 clay tablets and fragments documenting administrative activities from the 13th to 28th regnal years of Darius I (509–494 BCE), including distributions of food, labor payments, and transactions across the empire's core regions.[16] These Elamite-language records, supplemented by Aramaic documents and seal impressions, reveal a decentralized yet coordinated bureaucracy managing workers from diverse ethnic groups, such as Persian elites overseeing itinerant laborers in the highlands.[17] The associated Persepolis Treasury Tablets, spanning 492–457 BCE, further detail treasury operations, underscoring Darius' institutionalization of fiscal controls that sustained imperial infrastructure projects like royal roads and palaces.[18] Archaeological inscriptions, including trilingual foundation texts from Persepolis and Susa, affirm Darius' direct oversight in constructing ceremonial centers, with texts attributing their design to his command while crediting diverse artisans from Ionian Greeks to Egyptian craftsmen.[19] These artifacts counter portrayals in Greek historiography of unchecked despotism by evidencing merit-based delegation and multilingual record-keeping, which facilitated the empire's administrative efficiency rather than personal whim. Modern analyses of the archives highlight Darius' causal contributions to peak territorial integration, as the tablets track commodity flows from satrapies to the heartland, reflecting standardized weights, measures, and satrapal accountability introduced post-accession.[6] Scholarly debates on Darius' legitimacy center on the Behistun Inscription's claim that he slew an impostor Gaumata masquerading as Bardiya, Cambyses' brother; some historians posit Darius fabricated the pretender narrative to mask regicide of a rightful heir, interpreting provincial revolts as loyalty to the Achaemenid line rather than the magus.[20] Empirical support for stabilization over fabrication emerges from the Persepolis records' continuity, which show no disruption in administrative norms post-522 BCE, implying effective usurpation quelled chaos from Cambyses' campaigns and succession vacuum.[21] A 2023 ostracon from Lachish, initially hailed for mentioning Darius in an administrative context extending Persian influence to Judah, was swiftly reclassified as a modern forgery after expert scrutiny, illustrating persistent challenges in authenticating peripheral Achaemenid epigraphy.[22][23]Origins and Rise to Power
Family Background and Early Career
Darius I was born circa 550 BCE as the eldest son of Hystaspes and Rhodogune, a daughter of a Persian noble named Artanes.[1] His father, Hystaspes, held the position of satrap in Parthia and Hyrcania, providing Darius with early exposure to provincial governance and military affairs within the Achaemenid Empire. Darius traced his ancestry to a collateral branch of the Achaemenid royal house, descending from Teispes—the common ancestor shared with the reigning line of Cyrus the Great—through Ariaramnes, Arsames, and Hystaspes, as detailed in his own royal inscriptions.[24] This lineage, affirmed by cuneiform texts such as those at Behistun, positioned his family as nobles of royal stock rather than direct heirs to the throne, emphasizing ties to the dynasty's founding figures without direct succession claims prior to his rise.[25] In his early career, Darius served as a spear-bearer to Cambyses II, accompanying the king on campaigns including the conquest of Egypt around 525 BCE, which honed his military skills and familiarity with imperial command structures.[1] This role, typically reserved for trusted elites, alongside his family's administrative experience, equipped him with practical knowledge of warfare, logistics, and satrapial oversight in frontier regions like Parthia, fostering the acumen evident in his later reforms.[26]The Succession Crisis After Cambyses
Cambyses II died in 522 BCE while returning from Egypt through Syria, likely in the summer following a period of unrest that had already begun in Persia proper.[27] His death, attributed in ancient accounts to a self-inflicted wound or accident during the march, created an immediate power vacuum in the Achaemenid Empire, as no designated successor had been firmly established amid reports of internal intrigue.[28] This event precipitated a rapid breakdown in central authority, with provincial governors and local elites exploiting the uncertainty to assert autonomy or back rival claimants. Shortly before or concurrent with Cambyses' demise, a figure named Gaumata, described as a magus from Media, seized the throne in Persia by impersonating Bardiya, the younger brother of Cambyses.[29] According to the Behistun Inscription, Gaumata proclaimed himself king around spring 522 BCE, suspending taxes and military service obligations, which initially bolstered his support among the populace weary of Cambyses' campaigns.