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Demographics of Kuwait
Demographics of Kuwait
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Demographics of Kuwait
Population pyramid of Kuwait in 2020
Population3,068,155 (2022 est.)
Growth rate1.17% (2022 est.)
Birth rate17.78 births/1,000 population (2022 est.)
Death rate2.25 deaths/1,000 population (2022 est.)
Life expectancy79.13 years
 • male77.67 years
 • female80.65 years
Fertility rate2.24 children born/woman (2022 est.)
Infant mortality rate7.43 deaths/1,000 live births
Net migration rate-3.87 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2022 est.)
Age structure
0–14 years19.49%
15–64 years76.71%
65 and over3.80%
Sex ratio
Total1.37 male(s)/female (2022 est.)
At birth1.05 male(s)/female
Under 151.09 male(s)/female
65 and over0.66 male(s)/female
Nationality
NationalityKuwaiti
Language
OfficialArabic
Crowd of Kuwaiti spectators

This is a demography of the population of Kuwait (Arabic: سكان الكويت).

Expatriates account for around 60% of Kuwait's total population, with Kuwaitis constituting 38%-42% of the total population. The government and some Kuwaiti citizens consider the proportion of expatriates (which has been relatively stable since the mid-1970s) to be a problem, and in 2016 the number of deportations increased. Most were deported for outstaying their residency permits but others also for traffic offences.[1]

Population size and structure

[edit]
Historical population
YearPop.±% p.a.
1950152,000—    
1960264,000+5.68%
1970753,000+11.05%
19801,377,000+6.22%
19902,088,000+4.25%
20001,941,000−0.73%
20102,737,000+3.50%
20204,464,000+5.01%
Source:[2]
Population of Kuwait according to nationality
Census year Kuwaiti non-Kuwaiti Total Change
Population % Population % Population %
1975 307,755
30.9%
687,082
69.1%
994,837
1985 470,473
27.7%
1,226,828
72.3%
1,697,301 70.6
1995 653,616
41.5%
921,954
58.5%
1,575,570 -7.2
2005 860,324
39.2%
1,333,327
60.8%
2,193,651 39.2
2015 1,208,643
32.3%
2,535,017
67.7%
3,743,660 70.6

Source:[3]

Year Kuwaiti Male Kuwaiti Female Kuwaiti Total Non-Kuwaiti Male Non-Kuwaiti Female Non-Kuwaiti Total Total Male Total Female Grand Total
1990 286,299 292,212 578,511 944,585 628,584 1,573,169 1,230,884 920,796 2,151,680
1993 325,892 331,601 657,493 682,161 305,973 988,134 1,008,053 637,574 1,645,627
1995 351,314 356,801 708,115 841,320 409,359 1,250,679 1,192,634 766,160 1,958,794
1996 363,476 368,927 732,403 914,327 447,159 1,361,486 1,277,803 816,086 2,093,889
1998 388,687 397,323 786,010 1,002,718 482,137 1,484,855 1,391,405 879,460 2,270,865
1999 401,433 410,822 812,255 970,865 471,834 1,442,699 1,372,298 882,656 2,254,954
2000 415,613 426,177 841,790 927,023 448,445 1,375,468 1,342,636 874,622 2,217,258
2001 429,209 441,074 870,283 960,390 478,429 1,438,819 1,389,599 919,503 2,309,102
2002 442,310 455,975 898,285 1,020,913 500,730 1,521,643 1,463,223 956,705 2,419,928
2003 456,226 471,460 927,686 1,098,878 520,120 1,618,998 1,555,104 991,580 2,546,684
2004 469,327 486,907 956,234 1,240,267 557,155 1,797,422 1,709,594 1,044,062 2,753,656
2005 486,089 506,128 992,217 1,391,322 607,650 1,998,972 1,877,411 1,113,778 2,991,189
2006 501,148 522,168 1,023,316 1,510,818 648,826 2,159,644 2,011,966 1,170,994 3,182,960
2007 516,631 537,966 1,054,597 1,615,273 729,767 2,345,040 2,131,904 1,267,733 3,399,637
2008 532,566 554,985 1,087,551 1,618,766 735,496 2,354,262 2,151,332 1,290,481 3,441,813
2009 548,290 570,620 1,118,910 1,591,935 774,036 2,365,971 2,140,225 1,344,656 3,484,881
2010 563,631 584,712 1,148,343 1,586,716 846,995 2,433,711 2,150,347 1,431,707 3,582,054
2011 580,558 602,616 1,183,174 1,641,135 872,983 2,514,118 2,221,693 1,475,599 3,697,292
2012 595,365 617,071 1,212,436 1,705,468 905,824 2,611,292 2,300,833 1,522,895 3,823,728
2013 610,545 631,954 1,242,499 1,772,413 950,232 2,722,645 2,382,958 1,582,186 3,965,144
2014 626,256 649,601 1,275,857 1,855,279 960,857 2,816,136 2,481,535 1,610,458 4,091,993
2015 641,282 666,323 1,307,605 1,964,264 967,137 2,931,401 2,605,546 1,633,460 4,239,006
2016 656,084 681,609 1,337,693 2,089,302 984,129 3,073,431 2,745,386 1,665,738 4,411,124
2017 671,012 699,001 1,370,013 2,167,409 963,054 3,130,463 2,838,421 1,662,055 4,500,476
2018 686,475 716,638 1,403,113 2,253,768 964,757 3,218,525 2,940,243 1,681,395 4,621,638
2019 700,742 731,303 1,432,045 2,303,549 1,040,813 3,344,362 3,004,291 1,772,116 4,776,407
2020 714,936 745,034 1,459,970 2,177,731 1,033,012 3,210,743 2,892,667 1,778,046 4,670,713
2021 729,638 759,078 1,488,716 1,941,628 955,373 2,897,001 2,671,266 1,714,451 4,385,717
2022 744,238 772,838 1,517,076 2,188,819 1,087,673 3,276,492 2,933,057 1,860,511 4,793,568
2023 758,716 787,065 1,545,781 2,262,500 1,104,990 3,367,490 3,021,216 1,892,055 4,913,271

The biggest population difficulty in Kuwait involves the Bedoon, stateless people. According to Human Rights Watch in 1995, Kuwait has produced 300,000 stateless Bedoon.[4] Kuwait has the largest number of stateless people in the entire region.[5][6][7] The statelessness challenge for the Bedoon in Kuwait is largely sectarian.[8][9][10][11][12]

According to recent statistics provided by the Central Statistics Bureau, as of January 2024, Kuwait's population reached 4.91 million, an increase of 119,700 from the previous year's 4.79 million. The number of Kuwaiti citizens rose by 28,700 to reach a total of 1.545 million. Specifically, the number of male citizens increased to 758,700, and female citizens reached 787,000. Concurrently, the expatriate population also increased by 90,990, totaling 3.36 million. Amongst the expatriates, the male population reached 2.26 million and the female population 1.1 million.[13]

Structure of the population

[edit]

Structure of the population (Estimates) (1.01.2020):[14]

Age Group Male Female Total %
Total 2,743,617 1,720,904 4,464,521
100%
0-4 123,865 111,800 235,663
5.27%
5-9 190,736 153,412 344,148
7.7%
10-14 160,820 129,882 290,702
6.51%
15-19 135,324 111,798 247,122
5.53%
20-24 126,687 102,773 229,460
5.13%
25-29 113,416 93,183 206,599
4.62%
30-34 205,555 157,101 362,656
8.12%
35-39 341,766 192,989 534,755
11.97%
40-44 368,779 180,249 549,028
12.29%
45-49 342,307 165,443 507,750
11.37%
50-54 234,060 112,764 346,824
7.76%
55-59 158,989 76,976 235,965
5.28%
60-64 105,746 46,617 152,363
3.41%
65-69 59,345 27,921 87,266
1.95%
70-74 26,885 15,982 42,867
0.96%
75-79 11,984 8,711 20,695
0.46%
80+ 10,839 7,912 18,751
0.42%
Age group Male Female Total Percent
0-14 475,419 395,094 870,513
19.49%
15-64 2,132,629 1,239,893 3,372,522
75.54%
65+ 109,053 60,526 169,579
3.80%

