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Korean Martyrs
Korean Martyrs
from Wikipedia

The Korean Martyrs were the victims of religious persecution against Catholics during the 19th century in Korea. Among them are 103 Saints and 124 Blesseds officially recognized by the Catholic Church.

Key Information

Overview

[edit]

There were 5 main sets of persecutions against Christians in nineteenth-century Korea;

Between 8,000–10,000 Korean Christians were killed during this period. In May 1984, 103 Catholics were canonised en masse, including the first Korean Catholic priest, Andrew Kim Taegon, who was executed by sword in 1846.[1]

In 2014, Paul Yun Ji-Chung and 123 companions were declared "Venerable" on 7 February 2014 and on 16 August 2014. They were beatified by Pope Francis during the Asian Youth Day in Gwanghwamun Plaza in Seoul. They further moved to beatify Catholics who were killed by North Korean communists during the Korean War.[2]

Background

[edit]

At the end of the eighteenth century, Korea was ruled by the Joseon Dynasty. It was a society based on Confucianism and its hierarchical, class relationships. There was a small minority of privileged scholars and nobility while the majority were commoners paying taxes, providing labor, and manning the military, all above a slave class.[3]

When scholars first introduced Christianity to Korea, ordinary people flocked to the new religion. The new believers called themselves Chonju Kyo Udul, literally "Friends of the Teaching of God of Heaven". The term "friends" was the only term in the Confucian understanding of relationships which implied equality.[4]

History

[edit]

During the early seventeenth century, Christian literature written in Chinese was imported from China to Korea. The Catholic ideas espoused in them were debated and denounced as heterodoxy as early as 1724.[5] In 1777, Christian literature obtained from Jesuits in China led educated Korean Christians to study the faith.[6] At this point some Koreans started to be converted to Catholicism.

When a Chinese priest managed to secretly enter the country a dozen years later, he found 4,000 Catholics, none of whom had ever seen a priest.[6] The Catholic communities were led almost entirely by educated laypeople from the aristocracy, as they were the only ones who could read the books that were written in Hanja.

The community sent a delegation on foot to Beijing, 750 miles away, to ask the city's bishop for their own bishops and priests. Eventually, two Chinese priests were sent, but their ministry was short-lived, and another forty years passed before the Paris Foreign Mission Society began its work in Korea with the arrival of Father Maubant in 1836. Paul Chong Hasang, Augustine Yu Chin-gil and Charles Cho Shin-chol had made several visits to Beijing in order to find ways of introducing missionaries into Korea.

Since the Sinhae persecution of 1791-1801, there had been no priest to care for the Catholic community. Serious dangers awaited the missionaries who dared to enter Korea. The bishops and priests who confronted this danger, as well as the laypeople who aided and sheltered them, were in constant threat of losing their lives.[7]

Saint Laurent-Marie-Joseph Imbert, M.E.P.

Bishop Laurent Imbert and ten other French missionaries were the first Paris Foreign Missions Society priests to enter Korea. During the daytime, they stayed in hiding, but at night they traveled about on foot attending to the spiritual needs of the faithful and administering the sacraments. The first Korean Catholic priest, Andrew Kim Taegŏn, who was trained in Macau, succeeded in entering Korea as a missionary. However, thirteen months after his ordination he was put to death by the sword in 1846 at the age of 26.[7] He is now recognised as the patron saint of Korean clergy.

The idea of Catholics gathering in one place with no distinction on the basis of class were perceived to undermine "hierarchical Confucianism", the ideology which held the state together. The new learning was seen to be subversive of the establishment and this gave rise to systematic suppression and persecution. Official documents detail trials and the sentences. There were four major persecutions; the last one was in 1866, at which time there were only 20,000 Catholics in Korea (other Christian denominations did not enter Korea until sometime later).[4] The vast majority of the martyrs were laypeople.[8]

Recognition

[edit]

More than 10,000 martyrs died in persecutions which extended over more than one hundred years. Of all these martyrs, seventy-nine were beatified in 1925. Twenty-four others were beatified on 6 October 1968.[9] They had died in the persecutions of 1839 (Ki-hae persecution), 1846 (Pyong-o persecution) and 1866 (Pyong-in persecution). All together, 103 martyrs were canonized by Pope John Paul II on 6 May 1984.[7] In breaking tradition, the ceremony did not take place in Rome but Seoul.[10] Their feast day is September 20.

Kim Taegon Statue in Jeoldu-san

Andrew Kim Taegŏn wrote to his parish as he awaited his execution with a group of twenty persons:

My dear brothers and sisters, know this: Our Lord Jesus Christ upon descending into the world took innumerable pains upon and constituted the holy Church through his own passion and increases it through the passion of its faithful… Now, however, some fifty or sixty years since the holy Church entered into our Korea, the faithful suffer persecutions again. Even today persecution rages, so that many of our friends of the same faith, among whom I am myself, have been thrown into prison… Since we have formed one body, how can we not be saddened in our innermost hearts? How can we not experience the pain of separation in our human faculties? However, as Scripture says, God cares for the least hair of our heads, and indeed he cares with his omniscience; therefore, how can persecution be considered as anything other than the command of God, or his prize, or precisely his punishment?… We are twenty here, and thanks be to God all are still well. If anyone is killed, I beg you not to forget his family. I have many more things to say, but how can I express them with pen and paper? I make an end to this letter. Since we are now close to the struggle, I pray you to walk in faith, so that when you have finally entered into Heaven, we may greet one another. I leave you my kiss of love.[excessive quote]

In the early 1870s, Father Claude-Charles Dallet compiled a comprehensive history of the Catholic Church in Korea, largely from the manuscripts of martyred Bishop Antoine Daveluy. The Korean Martyrs were known for their staunchness, sincerity, and number of their converts. An English lawyer and sinologist Edward Harper Parker observed that:

Coreans [sic], unlike Chinese and Japanese, make the most staunch and devoted converts… The Annamese [Vietnamese] make better converts than either Chinese or Japanese, whose tricky character, however, they share; but they are gentler and more sympathetic; they do not possess the staunch masculinity of the Coreans.[11][relevant?discuss]

According to Ernst Oppert,

An observation, founded upon many years' experience, may not be out of place here, and that is, that among all Asiatic nationalities there is probably none more inclined to be converted to Christianity than the Corean [sic]… He becomes a Christian from conviction, not from any mercenary motives.[12][relevant?discuss]

Bishop and martyr Simeon François Berneux wrote,

The Corean [sic] possesses the most perfect dispositions for receiving the faith. Once convinced, he accepts and attaches himself to it, in spite of all sacrifices it may cost him.[13][relevant?discuss]

The priest Francis Goldie stated,

Certainly few countries, if any, have to tell of such a painful apostolate, or of one which has had such success. Japan alone in later days can boast a martyrology at all to compare with that of Corea [sic] in the number of the slain, or in the heroism of those who died for Christ.[14][relevant?discuss]

Individual martyrs

[edit]
Stela to the members of the Paris Foreign Missions Society who were martyred in Korea.

The Christian community first began to take shape when Yi Seung-hun started to study Christian doctrine by himself and was eventually baptized and given the name Peter in 1784. Because of their belief in the Christian God, the first Korean Christians were persecuted repeatedly, rejected by their families, and suffered a loss of their social rank. Despite persecutions, the faith continued to spread.[15]

The Christian community in Korea was given the assistance of two Chinese priests, but their ministry was short-lived, and another forty years passed before the Paris Foreign Missions Society began its work in Korea with the arrival of Father Mauban in 1836. A delegation was selected and sent to Beijing on foot, 750 miles, in order to ask the Bishop of Beijing to send them bishops and priests.

The same appeal was made to the Pope in Rome. Serious dangers awaited the missionaries who dared to enter Korea. The bishops and priests who confronted this danger, as well as the lay Christians who aided and sheltered them, were in constant threat of losing their lives.

Until the granting of religious liberty in Korea in 1886, there were many "disciples who shed their blood, in imitation of Christ Our Lord, and who willingly submitted to death, for the salvation of the world" (Lumen Gentium, 42). Among those who died, and were later named as martyrs, were eleven priests and ninety-two lay people who would be canonized as saints.

Bishop Laurent Imbert and ten other French missionaries were the first Paris Foreign Mission Society priests to enter Korea and to embrace a different culture for the love of God. During the daytime, they stayed in hiding, but at night they travelled about on foot attending to the spiritual needs of the faithful and administering the sacraments.

Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and 101 Companions

[edit]

The first Korean priest, Andrew Kim Taegon, found a way to make the difficult task of entering Korea as a missionary from Macau. Thirteen months after his ordination he was put to death by the sword when he was 25 years old.