[29] Herodotus, drawing on Persian oral traditions, corroborates the imposture narrative, recounting that Gaumata—one of two conspiring magi—posed as Bardiya, whom Cambyses had allegedly assassinated in secret prior to the Egyptian expedition, thus deceiving the empire into accepting the false ruler. While Greek accounts like Herodotus' introduce elements of dramatic conspiracy potentially influenced by anti-Persian sentiment in Hellenic sources, the alignment with the Persian royal inscription on the core fact of usurpation underscores a causal fragility in the dynastic line, where the absence of verifiable royal siblings enabled such deception. The pretender's brief rule, spanning approximately seven months from early 522 BCE, triggered widespread fragmentation as satrapies from Elam to Babylon and Media declared independence or installed pseudo-kings, reflecting a systemic erosion of loyalty to the Pasargadae-based core.[10] This cascade of revolts—documented in contemporaneous Babylonian chronicles and later Persian records—stemmed directly from the succession gap, as peripheral regions, long integrated through Cyrus' conquests but reliant on strong royal enforcement, perceived the central government's collapse and pursued local self-interest. The resulting instability, erupting fully by mid-522 BCE, dismantled the empire's cohesion, setting the conditions for opportunistic intervention amid a near-total devolution of authority.[4]Claim to Legitimacy and the Behistun Inscription
Darius I justified his seizure of the Achaemenid throne in the Behistun Inscription, a trilingual monument erected around 520 BC on a cliff near modern Kermanshah, Iran, by proclaiming divine endorsement from Ahura Mazda, the supreme Zoroastrian deity. The text opens with Darius identifying himself as "Darius the great king, king of kings, king of countries, king in Persia, son of Vishtaspa (Hystaspes), grandson of Arshama (Arsames), an Achaemenid," emphasizing his patrilineal descent from the eponymous ancestor Achaemenes through the collateral Teispes branch, distinct from the Cyrus line. He asserted that Ahura Mazda had granted him the kingdom because of his royal lineage and granted aid in overcoming enemies, framing his rule as a restoration of cosmic order disrupted by falsehoods.[9][30] Central to Darius's narrative was his role in eliminating Gaumata, a Median magus whom he accused of impersonating Bardiya, the younger son of Cyrus the Great and brother of Cambyses II, thereby usurping the throne after Cambyses's death in 522 BC. According to the inscription, Gaumata seized power in March 522 BC, suppressed worship of Ahura Mazda, and collected vast treasures before Darius, with six noble conspirators, assassinated him on September 29, 522 BC at Sikayahuvati fortress. Darius then claimed to have defeated nine rebel "liars" or pretender kings—Vahyazdata in Persia, Martiya in Elam, Fravartish in Media, Citrantakhma in Sagartia, Frada in Margiana, Skunkha in Sattagydia, and two in Babylon (Nidintu-Bel and another)—in 19 battles within his first year, capturing them and restoring loyal governors. These victories, he stated, proved Ahura Mazda's favor, as "what was done by me, all that by the favor of Ahura Mazda I did."[31] The inscription's claims of Achaemenid purity and the Gaumata imposture have sparked scholarly debate, with some historians, drawing on the absence of contemporary non-Persian records confirming Bardiya's death prior to 522 BC, positing that Darius fabricated the story to legitimize a coup against a legitimate ruler, supported by Greek accounts like Herodotus that echo but may derive from Persian propaganda. Others argue the narrative's consistency across Babylonian chronicles noting unrest and the verifiable suppression of revolts lend credence to an impostor scenario, or at minimum, highlight how the myth stabilized the empire amid verifiable 522 BC chaos involving multiple regional uprisings. Empirical outcomes affirm the claim's efficacy: Darius reunified the vast realm from the Indus to the Aegean within months, enabling three decades of administrative and military expansion, prioritizing causal results over disputed genealogy.[32][33][34]Consolidation of the Empire
Suppression of Internal Revolts
Following the slaying of the usurper Gaumata in September 522 BC, Darius faced simultaneous revolts in several provinces, including Elam, Media, Babylon, and Arachosia, led by claimants asserting Achaemenid or local royal lineages.[4] These uprisings threatened to fragment the empire, prompting Darius to launch rapid, personally led military campaigns to reassert central authority. According to the Behistun Inscription, Darius fought nineteen battles within one year, from autumn 522 to December 521 BC, employing tactics such as surprise river crossings and decisive strikes against rebel strongholds.[35] In Elam, after the death of Gaumata, a certain ššina son of Upadarma raised a rebellion, proclaiming to the people: "I am king in Elam." The Elamites rebelled and made him their king. Darius sent forces to Elam, and ššina was brought to him in fetters and executed.[35] A subsequent revolt under Atamaita was similarly crushed, with the leader's death.[35] Media saw Fravartiš (Phraortes), claiming descent from Cyaxares, defeated in two battles at Maru and Kunduruš in spring 521 BC, where Darius captured thousands; Phraortes was mutilated—nose and ears cut off—and impaled at Ecbatana along with accomplices as a deterrent.[4] In Babylon, Nidintu-Bel, posing as Nebuchadnezzar III son of Nabonidus, was overcome after battles at the Tigris River—crossed using inflated animal skins—and Zazana on 13 and 18 December 522 BC respectively; he and his followers were executed, with thousands impaled.