Source:[3]

Age Group Kuwaiti Males Kuwaiti Females Total Kuwaitis Non-Kuwaiti Males Non-Kuwaiti Females Total Non-Kuwaitis Total Males Total Females Grand Total
Less than 1 year 16,911 15,860 32,771 8,928 8,483 17,411 25,839 24,343 50,182
1-4 62,966 61,810 124,776 47,627 47,086 94,713 110,593 108,896 219,489
5-9 87,292 82,393 169,685 75,842 71,866 147,708 163,134 154,259 317,393
10-14 88,104 83,914 172,018 74,787 70,185 144,972 162,891 154,099 316,990
15-19 76,609 75,089 151,698 55,679 52,907 108,586 132,288 127,996 260,284
20-24 66,815 65,104 131,919 62,238 44,489 106,727 129,053 109,593 238,646
25-29 66,647 64,461 131,108 239,562 86,968 326,530 306,209 151,429 457,638
30-34 48,975 52,607 101,582 288,214 125,939 414,153 337,189 178,546 515,735
35-39 52,231 56,948 109,179 363,465 164,133 527,598 415,696 221,081 636,777
40-44 42,233 45,508 87,741 334,328 140,911 475,239 376,561 186,419 562,980
45-49 34,203 39,923 74,126 245,893 111,643 357,536 280,096 151,566 431,662
50-54 29,381 34,453 63,834 181,928 75,451 257,379 211,309 109,904 321,213
55-59 24,419 29,126 53,545 114,223 43,782 158,005 138,642 72,908 211,550
60-64 17,572 22,913 40,485 54,780 22,135 76,915 72,352 45,048 117,400
65-69 12,779 17,485 30,264 24,294 10,517 34,811 37,073 28,002 65,075
70-74 7,492 11,399 18,891 9,966 5,345 15,311 17,458 16,744 34,202
75-79 4,791 7,473 12,264 4,196 3,095 7,291 8,987 10,568 19,555
80+ 4,818 6,372 11,190 2,869 2,738 5,607 7,687 9,110 16,797
Total 744,238 772,838 1,517,076 2,188,819 1,087,673 3,276,492 2,933,057 1,860,511 4,793,568

Governorates

[edit]

Kuwait consists of six governorates: Hawalli, Asimah, Farwaniyah, Jahra, Ahmadi and Mubarak Al-Kabeer.[15] Most people in Kuwait live in the governorates of Hawalli, Asimah, and Farwaniyah.[15]

Source: [16]

Nationality Group GCC countries Arab countries Asia SS Africa Europe North America South America Oceania Total
Capital Governorate Male 144,354 45,550 118,393 991 953 1,000 115 105 311,461
Female 150,029 22,018 84,561 4,759 971 887 88 65 263,378
Total 294,383 67,568 202,954 5,750 1,924 1,887 203 170 574,839
Hawalli Governorate Male 124,551 224,700 162,749 1,477 3,890 4,549 369 353 522,638
Female 127,709 127,931 133,244 5,883 4,098 3,979 372 316 403,532
Total 252,260 352,631 295,993 7,360 7,988 8,528 741 669 926,170
Al-Ahmadi Governorate Male 176,599 98,007 312,505 3,214 1,717 3,239 312 139 595,732
Female 179,803 40,929 99,448 5,282 983 1,376 145 86 328,052
Total 356,402 138,936 411,953 8,496 2,700 4,615 457 225 923,784
Al-Jahra Governorate Male 138,772 85,450 94,286 1,630 262 260 115 59 320,834
Female 141,876 57,551 40,935 5,068 268 198 81 50 246,027
Total 280,648 143,001 135,221 6,698 530 458 196 109 566,861
Al-Farwaniya Governorate Male 130,514 273,035 369,097 2,551 463 493 91 59 776,303
Female 135,497 74,258 117,987 4,927 383 352 79 33 333,516
Total 266,011 347,293 487,084 7,478 846 845 170 92 1,109,819
Mubarak Al-Kabeer Governorate Male 89,764 7,764 42,714 339 359 650 87 31 141,708
Female 92,949 5,429 35,767 2,856 417 452 66 22 137,958
Total 182,713 13,193 78,481 3,195 776 1,102 153 53 279,666
Not Stated Male 1,618 581 338 21 10 15 5 2 2,590
Female 1,165 568 208 17 6 19 3 2 1,988
Total 2,783 1,149 546 38 16 34 8 4 4,578
Total Male 806,172 735,087 1,100,082 10,223 7,654 10,206 1,094 748 2,671,266
Female 829,028 328,684 512,150 28,792 7,126 7,263 834 574 1,714,451
Total 1,635,200 1,063,771 1,612,232 39,015 14,780 17,469 1,928 1,332 4,385,717

Vital statistics

[edit]
UN estimates

[17]

Period Live births per year Deaths per year Natural change per year CBR* CDR* NC* TFR* IMR*
1950-1955 8,000 2,000 6,000 43.7 12.3 31.4 7.21 113
1955-1960 9,000 2,000 7,000 40.0 9.6 30.4 7.21 90
1960-1965 16,000 3,000 13,000 43.4 7.6 35.8 7.31 70
1965-1970 30,000 4,000 26,000 48.8 6.3 42.5 7.41 53
1970-1975 43,000 5,000 38,000 47.6 5.2 42.4 6.90 40
1975-1980 49,000 5,000 44,000 40.7 4.2 36.5 5.89 29
1980-1985 58,000 5,000 52,000 37.1 3.4 33.6 5.10 22
1985-1990 51,000 5,000 45,000 26.5 2.8 23.7 3.34 16
1990-1995 33,000 5,000 28,000 18.0 2.7 15.3 2.20 13
1995-2000 43,000 5,000 38,000 24.1 3.0 21.1 2.93 11
2000-2005 39,000 6,000 32,000 18.5 3.1 15.4 2.24 10
2005-2010 47,000 7,000 40,000 18.7 3.1 15.6 2.32 8
2010-2015 58,000 9,000 49,000 16.1 2.4 13.7 2.08 8
2015-2020 60,000 12,000 48,000 12.6 2.9 9.7 2.07 7
* CBR = crude birth rate (per 1000); CDR = crude death rate (per 1000); NC = natural change (per 1000); IMR = infant mortality rate per 1000 births; TFR = total fertility rate (number of children per woman)

Registered births and deaths

[edit]

[18][19]