Paul Chong Hasang, Augustine Yu Chin-gil and Charles Cho Shin-chol had made several visits to Beijing in order to find new ways of introducing missionaries into Korea and a bishop and ten priests from the Paris Foreign Missions Society arrived in the country for the first time since 1801.

Among the martyrs honored were fifteen women, including the two sisters, Agnes Kim Hyo-ju and Columba Kim Hyo-im. These women, in an era when Christian religious life was still unknown in Korea, lived in community and cared for the sick and the poor. John Yi Kwang-hyol died a martyr's death after having lived a life of celibacy in consecrated service to the Church.

Some of the other martyrs who were canonized that day included:

  • Damien Nam Myong-hyok and Maria Yi Yon-hui
  • John Nam Chong-sam, though of high social rank, was a model of justice, chastity and poverty;
  • John Pak Hu-jae who, after he lost his parents in the persecutions, learned to survive by making straw sandals;
  • Peter Kwon Tug-in who devoted himself to meditation;
  • Anna Pak Agi who, although she did not have a deep grasp of Christian doctrine, was wholly devoted to Jesus and Mary;[16]
  • Peter Yu Tae-chol who confessed his faith and died a martyr at the age of 13 years old.[17][18]
  • Peter Yi Hoyong
  • Protasius Chong Kukbo
  • Magdalena Kim Obi
  • Anna Pak Agi
  • Agatha Yi Sosa
  • Agatha Kim Agi
  • Augustine Yi Kwanghon
  • Barbara Han Agi
  • Lucia Pak Huisun
  • Damian Nam Myonghyok
  • Peter Kwon Tugin
  • Joseph Chang Songjib
  • Barbara Kim
  • Barbara Yi
  • Rosa Kim Nosa
  • Martha Kim Songim
  • Teresa Yi Maeim
  • Anna Kim Changgum
  • John Baptist Yi Kwang-nyol
  • Magdalena Yi Yonghui
  • Lucia Kim Nusia
  • Maria Won Kwiim
  • Maria Pak Kunagi
  • Barbara Kwon Hui
  • Johannes Pak Hujae
  • Barbara Yi Chonghui
  • Maria Yi Yonhui
  • Agnes Kim Hyochu
  • Francis Choe Kyonghwan
  • Laurent-Marie-Joseph Imbert
  • Pierre-Philibert Maubant
  • Jacques-Honoré Chastan
  • Paul Chong Hasang
  • Augustine Yu Chinkil
  • Magdalena Ho Kyeim
  • Sebastian Nam Igwan
  • Kim Juliette
  • Agatha Chon Kyonghyob
  • Charles Cho Shinchol
  • Ignatius Kim Chejun
  • Magdalena Pak Pongson
  • Perpetua Hong Kimju
  • Columba Kim Hyoim
  • Lucia Kim Kopchu
  • Catherine Yi
  • Magdalena Cho
  • Peter Yu Tae-chol
  • Cecilia Yu Sosa
  • Barbara Choe Yong-i
  • Magdalena Han Yongi
  • Peter Choe Changhub
  • Benedicta Hyong Kyongnyon
  • Elizabeth Chong Chonghye
  • Barbara Ko Suni
  • Magdalena Yi Yongdok
  • Teresa Kim
  • Agatha Yi
  • Stephen Min Kuk-ka
  • Andrew Chong Hwagyong
  • Paul Ho Hyob
  • Augustine Pak Chongwon
  • Peter Hong Pyongju
  • Magdalena Son Sobyok
  • Agatha Yi Kyong-i
  • Maria Yi Indok
  • Agatha Kwon Chin-i
  • Paul Hong Yongju
  • Johannes Yi Munu
  • Barbara Choe Yongi
  • Anthony Kim Songu
  • Andrew Kim Taegon
  • Charles Hyon Songmun
  • Peter Nam Kyongmun
  • Lawrence Han Ihyong
  • Susanna U Surim
  • Joseph Im Chipek
  • Teresa Kim Imi
  • Agatha Yi Kannan
  • Catherina Chong Choryom
  • Peter Yu Chongnyul
  • Siméon-François Berneux
  • Simon-Marie-Just Ranfer de Bretenières
  • Pierre-Henri Dorie
  • Louis Beaulieu
  • John Baptist Nam Chongsam
  • John Baptist Chon Changun
  • Peter Choe Hyong
  • Mark Chong Uibae
  • Alexis U Seyong
  • Marie-Nicolas-Antoine Daveluy
  • Martin-Luc Huin
  • Pierre Aumaitre
  • Joseph Chang Chugi
  • Lucas Hwang Soktu
  • Thomas Son Chasuhn
  • Bartholomew Chong Munho
  • Peter Cho Hwaso
  • Peter Son Sonji
  • Peter Yi Myongso
  • Joseph Han Wonso
  • Peter Chong Wonji
  • Joseph Cho Yunho
  • John Yi Yun-il

Paul Yun Jichung and 123 Companions

[edit]

The 124 martyrs were beatified on August 16, 2014 in Seoul by Pope Francis during his visit to Korea.

Biography of major martyrs: Yun Ji-chung Paul (1759-1791). The first Chosun martyr killed for his Catholic faith, was born in 1759 to a noble family in Jinsan, Jeolla-do. Yun Ji-heon Francis, who was martyred during the Shinyu Persecution of 1801, was his younger brother.

In 1783, Yun passed the first state examination and learned about Catholicism for the first time through his cousin Jung Yak Yong John. After being baptized in 1787, he preached the Catholic doctrine to his mother, younger brother, and cousin Kwon Sang Yeon James. He also kept in touch with Yoo Hang Geom Augustine to keep up mission work.

In 1791, Bishop Gouvea of Beijing ordered a ban on traditional ancestral rites within his diocese. Yun Ji Chung and Kwon Sang Yeon, in accordance with the Church's commands, set their families ancestral tablets on fire. Chung's mother died the following year. She requested to receive a Catholic funeral which her son duly provided for her. These actions angered the royal family.

News of Yun's actions led to dispute in the royal court. In the end, Jeongjo backed the Noron faction push to oppress Catholicism and ordered the arrest of Yun and Kwon. The governor of Jinsan went to Yun's house and discovered the absence of the family's ancestral plates. At the time the pair were in hiding. Upon hearing that Yuns's uncle had been taken into custody they handed themselves into the authorities.

In the face of calls to renounce their Catholic faith the pair refused. The governor judged that getting them to abandon their religion was beyond him. They were sent to a government building in Jeonju. The pair continued to refuse apostasy despite interrogation and torture. An official report on the situation was delivered to the royal court. Opinion within the court was in favour of the death penalty. Jeongjo supported this view and ordered their execution. On the 8th of the December 1791 Yun and Kwon were beheaded.[19]

This episode is referred to as the 'Jinsan incident'.

Fr. Jacob Zhou Wenmo (1752-1801): The first missionary priest to be dispatched to Chosun. Born in Suzhou, China in 1752, he lost his parents early in life and were raised by his grandmother. He became a priest as one of the first graduates at Beijing Archdiocese seminary. At that time, Bishop Gouvea in Beijing was planning to send a clergy to Chosun. He chose Father Ju, who had a strong faith and looked similar to Chosun people. After leaving Beijing in February 1794, Father Ju waited at Yodong area until the Amnokgang River froze enough to cross across. On the appointed date, he went to a town located on the border between China and Chosun to meet secret envoys sent from Chosun and entered Chosun on the night of December 24. Since then, Father Ju stayed at the house of a faithful Christian so that he could learn Hangul, the Korean alphabets. On Easter of 1795, he held a mass with the faithful for the first time. However, after his entry was revealed, he escaped to female President Kang Wan Sook (Colomba)'s house and continued to pray in many areas in secrecy. The number of the faithful increased to 10,000 after six years but as the Catholic Persecution of 1801 occurred and the faithful were forced to confess the location of Father Ju, he decided to surrender on March 11 of that year. On May 31, Father Ju was decapitated at Saenamteo area near Han River at the age of 49.