[4] Arachosia rebelled under Vahyazdata, but satrap Vivana defeated the insurgents in two engagements near Kapishakani and Gandutava, capturing and slaying the leader.[35] These suppressions involved systematic executions and mass impalements of rebel leaders and supporters, measures Darius justified as necessary to prevent further disorder and restore loyalty.[35] Greek historian Herodotus provides variant accounts, such as a self-mutilating stratagem by Zopyrus for Babylon's capture, unsupported by Persian records and reflecting potential embellishment or differing traditions.[36] By late 521 BC, the revolts were quelled, stabilizing the empire and allowing Darius to shift focus toward administrative reforms and external expansions, as corroborated by the absence of further internal challenges in contemporary inscriptions.[4]Elimination of Rivals and Internal Purges
Following the suppression of widespread revolts between 522 and 521 BCE, Darius I implemented targeted executions of perceived conspirators among the Persian nobility to enforce loyalty and prevent challenges to his authority.[11] A prominent example involved Intaphernes (also known as Intaphrenes), one of the six nobles who had aided Darius in assassinating the usurper Gaumata in September 522 BCE.[37] Shortly after Darius's accession, Intaphernes demanded immediate access to the king without summons, arriving with armed followers and slaying a palace guard in the process; interpreting this as an attempted coup, Darius ordered the execution of Intaphernes, his sons, and most male relatives, sparing only one son after the intervention of Intaphernes's wife, who chose to preserve her elder child over her husband or other offspring. This incident, recorded by the Greek historian Herodotus—who drew on Persian oral traditions but whose accounts reflect a non-Persian perspective potentially emphasizing royal ruthlessness—illustrates Darius's preemptive approach to neutralizing threats from even his former allies.[11] Such actions stemmed from the precarious nature of Darius's claim to the throne, as a collateral Achaemenid rather than a direct descendant of Cyrus the Great or Cambyses II, necessitating the removal of influential nobles who might exploit familial or factional ties to contest his rule.[38] While Herodotus portrays these purges as responses to specific provocations, the underlying strategy prioritized centralized control over clemency, aligning with the causal demands of maintaining stability in a vast empire prone to succession disputes; Darius's Behistun Inscription, a primary Persian source, emphasizes his restoration of "the true order" by slaying "liars" and their followers, though it focuses more on magian and provincial rebels than noble culls.[10] Empirical evidence supports the effectiveness of this realpolitik: no significant internal noble-led threats or coups are recorded after 521 BCE, enabling Darius's 36-year reign marked by administrative and military consolidation rather than recurrent domestic upheaval.[1] Critics, often drawing from Greek sources like Herodotus, have attributed Darius's measures to paranoia, yet the absence of subsequent instability—contrasted with the chaos preceding his rule—indicates a pragmatic enforcement of loyalty that forestalled factionalism without evidence of indiscriminate mass executions among the elite.[37] This approach, while severe, ensured the subordination of noble houses to royal authority, as seen in Darius's later integration of allied families through marriage and satrapal appointments, fostering long-term cohesion absent in more lenient succession models observed in other ancient empires.[11]Military Campaigns and Expansion
Re-conquest of Egypt and Eastern Frontiers
Following the suppression of internal revolts, Darius turned to reasserting control over Egypt, which had rebelled amid the succession crisis after Cambyses II's death in 522 BC. The Behistun Inscription records Egypt among the provinces that declared independence, prompting Darius to dispatch an army led by his satrap Aryandes to quell the uprising around 519 BC.[4] [39] This reconquest faced limited resistance, leveraging the administrative framework established by Cambyses' prior invasion in 525 BC, and successfully reinstalled Persian governance under Aryandes.[40] By 518 BC, Darius personally visited Egypt to consolidate authority, erecting monuments that symbolized renewed imperial legitimacy.[40] Associated with this stabilization, Darius ordered the excavation of a canal from the Nile River to the Red Sea, reviving an earlier Egyptian project to enhance maritime links between Egypt and Persian territories. Inscriptions attributed to him at the site declare: "I ordered to dig this canal from a river by the name Nile, which flows in Egypt, to the sea which comes from Parsa," underscoring logistical innovations for trade and troop movement.[41] [42] These efforts expanded the empire's economic base without extensive military engagements. Simultaneously, Darius advanced eastern frontiers, annexing the Indus Valley circa 518 BC through campaigns that incorporated satrapies like Arachosia, Gedrosia, and Hindush with minimal opposition, building on exploratory foundations from Cyrus' era.[40] Herodotus notes that Indian territories, the most populous under Persian sway, yielded the highest tribute—360 talents of gold dust annually—verifying fiscal gains via satrapal assessments that bolstered the imperial treasury.[43] [44] This expansion highlighted Darius' proficiency in coordinating vast logistics across diverse terrains, securing tribute streams that funded further imperial projects.Indus Valley and Scythian Expeditions