Average population Live births Deaths Natural change Crude birth rate (per 1000) Crude death rate (per 1000) Natural change (per 1000) TFR
1958 6,881
1959 9,023
1960 11,616 1,235 10,381
1961 296,000 12,942 2,504 10,438 43.7 8.4 35.2
1962 337,000 15,204 2,180 13,024 45.1 6.5 38.6
1963 384,000 17,397 2,139 15,258 45.4 5.6 39.8
1964 433,000 19,428 2,618 16,810 44.8 6.0 38.8
1965 484,000 21,950 2,454 19,496 45.3 5.1 40.3
1966 536,000 23,732 2,813 20,919 44.3 5.3 39.0
1967 588,000 28,334 3,111 25,223 48.2 5.3 42.9
1968 642,000 33,026 3,346 29,680 51.5 5.2 46.3
1969 697,000 35,135 3,378 31,757 50.4 4.8 45.6
1970 753,000 33,842 3,735 30,107 44.9 5.0 40.0
1971 811,000 35,558 3,832 31,726 43.8 4.7 39.1
1972 870,000 37,688 4,149 33,539 43.3 4.8 38.5
1973 931,000 40,165 4,601 35,564 43.2 4.9 38.2
1974 992,000 41,060 4,693 36,367 41.4 4.7 36.7
1975 1,054,000 42,861 4,778 38,083 40.7 4.5 36.1
1976 1,116,000 46,039 4,661 41,378 41.3 4.2 37.1
1977 1,179,000 46,864 5,365 41,499 39.8 4.6 35.2
1978 1,243,000 48,010 4,936 43,074 38.6 4.0 34.7
1979 1,309,000 48,273 5,028 43,245 36.9 3.8 33.0
1980 1,377,000 51,090 4,932 46,158 37.1 3.6 33.5
1981 1,446,000 52,041 4,678 47,363 36.0 3.2 32.8
1982 1,514,000 54,257 4,992 49,265 35.8 3.3 32.5
1983 1,584,000 55,617 4,654 50,963 35.1 2.9 32.2
1984 1,660,000 56,776 4,544 52,232 34.2 2.7 31.5
1985 1,742,000 55,087 4,711 50,376 31.6 2.7 28.9
1986 1,836,000 53,845 4,390 49,455 29.3 2.4 26.9
1987 1,937,000 52,412 4,113 48,299 27.1 2.1 24.9
1988 2,028,000 53,080 4,581 48,499 26.2 2.3 23.9
1989 2,084,000 52,858 4,628 48,230 25.4 2.2 23.1
1990 2,088,000
1991 2,031,000 20,609 3,380 17,229 10.1 1.7 8.5
1992 1,924,000 34,817 3,369 31,448 18.1 1.8 16.3
1993 1,796,000 37,379 3,441 33,938 20.8 1.9 18.9
1994 1,688,000 38,868 3,464 35,404 23.0 2.1 21.0
1995 1,628,000 41,169 3,781 37,388 25.3 2.3 23.0
1996 1,628,000 44,620 3,812 40,808 27.4 2.3 25.1
1997 1,679,000 42,815 4,017 38,798 25.5 2.4 23.1
1998 1,764,000 41,424 4,216 37,208 23.5 2.4 21.1
1999 1,857,000 41,135 4,187 36,948 22.1 2.3 19.9
2000 1,941,000 41,843 4,227 37,616 21.6 2.2 19.4
2001 2,010,000 41,342 4,364 36,978 20.6 2.2 18.4
2002 2,070,000 43,490 4,342 39,148 21.0 2.1 18.9
2003 2,127,000 43,982 4,424 39,558 20.7 2.1 18.6
2004 2,189,000 47,274 4,793 42,481 21.6 2.2 19.4
2005 2,264,000 50,941 4,784 46,157 22.5 2.1 20.4
2006 2,351,000 52,759 5,247 47,512 22.4 2.2 20.2
2007 2,448,000 53,587 5,293 48,294 21.9 2.2 19.7
2008 2,548,000 54,571 5,701 48,870 21.4 2.2 19.2
2009 2,778,000 56,503 6,266 50,237 20.3 2.3 18.1
2010 2,933,000 57,533 5,448 52,085 19.6 1.9 17.8
2011 3,099,000 58,198 5,339 52,859 18.7 1.7 17.0 1.95
2012 3,246,622 59,753 5,950 53,803 18.4 1.8 16.6 1.86
2013 3,427,595 59,426 5,909 53,517 17.3 1.7 15.6 1.719
2014 3,588,092 61,313 6,031 55,282 16.3 1.6 14.7 1.915
2015 3,743,660 59,271 6,481 52,790 14.9 1.6 13.3
2016 3,925,487 58,797 6,338 52,459 14.4 1.5 12.9 2.062
2017 4,082,704 59,172 6,679 52,493 14.7 1.7 13.0 2.152
2018 4,226,920 56,121 6,807 49,314 13.6 1.7 11.9 2.161
2019 4,420,110 53,565 7,306 46,259 12.1 1.6 10.4 2.082
2020 4,464,521 52,463 10,569 41,894 11.7 2.4 9.3 2.033
2021 4,336,012 51,585 10,938 40,647 11.9 2.5 9.4 2.148
2022 4,385,717 49,793 8,041 41,752 10.9 1.8 9.1 1.546
2023 4,793,568 50,034 7,436 42,568 10.3 1.5 8.8 1.524
2024 4,913,271 49,063 7,422 41,641 10.0 1.5 8.5 1.560
2025 4,881,254

Life expectancy

[edit]
Life expectancy at birth in Kuwait
Period Life expectancy in
Years
Period Life expectancy in
Years
1950–1955 53.6 1985–1990 71.6
1955–1960 58.3 1990–1995 72.4
1960–1965 62.0 1995–2000 73.0
1965–1970 64.9 2000–2005 73.3
1970–1975 67.1 2005–2010 73.7
1975–1980 68.7 2010–2015 74.3
1980–1985 70.3 2015–2020 75.1

Source: UN World Population Prospects[20]

Ethnic groups

[edit]

By continent

[edit]

Source:[21]

Nationality Group Population
GCC countries 1,635,200
Arab countries 1,063,771
Asia 1,612,232
Sub-Saharan Africa 39,015
Europe 14,780
North America 17,469
South America 1,928
Oceania 1,322
Total 4,385,717

By nationality

[edit]

The following is a firm containing estimations from countries' embassies:[22]

Nationality Population % of Total Population Year of Data
Kuwait 1,294,513 30.90% 2015
India 1,020,000[23] 24.04% 2020
Egypt 666,000[24] 15.70% 2020
Philippines ~241,000[24] ~5.68% 2020
Bangladesh 181,265 4.30% 2014
Syria 161,000[25] 3.80% 2015
Saudi Arabia 132,533[26] 3.18% 2021
Lebanon 106,000[24] 2.50% ?
  Nepal 101,193[27] 2.24% 2019
Pakistan 100,000[24] 2.36% 2020
Sri Lanka 96,000[28] 2.26% 2016
Stateless 93,000 2.20% 2015
Ethiopia 74,000 1.80% 2012
Iran 50,000 1.20% 2015
Jordan 33,000[29] 0.83% 2022
USA 30,000 0.70% 2013
Indonesia 28,954[30] 0.68% 2020
Iraq 16,000 - 18,000 ~0.4% 2015
Afghanistan 15,000 0.36% 2015
Yemen 11,000 0.26% 2012
Palestine 10,000 0.24% 2015
Sudan 7,000 0.17% 2015
Canada 7,000[31] 0.17% 2020
Bahrain 6,856[26] 0.16% 2021
Armenia 5,000 0.12% 2015
China 5,000 0.12% 2014
North Korea 4,000 0.10% 2013
Turkey 4,000[32] 0.10% 2009
UK 4,000[33] 0.10% 2022
Oman 3,634[26] 0.09% 2021
Qatar 1,731[26] 0.04% 2021
UAE 1,730[26] 0.04% 2021
Eritrea 1,500 0.04% 2015
South Korea 1,500 0.04% 2015
South Africa 1,000 0.02% 2013
Romania 800 0.02% 2014
Australia 800[34] 0.02% 2024
Germany 500 - 600 ~0.01% 2015
Nigeria 500 0.01% ?
Spain 500 0.01% 2015
Kenya 400 <0.01% 2015
Venezuela 400 <0.01% 2015
Vietnam 400 <0.01% 2015
Brazil 300 <0.01% 2015
Hungary 300 <0.01% 2014
Malaysia 300 <0.01% 2015
Poland 300 <0.01% 2015
Ukraine 300 <0.01% 2015
Greece 250 <0.01% 2015
Myanmar 200 <0.01% 2015
Denmark 200[35] <0.01% 2021
Senegal 170 <0.01% 2015
Mexico 120 - 150 <0.01% 2015
Slovakia 100 - 150 <0.01% 2015
 Switzerland 105 <0.01% 2015
Argentina 100 <0.01% 2015
Czech Republic 50 <0.01% 2015
Slovenia <50 <0.01% 2015
Cambodia 47 <0.01% 2015
Taiwan 30 - 50 <0.01% 2015
Nicaragua 40 <0.01% 2015
Cyprus 37 <0.01% 2015
Mongolia 20 <0.01% 2015
Kyrgyzstan 14 <0.01% 2015
Peru 10 <0.01% 2015
Lesotho 7 <0.01% 2015
Guyana 2 <0.01% 2015

Kuwaiti 41.4%, Arab expat 21.4%, Asian (mostly South Asian) 35.3%, African 1%, other 0.7% (includes European, North American, South American, and Australian) (2018 est.) [36]

Languages

[edit]