Yun Yoo Il Paul (1760-1795): A secret envoy from Beijing who helped missionary to enter Chosun. He was born in Yeoju, Kyungki-do in 1760. After moving to Yanggeun, he encountered Catholicism while studying under Kwon Chul Shin. He learned Catholic doctrine from Kwon Il Shin, the younger brother of Kwon Chul Shin, and became a Catholic. He then preached the doctrine to his family. In 1789, Yun Yoo Il was selected as a secret envoy by the church leaders to report the situation of Chosun church to Bishop Gouvea. He went to Beijing twice, in 1789 and in 1790. In 1791, Bishop Gouvea's plan to dispatch a priest failed and persecution took place in Chosun. Nonetheless, Yun Yoo Il continued to endeavor to dispatch a priest. In 1794, he finally succeeded in bringing Father Ju Mun Mo to Chosun. In 1795, he was arrested along with Ji Hwang (Sabas), Choi In Gil (Mathew). They were tortured to tell the location of Father Ju, but their strong endurance and wise response rather confused the persecutors. As a result, the three of them were beaten to death on June 28 of that year, when Yun Yoo Il was 35, Ji Hwang 28, and Choi In Gil 30.

Jeong Yak Jong Augustinus (1760-1801): The first Catholic lay theologian in Korea. In 1760, he was born into a family of scholars in Majae (current Neungnae-ri Joan-myeon, Namyangju-si Gyeonggi-go). He is the father of Jeong Chul Sang (Charles) (?-1801) who was beatified together with the 123 Blessed and St. Jeong Ha Sang Paul (martyred in 1839), who was declared saint in 1984. After learning Catholic doctrine from his older brother Jeong Yak Jeon in 1786, he moved to Yanggeon Bunwon (current Bunwon-ri, Namjeong-myeon, Gwangju-gun, Gyeonggi-go) to preached Catholic doctrine to his neighbors while participating in church activities. After Father Ju Mun Mo came in 1794, Jeong Yak Jong often visited Han Yang to help church work. He also wrote two easy Hangul textbooks called 'Jugyo-yoji' a Catechism in the Korean language and distributed them to Christians with Father Ju's approval. Later he became the first president of a layperson association called 'Myeongdo-hoe' which was organized by Father Ju. When persecution began in his hometown in 1800, Jeong Yak Jong and his family moved to Han Yang. However, the 1801Catholic Persecution began and Jeong Yak Jong was arrested. As he tried to preach doctrine to persecutors, he was decapitated at Seosomun, 15 days after he was arrested, on 8 April 1801. When he was martyred, he said "I'd rather die looking up at the sky than to die looking down at the ground" and was decapitated while looking up at the sky.

Kang Wan Sook Columba (1761-1801): Female leader of Chosun Catholics. In 1761, she was born to a concubine of a noble family in Naepo area in ChungCheong-do. She learned about Catholicism soon after she was married and followed Christianity by reading Catholic books. During the persecution in 1791, she was imprisoned while taking care of the imprisoned faithful. Kang Wan Sook guided her mother-in-law and her son from previous marriage (Hong Pil Joo Phillips, martyred in 1801) to become Catholics, but could not persuade her husband. Later, when her husband got a concubine, Kang Wan Sook and her husband lived separately. After hearing that the faithful in Han Yang are well-informed with Catholic doctrine, she moved to Han Yang with her mother-in-law and her son. She provided financial support to Christians who were working on recruiting a clergy and she was baptized by Father Ju Mun Mo. Father Ju appointed her as a female President to take care of the faithful. When a persecution in 1795 took place, she took advantage of the fact that persecutors cannot search a house owned by a woman and let Father Ju to take refuge in her house. Her house was also used for the faithful's assembly. On April 6, 1801, she helped Father Ju to escape while being arrested. Although persecutors tried to trace Father Ju's whereabouts through her, she refused to confess. On 2 July, she was decapitated outside Seosomun at age 40.

Yu Hang-geom Augustine (1756-1801). The priest of Ho Nam. He was born in 1756 in Chonam, Jeonju and became a Catholic soon after Catholicism was introduced to Korea in 1784. His sons Yu Jung-cheol John, Yu Mun-seok John, daughter-in-law Yi Sun-i Lutgarda and his nephew Yu Jung-seong Matthew were beatified along with Yu Hang-geom Augustine. He showed compassion and gave alms to poor neighbors as well as to his servants. Augustine Yu was appointed as pastor of Jeolla-do region in the spring of 1786, when the leaders of the Catholics held a meeting and appointed clergy at their own discretion. Afterwards, he returned to his hometown and celebrated Mass and administered the Sacraments to the faithful. However, after a while, the leaders of the Catholics understood that such an act was a sacrilege. As soon as this was brought to his attention, he stopped immediately. When the Persecution of 1801 broke out, Augustine Yu, who was recognized as the head of the Church in the Jeolla-do region, was first to be arrested. He was taken to Seoul (Hanyang) where he underwent interrogation and torture at the Police Headquarters. However, since he was already determined to die a martyr, he neither betrayed the other believers nor said anything that would harm the Church. The persecutors, despite all their efforts, could not get any of the information they were looking for. Instead, they charged him with the crime of treason and ordered that he be executed. He was transferred back to Jeonju, where he was hacked to pieces outside the South Gate of Jeonju.

Hwang Il-gwang Simon (1757-1802). Hwang Il-gwang Simon was born in Hongju, Chungcheong-do to a low-class family. Around 1792, he moved to Hongsan, where he went to see Yi Jon-chang Louis Gonzaga to learn about the Catholic teaching. After he understood the faith, he left his hometown and moved to Gyeongsang-do to have more freedom to practice his religious life. He stated, "Here, everybody treats me as a human being despite my low-class status. Now, I believe that Heaven exists here and hereafter." In 1800 Simon Hwang moved to the neighboring house of Chŏng Yakjong Augustine and when Augustine Chŏng moved to Seoul (Hanyang), he also moved to Seoul (Hanyang) with his younger brother and made his living by selling firewood. In 1801, he was arrested while he was on his way to the mountain to get firewood. After stating that the Catholic religion is a 'holy religion', he was beaten to the point that one of his legs was broken. He was then transferred to his hometown Hong ju and was beheaded on 30 January 1802.

Yi Sun-I Lutgarda (1782-1802) and her husband, Yu Jung-cheol John. A couple who kept their virginity through faith. Yi Sun-I Lutgarda was born in 1782 to a well-known noble family. Her brothers Yi Gyeong-do Charles (martyred in 1801) and Yi Gyeong-eon Paul (martyred in 1827), and her husband Yu Jung-cheol John (martyred in 1801) were beatified with her. Yi Yun-ha. Her father Matthew and great-grandfather Yi Ik were renowned scholars. Matthew Yi became a Catholic in 1784, soon after Catholicism was introduced to Korea, when he met Kwon Chol-sin, and Kwon Il-sin. Lutgarda Yi received her First Holy Communion from Father Zhou Wen-mo James and made a vow of chastity. However, in the society of that time, it was extremely difficult for a young woman to remain single. Her mother consulted Father James Zhou who remembered that Yu Jung-cheol John also wanted to live a life of celibacy. He sent a messenger and arranged their marriage. In 1798, Lutgarda Yi went to her husband's hometown, Chonam in Jeonju and made a vow to live a celibate life. During Shinyu Persecution in 1801, Yu Hang-gom Augustine, her father-in-law, was first arrested. She was arrested later and was taken to Jeonju. She was condemned to exile and left for Hamgyeong-do. However soon the police followed them and arrested them again. On 31 January 1802, she was taken to the execution ground in Jeonju, called 'Supjeongi' and was beheaded. The letter she wrote while she was imprisoned in Jeonju still remains and testifies for the values of Catholics of the time.[20]

Kim Jin-hu Pius (1739-1814). The ancestor of the St. Kim Taegon Andrew. Kim Jin-hu Pius was born in Solmoe, Chungcheong-do. He was the great-grandfather of St. Kim Taegon Andrew and the father of Kim Jong-han Andrew, who was martyred in 1816 and was beatified with the 123 Blessed. Pius Kim encountered Catholicism when his eldest son learned the catechism from Yi Jon-chang Gonzaga and taught it to his brothers. As his sons continued to tell him about God, he gradually drew towards Jesus Christ and left his government position to focus on fulfilling religious duties. When Pius Kim was arrested during the Sinhae persecution in 1791, he professed his faith in God. He was arrested four to five more times but was released each time. He was also arrested during the Shinyu Persecution in 1801, but was exiled and set free. Pius Kim was arrested again in 1805 and was taken to Haemi. He continued to profess his faith in God without hesitation and was held in prison for a long time without being sentenced to death. In prison, the officials and prison guards respected him for his dignity and conduct. He spent 10 years in prison and died there on 1 December 1814 at the age of 75.