Around 518 BCE, Darius I dispatched exploratory and military forces into the Indus Valley, achieving the first major Persian incorporation of territories in the Indian subcontinent. The explorer Skylax of Karyanda was commissioned to navigate the Indus River to its mouth, providing intelligence that enabled the conquest of regions including Gandhara and the Punjab, organized as the satrapy of Hindush.[40] This expansion yielded annual tribute of 360 talents of gold dust, alongside ivory and textiles, significantly bolstering Achaemenid wealth without requiring permanent garrisons in the core valley due to local alliances and tribute systems.[45] Darius's inscriptions, such as those at Persepolis, affirm Hindush's integration, listing it among twenty-one satrapies and crediting Ahura Mazda for the territorial gains.[46] In 513 BCE, Darius launched a northern expedition against the Scythians (Saka in Persian sources), crossing the Bosporus with an army estimated by Herodotus at 700,000 men, though modern analyses suggest 100,000-200,000 including allies. Engineers constructed a pontoon bridge of boats across the Danube, a logistical innovation enabling advance into the Pontic steppes, where Darius aimed to subdue nomadic groups threatening eastern flanks.[40] Scythian tactics of feigned retreats, scorched-earth denial of supplies, and avoidance of pitched battle frustrated pursuit; after eight days deep into hostile terrain, supply shortages and harsh conditions prompted retreat, advised by a Scythian envoy's warning of endless steppe expanse.[47] The Scythian campaign secured Persian influence over Thrace and Macedonian fringes through garrisons and client rulers, but failed to exact submission or tribute from the nomads, exposing imperial limits against mobile warfare unsupported by fixed settlements. Darius's eastern Saka victories, referenced in royal inscriptions as defeats of haumavarga and tigraxauda tribes, contrasted with this overreach, yielding tribute in kind but no territorial control.[1] Herodotus attributes the retreat to strategic prudence rather than defeat, yet archaeological evidence from the Black Sea region shows minimal Persian material culture, underscoring the expedition's inconclusive nature amid vast distances and adaptive foes.[48]Western Campaigns and the Clash with Greece
The Ionian Revolt (499–494 BC) precipitated Darius's direct confrontation with mainland Greece, stemming from unrest among Greek cities in Asia Minor under Persian satrapal rule. Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, initiated the uprising after Artaphernes, satrap of Lydia, withdrew support for a failed punitive expedition against Naxos, fearing reprisal and seeking to preserve his position by deposing pro-Persian tyrants across Ionia. Aristagoras secured limited aid from Athens (20 triremes) and Eretria (5 triremes), leveraging kinship claims, enabling rebels to advance and burn Sardis, the regional Persian administrative center, in 498 BC.[49] Persian countermeasures, led by Artaphernes and reinforced by Darius, quelled the revolt through decisive actions, including the destruction of the Ionian fleet at the Battle of Lade in 494 BC and the sack of Miletus in 493 BC, with survivors deported to the Persian Gulf. Darius, viewing Athenian and Eretrean involvement as the root enablers of the disruption, resolved on punishment to deter future interference, an intent symbolized in accounts of him shooting an arrow skyward while invoking retribution against Athens.[49] In 490 BC, Darius launched a seaborne expedition under Datis, a Median commander experienced in Aegean operations, and Artaphernes, the satrap's son and king's nephew, targeting Eretria and Athens while securing Cycladic islands en route. The force, estimated at 600 ships carrying 20,000–25,000 troops, captured and razed Eretria before disembarking at Marathon plain, 42 kilometers northeast of Athens, to await reinforcements or provoke battle.[50][51] Athenian hoplites, numbering around 10,000 under Miltiades, reinforced by 1,000 Plataeans, engaged the Persians in phalanx formation, exploiting terrain and the Persians' reliance on archers and lighter infantry for a tactical victory; Greek sources report 192 Athenian dead versus 6,400 Persians, figures likely inflated in Herodotus to emphasize heroism against numerical odds. The Persians withdrew by sea, attempting a feint on Athens but retreating upon confronting the Greek navy, marking a limited reversal rather than imperial collapse.[52] Though critiqued as overconfident—evident in disembarking on hostile shores without full scouting—the Marathon outcome inflicted minimal territorial or resource loss on the Achaemenid domain, which spanned three continents; Darius promptly planned a grander campaign with continental levies, but his death in 486 BC shifted execution to Xerxes. Greek narratives, dominated by Herodotus writing decades later amid Athenian ascendancy, amplify Persian hubris and barbarism for cultural self-aggrandizement, yet causal factors like hoplite cohesion versus dispersed Persian tactics align with verifiable military disparities, underscoring the event as a peripheral check on expansion rather than existential threat.[49]Imperial Administration