Religion

[edit]
Religion in Kuwait (ARDA 2020 est.)[40]
  1. Sunni (67.1%)
  2. Other Muslim (11.0%)
  3. Catholic (8.92%)
  4. Orthodox (5.16%)
  5. Other Christian (0.54%)
  6. Hinduism (5.00%)
  7. Baháʼí (0.54%)
  8. Sikhism (0.40%)
  9. None (1.38%)

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
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The demographics of encompass a total of approximately 4.92 million as of mid-2024, marked by a minority of native citizens numbering around 1.58 million (32%) and a majority of residents totaling about 3.36 million (68%), driven by the importation of foreign labor to sustain the nation's petroleum-driven . This -heavy composition features prominent nationalities including Indians (over 800,000), (around 500,000), , , , and , reflecting recruitment patterns from labor-exporting regions in and the to fill roles in , services, and domestic work. Ethnically, the populace breaks down into Kuwaitis at 30.4%, other at 27.4%, Asians at 40.3%, Africans at 1%, and others at 0.9%, underscoring a diverse yet transient demographic fabric where remains tightly restricted, conferring extensive welfare benefits unavailable to non-citizens. The age structure reveals a broad base of working-age adults, with a age of 34.8 years, low of about 27%, and pronounced gender imbalance favoring males ( 1.57 overall) due to the influx of predominantly young male migrants, though native Kuwaitis exhibit higher rates sustaining gradual citizen growth. Over 98% of the resides in urban centers, primarily , fostering high and modern infrastructure, while religious adherence is overwhelmingly Islamic (74.6% Muslim, mostly Sunni among citizens), with s introducing Hindu, Christian, and other minorities.

Historical Development

Pre-Oil Era Settlement Patterns

Prior to the discovery of in 1938, Kuwait's settlement patterns were characterized by low and a heavy concentration along the coastal strip of Kuwait Bay, driven by reliance on maritime economies such as pearling, fishing, and regional trade rather than inland resource scarcity. The territory's arid desert interior supported only sparse nomadic or semi-nomadic populations engaged in , with freshwater limitations and sandy terrain restricting large-scale agriculture or permanent inland habitation. Permanent settlements originated in the early , when the Bani Utub tribe from the Arabian interior established Kuwait Town (modern ) around 1716 as a fortified coastal outpost, which rapidly became the demographic and economic nucleus. By the early , the total population had grown modestly to approximately 35,000 by 1915, with the vast majority residing in Kuwait Town and its immediate environs, where supported dhow-based linking to , , and the . Small ancillary villages dotted the coast for seasonal pearling camps, but inland occupancy remained minimal; for instance, the Al-Jahra oasis hosted a limited agricultural community of several thousand focused on date cultivation and barley farming, sustained by qanats and seasonal wadis. Bedouin tribes, comprising perhaps 20-30% of the populace, migrated seasonally across the interior for grazing, avoiding fixed settlements due to tribal raiding risks and environmental hostility. This coastal-centric pattern persisted through the 1930s, with population estimates reaching around 62,000 by 1938, still overwhelmingly urbanized in Kuwait Town amid from declining pearl markets and regional conflicts. Demographic composition reflected migratory trade networks, dominated by Sunni Arab clans of Najdi and Hijazi origin, augmented by transient Shia merchants from and Persia, and small numbers of African descendants from historical slave imports for pearl diving labor. The absence of significant inland urbanization underscored causal constraints: hyper-arid conditions (annual rainfall under 100 ) and nomadic viability precluded dense interior populations, channeling human activity toward the Gulf's maritime opportunities.

Post-Discovery Growth and Immigration Surge

The discovery of commercially viable oil reserves in the Burgan oil field on February 22, 1938, marked a pivotal shift in Kuwait's demographic trajectory, though full-scale exploitation was delayed by until production commenced in 1946. This initiated an economic boom centered on petroleum extraction, refining, and export infrastructure, generating demand for labor in construction, administration, and support services that far exceeded the capacity of the indigenous population, which numbered fewer than 100,000 prior to widespread development. The influx of expatriate workers, drawn by high wages and employment opportunities, became the primary driver of population expansion, transforming Kuwait from a modest trading outpost into a rapidly urbanizing society. United Nations estimates record Kuwait's total population rising from approximately 152,000 in 1950 to 264,000 by 1960, reflecting average annual growth rates of over 5 percent, with expatriates accounting for the bulk of the increase as native birth rates remained modest. By the mid-, further acceleration occurred amid infrastructure projects, pushing the population toward 468,000 by 1965 and exceeding 750,000 by 1970, as oil revenues funded expansive and that required imported skilled and unskilled labor. This surge was not uniform; growth rates peaked at around 10.7 percent annually in the early , directly correlating with oil output expansion from negligible pre-war levels to millions of barrels daily by decade's end. Early immigration predominantly originated from neighboring Arab states, including Palestinians displaced post-1948, , , and Lebanese, who comprised 50 to 65 percent of non-nationals and filled clerical, technical, and managerial roles in the nascent oil sector. Supplementary waves from the and provided manual laborers for port expansions and urban development, with expatriates reaching 75 percent of the workforce by the early . This labor importation, while fueling economic diversification beyond pearling and , entrenched a demographic imbalance, as temporary migrant contracts limited family settlement and citizenship pathways, prioritizing short-term productivity over long-term integration.

Impacts of Wars and Policy Shifts

The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, prompted the flight of more than half of the country's approximately 2.2 million residents, including a substantial portion of both citizens and expatriates, drastically contracting the population during the seven-month occupation. Upon liberation in February 1991, returning Kuwaiti nationals—numbering around 400,000 citizens pre-war—reconstituted the core demographic, but the expatriate workforce underwent a sharp reduction from 1,573,169 to 988,134 individuals, reflecting both wartime departures and deliberate post-war expulsions. This decline was exacerbated by the targeted removal of an estimated 200,000 to 300,000 Palestinians, who had comprised over half of Arab expatriates and were collectively penalized for the Palestine Liberation Organization's endorsement of Saddam Hussein's regime, thereby altering the ethnic composition toward fewer Arab migrants. Reconstruction efforts post-liberation shifted recruitment policies away from Arab laborers—viewed with suspicion for potential disloyalty—toward workers from South and Southeast Asia, including , , and the , who filled labor shortages in oil field repairs and infrastructure rebuilding. This policy pivot, formalized in the early , aimed to mitigate security risks while sustaining economic recovery, resulting in a sustained rise in non-Arab expatriates that prevented the citizen share from exceeding 30-40% of the total population into the . Concurrently, Kuwaiti authorities imposed stricter visa and residency controls to cap non-nationals below 50% of the populace, though enforcement challenges and economic dependence on foreign labor maintained expatriates at around 70% by the . Naturalization policies, historically restrictive and descent-based under the 1959 Nationality Law, have limited citizen growth amid high expatriate inflows, with rare grants—such as selective integrations of Bedouin-affiliated bidoon (stateless residents numbering ~100,000)—failing to offset the demographic skew. Recent escalations, including decrees from 2024 onward revoking citizenship from over 42,000 individuals (primarily women naturalized via marriage to Kuwaiti men), reflect a hardening stance against perceived fraudulent or expanded naturalizations, marginally contracting the citizen base to ~1.5 million while intensifying statelessness risks and straining social services without altering the overarching expatriate dominance. These measures underscore causal tensions between national security imperatives, post-war trauma, and economic pragmatism, perpetuating a bifurcated demographic where citizens enjoy privileges unavailable to transient workers.