Yi Seong-rye (1801-1840): A mother who inherited faith to her children. She was born in 1801 in Hongju, Chungcheong-do to the family of Louis Gonzaga Yi Jon-chang. At the age of 17, she married St. Francis Choe Kyeong-hwan and lived in Darakgol, Hongju. In 1821 she gave birth to their first son, Thomas Choe Yang-up. Due to the danger of persecution the family had to move frequently but Yi Seong-rye told Bible stories to her children and taught them to endure difficulties. After settling down in Surisan (currently Gunpo-city, Gyeonggi-do) she helped her husband to set up a Christian village. Meanwhile, her son Thomas Choe Yang-up was chosen to be a seminary candidate and was sent to Macau to study theology. In 1839, during the Gihae persecution her husband went back and forth to Hanyang (now Seoul) to take care of the bodies of the Martyrs, she supported her husband and finally was arrested by the police with her whole family in Surisan. At that time, her new-born baby was nearly starved to death due to lack of milk. She could no longer abandon her baby so she yielded to defy her faith and was released from prison. When her eldest son left to study at a Chinese seminary, she was imprisoned once again. When she was sentenced to death, she was sent to Danggogae (now Wonhyoro 2-ga, Yongsan-gu, Seoul) to be beheaded at the age of 39. Her son Thomas Choe Yang-eop went on to become the second ordained Catholic priest in Korean history.[21]

Full list:

  • Paul Yun Ji Chung
  • Jacob Gwon Sangyeon
  • Peter Won Sijang
  • Paul Yun Yuil
  • Matthew Choe Ingil
  • Sabas Jihwang
  • Paul Yi Dogi
  • Francis Bang
  • Lawrence Pak Chwideuk
  • Jacob Won Sibo
  • Peter Jeong Sanpil
  • Francis Bae Gwangyeom
  • Martin In Eonmin
  • Francis Yi Bohyeon
  • Peter Jo Yongsam
  • Barbara Simagi
  • Johannes Choe Changhyeon
  • Augustine Chŏng Yakjong
  • Francis Xavier Hong Gyoman
  • Thomas Choe Pilgong
  • Luke Hong Nakmin
  • Marcellinus Choe Changju
  • Martin Yi Jungbae
  • Johannes Won Gyeongdo
  • Jacob Yun Yuo
  • Barnabas Kim Ju
  • Peter Choe Pilje
  • Lucia Yun Unhye
  • Candida Jeong Bokhye
  • Thaddeus Jeong Inhyeok
  • Carol Jeong Cheolsang
  • Father Jacob Zhou Wenmu, Missionary from Qing dynasty
  • Paul Yi Gukseung
  • Columba Gang Wansuk
  • Susanna Gang Gyeongbok
  • Matthew Kim Hyeonu
  • Bibiana Mun Yeongin
  • Juliana Kim Yeoni
  • Anthony Yi Hyeon
  • Ignatius Choe Incheol
  • Agatha Han Sinae
  • Barbara Jeong Sunmae
  • Agatha Yun Jeomhye
  • Andrew Kim Gwangok
  • Peter Kim Jeongduk
  • Stanislaus Han Jeongheum
  • Matthew Choe Yeogyeom
  • Andrew Gim Jonggyo
  • Philip Hong Pilju
  • Augustine Yu Hanggeom
  • Francis Yun Jiheon
  • Johannes Yu Jungcheol
  • Johannes Yu Munseok
  • Paul Hyeon Gyeheum
  • Francis Kim Sajip
  • Gervasius Son Gyeongyun
  • Carol Yi Gyeongdo
  • Simon Kim Gyewan
  • Barnabas Jeong Gwangsu
  • Anthony Hong Ikman
  • Thomas Han Deokun
  • Simon Hwang Ilgwang
  • Leo Hong In
  • Sebastian Kwon Sangmun
  • Lutgrada Yi Suni
  • Matthew Yu Jungseong
  • Pius Kim Jinhu
  • Agatha Magdalena Kim Yundeok
  • Alexis Kim Siu
  • Francis Choe Bonghan
  • Simon Kim Gangi
  • Andrew Seo Seokbong
  • Francis Kim Huiseong
  • Barbara Ku Seongyeol
  • Anna Yi Simi
  • Peter Ko Seongdae
  • Joseph Ko Seongun
  • Andrew Kim Jonghan
  • Jacob Kim Hwachun
  • Peter Jo Suk
  • Teresa Kwon
  • Paul Yi Gyeongeon
  • Paul Pak Gyeonghwa
  • Ambrose Kim Sebak
  • Richard An Gunsim
  • Andrew Yi Jaehaeng
  • Andrew Pak Saui
  • Andrew Kim Sageon
  • Job Yi Ileon
  • Peter Sin Taebo
  • Peter Yi Taegwon
  • Paul Jeong Taebong
  • Peter Gim Daegwon
  • Johannes Cho Haesong
  • Anastasia Kim Joi
  • Barbara Kim Joi
  • Anastasia Yi Bonggeum
  • Brigida Choe
  • Protasius Hong Jaeyeong
  • Barbara Choe Joi
  • Magdalena Yi Joi
  • Jacob Oh Jongrye
  • Maria Yi Seongrye
  • Thomas Jang
  • Thaddeus Ku Hanseon
  • Paul Oh Banji
  • Mark Sin Seokbok
  • Stephan Kim Wonjung
  • Benedict Song
  • Peter Song
  • Anna Yi
  • Felix Peter Kim Giryang
  • Matthias Pak Sanggeun
  • Anthony Jeong Chanmun
  • Johannes Yi Jeongsik
  • Martin Yang Jaehyeon
  • Peter Yi Yangdeung
  • Luke Kim Jongryun
  • Jacob Heo Inbaek
  • Francis Pak
  • Margarita Oh
  • Victor Pak Daesik
  • Peter Joseph Yun Bongmun

Legacy

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Pope John Paul II, speaking at the canonization, said, "The Korean Church is unique because it was founded entirely by lay people. This fledgling Church, so young and yet so strong in faith, withstood wave after wave of fierce persecution. Thus, in less than a century, it could boast of 10,000 martyrs. The death of these martyrs became the leaven of the Church and led to today's splendid flowering of the Church in Korea. Even today their undying spirit sustains the Christians in the Church of silence in the north of this tragically divided land".[6]

Beatification

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After the canonization of the 103 Martyrs, the Catholic Church in Korea felt that the martyrs who died in the other persecutions also need to be recognized. In 2003, the beatification process for 124 martyrs who died in persecutions between 1791 and 1888 began.[21] In 2004 the Archdiocese of Seoul opened its investigation into the cause for beatification of the Servant of God Paul Yun Ji-Chung and his 123 companions who in 1791 were tortured and killed in odium fidei, in hatred of the faith.[22]

This group was declared Venerable by Pope Francis on 7 February 2014.

Among the martyrs in this group are;

  • Fr. James Zhou Wen-mo (1752-1801), a Chinese priest who secretly ministered to the Christians in Korea;
  • Augustine Chŏng Yakjong (1760-1801), the husband of St. Cecilia Yu So-sa and father of Sts. Paul Chong Ha-sang and Elizabeth Chong Chong-hye;
  • Columba Kang Wan-suk (1761-1801), known as the "catechist of the Korean Martyrs";
  • Maria Yi Seong-rye (1801-1840) the wife of St. Francis Choe Kyeong-hwan.
  • Barbara Sim-gi, an 18 year old virgin and martyr
  • Augustine Yu Hang-geom (1756-1801), also known as the "apostle of Jeolla-do";
  • Augustine Yu Hang-geom's son John Yu Jeong-cheol (1779-1801) and his wife Lutgarda Yi Sun-i (1782-1802). They both decided to live celibate lives in order to fully dedicate themselves to God, but the Confucian society, which greatly valued furthering the family line, made it impossible for them to live as celibates. Fr. James Zhou introduced the two to each other and suggested them to marry each other and live as a "virgin couple". The two were married in 1797 and were martyred 4 years later.[23]

Korean Martyrs Museum-Shrine

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Jeoldu-san Shrine

The Museum-Shrine, which contains rooms for liturgical celebration and prayer, was built in 1967 on the site in Jeoldu-san, where many of the Korean martyrs died from 1866 to 1873. The Shrine-Museum presents numerous historical documents, visual reconstructions, photographs and documentaries.