Satrapy System and Provincial Governance
Darius I reorganized the Achaemenid Empire into approximately 20 satrapies, administrative provinces each governed by a satrap appointed by the king, to facilitate centralized control over a vast territory spanning from the Indus Valley to the Aegean.[44] This structure, detailed in Herodotus's account and corroborated by variations in royal inscriptions listing 21 to 23 subject lands, grouped diverse regions into taxable units with fixed tribute quotas assessed annually, enabling predictable revenue flows without overburdening the royal treasury.[53] Satraps, often Persian nobles or trusted kin, handled civil administration, justice, and local military levies, while maintaining Persian oversight through subordinate officials to enforce imperial law and cultural policies.[6] To balance provincial autonomy with royal authority, satraps enjoyed discretion in local governance—preserving indigenous customs and bureaucracies where feasible—but were constrained by mechanisms preventing independent power bases, such as separating civil and military commands in key areas and prohibiting hereditary succession without royal approval.[54] Empirical stability post-Darius's early revolts (522–521 BCE) demonstrates this system's efficacy in minimizing unrest, as accountable satraps aligned incentives with imperial loyalty rather than local despotism, sustaining the empire's cohesion for over a century.[55] Royal inspectors, dubbed the "eyes and ears of the king," conducted unannounced tours to audit satrapal performance, verify tribute delivery, and report disloyalty directly to the throne, ensuring decentralized operations did not erode central command.[55] Evidence from the Persepolis Fortification Archive, comprising over 2,000 Elamite tablets dated primarily to Darius's mid-reign (509–493 BCE), illustrates this delegated efficiency: local district treasuries managed commodity rations and labor for workers and travelers across Persis and adjacent areas, with records forwarded to Persepolis for aggregation and verification, reflecting a pragmatic hierarchy that distributed administrative burdens while upholding royal scrutiny.[56] Such documentation counters notions of unchecked oriental despotism by revealing functional realism—satraps as extensions of the king's will, not autonomous viceroys—fostering accountability that empirically curbed provincial rebellions after initial stabilization.[6]Economic Reforms, Coinage, and Taxation
Darius I implemented a systematic taxation regime by dividing the Achaemenid Empire into approximately twenty satrapies, each assessed for fixed annual tribute based on local productive capacity, replacing ad hoc impositions with predictable fiscal obligations that enhanced revenue stability and administrative efficiency.[5] This reform, detailed by Herodotus, yielded an estimated total of 14,600 Euboic talents of silver (or equivalent) empire-wide, funding imperial expenditures while allowing satraps to retain surpluses for local governance.[44] A cornerstone of these reforms was the introduction of standardized coinage, including the gold daric—a coin of about 8.4 grams purity—minted toward the end of the sixth century BCE, which facilitated tribute collection in monetary form rather than kind, streamlined trade across diverse regions, and boosted economic integration by providing a reliable medium of exchange.[57] Complementing the daric was the silver siglos, enabling broader circulation; this bimetallic system, struck in royal mints like Sardis, marked a shift from Lydian prototypes to imperial control, with the daric's archer motif symbolizing royal authority and its fixed value (equivalent to 20 silver sigloi) underpinning market transactions from the Aegean to the Indus.[57] Tribute assessments varied by satrapy wealth; for instance, the Indians east of the Indus paid 360 talents of gold dust annually—the highest single contribution—while Babylonia and adjacent areas rendered 1,000 talents of silver, and Cilicia 500 talents plus horses for the royal guard.[44] These levies, enforced through satrapal audits, prioritized precious metals and commodities, reflecting Darius's cadastral surveys to gauge arable land, livestock, and mines, though Greek accounts like Herodotus's portray the burdens as onerous on subjects, a perspective potentially colored by Athenian rivalry yet corroborated by the empire's capacity to sustain vast armies and projects.[44] To augment revenues, Darius expanded extractive enterprises, including Thrace's gold and silver mines post-conquest, and initiated the Nile-Red Sea canal around 500 BCE, dredging Necho II's earlier channel to link Egyptian grain exports directly to Arabian and Indian Ocean trade routes, thereby increasing customs duties and maritime commerce that offset overland costs.[58] Such measures, while entailing high initial outlays, correlated with the Achaemenid economy's zenith, as evidenced by Persepolis archives recording influxes of raw materials convertible to coin, though the taxation's scale—necessary for frontier defenses and bureaucracy—invited revolts in underproductive fringes, underscoring trade-offs in causal fiscal centralization.[5]Infrastructure: Roads, Canals, and Communication