Current Population Overview

Total Population and Recent Estimates

As of June 30, 2025, Kuwait's total resident population reached 5,098,539, according to the Public Authority for Civil Information (PACI), the official body responsible for . This marked an approximate 2.2% increase from the 4,987,826 residents recorded at the end of December 2024. By August 2025, PACI data indicated a slight further rise to 5.099 million. Population estimates for earlier years reflect volatility tied to expatriate inflows and outflows, particularly influenced by oil sector demand and post-COVID recovery. PACI reported 4.464 million residents as of June 2022, following a dip during the pandemic when many migrant workers departed. By the end of 2023, the figure had climbed to approximately 4.7 million. International projections, such as those from Worldometer, align closely with PACI's mid-2025 estimate at 5,026,078, though they rely on interpolated models rather than direct census updates. These figures encompass both Kuwaiti citizens (about 1.55 million, or 30.4% of the total in June 2025) and non-citizens, predominantly migrant laborers from and the . PACI's data, derived from civil registries and residency permits, provide the most authoritative counts but can fluctuate quarterly due to policies and economic cycles affecting temporary workers. Discrepancies with older World Bank estimates (e.g., 4.85 million for 2023) arise from differing methodologies, with PACI prioritizing real-time administrative records over projection-based adjustments.

Growth Drivers and Projections to 2030

Kuwait's population growth has historically been propelled by high levels of net international migration, with expatriate inflows accounting for the majority of increases since the mid-20th century, driven by demand for labor in oil extraction, construction, infrastructure development, and domestic services amid the country's resource-based economy. Natural population growth among Kuwaiti citizens plays a secondary role, bolstered by government subsidies for families, housing, and child-rearing that sustain a total fertility rate of approximately 2.1 children per woman as of recent estimates, though expatriate fertility remains lower due to transient residency patterns. Economic fluctuations, particularly oil price volatility, have influenced migration volumes, with booms attracting workers from South Asia and Arab states, while diversification efforts under Kuwait Vision 2035 aim to balance growth through skill-based immigration and reduced reliance on low-wage labor. Recent trends reflect policy interventions to curb expatriate dominance, including stricter visa regulations, deportation of undocumented migrants, and "Kuwaitization" quotas mandating higher national in private sectors, leading to a 0.65% from 4,913,271 in early 2024 to 4,881,254 in early 2025, with expatriates dropping while citizen numbers rose 1.32%. These measures address demographic imbalances, fiscal strains from subsidizing non-citizens, and concerns, temporarily offsetting migration-driven expansion despite persistent labor shortages in key industries. Projections to 2030 anticipate a rebound in growth as economic imperatives necessitate renewed recruitment, with estimating a net increase of 630,000 people from 2024 levels, reaching approximately 5.5 million by decade's end under medium-variant assumptions of moderated migration and stable natural increase. United Nations-derived models, such as those elaborated by , project a mid-year of around 5.3 million by 2030, factoring in an average annual growth rate of 1.2-1.5% post-2025, though these may overestimate if Kuwaitization policies intensify or global energy transitions reduce oil dependency. highlights sector-specific pressures, forecasting a 25% rise in the school-age (ages 5-17) by 2030, implying sustained inflows to support and workforce needs despite overall demographic .

Citizens-Expatriates Demographic Divide

Kuwait's exhibits a pronounced demographic divide between its native citizens and residents, with citizens forming a minority despite holding full legal and socioeconomic privileges. As of early , the total population stood at 4,881,254, including 1,566,168 Kuwaiti citizens (32.1%) and 3,315,086 non-Kuwaiti (67.9%). This ratio reflects a slight increase in the citizen share from 31.4% in mid-, driven by natural growth among Kuwaitis (up 1.32%) amid a 1.56% decline in expatriates due to stricter and economic restructuring. The disparity originates from Kuwait's post-oil discovery , which depends heavily on imported labor for , oil extraction, domestic services, and other low- to mid-skill sectors, as the small citizen base—rooted in historical and trading communities—prioritizes employment and welfare entitlements. Expatriates, lacking citizenship pathways except in rare cases, constitute temporary migrant workers under the kafala sponsorship system, leading to high turnover and minimal family settlement. By late , expatriates numbered 3,419,843 out of 4,987,826 total residents, underscoring their role in sustaining a where citizens comprise only about 20% of the employed. This divide manifests in socioeconomic stratification: citizens enjoy subsidized housing, education, healthcare, and job quotas under Kuwaitization policies aimed at reducing expatriate reliance, while expatriates face wage disparities, restricted mobility, and deportation risks for contract violations. Recent data indicate efforts to "Kuwaitize" sectors like retail and security have contributed to expatriate reductions, with non-Kuwaiti numbers dropping from 3,367,490 in 2024, potentially alleviating fiscal pressures from citizen entitlements amid oil revenue fluctuations. Government reports from the Public Authority for Civil Information (PACI) highlight that this imbalance poses long-term challenges, including cultural integration strains and dependency on transient labor, though citizen fertility rates (around 2.2 children per woman) offer modest demographic ballast compared to expatriate profiles skewed toward working-age males.

Population Structure

Age and Dependency Profile

Kuwait's population exhibits a distinctive age structure dominated by working-age adults, largely attributable to the importation of expatriate labor for construction, oil, and service sectors. In 2024, individuals aged 0-14 constituted 18.22% of the total population, while those aged 15-64 accounted for approximately 78.68%, and the elderly aged 65 and over represented 3.10%. This distribution yields a total age dependency ratio of 27.5% in 2023, calculated as the proportion of dependents (youth and elderly) relative to the working-age population, positioning Kuwait among countries with the lowest such ratios worldwide. The median age stood at 34.8 years as of recent estimates derived from United Nations data. The for displays a constrictive shape with a narrow base and top, but a pronounced bulge in the 25-54 age brackets, reflecting the concentration of predominantly male migrant workers recruited for temporary . This labor-driven composition contrasts sharply with the age profile of Kuwaiti citizens, who form about 30% of the total and exhibit higher rates alongside a gradually aging demographic, though comprehensive disaggregated data remains limited in public sources. The low facilitates robust economic productivity and fiscal capacity to support , yet it underscores vulnerabilities such as potential contraction if inflows decline or policies shift toward . Projections indicate modest shifts, with the youth share expected to remain subdued due to below-replacement among both citizens and expatriates, while the elderly proportion may incrementally rise with improved healthcare and , currently at around 79 years . This profile, while advantageous for current growth, highlights the unsustainability of reliance on transient foreign labor for demographic stability.

Sex Ratios and Labor-Induced Imbalances

Kuwait's overall exhibits a marked imbalance, with approximately 154 males per 100 females recorded in 2024. This translates to males comprising about 61% of the total , as reported in mid-2025 estimates totaling around 5 million residents. The disparity arises predominantly from the segment, where male migrants vastly outnumber females due to labor demands in male-dominated industries. Among Kuwaiti citizens, who constitute roughly 30% of the resident population, the remains nearly balanced at 98.5 males per 100 females, reflecting natural demographic patterns similar to those in many stable populations. In stark contrast, non-citizens display a highly skewed ratio, with males forming the overwhelming majority—estimated at over 70% in cohorts—stemming from recruitment policies favoring male workers for , extraction, and manual trades. This labor-induced skew originates from Kuwait's economic structure, which relies heavily on imported manpower from and the , where male applicants predominate for physically intensive roles. Expatriate inflows, peaking post-oil boom and sustained through kafala sponsorship systems, have amplified the imbalance, with sectors like development drawing disproportionate numbers of men from , , and . While female expatriates are present in domestic service and clerical positions, their numbers are insufficient to offset the male surplus, perpetuating overall ratios far exceeding global norms of around 101 males per 100 females at birth equilibrating to near parity in adulthood. The resulting influences social and policy considerations, including strains and dynamics, though official data emphasize the economic necessity of such migration patterns. Projections suggest persistence unless diversification toward family migration or alters workforce composition, but as of 2025, the imbalance endures as a hallmark of Kuwait's .