Churches named after the martyrs

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See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Korean Martyrs are 103 Catholics, consisting of 93 Koreans and 10 French missionaries, who were executed between 1839 and 1867 during intense anti-Christian persecutions enforced by the Dynasty government, which viewed the faith as a threat to Confucian and state . Canonized together by on 6 May 1984 in —the first such mass canonization outside Rome—they include prominent figures such as , the first Korean ordained priest; , a lay catechist and leader; 92 Korean lay faithful across various social strata; and foreign clergy from the who arrived to support the beleaguered community. Their witness underscores the distinctive origins of Korean Catholicism, which emerged not through direct European colonization or founding but via autonomous lay initiative: Korean scholars, encountering Christian writings in around 1784, translated and disseminated them, fostering self-sustained growth that reached tens of thousands by the early 1800s before triggering official bans and purges in 1801, 1839, and 1866. These martyrs' steadfast refusal to apostatize—often enduring , beheading, or burning—exemplified fidelity amid a that demanded ritual participation in as proof of , highlighting causal tensions between imported and entrenched hierarchical traditions. Today, they inspire South Korea's vibrant Catholic population, which constitutes about 11% of the nation and continues to produce significant vocations, a legacy rooted in this era of blood rather than institutional propagation.

Origins of Catholicism in Korea

Lay-Led Introduction and Evangelization

Catholicism reached Korea through lay initiative in the late , primarily via Korean scholars exposed to Western texts during diplomatic missions to . Influenced by the movement's emphasis on empirical knowledge and critique of rigid , intellectuals encountered Catholic writings, including those by , which appealed for their rational theology and scientific insights. These encounters prompted self-directed study without direct presence, marking Korea as unique in adopting indigenously before clerical arrival. The pivotal figure was Yi Seung-hun, a young diplomat who traveled to in 1784 as part of the tribute delegation. There, he was baptized by the Italian priest Giacomo Zhou (also known as James Tsi or Liun-cô), adopting the name Peter, and received rudimentary theological instruction. Returning to Korea in December 1785, Yi began evangelizing discreetly among scholarly circles, baptizing his first converts—including Yi Byeok (who took the name )—in informal ceremonies modeled on Chinese practices, using water and simple rites. This initiated a lay-led catechumenate, with Yi emphasizing scripture study and moral discipline over ritualistic excesses. Evangelization proceeded through personal networks among the elite and commoners, forming small, secret communities in and provincial areas. Lay leaders organized prayer houses, the first established in around 1784–1785, where members translated catechisms, prayed the , and debated doctrines using smuggled books like the True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven. By 1790, the community numbered several hundred, growing via familial ties and appeals to social reformers disillusioned with ancestral rites conflicting with . Women played key roles, such as Columba Kang Wan-suk, who later sheltered priests but initially propagated faith domestically. These efforts prioritized doctrinal fidelity and ethical living, fostering resilience amid Joseon's isolationist policies. Lay emphasized intellectual rigor, with converts rejecting Confucian ancestor veneration as idolatrous, leading to internal debates resolved through communal discernment. This self-sustaining model sustained growth until the arrival of the first foreign , James Zhou, in 1794, whom laity hid for safety. Evangelization's success stemmed from its alignment with Korea's literate culture, yielding a mature ecclesial structure by the early 1800s, though it provoked official scrutiny for subverting state orthodoxy.

Early Challenges and Internal Conflicts

The introduction of Catholicism to Korea in the late 18th century, primarily through lay intellectuals exposed to Chinese Catholic texts, immediately precipitated internal doctrinal disputes over compatibility with Confucian norms. Converts, lacking formal clerical oversight, debated the permissibility of ancestral rites (), which involved offerings and seen as essential to under society's neo-Confucian framework but prohibited by Catholic teaching as superstitious idolatry, echoing the resolved . This tension divided the nascent community, with some advocating accommodations to retain social cohesion among the elite, while others upheld strict adherence, resulting in defections among those prioritizing familial obligations. The absence of resident priests until the 1790s compounded these challenges, as self-taught catechists like Yi Seung-hun improvised evangelization and sacramental practices, leading to inconsistencies such as irregular baptisms and misapplications of doctrine. Brief interventions by Chinese clergy, such as the 1793 arrival of Zhou Wenmo, temporarily clarified prohibitions but intensified rifts by condemning syncretic tendencies, prompting further withdrawals and hardening the community's resolve against cultural . These debates not only strained —evident in documented arguments among early leaders—but also fostered a purified yet insular group identity, numbering around 4,000 by 1800, at the cost of broader appeal. External pressures from state surveillance intertwined with internal frailties, as refusals to perform rites alienated families and officials, exposing the faithful to accusations of moral deviance. By formalizing opposition to ancestor veneration around , the community asserted theological integrity but invited scrutiny, with reports of non-participation triggering investigations that amplified divisions between steadfast adherents and those seeking pragmatic adaptations. This period of turmoil underscored Catholicism's causal incompatibility with Joseon's hierarchical , where conformity underpinned , ultimately forging resilience through trial but curtailing organic growth.

Persecutions Under the Joseon Dynasty

Initial Suppression (1791–1801)

The initial suppression of Catholicism in Korea began in 1791, triggered by the refusal of Catholic convert Paul Yun Ji-chung to perform traditional Confucian ancestral rites following his mother's death earlier that year. Yun, who had traveled to in 1790 and learned from Church authorities that such rites violated Catholic doctrine on , burned the family's memorial tablet (jeonja) in the Jinsan Incident, an act that publicly exposed Catholic practices as incompatible with state-enforced . This event in prompted local officials to arrest Yun and fellow Catholic Jacobo Kwon Sang-yeon, who had similarly rejected the rites, leading to an imperial investigation into "Western learning" (Seohak), viewed as a pernicious foreign doctrine undermining and social hierarchy. King Jeongjo responded by appointing an inquisitor to probe the growing Catholic community, estimated at around 4,000 adherents by 1789, and ordered the suppression of the faith through arrests, , and . On December 7, 1791, Yun and Kwon were beheaded in , marking the first recorded executions of Korean Catholics and establishing them as the inaugural martyrs. Subsequent victims included Sabbas Chi, Paul Yi, and Matthias Xu, bringing confirmed martyrdoms to at least five by 1795, with others imprisoned or banished for refusing to renounce their beliefs or perform state-mandated rituals. The government's actions reflected a causal prioritization of Confucian , equating Catholic rejection of ancestor veneration with against the dynasty's moral foundation. From 1792 to 1801, suppression persisted through edicts prohibiting the importation of Catholic texts from , restricting travel that could facilitate priestly entry or further evangelization, and mandating local officials to monitor and disperse communities, though King Jeongjo occasionally ordered releases to curb excessive complaints over imprisonments. This period saw no large-scale executions comparable to later campaigns, allowing underground persistence among lay Catholics, but it entrenched Catholicism as an illicit "" in official discourse, setting the stage for escalation under regent in 1801. Empirical records indicate the community endured via self-organized and moral discipline, resisting assimilation despite ongoing surveillance and sporadic arrests.

Escalating Campaigns (1839–1866)

The Gihae Persecution, initiated in 1839 under the regency following King Sunjo's death, targeted Korean Catholics amid heightened state suspicion of foreign religious influence after the arrival of French missionaries from the . Authorities arrested and interrogated community leaders, employing torture such as flogging to extract , with executions primarily by beheading or sword at sites including Seosomun in . Over 200 Catholics were killed during this campaign, which lasted through 1840, including notable figures like Laurent-Joseph-Marius Imbert and priests Pierre-Philibert Maubant and Jacques-Honoré Chastan, executed on September 21, 1839, and catechist . The Byeongo Persecution of 1846 extended these efforts, prompted by the continued clandestine presence of missionaries and the growth of the Catholic community to around 10,000 adherents despite prior suppressions. State officials, viewing Catholicism as a challenge to Confucian loyalty and ancestral rites, intensified arrests in and provinces, resulting in dozens of executions, including that of the Korean priest on September 16, 1846, at Saenamteo execution ground. Combined with Gihae, these campaigns claimed at least 79 documented martyrs later beatified in 1925, reflecting a pattern of judicial trials demanding renunciation of faith under threat of death. The Byeongin Persecution, launched in 1866 by Regent amid fears of Western imperialism following French military probes, represented the apex of escalation, decimating nearly half the estimated 20,000 Catholics through systematic hunts and mass executions. Orders mandated the eradication of "evil teachings," leading to over 8,000 deaths by 1872, including nine French missionaries and widespread beheadings at locations like Jeoldusan ("Beheading Mountain") in , where at least 177 were executed. This campaign's scale—far exceeding prior waves—stemmed from the regent's isolationist policies equating Catholicism with treasonous foreign allegiance, though it ultimately failed to eradicate the faith, as survivor communities persisted underground.