Darius I organized and expanded a network of highways across the Achaemenid Empire, with the most prominent being the Royal Road stretching approximately 2,500 kilometers from Susa in the east to Sardis in Lydia.[59] This infrastructure facilitated rapid military mobilization, administrative oversight, and trade by providing well-maintained routes equipped with bridges, ferries, and rest stations spaced at regular intervals.[60] Along the primary western segment, Darius established 111 relay posts stocked with fresh horses, provisions, and personnel to enable efficient long-distance travel.[61] The postal system, known as the angarium or chapar khaneh, operated via these relay stations, allowing mounted couriers to transmit official dispatches at exceptional speeds; the Greek historian Herodotus reported that messengers could cover the full Susa-to-Sardis distance in seven days, far surpassing typical overland travel times of three months on foot.[59] This efficiency stemmed from a relay mechanism where couriers exchanged horses at each post without dismounting, ensuring continuous progress regardless of weather or terrain, and it underpinned the empire's ability to coordinate responses to distant threats or administrative needs.[62] Archaeological evidence of road segments and station remnants corroborates the system's scale, demonstrating its role in binding disparate satrapies through reliable communication rather than relying solely on slower alternatives like sea routes.[63] In hydraulic engineering, Darius commissioned the completion of a canal linking the Nile River to the Red Sea around 510 BCE, reviving an earlier Egyptian project to enable direct maritime access between the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean trade networks.[42] Surviving cuneiform inscriptions on stelae along the canal's path, such as those at Chalouf, record Darius's directive to connect "this canal from the Nile... to the sea which comes from Parsa," aimed at facilitating the transport of goods and troops while bypassing overland Arabian routes.[41] This waterway, approximately 100 kilometers long and wide enough for two triremes to pass, enhanced economic cohesion by integrating Egyptian grain surpluses with eastern markets, as evidenced by the inscriptions' emphasis on navigational utility for ships.[1] Darius's administration also promoted qanat systems—underground aqueducts for irrigation and water supply—in arid regions, though primary attribution rests on broader Achaemenid innovations adapted under his rule to sustain agriculture and settlements along trade corridors.[64] These projects collectively reduced logistical frictions, enabling the empire's vast extent to function as a unified entity through empirically verifiable enhancements in transit speed and resource flow.Religious and Cultural Policies
Devotion to Ahura Mazda and Zoroastrian Elements
Darius I's inscriptions consistently invoke Ahura Mazda as the supreme creator god who granted him kingship and divine aid in restoring order. In the Behistun Inscription (DB), composed around 520 BCE, Darius states: "Ahuramazda bestowed the kingdom upon me; by the favor of Ahuramazda, I am king; Ahuramazda bore me aid until I acquired this kingdom." This portrayal positions Ahura Mazda not only as originator of the cosmos but as an active ally against chaos, specifically rebels associated with drauga (the Lie), a concept central to Iranian cosmology representing disorder opposed to arta (truth and order).[65] Similar declarations appear in the Naqsh-i Rustam Inscription (DNa), where Darius proclaims: "Ahuramazda, when he saw this earth in commotion, thereafter bestowed it upon me, made me king." He further asserts personal reciprocity: "Ahuramazda is mine; I am Ahuramazda's; by the grace of Ahuramazda I am king."[66] These texts evidence Darius's piety, framing his seizure of power from the magus Gaumata in 522 BCE as a divinely ordained rectification of cosmic imbalance rather than mere political ambition.[67] Zoroastrian elements are evident in this ideology, including the exaltation of Ahura Mazda as the uncreated Wise Lord and the moral dualism pitting divine truth against falsehood. Fire altars, symbolizing Ahura Mazda's purifying light, appear in Achaemenid glyptic art from Persepolis, dated to Darius's reign (522–486 BCE), though these were likely portable or symbolic rather than enclosed temples.[68][69] Darius's emphasis shows no evidence of sweeping religious reforms but rather a pragmatic adaptation to legitimize rule across a polyethnic empire, prioritizing unity through a supreme patron deity over doctrinal exclusivity.[65] Scholarly analysis highlights potential syncretism with pre-Zoroastrian Indo-Iranian traditions, as Darius's cult lacks explicit references to later Gathic texts or Amesha Spentas beyond Ahura Mazda himself, suggesting a henotheistic focus evolved into monolatry for imperial cohesion.[65] This approach aligns causally with the empire's administrative needs, where Ahura Mazda's invocation reinforced Darius's authority as earthly enforcer of divine will without alienating subject cults.[70]Religious Tolerance and Imperial Ideology