Geographic Distribution Across Governorates

Kuwait is administratively divided into six governorates: Al Asimah (Capital), Hawalli, Al Farwaniyah, Al Ahmadi, , and Mubarak Al-Kabeer. Population distribution is highly uneven, with over 80% concentrated in the three northern governorates—Al Farwaniyah, Hawalli, and Al Asimah—reflecting dense urban development, residential housing for laborers, and proximity to commercial centers. The 2021 census, the most recent providing detailed breakdowns, recorded a total of 4,385,717 across these divisions (excluding minor non-stated residences), driven primarily by inflows into high-density areas supporting , services, and sectors.
GovernoratePopulation (2021 Census)Area (km²)Density (per km²)Share of Total (%)
Al Farwaniyah1,110,560197.95,61125.3
Hawalli926,17083.311,12421.1
Al Asimah (Capital)574,839182.23,15613.1
Al Ahmadi588,0685,12011513.4
Al Jahra566,86112,2964612.9
Mubarak Al-Kabeer279,666101.22,7636.4
Al Farwaniyah holds the largest share at approximately 25% of the population, characterized by extensive expatriate housing complexes and industrial zones that attract low-skilled migrant workers from and the for manual labor and domestic services. Hawalli, immediately adjacent, ranks second with high-rise apartments and markets drawing similar demographics, resulting in extreme densities exceeding 11,000 persons per km² and straining infrastructure like water and electricity amid rapid post-2011 growth. In contrast, , the largest by area, maintains low density due to its semi-rural expanse used for and settlements, housing a higher proportion of Kuwaiti nationals engaged in farming and military bases, though recent suburban expansion has increased its expatriate component for support roles. Economic specialization influences settlement patterns: Al Ahmadi, centered on oil refineries and facilities, accommodates skilled expatriates from backgrounds alongside Kuwaiti families, with tied to hydrocarbon output fluctuations rather than broad . Mubarak Al-Kabeer, the smallest in population, features newer developments like housing projects for middle-class Kuwaitis and service workers, but its limited land constrains expansion compared to expansive southern tracts. Since the 2021 census, overall national population has risen to about 4.91 million by early 2024, implying proportional increases across urban governorates from ongoing labor imports, though official updates lag, potentially understating densities in expatriate-heavy zones amid policy efforts to Kuwaitize jobs and deport undocumented migrants.

Vital Statistics

Kuwait's overall crude stood at 10 births per 1,000 in 2023, down from higher levels in prior decades, largely due to the dominance of workers in the total who exhibit low patterns associated with temporary migration and skewed ratios favoring males. The (TFR), measured as average births per woman, was 1.52 in 2023, reflecting a continued decline influenced by the majority, whose reproductive behaviors prioritize labor mobility over family formation. Among Kuwaiti nationals, who comprise about 30-40% of the and account for the majority of births, remains substantially higher than the national average, driven by cultural, religious, and policy incentives favoring larger , though subject to modernization pressures. The TFR for Kuwaiti women declined moderately from 3.9 children per woman in 2000 to 3.2 in 2016, with census-based estimates showing a steady drop from 3.92 in 2002 to 3.44 in 2010. More recent period averages indicate further softening to 3.42 children per woman during 2014-2018, amid rising and labor participation that correlate inversely with completed size.
YearTFR (Kuwaiti Nationals)
20023.92
20033.88
20043.88
20053.86
20063.83
20073.76
20083.65
20093.48
20103.44
This decline among nationals stems from delayed childbearing— with peak fertility shifting from ages 25-29 to 30-34 by the mid-2010s—and socioeconomic factors like urban concentration in low-fertility governorates such as the Capital (TFR 2.67 in 2010) versus higher rates in rural Jahraa (4.47). contributions to births remain minimal, with their crude under 10 per 1,000 in 2020 compared to 23.01 for Kuwaitis, underscoring how migration-driven demographics suppress aggregate vital despite sustained native above replacement levels. Projections suggest ongoing moderation in Kuwaiti TFR toward 2.5 or below by the early , contingent on persistent trends in and economic diversification reducing reliance on family-oriented subsidies.

Mortality Rates and Life Expectancy

The crude death rate in , defined as the number of deaths per 1,000 , was 1.53 in 2023, marking a decline from 1.75 in 2022 and reflecting the influence of a predominantly young workforce that skews the toward lower-risk age groups. This rate remains among the lowest globally, driven by advanced healthcare infrastructure, low prevalence of infectious diseases, and a where over 70% of residents are aged 15-64. Historical trends show fluctuations, with a spike during the —reaching approximately 2.6 per 1,000 in 2021—before reverting downward as coverage exceeded 90% and measures stabilized. Life expectancy at birth in reached 83.2 years in 2023, up from 80.6 years in , attributable to improvements in cardiovascular care, reduced maternal mortality, and widespread access to subsidized healthcare for citizens. disparities persist, with females averaging 83.7 years compared to 80.5 years for males, influenced by behavioral factors such as higher rates and occupational hazards among men in and sectors. These figures exceed regional Gulf averages but lag behind top global performers like , partly due to non-communicable diseases accounting for over 80% of deaths, including and ischemic heart disease linked to lifestyle shifts post-oil boom. Projections from the estimate continued gains to 84 years by 2030, contingent on sustained investments in preventive medicine amid an aging citizenry.

Health Metrics Including Infant Mortality

The infant mortality rate in Kuwait was 7.6 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2023, reflecting sustained investments in neonatal intensive care units and screening programs. This rate has declined markedly from 33 per 1,000 in the early , driven by expanded access to advanced medical technologies and mandatory prenatal diagnostics, though expatriate populations with varying baseline health profiles influence aggregate figures. Under-five mortality stood at 9 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2023, encompassing post-neonatal risks such as infectious diseases and , which remain mitigated by universal mandates and subsidized programs. Maternal mortality ratio was approximately 8 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2022, attributable to comprehensive obstetric services including emergency cesarean capabilities available at state hospitals. Life expectancy at birth averaged 83.2 years in 2023, with females at 82.8 years and males slightly lower, bolstered by low communicable disease burdens and high healthcare expenditure exceeding $2,000 annually. Immunization rates contribute substantially to these metrics, reaching 99% for and 96% for among one-year-olds in 2022, enforced through school-entry requirements and free clinics targeting both citizens and residents. Despite these strengths, non-communicable factors like obesity-related complications in adulthood pose emerging demographic pressures, with prevalence exceeding 35% among adults per WHO assessments.

Ethnic Composition

Kuwaiti Nationals' Ethnic Makeup

Kuwaiti nationals are overwhelmingly ethnic , with ancestry tracing to tribes originating from the , including regions such as , Hijaz, and eastern Arabia. This includes both Hadhar (urban, settled communities historically involved in maritime trade and commerce) and Badu ( groups with tribal and nomadic heritage), who together form the societal backbone despite cultural and lifestyle differences. These subgroups share a common Arab ethnic identity, with the vast majority adhering to . A significant minority of Kuwaiti citizens descends from Persian (Iranian) origins, known as the 'Ajam, who migrated to Kuwait primarily between the 18th and early 20th centuries for trade and settlement opportunities. The 'Ajam community, concentrated in areas like Failaka Island and Kuwait City, maintains distinct cultural practices, including elements of Persian language and cuisine, while integrating into Kuwaiti society through Arabic bilingualism and citizenship. They predominantly follow Twelver Shia Islam and constitute the largest portion of Kuwait's Shia population, which comprises an estimated 20-30% of nationals overall. Smaller Shia Arab subgroups among citizens include the (from and eastern Arabia) and Hassawiyya (from eastern ), who are ethnically but differ in sectarian and regional traditions from the Sunni majority. Naturalization policies have historically limited non- citizenship, resulting in negligible representation of other ethnicities, such as African or South Asian origins, among nationals. Genetic studies indicate that Bedouin-descended Kuwaitis exhibit minor admixture (around 17%), reflecting historical migrations across the Arabian deserts, but this does not alter the dominant classification.