Methods of Execution and Endurance

The primary methods of execution employed against Korean Catholic martyrs during the Joseon Dynasty persecutions included beheading, which was the most common form, often preceded by public dragging or transport to the execution site. In the Gihae Persecution of 1839, some prisoners were bound to crosses mounted on ox carts, with footrests removed before the carts were driven down steep, rough hills, inflicting prolonged agony from jolting and impacts prior to beheading at grounds like the Small West Gate in . Strangulation and other penal code methods, such as neungji-cheocham (a form of ritual dismemberment or exposure), were also used in capital cases against perceived traitors, though beheading predominated for high-profile Catholic convictions. Tortures preceding execution were designed to coerce apostasy and extract information on Catholic networks, involving repeated beatings that dislocated bones, tore flesh, and crushed limbs, as endured by lay apostle Augustine You Chin-gil, who withstood five such sessions without revealing leaders. Prisoners like Maria Won Kwi-im faced systematic beatings until bones separated from joints, while others, including Agatha Kim A-gi, were subjected to prolonged physical ordeals in prison, including exposure to disease; Kim Barbara succumbed to on May 27, 1839, after refusing to renounce her faith despite weakening health. Martyrs demonstrated remarkable endurance through steadfast refusals to apostatize, often citing of the soul over temporal life or family ties. Augustine You Chin-gil, aged 29, prioritized eternal upon arrest, calmly accepting beheading on September 22, 1839, after declaring his unyielding. Similarly, Agatha Kim A-gi, baptized in prison during the 1839 persecution, proclaimed, "I would rather die than reject and Mary," enduring torture to martyrdom on May 24. Martha Kim Song-im and Rosa Kim, who voluntarily surrendered to authorities, defended God's role as Creator under interrogation and accepted joyful death by beheading on July 20, 1839, despite severe prior tortures. These testimonies, preserved in Church records, highlight a collective witness of voluntary suffering, with many, like executed on the same date as You, maintaining doctrinal defenses such as his Sang-Je-Sang-Su even in . Such endurance extended to group actions, as seen in the voluntary surrenders of catechists and during the 1839 and 1866 Byeong-in persecutions, where approximately 8,000 Catholics perished overall, refusing state-mandated rituals like ancestor veneration that conflicted with Christian tenets. In sites like Jeoldusan (Cutting Rock Hill), executioners beheaded victims by tying hair to posts, a method underscoring the regime's intent to humiliate while the martyrs reportedly prayed aloud, converting onlookers amid the violence. This resilience, rooted in lay-led without foreign priests for decades, sustained the faith's survival despite the dynasty's Confucian enforcement of loyalty oaths that equated Catholicism with sedition.

Key Figures Among the Martyrs

Andrew Kim Taegon and Priestly Leadership

, born on August 21, 1821, in , Korea, entered the through at age 15 amid ongoing persecutions faced by converts. His family background included devout parents who endured suppression under the Dynasty's Confucian policies hostile to . At 15, following his , Kim traveled approximately 1,300 miles to for studies, demonstrating early commitment to priestly vocation in a context where foreign clergy access was severely restricted. In 1845, after further training in the and , Kim was ordained as the first Korean-born Catholic priest by Bishop Jean Ferréol in , marking a pivotal shift for the indigenous Korean Church previously sustained by lay catechists. Returning clandestinely to Korea that year with Ferréol, Kim assumed critical leadership in administering sacraments, which had been unavailable for extended periods due to isolation from foreign missionaries. His role emphasized bridging the gap between lay evangelization efforts and formal ecclesiastical authority, organizing secret gatherings for and confessions amid risks of detection by authorities enforcing bans on Western-influenced faiths. Kim's priestly leadership extended to coordinating supply lines for liturgical needs and correspondence with overseas bishops, fostering resilience in the underground community during the 1846 persecution wave. He authored letters urging fidelity, such as one to Korean faithful emphasizing endurance without , reflecting his strategic guidance in maintaining doctrinal purity against state coercion. Captured in June 1846 while aiding the bishop's entry, Kim refused recantation despite torture, leading to his beheading on September 16, 1846, at the Han River, aged 25; his steadfastness exemplified priestly witness in bolstering lay resolve. This martyrdom underscored the indispensable transition to native clergy leadership, enabling sacramental continuity essential for the Church's survival under .

Paul Chong Hasang and Lay Apostolate

Paul Chong Hasang was born in 1795 in Mahyon, , into a noble family of Confucian scholars who had converted to Catholicism. His father, Augustine Chong Yak-jong, was a leading early convert, theologian, and inventor of the Yepumja, a finger alphabet for the blind, who was executed by beheading on March 31, 1801, during the Shinyu persecution for refusing to renounce the faith. Chong Hasang himself embraced Catholicism amid ongoing suppression, becoming a married layman and catechist who played a pivotal role in sustaining and expanding the faith community without resident clergy. As a exemplar of the Korean lay , Chong Hasang organized , communal worship, and mutual support networks in a church founded and propagated by through translations of Catholic texts smuggled from since the late . He undertook multiple hazardous journeys to —estimated at least four between 1825 and 1837—to liaison with the , petitioning for priests and seminary training for Koreans, which directly contributed to the arrival of French missionaries and the of in 1845. These efforts addressed the chronic priest shortage, as Korean authorities banned foreign clergy and executed entrants, forcing reliance on lay initiative for doctrinal fidelity and evangelization. Chong Hasang also defended the faith in interrogations, appealing to Heungseon for tolerance and writing to in 1837 for ecclesiastical support, underscoring lay agency in bridging isolation. Arrested in the Gihae persecution of 1839, triggered by the return of Pierre-Philibert Maubant, Chong Hasang was imprisoned, tortured, and executed on September 22, 1839, at age 45, for refusing and organizing . His steadfastness amid beatings and isolation exemplified lay witness, as he urged fellow prisoners to persevere, contributing to the survival of approximately 8,000 Catholics by 1846 despite waves of executions totaling over 10,000 deaths since 1791. Chong Hasang's legacy highlights the causal efficacy of lay apostolate in Korea's unique ecclesiastical history, where endogenous growth via scholarly converts preceded aid, fostering resilience against Confucian state hostility.

Group Martyrs and Collective Witness

The Korean Martyrs encompassed numerous lay Catholics who faced execution alongside family members, catechists, and fellow believers, demonstrating communal resilience during the 's persecutions. In the Gi-hyo Persecution of 1839, groups of Catholics, including catechist-led communities, were bound and drowned in the Han River at Saenamteo execution site, with records indicating coordinated martyrdoms of dozens at a time to suppress collective faith practices. These acts of group witness reinforced mutual encouragement, as prisoners organized catechetical sessions and sacraments underground, sustaining the faith amid torture. The Byeong-o Persecution of 1866 marked the peak of collective martyrdom, with over 8,000 Catholics killed, many in mass beheadings at Jeoldusan Hill, where believers were rounded up en masse and decapitated before their bodies were discarded in the Han River. Entire families, such as those documented in survivor testimonies, perished together, exemplifying intergenerational fidelity; for instance, mothers and children refused in unison, viewing familial solidarity as integral to their testimony. This collective endurance, often involving hundreds processed daily, underscored the Church's lay-driven structure, where non-clerical leaders coordinated resistance and evangelization even in death. Among the 103 canonized Korean Saints, 92 were laypeople whose group martyrdoms highlighted the apostolate's communal dimension, with companions of figures like forming networks that preserved doctrine through shared suffering. Interrogation records from the Byeong-in Persecution of 1846 reveal clusters of believers, including women and youth, affirming faith collectively under interrogation, thereby amplifying their witness beyond individual acts. Such episodes, verified through preserved relics and Church archives, illustrate how group dynamics fortified convictions against state coercion, contributing to the survival and growth of Korean Catholicism despite eradication efforts.

Theological and Sociopolitical Conflicts

Christian Rejection of Ancestor Veneration

The rejection of ancestor veneration by early Korean Christians stemmed from Catholic doctrine prohibiting practices deemed idolatrous, as these rites involved offerings of food and wine to ancestral tablets, interpreted as adoration reserved for alone. Influenced by Chinese Catholic texts introduced around 1784, Korean converts viewed Confucian ancestral ceremonies, known as , as incompatible with , prioritizing exclusive worship of the Christian over rituals honoring the deceased. This stance echoed the resolution of the , where the Vatican in 1742 definitively banned participation in such ancestral and Confucian rites for Catholics, a prohibition communicated to Korean believers through missionary oversight after 1794. Theological reasoning emphasized a binary distinction: permissible civil remembrance of ancestors versus forbidden religious veneration, with bowing, incense burning, and sacrifices seen as polytheistic remnants violating the First Commandment. Early Korean Catholic leaders, lacking resident priests until the 1790s, enforced this through community consensus, leading to internal schisms; for instance, in 1789, adherents split over whether to adapt rites as mere filial piety, but the stricter faction prevailed, condemning adaptations as syncretism. This fidelity to doctrine directly precipitated the initial 1791 persecution, triggered when convert Lee Seung-hun's associate refused to conduct traditional funeral rites for a deceased parent, prompting family outrage and a report to authorities that exposed the nascent community of about 4,000 believers. Subsequent waves of persecution intensified as state officials equated Christian refusal with filial impiety and social disruption, core tenets of where ancestral rites reinforced hierarchical loyalty to family and sovereign. Martyrs like those in the and campaigns explicitly cited scriptural prohibitions against idolatry in interrogations, enduring torture rather than compromise, as documented in survivor accounts and Vatican records. This unyielding position, rooted in first-principles adherence to revealed theology over cultural accommodation, distinguished Korean Catholicism from prior Jesuit allowances in and underscored the causal link between doctrinal purity and martyrdom.