Darius I implemented a policy of pragmatic religious non-interference across the Achaemenid Empire's diverse satrapies, permitting the continuation and even subsidization of local cults to foster administrative stability rather than imposing Zoroastrian uniformity. In Egypt, he authorized and funded restorations at sanctuaries such as the Temple of Hibis in the Kharga Oasis and endowed the temple at Edfu, integrating himself into pharaonic rituals while maintaining Persian oversight.[71][72] Similarly, in 520–519 BCE, Darius reaffirmed Cyrus II's earlier decree permitting the reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple dedicated to Yahweh, directing that expenses be drawn from royal revenues in the satrapy beyond the Euphrates to ensure completion without fiscal burden on local Jews.[73][74] This approach extended to Greek and Anatolian traditions, where evidence indicates support for indigenous practices without proselytization, prioritizing loyalty to the throne over doctrinal conformity.[46] The ideological foundation of this tolerance lay in Darius's conception of universal kingship, embodied in his title "King of Kings" (Old Persian xšāyaθiya xšāyaθiyānām), which framed the monarch as a divinely appointed arbiter upholding order (arta) among myriad subject peoples and their customs, provided they rendered obedience and tribute. Inscriptions like those at Behistun emphasize Ahura Mazda's role in granting dominion to rule justly over heterogeneous realms, implicitly endorsing pluralism as a mechanism for imperial cohesion rather than a theological endorsement of polytheism.[5] This stance contrasted with more assimilationist or intolerant contemporaries, such as Assyrian deportations of cults, by leveraging local religious structures to legitimize Persian rule and mitigate resistance.[75] Empirically, this policy correlated with reduced religious-motivated unrest; while political revolts occurred during Darius's consolidation (522–521 BCE), they stemmed primarily from claims of imposture or taxation rather than faith suppression, and the empire's expanse—from the Indus to the Aegean—remained intact without the mass temple destructions seen in rival powers like the Neo-Babylonian or early Hellenistic regimes.[46] Archival and archaeological records, including Elephantine papyri from Jewish-Egyptian communities, show sustained local worship under Persian governance into Darius's successors, underscoring the strategy's efficacy in sustaining a multi-ethnic polity through minimal interference over coercive conversion.[5] Criticisms of selective favoritism, such as toward Elamite or Median holdouts in early revolts, find limited substantiation in primary evidence, as Darius's punitive measures targeted daivas (false gods) only in contexts of rebellion, not routine pluralism.[65]Building Projects and Royal Residences
Persepolis and Susa Developments
Darius I initiated the construction of Persepolis as a grand ceremonial complex on a massive artificial terrace measuring approximately 450 by 300 meters, leveled from the rocky outcrop near modern Shiraz, beginning around 518–516 BCE.[76][77] This terrace served as the foundational platform for key structures, including the Apadana palace, an audience hall designed for imperial receptions, with work commencing circa 515 BCE.[78] The Apadana featured monumental stairways adorned with relief sculptures depicting tribute-bearing delegations from across the empire, such as Medes, Persians, and subject peoples from as far as India and Ethiopia, symbolizing the multicultural cohesion and vast dominion under Darius's rule.[79] These developments at Persepolis emphasized ideological prestige over mere functionality, functioning as a showcase of imperial wealth and divine favor, with archaeological evidence from foundation deposits and inscriptions affirming Darius's personal oversight in mobilizing resources for enduring stability.[76] At Susa, Darius established a primary administrative hub and winter residence soon after 520 BCE, reconstructing fortifications and erecting a palace complex that integrated Elamite traditions with Persian imperial architecture.[80] Foundation tablets, such as the DSf inscription, detail the mobilization of empire-wide resources for its construction, including cedar timber transported from Lebanon, lapis lazuli from Sogdiana, gold from Lydia and Bactria, ivory from Ethiopia and India, and silver from Egypt.[81] This logistical feat underscored Susa's role as a nexus for governance, where administrative records and satrapal oversight converged, contrasting with Persepolis's more ritualistic focus by prioritizing practical imperial coordination.[82] The palace's design, including an apadana-style hall, reinforced Darius's centralized authority, with baked bricks and enameled decorations evidencing high craftsmanship to project unassailable power.[83]Other Monuments and Engineering Feats