Dominant Expatriate Groups by Nationality

The expatriate population in Kuwait, which constitutes approximately 68-70% of the total population as of 2025, is heavily skewed toward specific nationalities recruited primarily for labor in construction, domestic services, oil, and professional sectors under the kafala sponsorship system. Indians represent the largest expatriate group, numbering 1.036 million as of July 2025, accounting for about 29% of non-Kuwaitis and comprising workers across skilled trades, IT, and manual labor. Egyptians form the second-largest contingent, with 661,318 residents in mid-2025, or roughly 19% of expatriates, predominantly in engineering, education, and administrative roles due to linguistic and cultural affinities with Kuwaiti Arabs. Bangladeshis and Filipinos rank as the subsequent dominant groups, with expatriates from these nations filling substantial roles in low-wage sectors such as domestic work and construction; together with Indians and Egyptians, these four nationalities account for over half of Kuwait's foreign residents. Pakistanis and Sri Lankans also feature prominently among South Asian migrants, often in similar labor-intensive fields, while smaller but notable Arab expatriate clusters include Syrians and Jordanians, drawn by regional ties and professional opportunities. This composition reflects Kuwait's economic reliance on imported labor, with recent immigration policies contributing to a 1.56% decline in overall expatriate numbers to 3.315 million by 2025, disproportionately affecting lower-skilled groups.
NationalityApproximate Number (2025)Share of Expatriates
India1,036,00029%
661,00019%
~200,000 (est.)~6%
~180,000 (est.)~5%
The table above summarizes the leading groups based on mid-2025 data from Kuwait's Central Statistical Bureau, with estimates for third and fourth tiers derived from proportional trends in prior reports; actual figures for smaller cohorts like Pakistanis (~130,000) and (~140,000) remain secondary but contribute to the South Asian-Arab dominance. This structure underscores causal drivers such as wage differentials, bilateral labor agreements, and Kuwait's oil-dependent , which favors cost-effective migrant inflows over local expansion.

Continental and Regional Origins of Migrants

The expatriate population in Kuwait originates predominantly from , which accounts for the majority of migrants, followed by and smaller contributions from and the . Official statistics from the Public Authority for Civil Information (PACI) indicate that as of July 2025, Asians numbered 2.073 million, representing 40.7% of the total population and 58.4% of expatriates. This continental dominance reflects labor demands in , domestic work, and services, with South and as primary sub-regions. African migrants, mainly from , constitute a significant secondary group, while European and Western expatriates are limited to specialized sectors like oil and finance. Within Asia, is the leading regional origin, driven by economic migration from densely populated labor-exporting nations. Indians form the largest single nationality, with 1,007,961 residents as of December 2024, comprising about 21% of Kuwait's total population and over 29% of expatriates. follow with approximately 370,800, alongside substantial numbers from , , and , often in low-skilled manual labor roles. contributes through Filipino workers, numbering around 200,000–250,000, primarily in domestic and healthcare sectors, with smaller inflows from . Middle Eastern Asian countries, excluding GCC nationals, include limited migration from and , but these are overshadowed by Arab inflows classified regionally rather than strictly continentally. African origins center on , with as the principal group at 657,280 as of early 2025, representing skilled and semi-skilled labor in trades and administration. Sub-Saharan African migration, from countries like and , remains marginal, typically under 2% of expatriates, focused on domestic service. European migrants, mainly from the , other EU states, and , along with North Americans, total less than 50,000, attracted by high-skill expatriate packages in energy and management; these groups exhibit higher gender balance and family accompaniment compared to Asian labor migrants.
Regional OriginKey NationalitiesEstimated Expatriate Share (Recent Data)
South AsiaIndia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka~50% of expatriates
North AfricaEgypt~15–20%
Southeast AsiaPhilippines, Indonesia~5–10%
Levant/Other Arab AsiaSyria, Jordan, Lebanon~5%
Europe/AmericasUK, US, EU states<5%
These patterns underscore Kuwait's reliance on temporary migrant labor under the kafala sponsorship system, with origins shaped by wage differentials, recruitment networks, and policy restrictions favoring certain nationalities for demographic balancing. Recent immigration crackdowns have slightly reduced overall expatriate numbers, but Asian inflows remain resilient due to entrenched labor market roles.

Languages

Official Status and Prevalence of Arabic

serves as the of , as established by Article 3 of the 1962 Constitution, which declares: "The of the State is ." This provision mandates its use in all governmental proceedings, legislation, judiciary, and official documentation, reflecting the country's Arab identity and Islamic heritage, with the in holding foundational cultural significance. Among Kuwaiti citizens, who constitute about 30.4% of the , Arabic—specifically the Kuwaiti , a Bedouin-influenced variant of —is the native tongue, spoken universally as the primary language of daily communication, family life, and national media. Other Arab expatriates, primarily from , , , and , numbering around 27.4% of the total , also speak natively, albeit in regional s such as Egyptian or , fostering a broad Arabic-speaking base that totals approximately 57.8% of residents as of estimates. This demographic predominance ensures Arabic's role as the most prevalent language overall, particularly in public sectors like education for citizens, where public schools employ (MSA) as the medium of instruction alongside Kuwaiti in informal settings. The majority, dominated by South Asians (Indians, , ) and at about 40.3% combined, introduces linguistic diversity with native languages like , , Bengali, and Tagalog, yet many achieve conversational proficiency in due to workplace necessities under the kafala sponsorship system and integration requirements. Official statistics on exact Arabic fluency rates among non-Arabs are limited, but empirical patterns from labor demographics indicate partial adoption for survival in Arabic-dominant environments, though home and community use remains non-. English supplements as a widespread in business, international commerce, and expatriate interactions, but does not supplant Arabic's official and societal primacy. Recent population data from reaffirms the Arab share at roughly 57%, underscoring Arabic's enduring prevalence amid ongoing migration.

Expatriate-Influenced Linguistic Diversity

The presence of a large workforce, constituting over 70% of Kuwait's resident population as of 2022 estimates from the Public Authority for Civil Information, has fostered significant linguistic diversity, introducing non-Arabic languages primarily in private domains such as homes, communities, and informal labor interactions. South and Southeast Asian migrants, who form the bulk of non-Arab , contribute languages including and from Indian and Pakistani workers, Bengali from Bangladeshis, Tagalog from Filipinos, and from Keralite Indians; these are used extensively within ethnic enclaves for daily communication and cultural preservation. Smaller groups introduce additional tongues, such as Persian among Iranian expatriates and Sinhala among Sri Lankans, reflecting the nationalities' demographic weight in sectors like , domestic service, and retail. Gulf Pidgin Arabic (GPA), a simplified contact variety of Arabic, has developed as a practical lingua franca among low-skilled expatriates, particularly Asians with limited Arabic proficiency, enabling basic transactions with Kuwaiti sponsors and interlocutors. GPA features reduced morphology, invariant verb forms, and lexical borrowings influenced by speakers' first languages (e.g., phonological simplifications from Hindi-Urdu or Tagalog substrates), distinguishing it from standard or dialectal Arabic while serving inter-ethnic communication in workplaces and markets. This pidgin's prevalence underscores the pragmatic adaptations driven by the kafala sponsorship system, which ties workers' residency to employers and limits formal language integration. English bridges these divides in public and professional spheres, functioning as a de facto second language among educated expatriates and in multinational firms, though its use coexists with ongoing tensions: public policy emphasizes Arabic dominance in official contexts, while expatriate languages persist in segregated private spaces, occasionally sparking debates over cultural assimilation. No comprehensive linguistic census exists, but expatriate inflows—peaking at around 3 million non-citizens in recent years—sustain this diversity, with Arabic dialects remaining the matrix for public life among Arab expatriates from Egypt, Jordan, and Syria.

Religion

Predominant Islam Among Citizens

Islam serves as the official state religion of , as enshrined in Article 2 of the 1962 , which declares it the religion of the state while guaranteeing absolute freedom of belief. This foundational legal status underscores the predominant role of among Kuwaiti citizens, with nearly all of the approximately 1.5 million nationals adhering to the faith. Non-Muslim citizens remain exceedingly rare, numbering only a few hundred and negligible Baha'i adherents as of recent estimates. Among Kuwaiti citizens, constitutes the majority sect, comprising roughly 70 percent, including the ruling Al Sabah family, while Shia Muslims account for the remaining 30 percent. These proportions, drawn from nongovernmental organizations, media analyses, and demographic surveys, reflect a stable sectarian distribution without official differentiation between Sunni and Shia. The national , conducted periodically by the Public Authority for Civil Information, does not track religious affiliation by sect for citizens, but the overwhelming Muslim composition aligns with historical patterns of Arab tribal origins and state policies favoring Islamic adherence for citizenship eligibility.