Confucian and State Rationales for Persecution

The Dynasty's Neo-Confucian orthodoxy regarded ancestor veneration as indispensable to (hyo), the foundational virtue sustaining familial harmony, social hierarchy, and cosmic order, with refusal interpreted as grave unfiliality equivalent to severing ties with forebears and eroding societal cohesion. Catholics, adhering to the 1742 Vatican decree (Ex Quo Singulari) prohibiting such rites as idolatrous, burned ancestral tablets and abstained from sacrifices, actions deemed not merely personal deviance but a direct assault on Confucian ethics that mandated observance to honor parents and maintain ethical reciprocity between living and dead. This conflict crystallized in the 1791 Chinsan incident, where converts Yun Ji-chung and Kwon Sang-yeon were executed for destroying tablets, setting a for viewing Catholic practice as ritual profanation. State authorities rationalized persecution as essential to preserving the Confucian state against "perverse doctrines" (sahak), classifying as a heterodox teaching that subverted loyalty to the —conceived as the pinnacle of the hierarchical order—and invited foreign subversion, particularly after French priests' clandestine entry. Legal justification drew from the Great Ming Code, Joseon's penal foundation, invoking Article 279 on propagating "magical inscriptions" or (punishable by ) for doctrinal dissemination, Article 299 analogously for grave desecration like tablet destruction, and Articles 277–278 for when linked to appeals like Hwang Sayŏng's 1801 Silk Letter to , which prompted mass executions by (slicing). King Sunjo (r. 1800–1834) explicitly condemned Catholicism for "stifling all feelings of , abolishing sacrifice to ancestors," framing it as a "noxious weed" corrosive to national ethics and stability. These rationales intensified during royal transitions requiring mandatory rites, as in 1801 following King Jeongjo's death, when Queen Jeongsun ordered the Sinyu Persecution for non-participation in mourning, executing over 300 and exiling hundreds to enforce ritual conformity as a loyalty test. Officials argued that unchecked Christianity would unravel the li (principle) governing human relations, potentially fostering rebellion by prioritizing an abstract deity over emperor and kin, thus warranting eradication to safeguard the dynasty's ideological monopoly. Subsequent edicts, such as those in 1839 and 1866, reiterated these charges, mandating immediate decapitation for concealing priests or proselytizing, underscoring the state's causal view of Catholicism as a root cause of moral and political disorder.

Assessments of Martyrdom Authenticity

The authenticity of the Korean martyrs' deaths as acts of witness for the Christian faith has been evaluated through a combination of Dynasty government records, Catholic community documents known as sil lok (detailed martyrdom accounts compiled by survivors), and modern forensic analysis. state annals, such as those from the Sillok (Veritable of the Dynasty), document five major persecutions between 1791 and 1866, explicitly targeting Catholics for refusing state-mandated Confucian rituals like ancestor veneration and for maintaining foreign religious ties, which were deemed subversive to . These records confirm executions by beheading, strangulation, or burning, often after interrogations demanding , with estimates of 8,000 to 10,000 deaths across the period. Catholic sil lok provide granular eyewitness testimonies, including letters from figures like , describing endurance under torture—such as flogging with heavy rods or exposure to elements—specifically tied to affirmations of rather than mere . These accounts, preserved in Korean Church archives, align with state records on dates and methods but emphasize the religious motive, as martyrs invoked Christ during trials. Historians note that while authorities framed as a political threat due to its rejection of and potential for foreign alliances (e.g., with ), the causal chain consistently traces to non-compliance with religious oaths of . Modern verifications bolster these primary sources. In 2021, DNA testing by the Diocese of matched relics of early martyrs Paul Yun Ji-chung (d. 1791), John Yun Ji-ryang, and Barbara Yi at a 99.9% probability to descendants, confirming identities and burial contexts linked to documented executions. The Vatican's process for the 103 saints in 1984 required independent scrutiny of causa fidei (cause of faith), cross-referencing secular histories to exclude deaths from incidental crimes or rebellion unaffiliated with belief. Scholarly analyses, including those on cult formation, acknowledge selective emphasis in hagiographies but find no systemic fabrication, attributing consistency to the persecutions' scale and documentation. Critiques of authenticity are sparse in academic literature, often limited to noting that some lay figures may have sought martyrdom proactively amid community pressures, yet this does not negate the executions' basis in faith refusal. Protestant histories occasionally differentiate motives but concur on the religious core of Catholic cases. Overall, empirical convergence across adversarial sources—state prosecution logs versus narratives—supports the martyrdom classification, with deaths proximately caused by fidelity to Christian tenets amid a theocratic state's demands.

Ecclesiastical Recognition

Beatifications and Canonizations

The initiated formal recognition of Korean Martyrs through processes in the early , culminating in canonizations that affirmed their and martyrdom. On July 5, 1925, beatified 79 Korean martyrs killed during the 19th-century persecutions, including lay catechists and neophytes who endured beheading, strangulation, and burning for refusing to renounce their faith. These beatifications were based on eyewitness testimonies preserved in diocesan archives and missionary records, emphasizing the martyrs' voluntary acceptance of death amid Dynasty edicts equating with . Subsequent beatifications expanded the scope to include foreign missionaries. On October 6, 1968, beatified 24 French priests and bishops of the , executed between 1839 and 1866 for proselytizing and administering sacraments in defiance of royal bans. This group encompassed figures like Bishop Laurent-Joseph-Marius Imbert, who surrendered to authorities in 1839 to halt further executions, only to be tortured and killed. The unified canonization of these 103 martyrs—93 Koreans and 10 French—occurred on May 6, 1984, when presided over the rite during an open-air Mass at Yeouido Plaza in , , before an estimated crowd of over 300,000. This event marked a departure from Vatican tradition by holding the ceremony extraterritorially, underscoring the indigenous roots of Korean Catholicism, which originated without direct European clerical founding. Among the canonized were , Korea's first native priest, ordained in 1845 and beheaded in 1846; , a lay leader executed in 1839; and diverse witnesses ranging from a 13-year-old boy to elderly Confucian scholars who converted despite social ostracism. In a later development, advanced the cause of additional Korean faithful on August 16, 2014, promulgating decrees recognizing the martyrdom of 123 Koreans and the heroic virtues of one priest, effectively beatifying 124 Servants of God from the 18th- and 19th-century persecutions. This , announced via Vatican decree and celebrated liturgically in , drew on historical (practical learning) texts and survivor accounts to verify deaths by state-inflicted means such as quartering and , without miracles required for martyr status. These recognitions highlight the Church's reliance on primary sources like execution registries and confessor protocols, while navigating interpretive challenges from biased historiography that portrayed as subversive rather than faithful witnesses.

Posthumous Veneration Processes

The 103 canonized Korean Martyrs, including and , are venerated through a mandatory memorial observed on in the General Roman Calendar, a date selected to honor their collective witness following the 1969 revision of the liturgical calendar, which previously commemorated them on August 8. This memorial features specific Mass propers emphasizing themes of martyrdom and fidelity amid persecution, with readings drawn from scriptural accounts of suffering for faith, such as the and the Gospel of John. The liturgical veneration underscores their role as patrons of Korean Catholics, with prayers invoking their intercession for endurance in trials. Post-canonization processes have included the authentication and exposition of relics to sustain devotional practices. In September 2021, the Archdiocese of Seoul recovered and verified the remains of the earliest Korean Catholic martyrs—John Yi Kwang-ryeol, Choi Chang-hyeop, and Lawrence Im Suk—executed in 1791, through cross-referencing historical burial sites with forensic examination, allowing for their formal in local shrines. Similarly, on July 18, 2025, relics comprising hair and bone fragments from three French missionaries among the martyrs—Bishop Laurent-Marie-Joseph Imbert and priests Pierre-Philibert Maubant and Jacques-Honoré Chastan—were publicly unveiled in , authenticated via documentation from the and enabling renewed public adoration a century after their 1925 . These efforts, overseen by the Dicastery for the Causes of Saints, ensure relics meet canonical standards for , including secure housing and periodic expositions during feast days. Ongoing veneration extends to papal endorsements and global observances, as articulated in Pope John Paul II's 1984 , which called for their example to inspire universal fidelity amid modern secular pressures. Devotional literature and catechetical materials, produced by Korean dioceses and international Catholic bodies, promote their lives through hagiographies and novenas, fostering personal and communal prayer. While primary focus remains on liturgical and relic-based practices, auxiliary processes include the evaluation of reported attributed to their for potential expansions in devotional recognition, though no such advancements have been formally decreed as of 2025.