The tomb of Darius I at Naqsh-e Rostam, located approximately 12 kilometers northwest of Persepolis in Fars province, Iran, exemplifies Achaemenid rock-cut architecture. Carved into a limestone cliff during his reign (522–486 BCE), the tomb features a cruciform facade mimicking the ground plan of a palace, with four engaged columns supporting a pediment adorned with symbolic motifs including winged genii and a throne supported by representatives of subject peoples.[84] An accompanying inscription, designated DNa, identifies the structure as Darius's eternal resting place and invokes Ahuramazda's protection, underscoring the king's claim to divine favor and legitimacy.[85] The engineering required precise quarrying and sculpting at elevation, mobilizing skilled artisans to achieve structural stability and aesthetic symmetry without advanced tooling beyond chisels and scaffolding.[86] Further demonstrating imperial propagandistic engineering, the Behistun inscription and relief, situated on a cliff in Kermanshah province, western Iran, were commissioned by Darius around 520–518 BCE. This massive multilingual text—spanning 15 meters high by 25 meters wide, inscribed in Old Persian, Elamite, and Babylonian—narrates Darius's suppression of nine rebellions following his seizure of power, portraying him as divinely ordained king with a life-sized relief showing him trampling the impostor Gaumata.[87][88] The feat involved carving at 100 meters height, requiring extensive logistical coordination for workers to access and inscribe the vertical surface, which later facilitated decipherment of cuneiform scripts akin to a Rosetta Stone.[89] Beyond these commemorative rock works, Darius's era saw advancements in hydraulic infrastructure, including expansions of qanat systems—subterranean aqueducts for groundwater extraction and irrigation in arid provinces. These galleries, often exceeding 50 kilometers in length with vertical shafts for ventilation and maintenance, tapped aquifers to sustain agriculture and settlements, reflecting organized labor deployment across satrapies.[90] Such feats prioritized practical endurance over ostentation, as evidenced by qanats operational into modern times, countering views of Achaemenid projects as mere vanity by highlighting their causal role in imperial sustainability.[87]Family and Court
Marriages, Offspring, and Dynastic Alliances
Darius I pursued a polygamous marriage policy to consolidate power following his seizure of the throne, forging alliances with influential Persian nobles who had supported his coup against the pseudo-Bardiya and linking his lineage to that of Cyrus the Great for legitimacy. These unions bound key families to the Achaemenid dynasty, ensuring loyalty among the elite amid potential rebellions and integrating Median and Persian aristocracies into the imperial structure.[91] Prior to his accession in 522 BCE, Darius married the daughter of Gobryas, a prominent noble and fellow conspirator, with whom he had three children: sons Artobazanes (his eldest son) and Ariabignes, and an unnamed daughter. This marriage predated his kingship and helped secure early support from Gobryas' faction. To further reward allies, he later arranged for his sister Artozostre to marry Gobryas, producing the general Mardonius, thus deepening the tie.[91][92] After assuming power, Darius wed Atossa, daughter of Cyrus the Great and widow of Cambyses II, who became his most influential queen and bore four sons: Xerxes, Ariamenes, Achaemenes, and Hystaspes. He also married Cyrus's other daughter, Artystone—whom Herodotus describes as his favorite wife—yielding sons Arsames and Gobryas, as well as a daughter Artozostre. These connections to the founding Cyrus line bolstered Darius's claim despite his collateral descent, countering rivals who emphasized direct patrilineal inheritance.[91][92] Additional marriages reinforced ties to other conspirators: Phaidyme, daughter of Otanes (another coup participant and former husband to Cambyses and Bardiya), and Parmys, daughter of the usurper Bardiya, who gave birth to son Ariomardus. Darius also wed Phratagune, daughter of his brother Artanes, exemplifying intra-family unions common in Achaemenid practice to preserve royal bloodlines. The Persepolis Fortification Tablets mention Ardabama as a powerful court figure, possibly another wife or consort, underscoring the extensive royal household. Herodotus records that Darius fathered at least nine named sons from these primary unions, with ancient accounts suggesting over a dozen children in total, forming a broad network of heirs and relatives to staff satrapies and command armies, thereby stabilizing the dynasty through distributed elite positions.[91][92][93]| Wife | Parentage | Key Children |
|---|---|---|
| Unnamed | Gobryas | Artobazanes, Ariabignes, daughter |
| Atossa | Cyrus the Great | Xerxes, Ariamenes, Achaemenes, Hystaspes |
| Artystone | Cyrus the Great | Arsames, Gobryas, Artozostre (daughter) |
| Phaidyme | Otanes | None named |
| Parmys | Bardiya (Smerdis) | Ariomardus |
| Phratagune | Artanes (Darius's brother) | None named |