Faith Composition Among Non-Citizens

Non-citizens, who constitute approximately 70 percent of Kuwait's total of around 4.5 million as of 2023, exhibit a more diverse religious profile than Kuwaiti nationals, reflecting the multinational composition of the workforce primarily from , , and Arab countries. According to data from Kuwait's Public Authority for Civil Information (PACI) released in June 2023, comprise 62.7 percent of the , 24.5 percent, and adherents of non-Abrahamic faiths 12.8 percent. The Muslim expatriate majority includes Sunni and Shia adherents from countries such as , , , and , with no official breakdown available between sects, though informal estimates suggest a Sunni predominance mirroring regional patterns. Christian expatriates, largely Catholic , Protestants from and , and Orthodox from and , form the second-largest group and are permitted to worship in designated compounds, though public proselytization remains restricted. Non-Abrahamic faiths among expatriates primarily consist of (predominantly from ), Buddhists (from and ), , and smaller numbers of and others, with community estimates placing at around 250,000 and Buddhists at 100,000, though these figures predate the latest PACI aggregates and may vary with migration flows. Expatriates of these faiths face limitations on public religious expression, with worship confined to private homes or approved venues, and no formal recognition for non-Islamic houses of worship beyond Christian compounds. This composition underscores the transient nature of Kuwait's expatriate labor force, where religious practices are tolerated privately but subordinated to the state's Islamic framework.

Migration and Policy Influences

Historical and Recent Migration Flows

Migration to remained limited prior to the discovery of in the on February 22, 1938, with the native population relying on pearl diving, trade, and nomadic patterns involving regional . Commercial production began in 1946, prompting inflows of laborers initially from neighboring Arab states to construct infrastructure and support operations, marking a shift from transient to settled labor migration. By the and , post-independence economic expansion accelerated recruitment, drawing workers from , , and for construction, services, and administrative roles, with expatriates comprising over 50% of the population by the late due to sustained revenues funding rapid . The 1990 Iraqi invasion drastically reversed these trends, triggering a mass exodus as over half of Kuwait's residents, predominantly expatriates, fled amid destruction and occupation; expatriate numbers plummeted from 1,573,169 in 1989 to 988,134 by 1992 following liberation. Post-war reconstruction from 1991 onward spurred selective inflows, prioritizing skilled labor while imposing temporary residency caps and deportations of undocumented migrants, allowing expatriates to rebound to approximately 1.3 million by 2000 as oil prices recovered and projects resumed. Government policies, including the formalized in the 1950s and refined post-1991, channeled migration through employer ties, favoring temporary contracts over permanent settlement to maintain demographic control. In the 2000s, expatriate inflows surged amid global oil booms, pushing total population from about 2 million in 2000 to over 4 million by 2015, with annual net migration adding hundreds of thousands, primarily low-skilled workers from India, Bangladesh, and Egypt for private sector roles where nationals were underrepresented. Kuwaitization quotas, introduced in the 1970s and intensified after 2000, aimed to curb dependency by mandating higher national employment in public sectors, slowing but not halting growth; expatriates reached 3.36 million by 2023, constituting 70% of the 4.8 million total. Recent flows reflect policy tightening and economic pressures, with expatriate numbers declining sharply to contribute to a total population drop to 4.88 million by September 2025, attributed to visa restrictions, deportations of violators, and reduced recruitment amid fluctuating oil markets, while citizen numbers grew modestly through natural increase. Net migration turned variably negative in some years post-2015, signaling a pivot toward higher-skilled inflows under updated regulations favoring qualifications over volume.

Sponsorship System and Residency Rules

The kafala sponsorship system, known in Arabic as kafala, governs the and residency of workers in , binding migrants to a Kuwaiti national or corporate sponsor who assumes legal responsibility for them. Under this framework, expatriates require sponsorship to obtain work permits and residence visas, with the sponsor controlling key aspects such as job changes, entry, and exit from the country; workers cannot transfer without the sponsor's no-objection certificate, and unauthorized departure constitutes "absconding," punishable by fines, , or . This system, implemented since the mid-20th century to manage temporary labor inflows amid Kuwait's oil-driven , prioritizes employer control to prevent labor market disruptions, though it has drawn criticism for enabling exploitation, including passport confiscation and wage withholding, as documented in international labor reports. Residency rules tie status directly to active sponsorship and , with initial entry via a temporary visa followed by a () valid for one to three years, renewable only with sponsor approval and proof of ongoing work. Applicants must undergo medical screening for communicable diseases, fingerprinting, and provide a valid for at least six months; requires the sponsor to meet a minimum threshold—recently set at approximately KD 800 (about $2,600 USD) monthly for private sector workers—and demonstrate adequate housing. or paths remain exceptionally rare, limited to specific categories like long-term investors or those with Kuwaiti spouses, and require renunciation of prior under Kuwait's laws; most expatriates, comprising over 70% of the , hold temporary status revocable at the sponsor's discretion or upon job loss. Reforms to the system have been incremental and employer-focused, with Kuwait resisting broader overhauls seen in neighboring states; for instance, while some provisions allow limited job mobility for skilled workers after two years via government portals, core sponsor controls persist, and as of July 1, 2025, private sector expatriates must secure employer-issued exit permits before international travel, reversing prior flexibilities and aiming to curb unauthorized exits amid demographic pressures. These measures reflect policy efforts to balance labor needs with and Kuwaitization goals, which mandate quotas for citizen employment in certain sectors, though enforcement varies and expatriate inflows continue to dominate low-skilled roles.

Demographic Challenges and Policy Responses

Kuwait faces significant demographic challenges stemming from a pronounced imbalance between its native citizen and residents. As of early 2025, citizens numbered approximately 1.55 million, comprising about 32% of the total of 4.87 million, while non-citizens accounted for the remaining 68%, or roughly 3.32 million individuals. This skewed composition arises primarily from heavy reliance on migrant labor, with expatriates forming around 78% of the , concentrated in , services, and domestic roles that Kuwaitis often avoid due to preferences for public-sector offering superior benefits and . The imbalance heightens vulnerabilities, including strains on , public services, and social cohesion, as well as risks from sudden migrant outflows, as seen during the when over 130,000 expatriates departed, contributing to a temporary . Fertility trends among citizens exacerbate these issues, with the total fertility rate (TFR) for Kuwaiti women declining from near 4 children per woman around 2002 to levels contributing to an overall national TFR of 2.48 in 2024, projected to fall to 2.1 by 2035. While citizen birth rates remain higher at 23.01 per 1,000 residents in 2020 compared to lower rates among expatriates, the downward trajectory reflects modernization factors such as , women's , and delayed , potentially shrinking the native cohort relative to aging citizens and persistent migrant inflows. This low growth in the citizen base limits the pool of nationals for skilled positions, perpetuating dependency on foreign workers and raising long-term concerns over economic sustainability and in a where oil revenues subsidize extensive welfare for citizens. In response, Kuwait has pursued Kuwaitization policies since the to indigenize the labor force, mandating quotas for citizen hiring in the —such as 50% in certain industries—and reserving public-sector jobs almost exclusively for nationals, alongside training programs to build skills. These measures aim to reduce migrant dependency and address the demographic skew by elevating citizen employment from under 20% in the to higher targets, though implementation faces hurdles like employer resistance due to higher wage expectations and perceived lower productivity among nationals. To counter declines, the government promotes pro-natalist incentives, including loans, priorities for large families, maternity leave extensions, and child allowances, with explicit goals to sustain high birth rates among citizens as a counterweight to expatriate dominance. Migration controls under the kafala sponsorship system further shape demographics by restricting expatriate family reunification, prioritizing male workers without dependents, and imposing residency fees and periodic visa renewals to cap inflows and encourage rotation. Recent reforms, including a 2023-2025 plan to deport violators and attract higher-skilled migrants, have contributed to a 1.6% expatriate population drop in 2024, the first non-crisis decline, aiming for a more balanced composition while safeguarding citizen privileges. Despite these efforts, progress remains incremental, with citizen workforce participation lagging and fertility stabilization partial, underscoring the tension between economic needs for labor and imperatives for demographic sovereignty.

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