Sites and Artifacts of Remembrance

Martyrs' Shrines and Museums

The Jeoldusan Martyrs' Shrine, located on a promontory overlooking the Han River in Seoul's Mapo-gu district, serves as a primary site commemorating the Korean Catholic martyrs executed during the 19th-century persecutions. Known as "Beheading Hill" due to the mass decapitations that occurred there, particularly during the Byeongin Persecution of , historical records indicate that 177 Catholics were ordered executed at the site following a royal decree, with confirmed deaths numbering at least 29, though estimates suggest broader martyrdoms across persecutions totaling thousands in the vicinity. The shrine features a , a memorial hall with relics including martyrs' remains, and exhibits of period artifacts such as books, ceramics, paintings, and sculptures that document early Korean Catholicism. Adjacent to the , the Korean Catholic Martyrs' Museum preserves artifacts and records from the era, highlighting the faith and sacrifices of the martyrs amid Dynasty prohibitions on . The museum's collection includes and religious items that underscore the lay apostolate's role in sustaining the faith without foreign clergy for extended periods. Visitors access panoramic views of while reflecting on the site's role in Korean Catholic heritage, established as a formal by the Archdiocese of Seoul to honor the 103 canonized martyrs. The Seosomun Shrine History Museum in central marks another key execution site, where approximately 41 of the 79 martyrs beatified in earlier processes met their deaths, with ongoing exhibitions emphasizing themes of love and peace in martyrdom. Recent inaugurations, such as the 2023 exhibit by Vatican representatives, integrate displays of historical artifacts to educate on the persecutions' scale, drawing over 1,000 pilgrims for commemorative liturgies. In , Chungcheongnam-do, the Solmoe Shrine preserves the birthplace and ancestral home of St. , Korea's first native priest and a canonized , along with sites linked to four generations of his family who suffered martyrdom between 1814 and 1846. The shrine maintains original structures and memorials to these lay Catholics, illustrating the familial transmission of faith that defied Confucian state mandates. Additional sites, such as the Saenamteo Martyrs' Shrines, extend the network of remembrance, collectively forming pilgrimage routes that trace the geographical spread of early Korean Christianity and its confrontation with dynastic authorities. These shrines and museums, managed by the Korean Catholic Church, prioritize archival evidence over narrative embellishment, fostering empirical understanding of the martyrs' historical context.

Relics and Recent Discoveries

In 2021, the Diocese of announced the identification of relics belonging to three of Korea's earliest Catholic martyrs—Paul Yun Ji-chung, James Kwon Sang-yeon, and Francis Yun Ji-heon—through DNA testing and archaeological analysis. The remains, recovered from a site near where the martyrs were beheaded on May 22, 1791, during the initial , exhibited cut marks consistent with execution by sharp instruments on the necks and upper limbs. DNA profiles matched those of living descendants, confirming authenticity after over two centuries of burial in unmarked graves, with the relics subsequently enshrined for . On July 2, 2025, the unveiled relics of four 19th-century martyrs executed during the 1839 Gi-hye persecution: strands of hair from French missionaries Bishop Laurent-Joseph-Marius Imbert, Pierre-Philibert Mauberg, and Jacques-Honoré Chastan, along with a foot fragment from Korean Father Kim. These artifacts, previously preserved by the Sisters of St. Benedict of Olivetano in Korea since their receipt by the Korean Bishops' Conference on February 19 of that year, were authenticated via historical documents detailing their collection post-execution and placed in a single for public exposition in . The relics underscore the martyrs' roles in early missionary efforts, with Imbert, Mauberg, and Chastan beheaded in 1839 for refusing to renounce their faith amid Dynasty prohibitions on . Other verified relics include portions associated with St. , Korea's first native priest and martyr, enshrined at sites such as the Shrine of Our Lady of Naju following their authentication and transfer for liturgical use. These physical remnants, often fragments of bone or hair recovered clandestinely by surviving communities during persecutions, serve as tangible links to the martyrs' sacrifices and are housed in dedicated shrines like those at Saenamteo, where nine such relics are displayed alongside historical artifacts. Ongoing forensic and archival efforts continue to verify additional remains, prioritizing empirical matching over anecdotal traditions to maintain ecclesiastical standards for .

Enduring Legacy

Impact on Korean Christianity

The martyrdoms of Korean Catholics between 1791 and 1866, totaling over 10,000 deaths across multiple persecutions, paradoxically fortified the nascent Church's resilience rather than extinguishing it. Underground communities, sustained by lay catechists without continuous priestly presence, preserved doctrine through secret and scriptural transmission, demonstrating a self-propagating model unique in Christian history where conversion preceded formal arrival. This lay-led structure, exemplified by figures like Yi Seung-hun who initiated baptisms in 1784, enabled survival amid state bans, as believers viewed martyrdom not as defeat but as emulation of Christ's sacrifice, echoing Tertullian's observation that "the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church." The example of steadfast refusal to perform Confucian ancestor rites, even under torture, reinforced communal identity and inspired conversions among witnesses, countering perceptions of as foreign disruption. By the persecution's end, an estimated 8,000-10,000 Catholics remained from a community that had grown to around 20,000 despite prior waves, with survivors' testimonies—such as prison letters affirming faith's triumph over death—circulating to bolster morale. This purification through trial laid groundwork for post-1886 expansion; following the France-Korea easing restrictions, Catholic numbers surged from roughly 15,000 in the 1880s to over 200,000 by 1910, attributing vitality to martyrs' legacy of unyielding fidelity. In contemporary Korean Christianity, the martyrs' influence manifests in a robust Catholic minority comprising about 11% of South Korea's population as of 2023, with the Church exporting over 1,800 missionaries globally by 2020, reflecting internalized from early lay traditions. Shrines like Jeoldusan, site of 19th-century beheadings, draw pilgrims annually, sustaining narratives of endurance that differentiate Korean Catholicism from state-aligned religions and underpin its role in modern social welfare initiatives.

Global Influence and Modern Observances

The martyrdom of the 103 Korean saints, canonized on May 6, 1984, by Pope John Paul II, exemplifies a unique model of lay-initiated evangelization within the Catholic Church, as the faith reached Korea in 1784 through lay scholars who imported Christian texts from China without initial clerical involvement. This self-propagating foundation, sustained amid persecutions that claimed approximately 10,000 lives, underscores the laity's capacity for apostolic witness, serving as an inspirational precedent for global Catholic communities facing clerical shortages or restrictive environments. Pope John Paul II highlighted this during the canonization, noting the Korean Church's distinction as "unique because it was founded entirely by lay people," thereby positioning the martyrs' sacrifices as a universal seed for Christian growth, echoing Tertullian's axiom that "the blood of martyrs is the seed of Christians." Their example has informed broader reflections on under , influencing discussions in synodal documents on Asian and lay roles, where the Korean martyrs are invoked alongside those from , , and as testimonies of resilient faith amid cultural hostility. This causal link between martyrdom and communal endurance contributed to the rapid post-persecution expansion of Korean Catholicism, now numbering over 5.9 million adherents who export missionaries globally, indirectly amplifying the martyrs' legacy through outreach. Modern observances center on the optional memorial of Saints , , and companions, fixed on in the General , marking the liturgical commemoration of their witness during the 1839, 1846, and 1866 persecutions. Catholic parishes worldwide, including in the United States, hold Masses, homilies, and educational events on this date to honor their diverse cohort—encompassing 11 priests, 10 bishops or seminarians, and 92 from all social strata—emphasizing themes of perseverance and lay apostolate. In 2025, the Archdiocese of Seoul marked the centenary of the 1925 beatification of 79 martyrs from the Gihae and Byeong-o persecutions with special liturgies, extending invitations for international participation to reinforce global veneration. Korean Catholic communities integrate these observances into local calendars, often linking them to reflections on contemporary religious freedoms.

References

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